Actions whereby he did so well deserve they should be conferr'd on him for it is much more commendable to be dextrous and skilful in the use of Riches than of Arms and yet a man shall have higher Veneration still who does not wâ—nt or desire Money than he that understands how to use and employ it as he ought When the noise of Approbation and Applause ceased Cominius turning to the Company There is no way says he fellow-Souldiers to force and obtrude those other Gifts of ours on a person who seems to be above such Gratuities and is so unwilling to accept them let us therefore give him that which is so proper and suitable to the Service he has done that he cannot well reject it let us pass a Vote I mean that he shall hereafter be call'd Coriolanus unless you think that his performance at Corioli has it self prevented us in decreeing him the priviledge of that Title Hence therefore he came to acquire his third Name of Coriolanus by which it is manifest that Caius was a personal proper Name that the second or Sirname of Marcius was a Name in common to his House and Family and that the third Roman Appellative was a peculiar Note of distinction drawn afterwards and impos'd either from some particular Fact or Fortune or Signature or Vertue of him that bore it for thus also the Grecians in old time were wont to fix an additional Character on their great Men for any famous Atchievement such as Soter that is a preserver and Callinicus one renown'd for his Victories or to express something remarkable in their shape and figure as Physcon a Gorge-belly and Grypus Eagle-nos'd and then upon the account of their Virtue and Kindness as Euergetes a Benefactor and Philadelphus a lover of his Brethren or because of their unusual Felicity and good Fortune as Eudaemon the prosperous or happy an Epithite given to the second Prince of the Race of Battus yea and several Monarchs have had Names appropriated to them in reproach and mockery as Antigonus that of Doson or one that was liberal only in the future since he did always promise but never came to performance and Ptolemy who was styled Lamyrus for the fond opinion he had of his own wit and pleasantness which latter kind of denomination by way of rail lery the Romans did very much delight in for one of the Metelli was surnam'd by them Diadematus because he had for a long time together walkt about with his head bound up by reason of an Ulcer in his Forehead Another of the same Family they call'd Celer i. e. the swift or nimble for that expedition and dispatch he made to procure them a Funeral Entertainment of so many pair of Gladiators within a few days after his Fathers death the hast and magnificence of which provision was thought very strange and extraordinary for so short a time there are some that even at this day derive Names from certain casual Incidents at their Nativity one for instance who happens to be born when his Father is abroad in a foreign Country they term Proculus but if after his decease they style him Posthumus and when two Twins come into the World whereof one dies at the Birth the Surviver of them is call'd Vopiscus nay they use to denominate not only their Sylla's and Nigers that is men of a pimpled or swarthy Visage but their Caeci and Claudii the blind and the lame from such corporal blemishes and defects thus wisely accustoming their people not to reckon either the loss of sight or any other bodily misfortune as a matter of ignominy and disgrace to them but that they should ansswer to such Names without shame or confusion no otherwise than the most familiar and civil Compellations But to treat of these things is not so proper to the Argument I have now in hand The War against the Volscians was no sooner at an end but the popular Tribunes and factious Orators fell again to revive domestick troubles and raise another Sedition without any new cause of complaint or just grievance to proceed upon but those very mischiefs that did unavoidably ensue from their former differences and contests were then made use of as a ground and pretence to quarrel with the Nobility The greatest part of their Arrable Land had been left unsown and without tillage and the time of War allowing them no means or leisure to fetch in Provision from other Countries there was an extreme scarcity of things in Rome The Movers of the People then observing that there was neither Corn brought into the Market or if there had been Grain to supply them yet they wanted Money to buy it began to calumniate the Wealthy with false stories and whisper it about as if they out of an old grudge and to revenge themselves had purposely contrived it thus to bring a Famine upon them While these things were in agitation there came an Embassie from the Velitrani who delivered up their City to the Romans desiring that they would send some new Inhabitants to people it inasmuch as a late Pestilential Disease had swept away so many of the Natives and made such havock and destruction among them that there was hardly a tenth part remaining of their whole Community Now this sad necessity of the Velitrani was consider'd by the more prudent sort as a seasonable relief unto themselves and seemed to happen very opportunely for the present state of their Affairs for not only the dearth of Victuals had made it needful to ease and unburden the City of its superfluous Members but they were in hope also at the same time and by this means to scatter and dissolve the Faction which now threatned them through a purgation and discharge of the more restless and inflamed Party that like a redundancy of morbid humours put them all into so dangerous a ferment Such as these therefore the Consuls singled out to supply the desolation at Velitrae and gave notice to others that they should be ready to march against the Volscians which was politickly design'd to prevent intestine Broyls by employing them abroad And there was some reason to presume that when as well the rich as the poor those of the Plebeian side and the Patrician Interest should be mingled again in the same Army and the same Camp and engage in one common service and jeopardy for the Publick it would mutually dispose them to reconciliation and friendship and to live upon gentler terms and after a more sweet and benign fashion with each other But Sisinius and Brutus a couple of seditious Tribunes did presently interpose here crying out That the Consuls went about to disguise the most cruel and barbarous action in the World under that so mild and plausible name of a Colony for no other end but that they might precipitate so many poor Citizens as it were into the very gulf of Perdition by removing them to settle in an infectioâ—s Air and a place
