Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam the miserable estate of man the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ and the universal redemption of all mankind by his death and passion Page 601 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace the possibility of a total and final falling and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God Page 602 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewel touching the universal redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ and reached out unto all them that believe in him by Mr. Alexander Nowel ibid. 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls Cross Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie and makes him to the Author of sin Page 603 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedom of his will makes God himself to be double-minded to have two contrary wills and to delight in mocking his poor Creature Man ibid. 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant contrary to the truth of Scripture and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers Page 604 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain other heads directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrine in the points disputed ibid. 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid with reference to the subject of it as also to the time place and persons in and before which it was first preached Page 605 9. An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet ibid. 10. That in the judgment of the Right Learned Dr. King after Bishop of London the alteration of Gods denounced judgments in some certain cases infers no alteration in his Councils the difference between the changing of the will and to will a change Page 606 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us and something concealed unto himself the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes and of the conditionality of Gods threats and promises ibid. 12. The accomodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites Page 607 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed ibid. CHAP. XIX Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church by whom it was made and what was done towards the making of it up 1. Great alterations made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service if otherwise of known zeal against the Papists Page 609 2. Several examples of that kind in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination ibid. 3. His Notes on one of the Letters of John Bradford Martyr touching the matter of Election therein contained ibid. 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper Page 612 5. Exceptions against some passages and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox ibid. 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments by the Convocation Anno 1571. Page 613 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation no more than for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes and some particular passages in it disgraceful to the Rites of the Church attire of the Bishops ibid. 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine and all other Novelisms of that kind Page 614 CHAP. XX. Of the great Invocation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine the stirs arising thence in Cambridge and Mr. Barrets carriage in them 1. Of Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination with his recital of the four opinions which were then maintained about the fame Page 614 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian or Supra-creatarian way Page 615 3. The several censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants by none more sharply than by Dr. Rob. Abbots after Bishop of Sarum Page 616 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in the Vniversity and his Doctrine touching the divine Decrees upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninivites ibid. 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians and the great increase of his Adherents Page 617 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians ibid. 7. Barret convented for the same and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing Page 618 8. A Form of Recantation delivered to him but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the Vniversity ibid. 9. Several Arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him Page 619 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goad being then Vice-Chancellor ibid. 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England and that the body of the same Vniversity differed from the heads in that particular Page 620 CHAP. XXI Of the proceedings against Baroe the Articles of Lambeth and the general calm which was in Oxon touching these Disputes 1. The differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitacres the address of Whitacres and others to Arch-bishop Whitgift which drew on the Articles of Lambeth Page 621 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth presented both in English and Latine Page 622 3. The Articles of no authority in themselves Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest ibid. 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship nor compelled to leave it the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it Page 623 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe Page 624 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the grace received his own private judgment in the point neither for total nor for final and the concurrence of some other Learned men in the same opinion Page 625 7. The general calm which was at Oxon at that time touching these disputes and the Reasons of it ibid. 8. An Answer to that Objection out of the writings of judicious Hooker of the total and final falling Page 626 9. The disaffections of Dr. Bukeridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins
in the Primitive Church how justifiable in the whole course and order of her publick Liturgie with all the Rubricks and observances therein contained In which if any thing be done conducible unto Gods glory and the Churches peace the information of the Reader or the convincing of such men who are otherwise minded I shall think my labour well bestowed and my pains well recompensed Howsoever it will be some matter of contentment to me that I have done my duty in it according unto that poor measure of abilities which the Lord hath given me commending both the cause and these weak indevours to his Heavenly blessings without which Paul's planting and Apollo's watering are of no increase CHAP. I. What doth occurre and whether any thing at all for Set Forms of Prayer from the time of Adam unto Moses 1. Prayer the chief exercise of publick Worship 2. The ground use and necessity of publick Forms 3. What priviledge belongs unto the Priest or Minister in that part of Gods Service which consists in Prayer 4. The inconvenience and confusion that must needs arise for want of Set Forms in the Worship of God 5. Liturgies or Set Forms of Prayer in use amongst all sorts of people Jews Gentiles Christians 6. The meaning of the word Liturgy or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the civil sense 7. As also in the Ecclesiastical notion of it 8. Whether the offerings of Cain and Abel were regulated by a prescribed Form 9. A prescribed Form of Worship conceived by some to have been introduced by Enos 10. The Sacrifices and devotions of the ancient Patriarchs for the most part occasional only 11. The Consecrating of set places for Gods publick worship first begun by Jacob. IT is exceeding well observed by our incomparable Hooker as some truly call him Hook Eccl. Pol. l. 5. §. 23. That if the Angels have a continual intercourse betwixt the Throne of God in Heaven and his Church here militant upon the Earth the same is no where better verified than in those two godly exercises of Doctrine and Prayer For what saith he is the assembling of the Church to learn but the receiving of Angels descended from above What to pray but the ascending of Angels upwards His Heavenly inspirations and our holy desires being as so many Angels of commerce and intercourse between God and us And although these two godly and religious exercises seem to walk hand in hand together the Prayers made in and by the Church having for many Ages past even long before the birth of Christianity been intermingled with the reading of the Law and Prophets yet find we that of Prayer so acceptable in the sight of God so highly valued by the Lord above all other parts of his publick Service that he vouchsafed from hence to give a name to his holy Temple and to entitle it Isa 56.7 The House of Prayer Which holy and religious duty as it concerneth us two ways one way in that we are men and another way as parts and members of the Church the mystical Body of our Lord and Saviour so it admits of several considerations both for the matter of the same and the manner of it As men we are at our own choice for time place and form according to the exigences of our own occasions The Church requires not any thing in the performance of this pious office either as private or domestical but that we pray with understanding that we consider with our selves what it is we ask 1 Cor. 14.15 Jam. 4.3 and of whom we ask it Ye ask and receive not saith S. James because ye ask amiss that ye may consume it upon your lusts But for the Service which we do as a publick body that being publick is for that cause to be accompted so much the worthier than the other as a whole society of such condition exceedeth the worth of any one particular person and for that cause hath been more strictly tied in all former Ages as to prescribed times and places so to set Forms also For were there not some time prescribed in the great growth and spreading of the Church of God for the convening of the Congregation some place assigned in which to meet together at the times appointed the prayers and devotions of Gods people might and would happen oftentimes to be either at the same time in several places or in the same place at several times and so be nothing less than the common prayers the joynt devotions of Gods Servants Of all the circumstances which attend Gods publick Service those two of time and place come most near the substance and are de bene esse at the least of that weighty duty And if appointed times and places being meerly circumstances be of so great a consequence in Gods publick Service that without them it cannot be discharged with effect and comfort assuredly the form thereof containing the whole substance the main body of it hath much more need to be prescribed For what saith the Apostle in this case or one very near it If the whole Church should come together in some place and all speak with tongues 1 Cor. 14.23 and there come in those which are Vnbelievers would they not say that ye are mad Vers 26 Or what a tumult would it be if when you come together every one of you hath a Psalm hath a Tongue hath a Doctrine hath a Revelation would it not be a strange medly Vers 23 God as S. Paul hath told us is the God of order not of confusion in the Churches And therefore hath given power unto his Church that all things in it for the manner Vers 40 be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decently in a stablished order and for the end thereof Vers 26 to edifying A thing which could not be in possibility had every man the liberty to use his own tongue in the Congregation or to conceive and utter his own prayers or frame unto himself his own devotions which is the ground of all those several Liturgies and set Forms of Prayer which have from the Apostles times been used in the House of God and never quarrelled till of late Nor can it be ascribed as I conceive to any lower power than the Wisdom of God guiding the Counsels of his Church and therefore to be reckoned as a work of his singular Providence that the Church hath evermore observed a prescript form of Common-Prayer although not in all things every where the same yet for the most part retaining still the same Analogy Hook Eccl. Pol. l. 9. num 25. So that as Hooker well observeth if the Liturgies of all ancient Churches throughout the world be compared amongst themselves it may be easily perceived that they had all one original mould and that the publick prayers of the People of God in Churches throughly setled and established did never use to be voluntary dictates proceeding from any mans extemporal wit And certainly to drive this
some of these viz. the second and the three last there is good constat in Antiquity whether there be the like of all the residue I am not able to determine So for the Bishops or Arch-bishops of York of the British line besides Faganus the first Arch-bishop of this See as before was said and besides Eborius formerly remembred amongst the Subscribers to the Council of Arles Godw. in Archiep Ehoracen our Stories tell us of one Sampson said to be made the Bishop of the place in the time of Lucius Galfrid Monumet hist l. 9. c. 8. of one Pyramus preferred unto this honour by King Arthur whose domestick Chaplain he then was and finally of Tadiacus who together with Theonus the last Bishop of London of this line or Race fled into Wales the better to avoid the tyranny of the Saxons Math. westmon Matth. Florilegus in An. 586. Liber Eccles Landavens who then made havock of the Church And for the Bishops or Arch-bishops of Caerleon upon Vsk which was the third Metropolitical City in the account and estimate of those times we have assurance of Dubritius a right godly man ordained Bishop of the same by Germanus and Lupus two French Prelates at such time as they came to Britain for the suppressing of the Pelagian Heresie whose Successours we have upon Record under the Title of Llandaffe to this very day That Gloucester also in those times was a Bishops See besides what did appear before is affirmed by Cambden Cambden in dedescript Brit. in Dobunis who tells us that the Bishops of the same occur in the subscriptions to some ancient Councils under the name of Cluvienses for by the name of Clevum or Caer-Glowy was it called of old But not to wander into more particulars either Sees or Bishops Athanas Apo. 2. in initio we find in Athanasius that in the Council of Sardica holden in Anno 358. some of the British Bishops were assembled amongst the rest concurring with them in the condemnation of the Arian Heresies As also that in the Council of Ariminum Sulpit. Severus in hist sacr l. 2. held the next year after the British Bishops were there present three of the which were so necessitous and poor that they were fain to be maintained at the publick charge Sanctius putantes fiscum gravare quà m singulos thinking it far more commendably honest to be defraied out of the Exchequer than to be burdensom unto their Friends And when Pope Gregory sent Austin hither for the conversion of the Saxons Beda Ecc. hist l. 2. cap. 2. he found no fewer than seven Bishops in the British Churches viz. Herefordensis Tavensis Paternensis Banchorensis Elwiensis Wiccensis and Morganensis or rather Menevensis as Balaeus counts them Balaeus Cent. 1. c. 70. All of which that of Paternensis excepted only do still remain amongst us under other names Now if I should be asked whom I conceive to have been the Primate of the British Church during the time it flourished and stood upright neither oppressed by the tyranny of Dioclesian nor in a sort exterminated by the Saxons fury I answer that it is most likely to be the Metropolitan or Arch-bishop of York And this I do upon these reasons Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. For first however it appears by Tacitus that London was a Town of the greatest Trade copia negotiorum commeatuum maxime celebris as that Author hath it Id. ibid. yet neither was it ever made a Roman Colony nor made the seat at any time of the Roman Emperours But on the other side York was a Colony of the Romans even of long continuance as appears not only by the testimony of Ptolomy and Antoninus Cambden in Brit. descript but by this ancient inscription vouched by Mr. Cambden and by an old Coin of Severus the Roman Emperour bearing this inscription COL EBORACUM LEG VI. VICTRIX And as it was a Colony of the Roman people so was it also for a time the seat of the Roman Emperours For here the Emperour Severus before remembred yielded up his Soul and here Constantius Chlorus deceased also Id. ibid. having both kept their seat there a good time before here Constantine the great advancer of the Faith and Gospel Id. ibid. was first brought forth into the World and here did he first take upon him together with the name of Caesar the Government of that part of the Roman Empire which had belonged unto his Father So that Eboracum or York being the ancient seat of the Roman Emperours what time they pleased to be resident in the Isle of Britain was questionless the seat of their Vicarii or Lieutenants General when they were absent from the same and so by consequence the seat of the British Primate according to the Rules and Platform before laid down Add here that for the time the Romans held this Island in their possession they setled their Praetorium for the administration of Justice in the City of York drawing thither the resort of all the subjects which had any business of that kind for dispatch thereof in which regard it is called by Spartianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spartian in vita Severi the City as by way of excellence Veniens in Civitatem primùm in templum Bellonae ductus est speaking of the entrance which Severus made into the City of York But that which most of all confirms me is the subscription of the British Bishops to the Council of Arles as it is published amongst the Gallick Councils by Sirmundus thus Eborius Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi Provincia Britannia Restitutus Episcopus de civitate Londinensi Provincia supradicta Adelphius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium exinde Sacerdos Presbyter Arminius Diaconus By which subscription it is plain that the Bishop or Archbishop of York having place of London was Primate of the British Church there being otherwise no reason why he should have precedence in the Subscription And so much for the setling of Episcopacy in the Church of Britain at this reception of the Gospel from the See of Rome being the first time that the Faith of Christ was publickly received and countenanced not in this Island only but any other part of the World whatever All which I have laid down together that I might keep my self the closer to my other businesses to which now I hasten CHAP. III. The Testimony given unto Episcopal Authority in the last part of this second Century 1. The difference betwixt Pope Victor and the Asian Bishops about the feast of Easter 2. The interpleading of Polycrates and Irenaeus two renowned Prelates in the aforesaid cause 3. Several Councils called about it by the Bishops of the Church then being with observations on the same 4. Of the Episcopal succession in the four prime Sees for this second Century 5. An Answer to some Objections made against the same 6. The great authority and esteem of the said