those other Ladies to the Volscian Camp. So lamentable a sight did very much affect the Enemies themselves and create in them a respectful Silence Marcius was then sitting in an elevated Place with his chief Officers about him and seeing that female Party advance toward them he wondred what should be the Matter but came to perceive at length that his own Wife Vergilia was at the head of their Company whereupon he endeavour'd to harden himself in his former obstinacy and would fain have kept up the same inexorable Stiffness against all Entreaties but overcome by Affection and strangely disorder'd at such an Appearance he could not endure they shou'd approach him sitting in that Stately posture but came down hastily to meet them saluting his Mother first and embracing her a long time and then his Wife and Children sparing neither Tears nor Caresses on this occasion but suffering himself to be born away and carried headlong as it were by the impetuous Torrent and the pleasing Violence of his present Passion When he had taken his fill of these Sweetnesses and Indearments and observ'd that his Mother Volumnia was desirous to say something the Volscian Councel being first call'd in he heard her Discourse before them to this effect You may easily conjecture Son though we should say nothing our selves and might conclude from the very form and habit of these wretched Bodies you behold here in how forlorn a condition we have liv'd at home since your unhappy Banishment and Absence from us and now consider with your self whether we are not to pass for the most unfortunate of Women and if ours be not the hardest of all Cases seeing that which ought to prove the most delightful thing and a very gladsome Spectacle is through I know not what Fatality become of all others the most formidable and dreadful to us when poor Volumnia has the Displeasure to see her Son and that sad Vergilia the Regret to find her Husband now planting his Batteries against the Walls of Rome yea even the business of Prayer it self from whence others do fetch Comfort and Relief in all manner of Misfortunes and Distresses is that which adds to our Confusion and does intangle and perplex us above all the rest for our best wishes are grown inconsistent with themselves nor can we at the same time petition the Gods for Rome's Victory and your Preservation but what the worst of our Enemies would imprecate as a Curse that is the very Subject of our Vows or at least is interwoven and mingled with them for your Wife and Children lye under this wâ—ful necessity that they must either be depriv'd of you or of their native Soyl. As for my self I am resolv'd not to live till Fortune put an end to this War and determine the Advantage for one side but if I cannot prevail with you to prefer Amity and Concord before Quarrelling and hostile Practices and shall not perswade my Son Marcius to become a Benefactor to both Parties rather than a Plague to either be assur'd of this from me and reckon stedfastly upon it that you shall not be able to stir a foot towards treading down your Countrey unlest you trample first upon the dead Corps of her that brought you into the World and who will deserve to be so treated for having given you Life for it will be indecent for me to wait and loiter in the World till that dismal day come wherein I shall see a Child of mine either led in Triumph by his own Countreymen or else erecting Trophies on the Waste and Ruine of that City where he was born Did I require you at once to save your Countrey and destroy the Volscians here I confess the Case would be a little hard and you might well pretend some difficulty to resolve it for as it seems unnatural and barbarous to slaughter our fellow Citizens so likewise it is unjust and perfidious to betray those who have plac'd their Confidence in us But now without doing the least harm to others we desire only a Deliverance from our own Evils and though the thing be equally expedient for them and us yet will it look more handsom and honourable on the Volscian side who having so much the better of us at present will be thought freely to bestow the two greatest Blessings of Peace and Friendship even when they receive no less at our hands than is conferr'd by them If we obtain these the common Thanks and Acknowledgement will be chiefly owing to you as the principal Cause of such a Reconciliation between us but if they be not granted you alone must expect to bear the blame of that and whatever Mischief does ensue from both Nations And when the Chance of all War is uncertain this will be the certain Event of that you are engag'd in that by conquering the Romans you shall only get the reputation of having undone your Countrey but if the Volscians happen to be defeated under your conduct then the World will say that to satisfie a revengeful Humour you have been the Author of the greatest Misery to your Friends and Patrons and procur'd the Overthrow even of a kind and obliging People Marcius listned to his Mother while she went on with her Discourse and answer'd not a word but Volumnia seeing him stand mute for a long time after she had left speaking fell again to press him O my Son says she why will you not vouchsafe to answer me or what can be the meaning of this profound Silence Does it become you thus to comply with Passion and yield all things to a sense of Injuries And will you not think it fit to gratifie your Mother that does now appear iâ— so worthy a Cause and solicit Matters of such weight and consequence Can it pass for the property of a noble Mind and a gallant Person to preserve the memory of Affronts and ill Vsage And shall we not reckon it the Character and Business of a great and a good Man to remember Benefits and own the Obligation which Children receive from Parents by a return of Honour and Reverence to the Authours of them But you above all Persons in the World ought to shew a very grateful Resentment of the Fovours have been done you since no body living did ever punish Ingratitude and persecute that Vice in others with so much Severity as your self and to say the truth you have been sufficiently aveng'd of your Countrey for requiting your services so ill but the amends of alâ— mine towards you is behind still and I wait now for the Recompence of a Mothers Care and Kindness the most sacred Tyes both of Nature and Religion without any other constraint should methinks oblige you to grant me things that are so fair and equal but if after all I am sâ— unhappy as to be deny'd why should I spare my self any longer and to what purpose do I spiâ— out my last Hope Having said this she threw her self down
of the News and every one alike had taken it on trust it vanish'd for the present and came to nothing till within a few days after these tydings came certainly confirm'd and then the first Intelligence was look'd upon as no less than a Miracle whilst it could be no other than feign'd though it contain'd in it what was real and true It is reported also that the News of a Battel that was fought in Italy near the River Sagra was carry'd into Peloponnesus the same day and of that nigh Mycala against the Medes to Platee When the Romans had defeated the Tarquins who were combin'd with the Latins there were almost at the same time at Rome seen two goodly tall Men who themselves brought the News from the Camp. The first Man that spake to them in the Market-place near the Fountain where they were refreshing their Horses which were all of a Fome much wondred at the Report of the Victory when 't is said they both smil'd and gently strok'd his Beard with their hands the Hairs of which from being black was on the Spot chang'd to be yellow This Circumstance gave credit to what they said and fix'd the Name of Enobarbus which is as much as yellow Beard on the Man. But that which happen'd in our own Time will make all these credible for when Antony rebell'd against Domitian and Rome was in a Consternation expecting great Wars in Germany all on a sudden and no body knows upon what account the People spread abroad a Rumour of the Victory and the News ran current through the City that Antony himself was slain his whole Army destroy'd and that not so much as a part of it escap'd nay this belief carry'd with it such Clearness and Force that many of the Magistrates offer'd up Sacrifices But when at length the Author of this Report was sought and none was to be found it vanish'd by degrees whilst every one shifted it off from himself to another and at last was lost in the numberless Crowd as in a vast Ocean and having no solid Ground to support its Credit was in a short time not so much as nam'd in the City Nevertheless when Domitian march'd out with his Forces to the War he met with Messengers and Letters that gave him a Relation of the Victory and the Fame of this Conquest came the very day it was gain'd though the distance of the places was more than 2500 miles The truth of this no Man amongst us can be ignorant of But to proceed Cneius Octavius who was joyn'd in Command with Emilius came to an Anchor with his Fleet under Samothrace where out of his Devotion to the Gods he permitted Perseus to enjoy the benefit of Refuge but took care that he should not escape by Sea. Notwithstanding Perseus secretly practis'd with Oroandes of Crete who was Master of a Bark to convey him and his Treasure away He making use of the common Arts of his Country took in the Treasure and advis'd him to come in the Night with his Wife Children and necessary Attendants to the Port call'd Demetrius but as soon as it was Evening set Sayl without him Miserable was now the Fate of Perseus who was forc'd to let down himself his Wife and Children through a narrow Window by a Wall People altogether unaccustom'd to hardship and Flying But that which yet fetch'd deeper Sighs from his Heart was when he was told by one as he wondred on the Shore that he saw Oroandes under Sayl in the Main Sea for now it was Day So that there being no Hopes left of Escaping he fled back again to the Wall which he and his Wife recover'd though they were seen by the Romans before they could reach them His Children he himself had deliver'd into the hands of Ion one that had been his Favourite but now prov'd his Betrayer and was the chief Cause that forc'd him and t is no other than Beasts themselves will do when their young ones are taken to come and yield himself up to those that had them in their Power His greatest Confidence was in Nasica and 't was to him he call'd but he not being there he bewayl'd his Misfortune and seeing there was no possible Remedy surrendred himself to Octavius And here it was that he made it manifest that he was possess'd with a Vice more sordid than Covetousness it self to wit the fondness of Life by which he depriv'd himself even of Pity the only thing that Fortune never takes away from the most wretched for he desir'd to be brought to Emilius who arose from his Seat and accompany'd with his Friends went to receive him with Tears in his Eyes