for the other Dionysius the then Pope of Rome I find not any thing that he did to quench the flame Baron Annal. Eccl. Anno 1272. 18. For though Baronius being sensible how much it might redound to this Popes disgrace that he alone should be a looker on in so great a business wherein the honour of our Lord and SAVIOUR was so much concerned hath fained a Council to be held at Rome at the same time and for the same intent and purpose yet there is no such thing in Athanasius whom he cites to prove it neither doth Binius though in other things he takes up much of his Commodities on the Cardinals word speak the least word of such a Council It may be that the Popes then being had so much work cut out at home by the Novatian faction there that they had little leisure to attend a business so remote and distant which is the best excuse I can see for them And yet welfare the Cardinal and his Binius too For though the Pope was neither there nor had so much as sent his Letters for ought we can find and that the Synodical Epistle written by the Fathers Euseb hist Ecc. l. 7. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was inscribed to this Dionysius Maximus Bishop of Alexandria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to all other their Colleagues the Bishops over all the World and to the Presbyters and Deacons and the whole Catholick Church Bin. Annot. in Concil Tom. 1. p. 161. Baron in Annal An. 272.17 as the Title runneth yet they will needs inscribe it to the Pope none else Ad Dionysium Romanum Pontificem scripserunt so saith Binius Synodicam ad Dionysium Papam scriptam So Baronius hath it and both ridiculously false But to return again unto the Council the issue of the whole was this that Paulus was deposed from his place and dignity Domnus succeeding in the seat And whereas Paulus notwithstanding his abdication Euseb hist Ecc. l. 7. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still kept possession of his House 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the House belonging to his Bishoprick as the story hath it the Emperour Aurelian being made acquainted with it did determine thus that it should be delivered unto them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom the Bishops of Italy and Rome should adjudg the same Now in this business there are these two things to be considered the man thus sentenced and those to whom the last part of the Sentence was to be put in execution both of them yielding matter worthy of our observation for the present business For Paulus first the Fathers of the Council laying down the course and passages of his behaviour Id. ibid. do describe him thus that being born of mean and ordinary parentage he had amassed great sums of money and full heaps of Treasure which he had gotten by bribery and corruption from those that were in Suits and differences 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had repaired to him to be righted in their several causes next that he never went abroad in publick but that he was attended by a Cuard some of them going before him others following after to the great scandal of the Gospel And last of all that he had caused a Throne of State to be erected for him not such as did become one of CHRISTS Disciples but high and lofty such as the Princes of the World or rather secular Princes did use to sit in Which passages for I omit the rest that follow as not conducing to the story which I have in hand as they do manifestly set forth unto us the extream pride and base corruptions of the man so do they also give us no obscure light whereby we may discern the customs of the Church in these particulars For first I find it not objected against Paulus that he did deal sometimes in such Suits and differences matters of secular business out of question as were brought before him Id. nbid but that he took bribes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and received money of such men as came for Justice and yet abused them too and did nothing for them So that it is not faulted by the Fathers for ought I can see that he made himself a Judg amongst his brethren or took upon him to compose such differences as were brought before him which certainly was no new matter in these times but that he was corrupt and base not Ministring but selling Justice to the People perhaps not selling Justice neither but making them pay dearly for an unjust Sentence The next thing I observe is this that Paulus is not charged by the Synod for being well attended for having many followers waiting on him according to the greatness of his place and quality Their words as in Eusebius they are laid before me will bear no such meaning though some indeed to raise an Odium on the Prelacy Smectymn p. 55. do expound it so as if a great part of his pride and insolency consisted in that numerous train which attended on him in the Streets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. He did not stir abroad without a Guard saith the Original Magna satellitum stipatus turba saith the Translator of Eusebius Cum satellitio publicitus ingrediens Niceph. Eccl. hist l. 6. c 30. as the Translator of Nicephorus hath it Now whether we look upon this passage in the Greek as given us in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or in the Latin Satellitium or Satellitum turba I must profess my ignorance to be such in both the Languages that though I find it charged on Paulus that he was guarded when he went abroad with a band of Spear-men I find it not objected that he was Attended by a Train of servants Last of all for his Throne the charge consists not as I take it in the thing it self for Bishops were allowed their Thrones in the Primitive times but in the raising of it to a greater height than had been accustomed Cassiodore Cassiodor hist tripart l. 7. I am sure doth expound it so Intra Ecclesiam vero tribunal in alto altius quam fuerat extrui thronum in excelsioribus collocari jubet secretarium quoque sterni parari sicut judicibus seculi solet He caused his Tribunal in the Church to be built much higher than it had been formerly and his Throne to be placed more aloft than before it was and a Closet also to be trimmed and furnished as secular Judges used to have By which it seemeth taking the Authors words as they lie together Euseb hist Ecc. l. 7. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was not the Throne but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the state and exaltation of the Throne that gave the scandal A Throne he might have had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as other Bishops Christs Disciples used to have before But he would have his Throne exalted adorned and furnished like a
themselves Against this History Dr. Hackwel appeared in Print of which the King hearing sent for Mr. Heylyn commanding him to consider the Arguments of his Antagonist and withal sent him to Windsor to search the Records of the Order This occasioned a second Edition of the History wherein were answered all Dr. Hackwels Arguments and Allegations to which there was never made a reply but on the contrary in his Book about the supposed Decay of Nature a Retractation of the passages relating to S. George About this time he had a presentation given him by one Mr. Bridges to the Parsonage of Meysie-Hampton in the Diocess of Glocester unto the Bishop whereof he made his Application but found him already preingaged to further the pretended Title of Corpus Christi Coll. in Oxon. However his Lordship promised not to give Institution to any person till the title was cleared and therefore advised Mr. Heylyn to leave his presentation with him and to enter a Caveat in his Court But he who was false to God and his Mother-church could never be faithful to the engagements which he made to Man The one he deserted by turning Papist being the only Bishop of the English Hierarchy that renounced a persecuted Church to embrace the Idolatries and Errors of the Roman Communion And the other he violated by giving one Mr. Jackson who came from C.C.C. Institution so soon as ever he requested it which occasioned a tedious suit at Law after Neither was this the only disappointment he met with in the way of his Preferment For not long after Preaching at Court in his second Attendance his Majesty express'd a very high opinion of him to many noble Lords about him and in a few months after gave him a Presentation to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Huntingdon But this also missed of the desired effect which his Majesties bounty designed and Mr. Heylyns necessity after a long suit of Law for the other Living required For the Bishop of Lincoln unto whom he made Application with his Presentation would not allow the King to have any title to the Living so he was constrained to return back to London re infecta The Bishop was much offended that a young Divine should have so great knowledge in Law which was the beginning of all the following Differences between them for Mr. Heylyn made good the Kings Right upon the passages of the conveyances of the other party His Majesty presently understood the entertainment he met with at Bugden and sent him this gracious Message That he was sorry he had put him to so much charge and trouble but it should not be long before he would be out of his debt And he soon performed his Royal promise for within a week after he bestowed upon him a Prebendship of Westminster void by the death of Mr. Danel to the extream vexation of his Lordship who was then Dean of the same Church And that which added to the honour of this preferment was not only his being initiated the very same day into the acquaintance and friendship with the Attorney-General Mr. Noye but the gracious Message that came along with the Royal gift viz. That he bestowed that Prebendship on him to bear the charges of his last Journey but still he was in debt for the Living Being possessed of this Preferment the first honourable Visit that he received in his new Habitation was from the Learned Lord Falkland who brought along with him one Capt. Nelson that pretended to find out a way for the discovery of the Longitude of the Sea the Captain had imparted his design to many learned Mathematicians who by no means could approve of or subscribe to his demonstrations But the King refer'd him to Mr. Heylyn who told that noble Lord That his Majesty was mistaken in him his skill and knowledge lying more in the Historical than the Philosophical part of Geography yet notwithstanding he gave a full account thereof in writing according to the best of his judgment which is too long to set down here His mind being intent rather upon useful than notional Learning therefore about this time he began with great diligence to read over the Statute Laws of the Nation and to compare them with the time and circumstances that occurr'd in story which he carefully perused the better to inable himself for his Majesties Service who then had the Small-pox appearing on him but he soon recovered from that distemper Mr. Heylyn to testifie his joy turn'd Poet making a Copy of English Verses which one of his Friends presented to the King and they were so well lik'd that both their Majesties gave him the honour of their thanks But his Majesty found employment rather for the judgment than fancy of the Chaplain and therefore upon Jan. 27. 1632. sent for him to the Council Table where he received his Royal commands to read over that Book of Mr. Pryns called Histriomastix and to collect thence all such passages as were scandalous or dangerous to the King or State and to reduce them into method The Book was delivered to him and a fortnights time assigned him to perform that Task imposed But he had learned from the wisest of men that diligence in business and a quick dispatch of it would qualifie him for the service of Kings and not mean Persons And therefore he finished what was expected from him and carried it to the Secretary of State in less than four days for which he had his Majesties thanks as also new commands to revise his Papers and to write down such Logical Inferences as might naturally arise from the premises of Mr. Pryn About this time and upon this occasion he wrote a small Tract touching the punishments due by Law and in point of practice unto such offenders as Mr. Pryn. And this was observable in the tryal of that Person that nothing was urged by the Council to aggravate his faults than what was contained in Mr. Heylyns Collections For the reward of which and other good services that with wonderful prudence as well as diligence he faithfully performed His Majesty was graciously pleased to requite him by bestowing on him the Parsonage of Houghton in the Bishoprick of Durham worth near 400 l. per annum which afterward he exchanged with Dr. Marshal for the Parsonage of Alresford in Hampshire that was about the same value to which exchange he was commanded by his Majesty that he might live nearer the Court for readiness to do his Majesties Service Neither was he envied for this or his other Preferments because every one knew his merits the only cause of his promotion Into this Living he was no sooner Instituted and Inducted but he took care for the Service of God to be constantly performed by reading the Common Prayers in his Church every Morning that gave great satisfaction to the Parish being a populous Market Town and for the Communion Table where the blessed Sacrament is Consecrated he ordered that it should