as a great Man fallen by the Anger of the Gods and his own ill Fortune whilst Perseus which was the most scandalous of Sights threw himself at his Feet embrac'd his Knees and utter'd such unmanly Cryes and Petitions as Emilius was not able to bear or would vouchsafe to hear but looking on him with a sad and angry Countenance What says he miserable as thou art dost thou thus discharge Fortune of what might seem her greatest Crime for by these Actions thou appearest worthy of thy Calamity and that it is not your present Condition but your former Happiness that was more than your Deserts What! do you thus take away from my Victory and make my Conquest little by proving your self a Coward and a Foe below a Roman The most unhappy Valour challenges a great Respect even from Enemies but Cowardise though never so successful from the Romans always met with Scorn Yet for all this he took him up gave him his Hand and deliver'd him into the Custody of Tubero After this he carry'd his Sons his Sons-in-law and others of the chiefest Quality especially those of the younger sort back with him into his Tent where for a long time he sate down without speaking one word insomuch that they all wondred at him At last he began to discourse of Fortune and humane Affairs Is it meet says he for him that knows he is but a Man in his greatest Prosperity to pride himself and be exalted at the Conquest of a City Nation or Kingdom and not rather well to weigh this Change of Fortune which proposes a great Example to all Warriors of our common Frailty and teaches them this Lesson that there is nothing to be accounted durable or constant For what time can Men choose to think themselves secure when that of Victory it self must chiefly force us to dread our own Fortune and a little Consideration of the Fate of Things and how all are hurry'd round and each man's Station chang'd will introduce Sadness in the midst of greatest Mirth Or can you when you see before your Eyes the Succession of Alexander himself who arriv'd at the height of Power and rul'd the greatest Empire in the short space of an hour trodden under foot When you behold a King that was but even now
Life of Dion Upon the fame of his landing at Corinâ—â— there was hardly a Man in Greece which had not the Curiosity to come and 〈◊〉 the late formidable Tyrant and discourâ—e with him some rejoycing at his Disasters were led thither out of meer 〈◊〉 and Hatred that they might have the pleasure of seeing him in such a despicable state and of trampling on the Ruines of his broken Fortune but others who 〈◊〉 a ferious and good-natur'd use of that Accident did so consider the Change as â—â— reflect upon it with Pity and Compassion 〈◊〉 him contemplating withal that marvelloâ—â— and mighty Power which invisible and divine Causes do exercise here below in the great and notorious Examples of humane Weakness For neither Art or Nature did in that Age produce any thing comparable to this Work and Wonder of Providence which shew'd the very same Man that was not long before supream Monarch of Sicily holding Conversation now perhaps with a greazy Cook or sitting whole days in a Perfumer's Shop or drinking the diluted Wine of Taverns or squabbling in the Street with common Strumpets or pretending to instruct the Musical in their Odes and seriously disputing with them about the measure and harmony of certain Airs that were sung in the Theatre Which Behaviour of his met with different Censures for being lustful and vitious in himself and of an immodest Temper he was thought by many to do this out of pure compliance with his own natural Inclinations but the â—iner sort of Judges were of Opinion that all this while he was acting a sly politick Part with design hereby to be more contemn'd among them that the Corinthians might not suspect or dread him as if he did ill brook such a Vicissitude of Fortune and were secretly contriving ways to undermine the State or advance himself to his former Dignity For prevention of which Surmises and those Dangers they might create him he did purposely seem delighted with many sordid things that were against his Genius and affect an appearance of much ridiculous Folly in the choice and manner of all his publick Divertisements However it be there are certain Sayings and Repartees of his left still upon Record which sufficiently declare that he was not dejected under so great a Fall and whereby it seems he did handsomely accommodate himself to his present Circumstances as may appear in part from the Ingenuity of that Confession when being come to Leucadia which was a Corinthian Colony as well as Syracuse he told the Inhabitants thereof that he found something in himself not unlike the Passion and Humour of those Children which had been guilty of some Misdemeanour for as they did chearfully converse among their Brethren but were asham'd to come into their Father's presence so likewise should he gladly reside with them in that Island having a certain awe upon his Mind which made him fearfully decline the sight of Corinth that was a common Mother to them both But the thing is further evident from that Reply he once made to a Stranger in Corinth who deriding him in a very rude and scornful manner about the Conferences he us'd to have with Philosophers whose company had been so delightful to him while yet a Monarch and demanding in fine what his Highness was the better now for all those wise and learned Discourses of Plato Do you think says he I have made no advantage of his Philosophy when you see me bear the late Alteration in my Fortune and this Insolence of yours with such an even Temper And when Aristoxenus the Musician and several others desir'd to know wherein Plato had offended him and what was the ground of his Displeasure to that worthy Man he made Answer That the condition of Soveraign Princes being attended with many other Misfortunes had this great Infelicity above all the rest that none of those who were accounted their Friends and had the liberty of Favourites would venture to speak freely or tell them the plain honest truth and that by means of such he had been depriv'd of Plato 's Kindness the only Person from whom he was like to hear it At another time one of those pleasant Companions that are desirous to pass for Wits or Humourists in Abuse and Mockery to Dionysius as if he were still the same guarded and suspicious Tyrant fell himself to examine and shake his own Cloak as he was entring into the Room where he was to show there were no hidden Daggers or concealed Weapons about him But Dionysius wounded the Man with the sharpness of his own Jest in retorting smartly Do you hear Friend it would be more satisfactory from one of your thievish Looks and I should like it much better if you would thâ—â— open and shake your Garment when you dâ—part hence that I might be sure you had stolen nothing out of my Chamber And wheâ— Philippus Macedo as they two were to 〈…〉 it together began to talk after a dro 〈…〉 way about the Verses and Tragedies whicâ— his Father Dionysius the elder had left behind him and pretended to wonder how he could get any time from his other â—â—siness to compose such elaborate and inâ—â—nious Pieces he reply'd very much to the purpose It was at those leisurable hoâ—â— when such as you and I and all that seeâ— or count themselves the happy men were eâ—ploy'd in Merriment and Revelling and the sottish Follies of Intemperance Now Plâ—â—â— had not the opportunity to see Dionysius 〈◊〉 Corinth being already dead before he came thither but Diogenes Sinopensis at their first meeting in the Street there saluted him with this ambiguous expression O Dionysius how little dost thou deserve to live thus Upon which Dionysius stopp'd and reply'd I am much oblig'd to thee Diogenes that thou dost so kindly commiserate my case and seem to be concern'd for the Disasters that have befallen me Dost thou imagine then says Diogenes that I condole with thee for what has happen'd and am not rather heartily vex'd that such a Slave as thou who if thou hadst thy due shouldst have been let aloâ—e to grow old and die in the wretched state of Tyranny as thy Father did before thee does now enjoy the quietness and ease of private Persons and is here at his own disposal to sâ—â—rt and frolick it in our Society So that when I compare with the words of this Philosopher those sad Stories of Philistus touching the Daughters of Leptines where he makes pitiful moan on their behalf as fallen from all the Blessings and Advantages of powerful Greatness to the Miseries of an humble Life they seem to me like the Lamentations of a poor Lady who had lost her Box of Ointment and her purple Colouring and her golden Trinkets Now that which I have inserted here is agreeable enough to my Design of writing Lives and representing the true Characters of Men neither will it I presume be thought useless and impertinent by such Readers as are not in too much
number of young Gentlemen over that Ground where the Palace and Castle of Dionysius stood before they were demolish'd by Timoleon There attended on the Solemnity several thousands of Men and Women all crowned with Flowers all aray'd in fresh and cleanly Attire which made it look like the Procession of a publick Festival the Discourse of all which and their Tears mingled with the Praise and Benediction of the dead Timoleon did manifestly show that it was not any superficial Honour or commanded Homage which they then paid him but the testimony of a just sorrow for his Death and the expression and recompence of true Kindness The Bier at length being plac'd upon the Pile of Wood that was kindled to consume his Corps Demetrius one of their loudest Cryers began to read a Proclamation or written Edict to this purpose The People of Syracuse has made a special Decree to interr Timoleon the Son of Timodemus that noble Corinthian at the common Expence of 200 Attick pounds and to honour his Memory for ever by an Appointment of annual Prizes to be celebratee in Musick and Horse-races and all sorts of bodily Exercise and that because he destroy'd Tyrants and overthrew the Barbarians and replenish'd many great Cities that were ruinous and desolate before with new Inhabitants and then restor'd the Sicilians to a State of Freedom and the Priviledge of living by their own Laws Beside this they made a Tomb for him in the Market-place which they afterward built round with Galleries and joyn'd certain Cloisters thereto as a Place of Exercise for their Youth which had the Name of Timoleontâ—um and then keeping to that Form and Order of Civil Policy and observing those Laws and Constitutions which he left them they liv'd themselves a long time in all manner of Prosperity PELOPIDAS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 M Burg. sculp THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS Translated from the Greek By Thomas Creech of Wadham Colledge in Oxon. Volume II. CAto Major hearing some commend one that was rash and inconsiderately daring in a Battel said There is a difference between a man's prizing Valour at a great rate and valuing Life at little an excellent Saying for Antigonus had a Souldier a venturous Fellow but of an ill Complexion and very meager and the King asking the Cause of his Paleness and understanding from him that 't was a secret Disease he strictly commanded his Physicians to imploy their utmost Skill and recover him if possible but this brave Fellow being cur'd never afterward sought Danger never appear'd venturous in a Battel insomuch that Antigonus wondred and upbraided him with his Change but the Man told him the Reason and said Sir You are the Cause of my Cowardise by freeing me from those Miseries which made me despise Life And upon the same account the Sybarite seems to have said concerning the Spartans That 