the Lord Commissioners the Right of Sitting there 1. The Prebends Original Right 2. Their Derivative Right and lastly their Possessory Right Upon hearing the proofs on both sides it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissioners That the Prebends should be restored to their old Seat and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls eldest Sons according to the ancient custom After this there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at any Morning-Prayer and seldom at Evening At this time came out the Doctor 's History of the Sabbath the Argumentative or Scholastick part of which subject was referred to White Bishop of Eli the Historical part to the Doctor And no sooner had the Doctor perfected his Book of the Sabbath but the Dean of Peterborough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincoln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham He received it upon good Friday and by the Thursday following discovered the sophistry mistakes and falshoods of it It was approved by the King and by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licens'd and Publish'd under the title of a Coal from the Altar In less than a twelve-month the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it Entituled The Holy Table Name and Thing but pretended that it was writ long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole a Divine in the days of Queen Mary Dr. Heylyn receiv'd a Message from the King to return a reply to it and not in the least to spare him And he did it in the space of seven weeks presenting it ready Printed to his Majesty and called it Antidotum Lincolniense But before this he answered Mr. Burtons Seditious Sermon being thereunto also appointed by the King In July 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the Kings Cause suspended à Beneficio officio and sent to the Tower where he continued three years and did not in all that space of time hear either Sermon or publick Prayers The College of Westminster about this time presented the Doctor to the Parsonage of Islip now void by the death of Dr. King By reason of its great distance from Alresford the Doctor exchanged it for South-warnborough that was more near and convenient At which time recovering from an ill fit of Sickness he studiously set on writing the History of the Church of England since the Reformation in order to which he obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cottons Library and by Arch-bishop Laud's commendation had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books leaving 200 l. as a Pawn behind him The Commotions in Scotland now began and the Arch Bishop of Canterbury intending to set out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy which he had commended to that Kirk desired the Doctor to translate the Scottish Liturgy into Latin that being Published with the Apology all the World might be satisfied in his Majesties piety as well as the Arch-Bishops care as also that the perverse and rebellious temper of the Scots might be apparent to all who would raise such troubles upon the Recommendation of a book that was so Venerable and Orthodox Dr. Heylyn undertook and went through with it but the distemper and trouble of those times put a period to the undertaking and the Book went no farther than the hands of that Learned Martyr In Feb. 1639. the Doctor was put into Commission of Peace for the County of Hampshire residing then upon this Living into which place he was no sooner admitted but he occasioned the discovery of a horrid Murther that had been committed many years before in that Countrey In the April following he was chosen Clerk of the Convocation for the College of Westminster at which time the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sending a Canon to them for suppressing the farther growth of Popery and reducing Papists to the Church our Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the Peoples farther satisfaction as well as the Churches benefit what was done therein and many other notable things by that Convocation may be seen at large in the History of the Arch-Bishops Life Friday being May the 29th the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy no one dissenting except the Bishop of Glocester who afterward turn'd Papist and died in the Communion of the Romish Church and was all that time of his Life in which he revolted from the Church of England a very great Servant of Oliver Cromwel unto whom he dedicated some of his Books But for his Contumacy in refusing to subscribe the Articles he was voted worthy of Suspension in the Convocation and was actually Suspended by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury which being done the Convocation was ended In Novemb. 3. A.D. 1640. began the Session of the long Parliament At the opening of which a general Rumor was spread abroad that Dr. Heylyn was run away for fear of an approaching storm that was like to fall upon his head as well as on his Grace the Arch-Bishop of Cauterbury but he who was ever of an undaunted spirit would not pusillanimously desert the Cause of the King and Church then in question but speedily hastned up to London from Alresford to confute the common calumny and false report raised on him by the Puritan faction that he appeared the next day in his Gown and Tippet at Westminster-Hall and in the Church with the accustomed formalities of his Cap Hood and Surplice employed then his Pen boldly in defence of the Bishops Rights when the Lords began to shake the Hierarchy in passing a Vote That no Bishop should be of the Committe for Examination of the Earl of Strafford being Causa sanguinis upon which the Doctor drew up a brief and excellent Discourse entituled De jure paritatis Episcopum wherein he asserted all the Bishops Rights of Peerage and principally of this as well as the rest That they ought to sit in that Committee with other Priviledges and Rights maintained by him which either by Law or ancient custom did belong unto them A rare Commendation at this juncture of time for which the Doctor is to be admired that he could command his Parts and Pen of a sudden to write on this subject or any other if there was need that did conduce to the publick good and above all make a quick dispatch in accomplishing what he had once undertaken and begun But for those quick dispatches the Doctor afterward endured many tedious waitings at the backs of Committe-men in that Parliament especially in the business of Mr. Pryn about his Histriomastix for which he was kept four days under examination because he had furnished the Lords of the Privy Council with matters out of that Book which Mr. Pryn alledged was the cause of all his sufferings Great hopes had the Committee by his often dancing attendance after them to sift the Doctor if they could gather any thing by his speeches
credit and yet so many Ordinances for setling the Presbyterian Government in order whereunto the Hierarchy of Bishops was to be abolished should be as short lived as Jonas's Goard Plautus in Pseudolo or the solstitial Herb in Plautus Quae repentino orta est repentino occidit blasted as soon as sprung up without acting any thing and finally why so many of the Clergy should still stand sequestred by Order from the Committees of both Houses of Parliament and yet the Orders of those Houses as to the recovering of their fifths should be void and null So that thy Judgment and Affection being so well bottomed thy Conscience cannot but bear thee witness that thou hast not suffered as a Malefactor a Violator of the Laws a contemner of Order or a Despiser of Dominion which will be a contentment to thee in thy greatest sorrows Lactant. lib. 1. cap. 1. above all expression Delectabit tamen se Conscientia quod est Animae pabulum incredibile jucunditate perfusum as Lactantius hath it If thou art otherwise persuaded and of a different judgment from me in the main Disputes yet I desire thee notwithstanding to peruse these papers and to peruse them with that Candor and Christian Charity which we ought to have about us in the agitation of all weighty Controversies I despair not but that thou maist here meet with something which may inform thy Understanding and rectifie the obliquity of those misconceptions which thou hast harboured heretofore against this Church the way and manner of proceeding in her Reformation her Government and Establish'd Orders in Gods publick service her Right and Title to that setled Maintenance which is reserved to those who officiate in her Te quoque in his Aliquid quod juvet esse potest in the Poets Language Ovid in Phaedra ad Hippolyt Howsoever I hope thou art not of those men who hate to be reformed or stop their ears like the deaf Adder in the Psalms that so they may not hear the voice of the Charmer but hast a malleable soul and capable of all impressions tending unto peace and truth And then I shall be confident of this favour from thee that if thou canst not find good reason to change thy judgment and alter thy opinion in the points disputed yet thou wilt hereafter think more charitably of those poor Men who cannot sail with every wind of new Opinion nor easily wean themselves from those persuasions which they have suckt in as it were with their Mothers milk If thou art strong and canst digest all meats which are set before thee condemn not those of weaker stomachs who have been used unto a Regular and strict kind of Diet. But if thou art not only of a different Opinion from me but differing in Condition also advanced perhaps unto some eminent degree of Trust and Power in the present Government I must address my self unto thee in another way I must then say to thee as did Tertullian once to the Roman Senators that since there is no means in the way of a personal Defence to vindicate the Church and clear her Children from all those Calumnies and imputations which are charged upon them Liceat veritati vel occulta via tacitarum literarum ad aures vestras pervenire Tertul. in Apologet cap. 2. I hope it may be lawful for the Truth to appear before you by the humble and modest way of a Declaration For what hath been the cause of our great Disturbances but the want of a right Understanding of those Grounds and Principles upon which the Church of England was first reformed or of those greater Animosities those Odia plus quam Vatiniana exprest towards such as are most cordially affected to her Rules and Tendries The Men themselves known generally to be both of Parts and Piety many of them possest of liberal Fortunes and all responsal to the Publick in all those capacities in which they may do service to it And can it rationally be conceived that either wilfulness or perversness or a vainglorious affectation of adhering to their old Mumpsimus as King Harry used to say in another case could make them run the hazzard of all which is dear unto them were there not some inward principle of Conscience and light of Understanding to incline them to it Or that they can suppose themselves to equally dealt with in being debard from serving God in that way of Worship and under those Forms of Administration which they find countenanced and commended to them by as good Authority as the Established Laws of the Land could give them and in the mean time that all sorts of Sects and Heresies destructive of all civil Magistracy and Humane Society should find not only a Connivence but Support and Countenance And if this cannot be conceived how canst thou answer it to thy self or to God and Man that they who live so peaceably and inoffensively in their several stations as not to be reproach'd with any disaffection to the present Government in word or deed should notwithstanding be mark'd out to continual Ruin because supposed to be of different Principles and Persuasions from some of those who have such powerful influences on the publick Counsels For thy sake therefore not for theirs only have I took this pains and drawn these several Tracts together that being perfectly instructed in the grounds of their affections and the right constitution of the Church their common Mother thou maist not only carry a more gentle hand towards those who have adher'd unto it but be more tenderly affected to the Church it self which hitherto hath met with so much contradiction from unquiet men And to say truth were there no other Arguments to prove the Church of England to be a true Catholick and Apostolick Church this were sufficient to evince it that it hath been always under persecution which the whole tenor of the Scriptures and the ancient Monuments of Christianity have given us as a mark or character of the Church of God No sooner had the Israelites freed themselves from the bondage of Egypt but they were presently pursued and forced through the Red Sea by the Host of Pharaoh nor had they sooner escaped that danger by Gods Almighty power but the Amalekites set upon them the Moabites set themselves against them and Balaam the son of Beor is hired to curse them hated by all the Nations amongst whom they lived derided for their Sabbath and Circumcision Recutitaque Sabbata palles as the Satyrist hath it and for their other Rites and Ceremonies in which they differed from the rest of their neighbouring Nations Their Laws are diverse from all people Hest 3.8 Tacit Hist lib. 5. saith Haman in the Book of Hester Novi illis Ritus coeterisque mortalibus contrarii as it is in Tacitus therefore to be exterminated as Enemies unto Civil Government and to all mankind Thus did it also fare with the Primitive Christians as soon as they had separated
themselves from the Jewish Synagogue exposed to all the disadvantages of scorn and danger both by Jews and Gentiles For as concerning this Sect we know that every where it is spoken against so said the Jews to Paul at his coming to Rome Acts 28. â—2 Tacitus in Annal lib. XV. Homines per flagitia invisi as much about the same time the same Tacitus calls them and therefore odio humani generis convicti obnoxious to the common hatred of all men as it after followeth Persecuted upon this account by the Roman Emperors reviled by the malicious Pens of Celsus Prophyry Lucian Julian and the rest of that Rabble Thus also hath it happened to the Church of England No sooner had King Harry freed her from the Bondage of Rome but the proud Pharaohs of that City pursued him presently with their fulminations endeavouring to raise up all the Princes of the Earth against him nor had she sooner purged her self of those superstitions and corruptions which had been put upon her in the time of that Bondage but many hundreds of her children were forcibly driven through the Red Sea a Sea of their own blood to the Heavenly Canaan Persecuted after this in forein parts by the Inquisition at home by the malitious pens and practices of that dangerous Enemy And as if this had not been enough for her affliction her Bowels must be torn out by those very children which she had nourished in the faith though afterwards they scorned to own her for their Mother The first thing quarrelled on both sides is the Way and manner of her Reformation which is affirmed by those of Rome to have too little of the Pope and too much of the Parliament by those of the Genevian party to have too little of the People and too much of the Prince The Genevians or Presbyterians find themselves agrieved that in the agitating of this great Business there was no such consideration had of the common People as in other places their Lay-Elders being allowed no Vote either in the Consistory or the Convocation and consequently no care taken of the Peoples Interess which in a matter which so nearly concerned their souls was as great as any applauding for this cause the riotous proceedings in some other Countreys where the People threw down Altars defaced Images and in a pious zeal no doubt demolisht Churches laying thereby the ground-work of a more thorow Reformation than was made with us The Romanists do complain as loudly that this great Work was wholly carried on by the power of Parliaments And hereupon it is affirmed by D. Harding the first that took up Arms against this Church in Queen Elizabeths time that we had a Parliament-Religion a Parliament-Faith and a Parliament-Gospel as by Scultingius and some others that we had none but Parliament-Bishops and a Parliament-Clergy Two Clamors so repugnant unto one another that if the one of them be true the other cannot chuse but be very false And thus again the Papists generally object that in that great work of the Reformation there was no care taken of the Pope neither consulted with as the Patriarch of the Western Churches or as the Apostle at the least of the English Nation the Pope thereby unworthily deprived of that Supremacy which of antient Right belong'd unto him to the subverting of the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith Primo praecipuo Romanensium fidei articulo de Pontificis primatu immutato Hist Concil Trident. lib. 1. as my Author hath it Calvin and his Disciples on the other side are as much offended with setling the Supremacy upon the King the Master grievously complaining of it in his Comment on the 7th of Amos Calvin in Amos cap. 7. his Scholars doing the like in their several Pamphlets And though it be affirmed by Bracton one of our ancient Common Lawyers if my memory fail not that Kings are therefore anointed with holy Oyl Eo quod spiritualis jurisdictionis sunt capaces because they are capable of exercising Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction yet Calvin will have none of that condemning those for rash and inconsiderate Persons Qui faciunt eos nimis Spirituales who ascribe to them any such Authority in Spiritual matters His Followers will take after him in this particular none more professedly and at large than Caldwood or Didoclavius as he calls himself and his Associates in the Altare Damascenum To satisfie the Clamors of these opposite parties and to appease some Scruples raised thereby in Mr. G. A. of W a modest and ingenuous Gentleman my especial friend I set my self in the first place to justifie the Church of England as to the Way and Manner of her Reformation so loudly and so falsly clamoured on so little ground And by this Tract it will be proved that nothing was done here in the Reformation but what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and other learned men assembled by the Kings appointment and secondly that the Parliaments did nothing in it but that sometimes upon the Post-fact it was thought fit to add some strength to the Decrees and Determinations of the Church especially in inflicting punishments on the Disobedient by the Civil Sanctions And for the proof of this I have used none but Domestick Evidences that is to say the Edicts of the King the Records of Convocation and the Acts of Parliaments themselves the best assurances that can be devised in Law to convey the Truth unto us in all these particulars In the next place I have endeavoured to give satisfaction unto all those Doubts which do relate unto the King the Pope or the Churches Protestant the riotous actings of the Common People being no good ground to build a Right on either too little or too much look'd after as it is pretended in that weighty business Whose pretensions being well examined by the Testimony of the Fathers Councils and other Ecclesiastical Antiquities I hope it will appear as clearly that there was no wrong done either to the Pope or the Forein Churches in being excluded from our Councils in so great a work and that our Kings have exercised no other power in sacred matters than what is warranted unto them by the word of God and precedented with the best examples of the most godly Kings of Judah and the most pious Kings and Emperors in the happiest times Nothing in all the Managery of the Reformation but what is justifiable by the practice of the former Ages and may be drawn into Example for the Instruction and Direction of the present Powers in all occasions of like natue The next thing faulted on both sides is the publick Liturgy condemned by those of Rome first for abolishing the Mass and then for being published and communicated in the vulgar Tongue by those of the Genevian party for having too much in it of the Roman