't was no commendable thing in them to die in the Wars since by that they were freed from such hard Labour and miserable Diet but in truth the Sybarites a soft and dissolute People might imagine that they hated Life because in their eager pursuit of Vertue and Glory they were not afraid to die yet the Lacedaemonians esteem it a Vertue to be willing either to die or live as that Epicedium testifies They dy'd but not as lavish of their Blood Or thinking Death it self was simply good Or Life both these the strictest Vertue try'd And as that call'd they gladly liv'd or dy'd For an Endeavour to avoid Death is not discommendable if we do not basely desire to live nor willingness to die good and vertuous if it proceeds from a Contempt of Life and therefore Homer always takes care to bring his brave and stout Men well arm'd into the Battel and the Greek Law-givers punish'd those that threw away their Shields but not him that lost his Sword or Spear intimating that they should be more careful to defend themselves than offend their Enemies This every one ought to mind but especially a Governour of a City or a General for if as Iphicrates divides the light arm'd are the Hands the Horse the Feet the Infantry the Breast and the General the Head when he puts himself upon danger he doth not only venture his own Person but all those whose safety depend on his and so on the contrary And therefore Callicratides though in other things a great Man did not answer the Augur well who advis'd him the Sacrifice being unlucky to be careful of his Life Sparta says he doth not consist in one Man 't is true Callicratides in any Engagement either at Sea or Land was but a single Person but being General he seem'd to contain the Life of all and so must be more than one since by his Death so many must be ruin'd But better was the Saying of old Antigonus who when he was to fight at Andros and one told him The Enemies Ships are more than ours reply'd For how many then wilt thou reckon me intimating that a stout and experienc'd Commander is highly to be valued whose principal care it is to save him that preserves the rest and therefore I applaud Timotheus who when Chares show'd the Wounds he had receiv'd and his Shield pierc'd by a Dart told him Indeed I should have been asham'd if when I fought against Samos a Dart should have fallen near me as behaving my self more rashly than became a General of such an Army Indeed where the General 's hazarding himself will do a great deal of good there he must fight and venture his Person and not mind their Maxims who would have a General still die with Age or at least an old Man but when the Advantage will be but small if he gets the better and the Loss considerable if he falls who then would desire that good which a common Souldier might perform with the danger of the Commander This I thought fit to premise before the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus who were both great Men but both ruin'd by their Rashness for being stout Men and having gotten their Countrey great Glory and Reputation by their Conduct and fighting against terrible Enemies the one as History delivers overthrew Annibal who was till then invincible the other in a set Battel beat the Lacedaemonians the Commanders at Sea and Land but they ventur'd too far and were heedlesly prodigal of their Lives when there was the greatest need of such Men and such Commanders and this Agreement in their Tempers and their Deaths is the Reason why I compare their Lives Pelopidas the Son of Hippoclus was descended as likewise Epaminondas was from an honourable Family in Thebes and being bred in Gallantry and having a fair Estate left him whilst he was young he made it his business to relieve the good and deserving amongst the Poor that he might shew himself Lord and not Slave to his Estate For amongst Men as Aristotle observes some are too narrow-minded to use their Wealth and some are
not above five hundred Livy affirms that neither the Victory nor the slaughter of the Enemies was so great but certain it is that the adventure brought great glory to Marcellus and to the Romans mighty confidence after their Calamities because they now conceived a strong hope that the Enemy with whom they contended was not invincible but obmoxious to Defeats Therefore the other Consul being deceas'd the people recall absent Marcellus that they might put him into his place and in spight of the Magistrates obtained that the Consular Assembly should be prorogued till his arrival and that he was by all the Suffrages created Consul But because it happen'd to thunder the Augurs muttering that he was not legitimately created and yet not daring for fear of the people to declare this their Sentence openly Marcellus voluntarily resigned the Consulate but declined not the Sovereign Command of the Army So being created Proconsul and returning to the Camp at Nola he with fire and Sword wasted the fields of those that followed the Party of the Carthaginian Who coming with speed to succour them Marcellus though provoked by Hannibal declined fighting a set Battel with him But when Hannibal had sent forth a Party to plunder and now expected no Fight Marcellus brake forth upon him with his incensed Army He had distributed to the Foot long Lances such as are commonly used in Naval fights and instructed them to throw them with great force at convenient distance against the Enemies unexperienced in that way of Darting and used to Fight with short Darts Which seems to have been the cause why in that conflict the Carthaginians as many as were engaged turned their backs and shamefully fled There fell of them five thousand Of Elephants four were killed two taken But what was of greatest moment on the third day after more than three hundred Horse Spaniards and Numidians mix'd fled over to him a disaster that had never to that Day hapned to Hannibal who had long kept