others with the Bishops of so many distant Nations as were there assembled suffice to make a General Council the Council of Antioch might as well have the name of General as almost any of the rest which are so entituled But laying by these thoughts as too strong of the Paradox and looking on a General Council in the common notion for an Assembly of the Prelates of the East and West to which the four Patriarchs are invited and from which no Bishop is excluded that comes commissionated and instructed to attend the service I cannot think them of such consequence to the Church of God but that it may proceed without them to a Reformation For certainly that saying of S. Augustine in his 4th Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians cap. 12. is exceeding true Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas necessarium fuerit Concilium plenarium occidentis orientis that very few Heresies have been crushed in such General Councils And so far we may say with the Learned Cardinal that for seven Heresies suppressed in seven General Councils though by his leave the seventh did not so much suppress as advance an Heresie an hundred have been quashed in National and Provincial Synods whether confirmed or not confirmed by the Popes Authority we regard not here Some instances hereof in the Synods of Aquileia Carthage Gaugra Milevis we have seen before and might add many others now did we think it necessary The Church had been in ill condition if it had been otherwise especially under the power of Heathen Emperors when such a confluence of the Prelates from all parts of the world would have been construed a Conspiracy against the State and drawn destruction on the Church and the Persons both Or granting that they might assemble without any such danger yet being great bodies moving slowly and not without long time and many difficulties and disputes to be rightly constituted The Church would suffer more under such delay by the spreading of Heresie than receive benefit by their care to suppress the same Had the same course been taken at Alexandria for suppressing Arius as was before at Antioch for condemning Paulus we never had heard news of the Council of Nice the calling and assembling whereof took up so long time that Arianism was diffused over all the world before the Fathers met together and could not be suppressed though it were condemned in many Ages following after The plague of Heresie and leprosie of sin would quickly over-run the whole face of the Church if capable of no other cure than a General Council The case of Arius and the universal spreading of his Heresie compared with the quick rooting out of so many others makes this clear enough To go a little further yet we will suppose a General Council to be the best and safest Physick that the Church can take on all occasions of Epidemical distemper but then we must suppose it at such times and in such cases only when it may conveniently be had For where it is not to be had or not had conveniently it will either prove to be no Physick or not worth the taking But so it was that at the time of the Reformation a General Council could not conveniently be Assembled and more than so it was impossible that any such Council should Assemble I mean a General Council rightly called and constituted according to the Rules laid down by our Controversors For first they say it must be called by such as have power to do it 2. That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches that so no Church nor people may plead ignorance of it 3. The Pope and the four chief Patriarchs must be present at it either in person or by Proxie And lastly that no Bishop is to be excluded if he be known to be a Bishop and not excommunicated According to which Rules it was impossible I say that any General Council should be assembled at the time of the Reformation of the Church of England It was not then as when the greatest part of the Christian world was under the command of the Roman Emperors whose Edict for a General Council might speedily be posted over all the Provinces The Messengers who should now be sent on such an errand unto the Countreys of the Turk the Persian the Tartarian and the great Mogul in which are many Christian Churches and more perhaps than in all the rest of the world besides would find but sorry entertainment Nor was it then as when the four chief Patriarchs together with their Metropolitans and Suffragan Bishops were under the protection of the Christian Emperors and might without danger to themselves or unto their Churches obey the intimation and attend the service those Patriarchs with their Metropolitans and Suffragans both then and now languishing under the tyranny and power of the Turk to whom so general a confluence of Christian Bishops must needs give matter of suspicion of just fears and jealousies and therefore not to be permitted as far as he can possibly hinder it on good Reason of State For who knows better than themselves how long and dangerous a War was raised against their Predecessors by the Western Christians for recovery of the Holy Land on a resolution taken up at the Council of Clermont and that making War against the Turks is still esteemed a cause sufficient for a General Council And then besides it would be known by whom this General Council was to be assembled If by the Pope as generally the Papists say he and his Court were looked on as the greatest grievance of the Christian Church and 't was not probable that he would call a Council against himself unless he might have leave to pack it to govern it by his own Legats fill it with Titular Bishops of his own creating and send the Holy-Ghost to them in a Cloakbag as he did to Trent If joyntly by all Christian Princes which is the common Tenet of the Protestant Schools what hopes could any man conceive as the time then were that they should lay aside their particular interesses to center all together upon one design Or if they had agreed about it what power had they to call the Prelates of the East to attend the business or to protect them for so doing at their going home So that I look upon the hopes of a General Council I mean a General Council rightly called and constituted as an empty Dream The most that was to be expected was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe and those but of one party only such as were Excommunicated and that might be as many as the Pope should please being to be excluded by the Cardinals Rule Which how it may be called an Oecumenical or General Council unless it be a Topical-Oecumenical a Particular-general as great an absurdity in Grammar as a Roman Catholick I can hardly see Which being so and so no question but it was either
themselves had seen the Twelve had a preheminence above the rest of the Disciples in those three particulars first in their nearness of access unto him when he was alive Secondly in the latitude of their commission when he was to leave them And thirdly in the height of their authority after his departure For first the twelve Apostles and no others were the continual constant and domestical Auditors of all his Sermons the diligent beholders and observers of all his Miracles With them did he discourse familiarly propounding questions answering their demands and satifying all their scruples The Twelve and none but they were present with him when he did institute his holy Supper and they alone participated of those Prayers and Promises which he made to them from himself or for them to his heavenly Father Many there were of his retinue of his Court not few the Twelve were only of his Council and of those too some more especially admitted to his privacies and of his Cabinet-council as it were than others whereof see Matth. 17.1 Mark 14.33 Luke 8.51 And on this ground doth Clemens tell us Clemens Alex. ap Euseb l. 2. c. 1. that Christ imparted many things unto these three after his Ascension which they communicated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the rest of the Apostles the rest of the Apostles to the 70. As they were nearer in access so were they furnished with a more liberal Commission Mark 16. when he was to leave them Ite in universum mundum He said unto them Go into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature No such commission granted to any others who had their several precincts and bounds a limited Commission when it was at best To the Eleven for unto them alone did he give that charge the whole World went but for a Diocess Chrys Tom. 8. p. 110. edit Savill For this cause Chrysostom doth honour them with the stile of Princes and Princes of a great command over all the Universe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Apostles were ordained Princes by the hand of God Princes which have not only under them some Towns and Nations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but such unto whose care the whole World was trusted So far that Father And if we doubt that their authority fell short in any thing of their Commission the same good Father in the same place will inform us otherwise For making a comparison between Spiritual and Civil Dignities Chrys ibid. he calleth the Office of an Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a spiritual Consulship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most spiritual of all Powers or Governments and finally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head the root nay the foundation of all spiritual Dignities of what sort soever Doubtless the Father had good reason for so high an Eulogie When Christ affirmed Sicut misit me Pater John 20.21 that as his Father sent him so sent he them He said enough to intimate that supreme authority which he had given them in the Church whether it were in preaching of the Gospel in founding Churches constituting and ordaining Pastors or whatsoever else was necessary for the advancement of his Kingdom For by these words as Cyril hath right well observed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he did ordain them for to be Guides and Teachers unto all the World Chrys in Joh. Evang. l. 12. and the dispensers of his holy Mysteries commanding them not only to enlighten the land of Jewrie but all the people of the Universe as also giving them to understand that it was their duty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to call the sinners to repentance to heal all those that were afflicted either in body or in soul in the dispensing of Gods blessings not to follow their own will but his that sent them and in a word as much as in them was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to save the World by wholsom dictrines for to that purpose was he sent by his Heavenly Father And so we are to understand Saint Chrysostom when he tells us this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hom in Joh. c. 20.21 Calv. in Job that Christ invested his Apostles with the like authority as he received from his Father Calvin affirms as much or more upon those words of our Redeemer Quare non abs re Christus cum Apostolis suis communicat quam à Patre autoritatem acoeperat c. But this authority of theirs will be seen more clearly when we behold it in the practice and execution Five things then of necessity were to concur in the making or constituting of an Apostle truly and properly so called first an immediate Call from Christ himself secondly an Autopsie or Eye-witnessing of those things which they were afterwards to preach or publish of him thirdly their nearness of access fourthly the latitude of their Commission fifthly and finally the eminence of their authority Of these the first were common with them unto the rest of the Disciples save that the calling of the Apostles to that charge and function doth seem to be more solemn and immediate But in the rest which are indeed the special or specifical differences they had no co-partners This made them every way superiour unto the rest of the Disciples although all equal in themselves Though in the calling of those blessed Spirits to that great imployment there was a prius and posterius yet in regard of power and authority there was neither Summum nor Subalternum And howsoever Peter be first named in that sacred Catalogue yet this entitleth him to no more authority above the rest of the Apostles than Stephen might challenge in that regard above the residue of the Seven Saint Cyprian did resolve this cause many hundreds since assigning unto all the twelve a parity of power and honour Cyprian lib. de unitate Eccles Hoc erant utique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis sed exordium ab unitate proficiscitur Where clearly there is nothing given to Peter but a priority of Order a primacy if you will but no supremacy Neither doth Barlaam give him more though he inscribe his book de Papae Principatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Apostles all of them saith he Barlaam de Papae principatu in matter which concerned the Church were of equal honour If Peter had preheminence in any thing it was that in their sacred meetings he first brake the business 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and peradventure also had the upper place in the assemblies of that goodly fellowship But what need Cyprian or Barlaam come in for evidence when as we find this parity so clearly evidenced in holy Scripture In the immediateness of their Calling and their access unto our Lord and Saviour they were all alike He that called Peter from his Nets called also Matthew from the receit of custom If only Peter and the sons of Zebedee