together in highest Concord a fierce Army gathered out of the sink and dregs of dissonant and disagreeing Nations Marcellus and his Successors in all this War made good use of the faithful service of these Horsemen Now he a third time created Consul sailed over into Sicily For the success of Hannibal had excited the Carthaginians to lay claim to that whole Island chiefly because after the murther of the Tyrant Hieronymus all things had been in tumult and confusion at Syracuse For which reason the Romans also had sent before to that City some Legions under the conduct of Appius Praetor While Marcellus was receiving that Army the Roman Souldiers in great numbers cast themselves at his feet upon occasion of this calamity Of those that surviv'd the Battel at Cannae some had escaped by flight some were taken alive by the Enemy in so great a multitude that it was thought there were not remaining Romans enough to defend the walls of the City And yet the magnanimity and constancy of the City was so great that it would not redeem the Captives from Hannibal though it might have done so for little ransom nay by a decree of the Senate denied it and chose rather to leave them to be kill'd by the Enemy or sold out of Italy and commanded that all who had saved themselves by flight should be transported into Sicily nor permitted to return into Italy until the War with Hannibal should be ended These therefore when Marcellus was arriv'd in Sicily address'd to him in great numbers and casting themselves at his feet with much lamentation and tears humbly besought him to admit them into the honourable Order of Souldiers and promised to make it appear by their future fidelity and services that that defeat had been received rather by some misfortune than by any cowardise of theirs Marcellus pitying them petitioned the Senate by Letters that he might have leave at all times to recruit his Legions out of them But after much debate about the thing the Senate Decreeâ— They were of opinion that the Commonwealth ought not to be committed to Cowardly Souldiers if Marcellus perhaps thought otherwise he might make ufe oâ— them provided no one of them be by the General honoured with a Crown or military Gift as a reward of his Virtue or Courage This Decree pinched Marcellus who being return'd to Rome after the Sicilian War was ended smartly upbraided the Senate that they had denied to him who had so highly deserved of the Republick Liberty to relieve so great a number of Citizens in great calamity About the same time Marcellus first incensed by injuries done him by Hippocrates Praetor of Syracuse who to give proof of his good affection to the Carthaginians and to acquire the Tyranny to himself had made a great slaughter of the Romans upon the borders of the Leontins besieged and by force took the City of the Leontins yet violated none of the Townsmen Onely Deserters as many as he took underwent the punishment of the Rods and Ax. But Hippocrates first sending a report to Syracuse that Marcellus had put all the young men to the Sword and then coming upon the Syracusans risen up into a tumult upon that false Report surpriz'd the City Hereupon Marcellus moved with his whole Army to Syracuse and encamping near the Wall sent Ambassadors into the City to relate to the Syracusans the truth of what had been done in Leontium When these could not prevail by Treaty the Syracusans being now no longer at their own will and pleasure because the whole power was in the hands of Hippocrates the City began to be oppugned both by Land and by Sea. All the Foot Appius brought up Marcellus with LX. Gallies each with five Oars in a Seat furnish'd with all sorts of Arms and Weapons to be thrown and a huge Bridge of Planks laid upon eight Ships chain'd together upon which he carried the Engin to cast stones and Darts assaulted the Walls animated with confidence by the abundance and magnificence of his preparations and by his own glory All which were easily eluded by Archimedes and his Machines Of these he had design'd and contriv'd none as worth the pains and cost but to divert and sport himself in the exercise of his skill in Geometry A good while before King Hiero had courted and induced Archimedes to put into practice some part of his admirable speculations in this Art to shew some example of the power of it and to exhibit to the sense an experiment accommodated to use For Eudoxus and Archytas had first begun to set on foot this celebrated and admired Machinal Science by this elegancy illustrating Geometry and Propositions by demonstration that may be explicated by reason and clear evidence and confirming the more remote by examples of Organs or Instruments objected to Sense As both of them brought to light that abstruce and by demonstration inexplicable Proposition of two middle lines an Element necessary to delineate many things by contriving
Phanippus during whose Regency they obtained the Victory of Marathon Aristides is Registred Of all his Vertues the Vulgar were most affected with his Justice because of its continual and common use Whence being a Person of mean fortune and Birth he possessed himself of the most Kingly and divine Appellation of Just Which no King or Tyrant ever sought after who have taken delight to be surnamed Overcomers of Cities Thunderers Conquerours and some Eagles and Hawks Affecting it seems the Reputation which proceeds from Power and Violence rather than that of Vertue Although the Divinity to whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves excels in three things Immortality Power and Vertue but the most venerable and Divine is Vertue For the Elements and Vacuum have Immortality Earthquakes Thunders Storms and Torrents have great power but as for Justice and Equity nothing participates thereof except what is Divine by the means of Sapience and Ratiocination Wherefore there being three ways the Vulgar stand affected