for your souls as they that must give account Chrysost in 13. ad Heb. c. If you would know of Chrysostom who these Rulers are he will tell you that they are the Pastors of the Church whom if you take away from the Flock of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you utterly destroy and lay waste the whole Theophy in 13. ad Heb. Next ask Theophylact than whom none ever better scanned that Fathers writings what he means by Pastors and he will tell you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he speaks of Bishops Oecumen in locum The very same saith Oecumenius noting withal that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we read submit doth signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very punctual and exact obedience But to go higher yet than so Ignatius the Apostles Scholler one that both knew S. Paul and conversed with him will tell us that the Rulers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Saint Paul here speaketh of were no other than Bishops For laying down this exhortation to the Trallenses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be subject to your Bishop as unto the Lord he gives the self-same reason of it which S. Paul here doth viz. Because he watcheth for your souls as one that is to render an account to Almighty God The like we also find in the Canons commonly ascribed to the Apostles which questionless are very ancient in which the obedience and conformity which is there required of the Presbyters and Deacons to the directions of their Bishop is grounded on that very reason alledged before And for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul it is not such a stranger in the writings of the elder times but that they use it for a Bishop as may appear by that of the Historian where he calls Polycarpus Bishop of the Church of Smyrna Eâ—â—eb hist l. 3. cap. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that Church Ignatius writing as he saith not only to the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also unto Polycarpus Bishop of the same Where lest it may be thought that the preposition doth add unto the nature of the word Id. l. 14. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we find the same Historian speaking of the same Polycarpus in another place where he gives notice of an Epistle written in the name of the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which this Polycarpus had the Government and a Bishop doubtless In the which place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is conform most fully to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul differing no otherwise than the verb and participle Now those which in the Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all the old Translations that I have met with are called Praepositi Obedite Praepositis vestris as the Latines read it and amongst them Praepositi are taken generally for the same with Bishops Oprian l. 1. ep 3. S. Cyprian thus Ob hoc Ecclesiae praepositum prosequitur for this cause doth the enemy pursue him that is set over the Church that the Governour thereof being once removed he may with greater violence destroy the same Id. lib. 3. ep 14. More clearly in another place What danger is not to be feared saith he by offending the Lord when some of the Priests not remembring their place neither thinking that they have a Bishop set over them challenge the whole government unto themselves Cum contumeliâ contemptu Praepositi even with the reproach and contempt of the Prelate Id. lib. 3. ep 9. or him that is set over them Most clearly yet where speaking of the insolency of a Deacon towards his Bishop he makes Episcopus and Praepositus to be one same thing willing the Deacon Episcopo Praeposito suo plena humilitate satisfacere with all humility to satisfie his Bishop or Praepositus Saint Austin speaks as fully to this purpose as Saint Cyprian did Ad hoc enim speculatores De civitat Dei l. 1. c. 9. i.e. populorum Praepositi in Ecclesiis constituti sunt c. For this end are Bishops for speculatores and Episcopi are the same Office though in divers words I mean the Prelates or Praepositi ordained in the Churches that they should not spare to rebuke sin In the same work De civitate he speaks plainer yet For speaking of these words of the Divine I saw seats Id. l. 20. c. 9. and some sitting on them and judgment was given he expounds it thus This is not to be understood saith he of the last Judgment Sed sedes praepositorum ipsi Praepositi intelligendi sunt per quos Ecclesia nunc gubernatur but the seats of the Praepositi and the Praepositi themselves by whom the Church is now governed and they were Bishops doubtless in Saint Augustines time must be understood More of this word who list to see may find it in that learned Tract of Bishop Bilson entituled Chap. 9. The perpetual Government of Christs Church who is copious in it Beza indeed the better to bear off this blow hath turned Praepositos into Ductores and instead of Governours hath given us Leaders Where if he mean such Leaders as the word importeth Leaders of Armies such as Command in chief Lieutenants General he will get little by the bargain But if he mean by Leaders only guides and conducts Paraeus Paraeus comment in Heb. 13. though he follow him in his Translation will leave him to himself in his Exposition who by Ductores understandeth Ecclesiae Pastores gubernatores the Pastors and Governours of the Church Neither can Beza possibly deny but that those here are called Ductores Beza Annot. in Heb. 13.17 qui alibi Episcopi vocantur which elsewhere are entituled Bishops But where he doth observe that because the Apostle speaketh of Praepositi in the plural number Ex eo quod loquitur Paulus in plurali mumero Ibid. therefore Episcopal jurisdiction was not then in use it being indeed against the ancient course and Canons to have two Bishops in one Church there could not any thing be spoken to pretermit the incivility of his expression more silly and unworthy of so great a Clerk For who knows not that the Jews being dispersed into many Provinces and Cities must have several Churches and therefore several Bishops or Praepositos to bear Rule over them This business being thus passed over and the Churches of Saint Peters planting in the Eastern parts being thus left unto the care and charge of several Bishops we will next follow him into the West And there we find him taking on himself the care of the Church of Rome or rather of the Church of God in Rome consisting for the most part then of converted Jews The current of antiquity runs so clear this way that he must needs corrupt the Fountains who undertakes to trouble or disturb the stream His being there and founding
I think we may according to the general meaning of that word in its native sense the Presbyters and Deacons both being but subservient Ministers unto the Bishop who did allot them out their turns and stations in the officiating of Gods divine Service the Presbyters not having yet assigned them their particular bounds wherewith to execute the same as in the time succeeding it is plain they had Of which more hereafter In the mean time we must examine whether the Church of Corinth to which Clemens writ had not been setled by the Apostle in that Form of Government which had been every where established in the neighbour Cities And certainly I can see no reason why Corinth should not have a Bishop aswell as Athens or Philippi or the Thessalonians Hierom. in Titum cap. 1. in Epist ad Euagr. or any other Church of Greece or Macedon I see much reason why it should For if that Bishops were first instituted in Schismatis remedium for remedy of Schism as Saint Hierom saith assuredly the Church of Corinth being first pestered with that foul Disease should first of all in all congruity be fitted with the remedy so proper and peculiar to it A Bishop then they were to have by Saint Hieroms Rule and that as soon as any other Church what ever but who this Bishop was is not yet so evident By Dorotheus in Synopsi Silas Saint Pauls most individual Companion is said to be the Bishop of this Church Corinthiorum constitutus est Episcopus as his words there are Baron in Rom. Martyrol Julii 13. wherein Hippolitus concurring with him doth make the matter the more probable And though I will not take upon me to justifie the reports of Dorotheus where there is any reason to desert him as there is too often yet when the point by him delivered doth neither cross the holy Scripture nor any of the ancient Writers as in this he doth not I know not why his word may not pass for currant Nay if we please to search the Scripture we may find some hint for the defence of Dorotheus in this one particular For whereas we find often mentioned that Silus did accompany Saint Paul in many of his peregrinations the last time that we find him spoke of is in the 18. of the Acts which time he came unto Saint Paul Verse 5 to Corinth After there is no mention of him in the book of God And possibly the reason of it may be this in brief that he was left there by Saint Paul to look unto the government of that mighty City Which when he could not do by the Word and Doctrine Saint Paul reserving for a time the jurisdiction to himself V. Chap. 4. n. 5. as before was said and that the Factions there did increase and multiply for want of ordinary power to suppress the same Saint Paul might then invest him with authority making him Bishop of the place both in Power and Title This if it may be counted probable I desire no more And then as we have found the first Bishop in the Church of Corinth we shall with greater ease and certainty find out a second though his name were Primus for proof of whose being Bishop here Ap. Easeb Hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 21. x 6. Ibid. c. 24. x 5. Id. lib. 5. c. 21. x 6. we have the testimony of Egisippus who took him in his Journey towards Rome and abode long with him giving him special commendation both for his Orthodoxy and Humanity After succeeded Dionysius next to him Bachyllus of both which we shall speak hereafter in convenient place From the Epistle of this Clemens unto those of Corinth which is his undoubtedly proceed we next unto the Canons commonly called the Apostles Canons Bellarm. Baron alii Tertul. adver Praxeam supposed to be collected by him but so supposed that still there is a question of it whether his or not That they are very ancient is unquestinable as being mentioned by Tertullian and cited in some of the ancientest Councils whereof the acts and monuments are now remaining on Record But being it is confessed on all hands Binius in natis ad Can. Apo. quosdam ab haereticis corruptos that some of them have been corrupted by the Hereticks of old the better to advance their cause by so great a Patronage we must be very wary how we build upon them And howsoever Bellarmine be exceeding confident Lib. De Seriptor Eccl. in Clemente Annal. An. 102. n. 17. that the first 50 are most true and genuine and probably it may so be yet I conceive it safe to admit them on those sober cautions which are commended to us by Baronius who on a full debate of the point in question doth resolve it thus Illi tantum nobis ex Apostolieis fontibus c. Those Canons only seem to us saith he to be derived from the Apostolical fountains which have either been admitted and incorporated by the Fathers into the Canons of succeeding Councils or confirmed by the authority of the Bishops of Rome aut in communem usum Ecclesiasticae disciplinae or otherwise have been continually practiced in the Churches Discipline The first and last these three cautions I conceive to be exceeding sound and should not stumble at the second had the Decrees and Ordinances of the ancient Popes come incorrupted to our hands Which ground thus laid we will now see what the Apostles Canons have delivered in the present business and that we shall distribute as it doth relate to Bishops either in point of their Admission how and by whom they are to be Ordained or of their carriage and behaviour being once admitted how far to disoblige themselves from the employments of the World or of their Jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy whom they are to govern These are the points which are most clearly offered us to be considered of in the aforesaid Canons and these we shall present and then consider of them accordingly And first in way of their Admission to that sacred Function it seemeth to be the first care of the Collector that it be done according to the mind and meaning of the holy Apostles and therefore it is put in the very front viz. That a Bishop is not to be ordained but by three Bishops or by two at the least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Canon hath it Canon Apost 1. A Canon which hath all the Rules and cautions required by Baronius for proof of its antiquity and Apostolical institution as being confirmed by many of the Decretals in case they were of any credit incorporated first into the Canons of the Council of Arles Concil Arelat Can. 21. Nicen. Can. 4. as afterwards in those of Nice and generally continued in the constant practice and perpetual usage of the Church Only the difference is that the old Canon doth admit of Ordinations made by two Bishops if a third may not conveniently be had
time contracted somewhat of that rust and rubbish wherewith the middle ages of the Church did so much abound Yet if mine own opinion were demanded in it though I agree unto the story both for the number of the Bishops and the Metropolitans I must needs think there was some other reason for it than the relation of the number of the Flamines and Archiflamines which is there pretended And that this was not done at once but in a longer tract of time than the Reign of Lucius as was in part affirmed before That Lucius did convert the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches setled the revenues of the same upon the Churches by him founded I shall easily grant so far forth as the bounds of his dominions will give way unto it but being there were but 28 Cities in all that part of Britain which we now call England as both from Huntingdon and Beda was before delivered and that King Lucius was but a Tributary Prince of those Regions only which were inhabited by the Trinobantes and Cattieuchlani as I do verily conceive he was I believe rather that the number of the Bishops and Archbishops which our stories speak of related to the form of government as it was afterwards established in the Roman Empire Notitia Provinc in div cap. and not to any other cause whatever Now they which have delivered to us the state of the Roman Empire inform us this That for the easier government and administration of the same it was divided into fourteen Diocesses for so they called those greater portions into the which it was divided every Diocess being subdivided into several Provinces and every Province in the same conteining many several Cities And they which have delivered to us the estate of the Christian Church Notitia Prov. dignitat c. have informed us this that in each City of the Empire wherein the Romans had a Defensor Civitatis as they called that Magistrate the Christians when they gain'd that City to the holy faith did ordain a Bishop that over every Province in which the Romans had their Presidents they did place an Arch-bishop whose seat being commonly in the Metropolis of the Province gave him the name of Metropolitan and finally that in every Diocess in which the Romans had their Vicarius or Lieutenant-General the Christians also had their Primate and seated him in the same City also where the other was This ground thus layed it will appear upon examination that Britain in the time of the Roman Empire was a full Diocese of it self no way depending upon any other portion of that mighty State Ib. in Provinc Occident sup c. 3. as any way subordinate thereunto And being a Diocese in it self it was divided in those times into these three Provinces viz. Britannia prima Cambd. de divisione Britan. containing all the Countrys on the South of the River Thames and those inhabited by the Trinobantes Cattieuchlani and Iceni 2. Britannia secunda comprising all the Nations within the Severn and 3. Maxima Caesariensis which comprehended all the residue to the Northern border In the which Provinces there were no less than 28 Cities as before is said of which York was the chief in Maxima Caesariensis London the principal in Britannia prima Caer-Leon upon Vsk being the Metropolis in Britannia secunda And so we have a plain and apparent reason not only of the 28 Episcopal Sees erected anciently in the British Church but why three of them and three only should be Metropolitans For howsoever after this there were two other Provinces taken out of the former three viz. Valentia and Flavia Caesariensis which added to the former Id. ibid. made up five in all yet this being after the conclusion of the Nicene Council the Metropolitan dignity in the Church remained as before it did without division or abatement according to the Canon of that famous Synod Concil Nicen. Can. 6. And herewithal we have a pregnant and infallible Argument that Britain being in it self a whole and compleat Diocese of the Roman Empire no way subordinate unto the Praefect of the City of Rome but under the command of its own Vicarius or Lieutenant-General the British Church was also absolute and independent owing nor suit nor service as we use to say unto the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome but only to its own peculiar and immediate Primate as it was elsewhere in the Churches of the other Dioceses of the Roman Empire This I conceive to be the true condition of the British Church and the most likely reason for the number of Bishops and Arch-bishops here established according to the truth of Story abstracted from those errours and mistakes which in the middle Ages of the Church have by the Monkish Writers of those times been made up with them But for the substance of the story as by them delivered which is the planting of the Church with Bishops in eminent places that appears evidently true by such remainders of antiquity as have escaped the tyranny and wrack of time For in the Council held at Arles in France Anno 314. Tom. 1. Concilior Gall. Ã Sirmundo edit we find three British Bishops at once subscribing viz. Eborius Bish of York Restitutus B. of London and Adelfus B. of Colchester there called Colonia Londinensium Gennadius also in his Tract de viris illustribus mentioneth one Fastidius by the name of Fastidius Britanniarum Episcopus Gennad in Catal amongst the famous Writers of old time placing him Anno 420 or thereabouts whom B. God win I cannot tell upon what reasons Godwin in Catal. Episc Londinens Cit. ap Armachan de Primor c. 5. Cambden in Brigant reckoneth amongst the Bishops of the See of London Particularly for the Bishops or Archbishops of the British Church we have a Catalogue of the Metropolitans of London collected or made up by Joceline a Monk of Fournest an ancient Monastery in the North being 14 in all which howsoever the validity thereof may perhaps be questioned by more curious Wits yet I shall lay down as I find it taking their names from him that little story which concerns them out of other Writers First then we have Theon or Theonus 2 Eluanus one of the two Ambassadours sent by King Lucius to the Pope 3 Cadar or Cadoeus 4 Obinus or Owinus 5 Conanus 6 Palladius 7 Stephanus 8 Iltutus 9 Theodwinus 10 Theodredus 11 Hilarius Geosr Monmouth hist Brit. Speed in descr Britan. 12 Guitelinus sent as Ambassadour to Aldrocnus King of Armorica or Little-Britain to crave his aid against the Scots and Picts who then plagued the Britains 13 Vodius or Vodinus slain by Hengist but some say by Vortiger at the first entrance of the Sateons into this Isle 14 And last of all Theonus who had been sometimes Bishop of Gloncester but was after translated hither and was the last Bishop of London of this line or Series Of
Closet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the manner of Kings and Princes Or if the Seat or Throne here spoken of were a Tribunal as it is said by Cassiodore we must not look upon him in the Church but in the Consistory in which he would have nothing ordinary like to other Bishops but all things suted and adorned like the Bench or Judgment-seat of a Civil Magistrate As for the men to whom the execution of the Sentence was committed which is the next thing here to be considered Eusebius tells us that they were the Bishops of Rome and Italy And possibly the Emperour might commit the judgment of the cause to them because being strangers to the place and by reason of their absence not ingaged in the business or known to either of the two Pretenders they might with greater equity and indifference determine in it This is more like to be the reason than that the Emperour should take such notice of the Popes authority as to conceive the Judgments and Decrees of other Bishops to be no further good and valid quam eas authoritas Romani Pontificis confirmasset Baron in Annal Anno 272. n. 18. than as they were confirmed by the Bishop of Rome as fain the Cardinal would have it If so what needed the Italian Bishops to be joyned with him The Pope might do it of himself without their advice indeed without the Emperours Authority This was not then the matter whatsoever was and what was like to be the matter we have said already And more than that I need not say as to the reason of the reference why the Emperour made choice rather of the Western than the Eastern Bishops to cognisance the cause and give possession on the same accordingly But there is something else to be considered as to the matter of the reference to the point referred as also to the persons who by this Sovereign Authority were enabled to determine in the cause proposed And first as for the point referred whereas there were two things considerable in the whole proceedings against Paulus viz. his dangerous and heretical Doctrine and next his violent and unjust possession the first had been adjudged before in the Council and he deposed for the same With that the Bishops either of Rome or Italy had no more to do than to subscribe unto the judgment of the Synod or being being a matter meerly of spiritual cognizance might in a like Synodical meeting without the Emperors Authority as their case then stood have censured and condemned the Heresie though with his person possibly they could not meddle as being of another Patriarchat But that which here I find referred unto them was a mere Lay-fee a point of title and possession and it was left unto them to determine in it whether the Plaintiff or Defendant had the better right to the house in question This was the point in issue between the parties and they upon the hearing of the cause gave sentence in behalf of Domnus who presently upon the said award or sentence was put into possession of the house and the force removed by the appointment of the Emperour And it is worth our notice also that as they did not thrust themselves into the imployment being a matter meerly of a secular nature so when the Emperor required their advice therein or if you will make them his Delegates and High Commissioners they neither did delay or dispute the matter nor pleaded any Ancient Canons by which they might pretend to be disabled from intermedling in the same A thing which questionless some one or other of them would have done there being so many Godly and Religious Prelates interessed therein had they conceived that the imployment had been inconsistent with their holy calling A second thing to be considered in this delegation concerns the parties unto whom it was committed which were as hath been said before the Bishops of Italy and of the City of Rome In which it will not be impertinent to examine briefly why the Bishops of Italy Niceph. hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 29. and the Bishops of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as by Nicephorus it is given us in the plural number should be here reckoned as distinct since both the City of Rome was within the limits and bounds of Italy and Italy subordinate or rather subject to the City of Rome the Queen and Empress of the World For resolution of which Quaere we may please to know that in the distribution of the Roman Empire the continent of Italy together with the Isles adjoyning was divided into two parts viz. the Prefecture of the City of Rome conteining Latium Tuscia and Picenum the Realm of Naples Vide chap. 3. of this 2. Part. and the three Islands of Sicily Corsica and Sardinia as before was said the head City or Metropolis of the which was the City of Rome And secondly the Diocess of Italy containing all the Western and broader part thereof from the River Magra to the Alpes in which were comprehended seven other Provinces and of the which the Metropolis or prime City was that of Millain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in Athanasius Athanas in Epist iad solitar vitam agentes Optat. de Schis Dona. l. 2. So that that Church being in the Common-wealth according to that maxim of Optatus and following the pattern of the same in the proportion and fabrick of her publick Government the Bishops of the Diocess of Italy were no way under the command of the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome but of their own Primate only which was he of Millain And this division seems to be of force in the times we speak of because that in the subscriptions to the Council of Arles Conc. Tom. 1. being about 40 years after that of Antioch the Bishops of Italy stand divided into two ranks or Provinces that is to say Provincia Italiae and Provincia Romana the Province of Italy of which Orosius the Metropolitan of Millain subscribeth only and then the Province of the City of Rome for which Gregorius Bishop of Porto subscribeth first In after Ages the distinction is both clear and frequent as in the Epistle of the Council of Sardica extant in Athanasius In Athanas Apolog. 2. Atha ad solitar vitam agentes and an Epistle of the said Athanasius written unto others So that according to the Premisses this conclusion followeth that the Popes or Patriarchs of Rome had no Authority in the Church more than other Primates no not in Italy it self more than the Metropolitan of Millain as may appear should all proofs else be wanting by this place and passage by which the Bishops of the Diocess of Italy taking the word Diocess in its civil sense were put into a joynt commission with the Bishops of the Patriarchat of Rome with the Pope himself Which tending so expresly to the overthrow of the Popes Supremacy as well Christopherson in his Translation of Eusebius as
the Rectors as we call them of particular Churches Concil Tole Can. IV. Can. 25 26. and in the fourth Council of Toledo where we read of Presbyters ordained in paroeciis per paroecias for the use and service of particular Parishes And in this sense but specially indeed for a Countrey Parish the word is taken in an Epistle of Pope Innocentius Innocent lib. ad Decentium c. 5. in which Ecclesiae intra Civitatem constitutae the Churches situated in the City are distinguished plainly from Paroecias the Churches scattered in the Countrey Other Examples of this nature in the later Ages being almost infinite and obvious to the eye of every Reader I forbear to add So for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we English Diocess it signified at first that part or portion of the Roman Empire there being thirteen of them in all besides the Prefecture of the City of Rome as before was noted which was immediately under the command of the Vicarius or Lieutenant General of those parts And was so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to Govern or Administer Isocrat ad Nicoclen as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Isocrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Demosthenes a Diocess being that part or portion of the Empire which was committed to the Government and Administration of some principal Officer In which regard the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dioecesis when it was first borrowed by the Church from the civil State was used to signifie that part or portion of the Church which was within the jurisdiction of a Primate containing all the circuit of the civil Diocess as was shewed before the Primate being stiled ordinarily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Council of Chalcedon Concil Chalcedon Car. 9.17 Novel const 123. c. 22. the Patriarch of the Diocess in the Laws Imperial But after as the former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 began to lose its former latitude in which it signified the whole command or Jurisdiction of a Bishop which we call a Diocess and grew to be restrained to so narrow a compass as the poor limits of a Parish so did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grow less also than at first it was and from a Patriarchal Diocess Horat. de Arte. fell by degrees custom and use prevailing in it quem penes arbitrium est ju norma loquendi as the Poet hath it to signifie no more than what Paroecia had done formerly a Diocess as now we call it whereof see Concil Antioch cap. 9. Con. Sardicens cap. 18. Constantinop ca. 2. Chalcedon ca. 17. Carthag III. can 20. IV. can 36. So then the just result of all is this that the Bishops of the Primitive times were Diocesan Bishops though they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by some ancient Writers and that in the succeeding Ages as the Church increased and the Gospel of our Saviour did inlarge its borders so did the Countrey Villages obtain the name of Parishes or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having to each of them a Presbyter for the administration of the Sacraments for their instruction both in Faith and Piety whom at this day we call the Rector of the Church or Parish And with this Presbyter or Rector call him as you will must we now proceed who by this Institution I mean the setting out of Parishes in the Countrey Villages did grow exceedingly both in authority and reputation For whereas upon the setting out of Parishes Concil Neo-Caesar ca. 13. the Presbyters became divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the City and the Countrey Presbyters each of them had their several priviledges the City Presbyters continuing as before the great Council of Estate unto the Bishop Concil Neo. ca. 13. and doing many things which were not suffered to be done by the Countrey Presbyters and on the other side the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Country Presbyters being more remote did many Ministerial Acts of their own authority which in the presence of their Bishop it was not lawful for them to have done And therefore I conceive the resolution of Bishop Downham in this case Defence of the Sermon l. 1. cap. 2. to be sound and good who telleth us That since the first distinguishing of Parisher and allotting of several Presbyters to them there hath been ever granted to them both potestas Ordinis the power of Orders as they are Ministers Et potestas jurisdictionis spiritualis seu internae a power of spiritual and inward jurisdiction to rule their flock after a private manner as it were in foro Conscientiae in the Court of Conscience as they are Pastors of that flock But because this allowance of a Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae in the Court of Conscience seems not sufficient unto some who reckon the distinction of a Jurisdiction in foro externo Vindication of the Answ §. 9. in foro interno to be like that of Reflexius and Archipodialiter they do in this not only put the School-men unto School again in whom the like distinctions frequently occur but cross the best Divines in the Church of England who do adhere unto and approve the said distinctions And because many of both sorts may be found in one and that one publick's declared to be both Orthodox in doctrine and consonant in discipline to the Church of England by great Authority I will use his words Holy Table Ch. 3. A single Priest qua talis in that formality and capacity only as he is a Priest hath no Key given him by God or man to open the doors of any external Jurisdiction He hath a Consistory within in foro poenitentiae in the conscience of his Parishioners and a Key given him upon his institution to enter into it But he hath no Consistory without in foro causae in medling with Ecclesiastical causes unless he borrow a Key from his Ordinary For although they be the same Keys yet one of them will not open all these wards the Consistory of outward Jurisdiction not being to be opened by a Key alone but as you may observe in some great mens gates by a Key and a Staff which they usually call a Crosier This saith he I have ever conceived to be the ancient doctrine in this kind opposed by none but professed Puritans affirming further that all learned men in the Church of England do adhere unto it allowing the School-mens double power that of Order and that of Jurisdiction and the subdivision of this Jurisdiction into the internal and external appropriating this last to the Bishop only So he judiciously indeed and for the Authors by him cited both Protestant and School-Divines I refer you to him So then upon this setting out of Parishes the Presbyters which attended in the same had potestatem jurisdictionis a power of Jurisdiction granted to them in the Court of Conscience which needed not to have been granted before
under Eutychianus Baron Ann. Eccl. in An. 277. his next Successor and let them reconcile the difference that list for me Suffice it that the Heresie being risen up and being so directly contrary both to Faith and Piety the Bishops of the Church bestirred themselves both then and after for the suppressing of the same according to their wonted care of Her peace and safety Not as before in the case of Paulus Samosatenus by Synodical meetings which was the only way could be taken by them for the deposing of him from his Bishoprick which followed as a part of his condemnation but by discourse and Argument in publick Writings which might effectually suppress the Heresie although the person of the Heretick was out of distance and to say truth Epiph. advers haeres 66. n. 12. beyond their reach The Persian King had eased them of that labour who seizing on that wretched miscreant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commanded him to be flay'd alive and thereby put him to death as full of ignominy as of pain But for the confutation of the Heresie which survived the Author that was the business of the Bishops by whom as Epiphanius noteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Ibid. n. 21. many most admirable Disputations had been made in confutation of his Errors Particularly he instanceth in Archelaus Bishop of the Caschari a Nation of Mesopotamia Titus Bishop of Bostra Diodorus one of the Bishops of Cilicia Serapion Bishop of Thmua Eusebius the Historian Bishop of Caesarea Eusebius Emisenus Georgius and Apollinaris Bishops successively of Laodicea Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria with many other Prelates of the Eastern Churches Not that the Bishops of the West did nothing in it though not here named by Epiphanius who being of another Language could not so well take notice of their Works and Writings For after this St. Austin Bishop of Hippo wrote so much against them and did so fully satisfie and confute them both that he might justly say with the Apostle that he laboured more abundantly than they all So careful were the Bishops of the Churches safety that never any Heretick did arise but presently they set a watch upon him and having found what Heresies or dangerous doctrines he dispersed abroad endeavoured with all speed to prevent the mischief This as they did in other cases so was their care the more remarkable by how much greater was the person whom they were to censure Which as we have before demonstrated in the case of Paulus Patriarch of the Church of Antioch so we may see the like in their proceedings against Marcellinus one of the Popes of Rome the third from Felix who though he broached no Heresie as the