towards the Deity an esteem of his happiness a fear and honour of him they seem to think him blest and happy for his want of Death and Corruption to fear and reverence him for his Power and Dominion But to love honour and adore him for his Justice Nevertheless being thus disposed they covet that Immortality which our Nature is not capable of and that Power the greatest part of which is at the disposal of Fortune but foolishly postpone the onely Divine good in us Vertue For as much as Justice makes such as are in Prosperty Power and Authority to lead the life of a God the contrary that of a Beast Aristides therefore had at first the fortune to be belov'd for this surname but at length envied Especially when Themistocles spread a Rumour amongst the people that by determining and judging all matters by himself having destroyed the Courts of Judicature he secretly made way for a Monarchy in his own person without the assistance of Guards Now the spirits of the people grown high and set on great matters by reason of their late Victory were offended at all of eminent Fame and Reputation Coming together therefore from all parts into the City they banished Aristides by the Ostracism giving their Envy to his Reputation the Name of Fear of Tyranny For it was not the punishment of any flagitious Act but speciously term'd the Depression and Restraint of exceeding Greatness and Power It was a gentle mitigation of Envy determining its malice to work Injuries in no intolerable thing only a 10 years Banishment But after the People began to subject base and villanous Fellows hereunto they desisted from it Hyperbolus being the last whom they banished by the Ostracism The cause of Hyperbolus his banishmenâ— is said to be this Alcibiades and Nieias Men that bore the greatest sway in the City were of different factions As the people therefore were about to Vote the Ostracism and apparently to decree it against one of them consulting together and uniting their Parties they contrived the Banishment of Hyperbolus Whereupon the people being offended as if some Contempâ— or Affront was put upon the thing lest off and quite abolished it It was performed to be short in this manner Every one taking the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Shell and writing upon it the Citizen's Name he would have banished carried it to a certain part of the Market-place surrounded with wooden Rails First the Magistrates numbered all the Shells in gross for if there were less than six hundred the Ostracism was imperfect then laying every Name by it self they pronounced him whose Name was written by the major part banished for ten Years enjoying his Estate As therefore they were Inscribing their Shells it is reported that a very illiterate clownish Fellow giving Aristides his Shelâ— as to one of the Mobile entreated him to write Aristides upon it but he being amazed and asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury None at all said he neither know I the man but am troubled to bear him spoken of every where as a just Person Aristides hearing this is said to have made no Reply but returned the Shell with the Inscription of his own Name At his departure from the City lifting up his Hands to Heaven he prayed as appears contrary to Achilles that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to remember Aristides Nevertheless three Years after when Xerxes marched through Thessaly and Baeotia into the Countrey of Attica Repealing the Law they Decreed the return of the Banished chiefly fearing Aristides lest joyning himself to the Enemy he should corrupt and bring over many of his Fellow Citizens to the party of the Barbarians being mistaken in the Man who even before the Decree was continually exciting and encouraging the Grecians to the defence of their Liberty And afterwards when Themistocles was General of the Athenians he assisted him in all things both of Action and Council rendring the greatest Enemy he had the most glorious of men in consideration of the common security For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert the Isle of Salamis and the Gallies of the Barbarians putting out by Nighâ— to Sea surrounded and beset the narroâ— passage and Islands no body knowing hoâ— they were environed Aristides undauntedly sailed from Aegina through the Enemies Fleet and coming by Night to Themistocleâ— his Pavilion and calling him out by himself If we are Wise said he Themistocleâ— laying aside at this time our vain aad childisâ— contention let us enter upon a safe and honourable dispute contending with each other foâ— the preservation of Greece you in the Rulinâ— and Commanding I in the Executive and Advising part For as much as I now understanâ— that you alone adhere to the best Advice in counselling without any delay to engage in thâ— Streights And though our own party opposeâ— yet the Enemy seems to assist you herein Foâ— the Sea behind and all around us is covered with their Fleet so that we are under a necessity of approving our selves men of Couragâ— and Fighting whether we will or no foâ— there is no room left us for flight To which Themistocles answered I would not willingly Aristides be overcome by you on this occasion and shall endeavour in emulation 〈◊〉 this commendable beginning to go beyond thâ— same in my Actions Also relating to hiâ— the Stratagem he had framed against thâ— Barbarians he entreated him to persuade Eurytiades and shew him how it was impossible they should save themselves without an Engagement For he gave more to him Whence in the Council of War Cleocritus the Corinthian telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his Advice for he was present and said nothing Aristides â—nswered That he should not hold his peace if Themistocles did not speak that which was â—ost expedient but that he was now silent not â—ut of any good will to the person but in apâ—robation of his