other did yet gave as great a scandal to the Church as he if not greater far The times were hot and fiery in the which he sat so fierce a persecution being raised against the Church by Dioclesian and his Associates in the Empire as never had been before A persecution which extended not only to the demolishing of Churches Theod. Eccl. hist l. 5. c. 28. Arnob. cont gent. l. 4. in fine Damas in vita Marcellini the Temples of Almighty God but to the extirpation of the Scriptures the Books and Oracles of the Almighty And for the bodies of his Servants some of which were living Libraries and all lively Temples even Temples of the holy Ghost it raged so terribly amongst them that within Thirty days Seventeen thousand Persons of both sexes in the several parts and Provinces of the Romam Empire were crowned with Martyrdom the Tyrants so extreamly raging Marcellinus comes at last unto his trial where being wrought upon either by flattery or fear or both he yielded unto flesh and blood and to preserve his life Id. ibid. he betrayed his Master Ad sacrificium ductus est ut thurificaret quod fecit saith Damasus in the Pontifical He was conducted to the Temple to offer incense to the Roman Idols which he did accordingly And this I urge not to the scandal and reproach of the Church of Rome Indeed 't is no Reproach unto her that one amongst so many godly Bishops most of them being Martyrs also should waver in the constancy of his resolutions and for a season yield unto those persuasions which flesh and blood and the predominant love of life did suggest unto him That which I urge it for is for the declaration of the Course which was taken against him the manner how the Church proceeded in so great a cause and in the which so great a Person was concerned For though the crime were great and scandalous tending to the destruction of the flock of Christ which being much guided by the example of so prime a Pastor might possibly have been seduced to the like Idolatry and that great numbers of them ran into the Temple and were spectators of that horrid action yet find we not that any of them did revile him in word or deed or pronounced hasty judgment on him but left the cognizance of the cause to them to whom of right it did belong Nor is it an hard matter to discern who these Judges were Lay-men they could not be Amb. Epist l. 5. Ep. 32. that 's sure Quando audisti in causa fidei Laicos de Episcopis judicasse When did you ever hear saith Ambrose speaking of the times before him that Lay-men in a point of Faith did judge of Bishops And Presbyters they were not neither they had no Authority to judge the Person of a Bishop That Bishops had Authority to censure and depose their Presbyters we have shewn already that ever any Presbyters did take upon them to judge their Bishop is no where to be found I dare boldly say it in all the practice of Antiquity For being neither munere pares Id. ibid. nor jure suniles equal in function nor alike in law they were disabled now in point of reason from such bold attempts as afterwards disabled by Imperial Edict A simple Biship might as little intermeddle in it as a simple Presbyter for Bishops severally and apart were not to judge their Metropolitan no nor one another Being of equal Order and Authority and seeing that Par in parem non habet potestatem that men of equal rank qua tales are of equal power one of them cannot be the others Judge for want of some transcendent power to pass sentence on him Which as it was of force in all other cases wherein a Bishop was concerned so most especially in this wherein the party Criminal was a Metropolitan and more than so the Primate or Patriarch of the Diocess So that all circumstances laid together there was no other way conceivable in these ancient times than to call a Council the greatest Ecclesiastical Tribunal of Christ on earth there to debate the business and upon proof of the offence to proceed to judgment This had been done before in the case of Paulus and this is
the Worlds Creation And Servius on these words of Virgil numero Deus impare gaudet saith that the Pythagoreans hold it for a perfect number and do resemble it unto God In Eclog. 8. à quo principium medium finis est Yet on the contrary De Republ. l. 4. Bodinus takes up Aristotle Plutarch and Lactantius for saying that the third is a perfect number there being in his reckoning but four perfect numbers in 100000 which are 6.28.496 8128. De mundi opif. Next for the fourth Philo not only hath assured us that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a perfect number wherein Bodinus contradicts him but that it is highly honoured De Abrahamo as amongst Philosophers so by Moses also who hath affirmed of it that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both holy and praise-worthy too And for the mysteries thereof Clemens of Alexandria tells us that both Jehovah in the Hebrew Strom. l. 5. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek consisteth of four Letters only and so doth Deus in the Latin Orat. 44. Nazianzen further doth enform us that as the seventh amongst the Hebrews so was the fourth honoured by the Pythagoreans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that they used to swear thereby when they took an Oath Yet for all this Saint Ambrose thought this number not alone unprofitable but even dangerous also Numerum quartum plerique canent Lib. 4. c. 9. In Levit. hom 16. inutile putant as he in his Hexaemeron Then for the fifth Macrobius tells us that it comprehendeth all things both in the Heavens above and the Earth below And yet by Origen it is placed indifferently partly in laudabilibus partly in culpabilibus there being five foolish Virgins for the five wise ones Now let us look upon the sixth which Beda reckoneth to be numerus perfectus and Bodin In Gen. 2. De Rep. l. 4. De mundi opif. Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 4. In Levit. 12. primus perfectorum Philo and generally the Pythagoreans do affirm the same Yet the same Bodin tells us in the self-same Book that howsoever it be the first perfect number such as according unto Plato did sort most fitly with the workmanship of God Videmus tamen vilissimis animantibus convenire yet was it proper in some sort to the vilest creatures As for the eighth Hesychius makes it an expression or figure of the World to come Macrobius tells us that the Pythagoreans used it as an Hieroglyphick of Justice quia primus omnium solvitur in numeros pariter pares because it will be always divisible into even or equal members Nay whereas those of Athens did use to sacrifice to Neptune In Theseo on the eighth day of every month Plutarch hath found out such a mystical reason for it out of the nature of that number as others in the number of seven for the morality of the Sabbath They sacrifice saith he to Neptune on the eighth day of every month because the number of eight is the first Cube made of even numbers and the double of the first square 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doth represent an immoveable stedfastness properly attributed to the might of Neptune whom for this cause we name Asphalius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the safe keeper and stayer of the Earth As strong an Argument for the one as any mystery or morality derived from Numbers can be for the other But if we look upon the tenth we find a greater commendation given to that than to the seventh yea by those very men themselves to whom the seventh appeared so sacred Philo affirms thereof that of all Numbers it is most absolute and compleat De mundi opif. D. congress qu. erudit gr De Decalogo not meanly celebrated by the Prophet Moses most proper and familiar unto God himself that the Powers and Vertues of it are innumerable and finally that leaned men did call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it comprehended in it self all kind of numbers With whom agree Macrobius who stiles it numerum perfectissimum Strom. l. 6. and Clemens Alexandrinus who gives it both the Attributes of Holiness and Perfection Qu. ad Antioch 51. Orat. 42. Nazianzen and Athanasius are as full as they And here this number seems to me to have got the better there being nothing spoken in disgrace of this as was before of the seventh by several Authors there remembred So that for ought I see in case the argument be good for the morality of the Sabbath we may make every day or any day a Sabbath with as much reason as the seventh and keep it on the tenth day with best right of all Adeo argumenta ab absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus said Lactantius truly Nay by this reason we need not keep a Sabbath oftner than every thirtieth day or every fiftieth or every hundredth because those numbers have been noted also to contain great mysteries and to be perfecter too than others In Gen. hom 2. For Origen hath plainly told us that if we look into the Scriptures invenies multa magnarum rerum gesta sub tricenario quinquagenario contineri we shall find many notable things delivered to us in the numbers of thirty and fifty De vita contempl Of fifty more particularly Philo affirms upon his credit that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the holiest and most natural of all other numbers and Origen conceived so highly of it that he breaks out into a timeo hujus numeri secreta discutere and durst not touch upon that string In Num. hom 8. So lastly for the Centenary the same Author tells us that it is plenus and perfectus no one more absolute We may have Sabbaths at our will either too many or too few In Gen. hom 2. if this plea be good Yea but perhaps there may be some thing in the Scripture whereby the seventh day may be thought more capable in Nature of so high an honour Some have so thought indeed and thereupon have mustered up all those Texts of Scripture in which there hath been any good expressed or intimated which concerns this number or is reducible unto it Bellarmine never took more pains out of that fruitless topick to produce seven Sacraments than they have done from thence to derive the Sabbath I need not either name the men or recite the places both are known sufficiently Which kind of proof if it be good we are but where we were before amongst our Ecclesiastical and humane Writers In this the Scriptures will not help us or give the seventh day naturally and in it self more capability or fitness for Gods Worship than the ninth or tenth For first the Scriptures give not more honour to this number in some Texts thereof than it detracts from it in others and secondly they speak as highly of the other numbers as they
conclude that point nisi aliunde suffulciantur unless they be well backed with better Argumens and Authorities out of other Authors Nay more than this the Gentiles were so far from sanctifying the Sabbath or seventh day themselves that they derided those that kept it The Circumcision of the Jews was not more ridiculous amongst the Heathens than their Sabbaths were not were they more extreamly scoffed at for the one than for the other by all sorts of Writers Ap. Aug. de civit Dei l. 6. c. 11. Hist l. 5. Seneca lays it to their charge that by occasion of their Sabbaths septimam fere aetatis suae partem vacando perdant they spent the seventh part of their lives in floth and idleness and Tacitus that not the seventh day but the seventh year also was as unprofitably wasted Septimo quoque die otium placuisse ferunt dein blandiente intertia septimum quoque annum ignaviae datum Moses saith he had so appointed because that after a long six days march the People became quietly setled on the seventh Juvenal makes also the same objection against the keeping of the Sabbath by the Jewish Nation Sat. 14. quod septima quaeque fuit lux Ignava partem vitae non attigit ullam And Ovid doth not only call them peregrina sabbata as things with which the Romans had but small and that late acquaintance but makes them a peculiar mark of the Jewish Religion Reme amor l. 1. Quaque die redeunt rebus minus apta gerendis De Arte l. 1. Culta Palestino septima sacra viro The seventh day comes for business unfit Held sacred by the Jew who halloweth it Where by the way Tostatus notes upon these words In Exod. 20. that sacra septima are here ascribed unto the Jews as their badge or cognizance which had been most improper and indeed untrue si gentes aliae servarent sabbatum if any other Nation specially the Romans had observed the same But to proceed Persius hits them in the teeth with their recutita sabbata And Martial scornfully calleth them Sabbatarians Sat. 5. l. 4. ep 4. Ap. Josephum Antiq. l. 12.1 in an Epigram of his to Bassus where reckoning up some things of an unsavoury smell he reckoneth Sabbatariorum jejunia amongst the principal So Agatharebides who wrote the lives of Alexanders successors accuseth them of an unspeakable superstition in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they suffered Ptolomy to take their City of Hierusalem on a Sabbath day rather than stand upon their guard But that of Apion Joseph adv Apion l. 2. the great Clerk of Alexandria is the most shameful and reproachful of all the rest Who to despight the Jews the more and lay the deeper stain upon their Sabbaths relates in his Egyptian story that at their going out of Egypt having travelled for the space of six whole days they became stricken with certain inflammations in the privy parts which the Egyptians call by the name of Sabbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for that cause they were compelled to rest on the seventh day which afterwards the called the Sabbath Than which what greater calumny could a malicious Sycophant invent against them Doubtless those men that speak so despicably and reproachfully of the Jewish Sabbath had never any of their own Nor did the Greeks and Latines and Egyptians only out of the plenty or the redundance rather of their wit deride and scoff the Sabbaths celebrated by those of Jewry Cap. 1. v. 7. it was a scorn that had before been fastned on them when wit was not so plentiful as in later times For so the Prophet Jeremiah in his Lamentations made on the death of King Josiah The adversaries saw her and did mock at her Sabbaths The Jews must needs be singular in this observation All Nations else both Graecian and Barbarian had never so agreed together to deride them for it Yet we deny not all this while but that the fourth Commandment so much thereof as is agreeable to the law and light of nature was not alone imprinted in the minds of the Gentiles but practised by them For they had statos dies some appointed times appropriated to the worship of their several gods as before was shewed their holy-days and half-holy-days accordding to that estimation which their gods had gotten in the world And this as well to comfort and refresh their spirits which otherwise had been spent and wasted with continual labour as to do service to those Deities which they chiefly honoured Dii genus bominum laboribus natura pressum miserati De leg l. 2. remissionem laborum statuerunt solennia festa was the resolution once of Plato But this concludes not any thing that they kept the Sabbath or that they were obliged to keep it by the law of nature And where it is conceived by some that the Gentiles by the light of nature had their Weeks Purch Pilgr l. 1. c. 4. which is supposed to be an argument that they kept the Sabbath a week being only of seven days and commonly so called both in Greek and Latine We on the other side affirm that by this very rule the Gentilos many of them if not the most could observe no Sabbath because they did observe no weeks For first the Caldees and the Persians had no weeks at all but to the several days of each several month appropriated a particular name of some King or other Emend temp l. 3. as the Peruvians do at this present time nomina diebus mensis indunt ut prisci Persae as Scaliger hath noted of them The Grecians also did the like in the times of old there being an old Attick Calendar to be seen in Scaliger wherein is no division of the month into weeks at all Then for the Romans they divided their accompt into eighths and eighths as the Jews did by sevens and sevens the one reflecting on their nundinae Id. l. 4. as the other did upon their Sabbath Ogdoas Romanorum in tributione dierum servabatur propter nundinas ut habdomas apud Judaeos propter sabbatum For proof of which there are some ancient Roman Calendars to be seen as yet one in the aforesaid Sealiger the other in the Roman Antiquities of John Rossinus wherein the days are noted from A. to H as in our common Almanacks from A to G. The Mexicans go a little further 〈…〉 and they have 13 days to the week as the same Scaliger hath observed of them Nay even the Jews themselves were ignorant of this division of the year into weeks as tostatus thinks In Levit. 23. qu. 3. till Moses learnt it of the Lord in the fall of Mannah Nor were the Greeks and Romans destitute of this accompt only whiles they were rude and untrained People as the Peruvians and the Mexicans at this present time but when they were in their greatest flourish for Arts and Empire Hist l. 36.
Hereticks before remembred had been hardly heard of it was plainly otherwise that day not only not being honoured with their publick meetings but destinate to a setled or a constant fast Some which have looked more nearly into the reasons of this difference conceive that they appointed this day for fasting in memory of Saint Peters conflict with Simon Magus which being to be done on a Sunday following the Church of Rome ordained a solemn fast on the day before the better to obtain Gods blessing in so great a business which falling out as they desired they kept it for a fasting day for ever after Saint Austin so relates it as a general and received opinion but then he adds Quod eam esse falsam perhibeant plerique Romani That very many of the Romans did take it only for a fable As for St. Austin he conceives the reason of it to be the several uses which men made of our Saviours resting in the grave the whole Sabbath day For thence it came to pass saith he that some especially the Eastern people Ad requiem significandam mallent relaxare jejunium to signifie and denote that rest did not use to fast where on the other side those of the Church of Rome and some Western Churches kept it always fasting Propter humilitatem mortis Domini by reason that our Lord that day lay buried in the sleep of Death But as the Father comes not home unto the reason of this usage in the Eastern Countreys so in my mind Pope Innocent gives a likelier reason for the contrary custom in the Western Concil Tom. 1. For in a Decretal by him made touching the keeping of this Fast he gives this reason of it unto Decentius Eugubinus who desired it of him because that day and the day before were spent by the Apostles in grief and heaviness Nam constat Apostolos biduo isto in moerore fuisse propter metum Judaeorum se occuluisse as his words there are The like saith Platina that Innocentius did ordain the Saturday or Sabbath to be always fasted Quod tali die Christus in sepulchro jacuisset quod discipuli ejus jejunassent In Innocent Because our Saviour lay in the grave that day and it was fasted by his Disciples Not that it was not fasted before Innocents time as some vainly think but that being formerly an arbitrary practice only it was by him intended for a binding Law Now as the African and the Western Churches were severally devoted either to the Church of Rome or other Churches in the East so did they follow in this matter of the Sabbaths fast the practice of those parts to which they did most adhere Millain though near to Rome followed the practice of the East which shews how little power the Popes then had even within Italy it self Paulinus tells us also of St. Ambrose that he did never use to dine nisi die sabbati Dominico c. but on the Sabbath the Lords day In vita Ambros and on the Anniversaries of the Saints and Martyrs Yet so that when he was at Rome he used to do as they there did submitting to the Orders of the Church in the which he was Whence that so celebrated speeeh of his Cum hic sum non jejuno sabbato cum Romae sum jejuno sabbato at Rome he did at Millain he did not fast the Sabbath Nay which is more Epist â—6 Saint Augustine tells us that many times in Africa one and the self-same Church at least the several Churches in the self-same Province had some that dined upon the Sabbath and some that fasted And in this difference it stood a long time together till in the end the Roman Church obtained the cause and Saturday became a Fast almost through all the parts of the Western World I say the Western World and of that alone The Eastern Churches being so far from altering their ancient custom that in the sixth Council of Constantinople Anno 692 they did admonish those of Rome to forbear fasting on that day upon pain of Censures Which I have noted here in its proper place that we might know the better how the matter stood between the Lords day and the Sabbath how hard a thing it was for one to get the mastery of the other both days being in themselves indifferent for sacred uses and holding by no other Tenure than by the courtesie of the Church Much of this kind was that great conflict between the East and Western Churches about keeping Easter and much like conduced as it was maintained unto the honour of the Lords Day or neglect thereof The Passeover of the Jews was changed in the Apostles times to the Feast of Easter the anniversary memorial of our Saviours Resurrection and not changed only in their times but by their Authority Certain it is that they observed it for Polycarpus kept it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both with Saint John and with the rest of the Apostles as Irenaeus tells us in Eusebius's History Lib. 5. c. 26. The like Polycarpus affirms of Saint Philip also whereof see Euseb l. 5. c. 14. Nor was the difference which arose in the times succeeding about the Festival it self but for the time wherein it was to be observed The Eastern Churches following the custom of Hierusalem kept it directly at the same time the Jews did their Passeover and at Hierusalem they so kept it the Bishops there for fifteen several successions being of the Circumcision the better to content the Jews their Brethren and to win upon them But in the Churches of the West they did not celebrate this Feast decima quarta lunae upon what day soever it was as the others did but on some Sunday following after partly in honour of the day and partly to express some difference between Jews and Christians A thing of great importance in the present case For the Christians of the East reflected not upon the Sunday in the Annual return of so great a Feast but kept it on the fourteenth day of the month be it what it will it may be very strongly gathered that they regarded not the Lords Day so highly which was the weekly memory of the Resurrection as to prefer that day before any other in their publick meetings And thereupon Baronius pleads it very well that certainly Saint John was not the Author of the contrary practice Annal. An. 15 9. as some gave it out Nam quaenam potuit esse ratio c. For what saith he might be the reason why in the Revelation he should make mention of the Lords Day as a day of note and of good credit in the Church had it not got that name in reference to the Resurrection And if it were thought fit by the Apostles to celebrate the weekly memory thereof upon the Sunday then to what purpose should they keep the Anniversary on another day And so far questionless we may joyn issue with
the general tendry of the Roman Schools that which is publickly avowed and made good amongst them And howsoever Petrus de Anchorana and Nicholas Abbat of Patermo two learned Canonists as also Angelus de Clavasio and Silvester de Prierats two as learned Casuists seem to defend the institution of the Lords day to have its ground and warrant on divine Authority yet did the general current of the Schools and of the Canonists also run the other way And in that current still it holds the Jesuits and most learned men in the Church of Rome following the general and received opinion of the Schoolmen whereof see Bellarm. de cultu Sanct. l. 3. c. 11. Estius in 3. Sent. dist 37. Sect. 13. but especially Agsorius in his Institut Moral part second cap. 2. who gives us an whole Catalogue or them which hold the Lords day to be founded only on the authority of the Church Touching the other power the power of Dispensation there is not any thing more certain than that the Church both may and doth dispense with such as have therein offended against her Canons The Canons in themselves do profess as much there being many casus reservati as before we said expressed particularly in those Laws and constitutions which have been made about the keeping of this day and the other Festivals wherein a dispensation lieth if we disobey them Many of these were specified in the former Ages and some occur in these whereof now we write It pleased Pope Gregory the ninth Decretal l. 2. tit de feriis cap. 5. Anno 1228. to inhibit all contentious Suits on the Lords day and the other Festivals and to inhibit them so far that judgment given on any of them should be counted void Etiam consentientibus partibus although both parties were consenting Yet was it with this clause or reservation nisi vel necessitas urgeat vel pietas suadeat unless necessity inforced or piety persuaded that it should be done So in a Synod holden in Valladolit apud vallem Oleti in the parts of Spain Concil Sabiness deâ—feriis Anno 1322. a general restraint was ratified that had been formerly in force quod nullus in diebus dominicis festivis agros colere audeat aut manualia artificia exercere praesitmat that none should henceforth follow Husbandry or exercise himself in mechanick Trades upon the Lords day or the other Holy days Yet was it with the same Proviso nisi urgente necessitate vel evidentis pietatis causa unless upon necessity or apparent piety or charity in each of which he might have licence from the Priest his own Parish-Priest to attend his business Where still observe that the restraint was no less peremptory on the other Holy days than on the Lords day These Holy days as they were named particularly in Pope Gregories Decretal so was a perfect list made of them in the Synod of Lyons â—e consecrat distinct 3. c. 1. Anno 1244. which being celebrated with a great concourse of people from all parts of Christendom the Canons and decrees thereof began forthwith to find a general admittance The Holy days allowed of there were these that follow viz. the feast of Christs nativity St. Stephen St John the Evangelist the Innocents St. Silvâ—ster the Circumcision of our Lord the Epiphany Easter together with the week precedent and the week succeeding the three days in Rogation week the day of Christs Ascension Whitsunday with the two days after St. John the Baptist the feasts of all the twelve Apostles all the festivities of our Lady St. Lawrence all the Lords days in the year St. Michael the Archangel All Saints St. Martins the Wakes or dedication of particular Churches together with the Feasts of such topical or local Saints which some particular people had been pleased to honour with a day particular amongst themselves On these and every one of them the people were restrained as before was said from many several kinds of work on pain of Ecclesiastical censures to be laid on them which did offend unless on some emergent causes either of charity or necessity they were dispensed with for so doing In other of the Festivals which had not yet attained to so great an height the Council thought not fit perhaps by reason of their numbers that men should be restrained from labour as neither that they should be incouraged to it but left them to themselves to bestow those times as might stand best with their affairs and the Common wealth For so the Synod did determine Reliquis festivitatibus quae per annum sunt non esse plebem cogendam ad feriandum sed nec probibendam And in this state things stood a long time together there being none that proferd opposition in reference to these restraints from labour on the greater Festivals though some there were that thought the Festivals too many on which those burden of restraints had unadvisedly been imposed on the common people Nicholas de Clemangis complained much as of some other abuses in the Church so of the multitude of Holy days Ap. Hospin cap. â— de fest 〈◊〉 which had of late times been brought into it And Pet. de Aliaco Cardinal of Cambray in a Discourse by him exhibited to the Council of Constance made publick suit unto the Fathers there assembled that there might a stop be put in that kind hereafter as also that excepting Sundays and the greater Festivals liceret operari post auditum officium it might be lawful for the people after the end of Divine Service to attend their businesses the poor especially having little time enough on the working days ad vitae necessaria procuranda to get their livings But these were only the expressions of well wishing men The Popes were otherwise resolved and did not only keep the Holy days which they found established in the same state in which they found them but added others daily as they saw occasion At last it came unto that pass by reason of that rigorous and exact kind of rest which by the Canon Law had been fastned on them that both the Lords day and the other Festivals were accounted Holy not in relation to the use made of them or to the holy actions done on them in the honour of God but in and of themselves considered they were avowed to be vere aliis sanctiores Bell arm de cultu S. l. 3. c. 10. truly and properly invested with a greater sanctity than the other days Yea so far did they go at last that it is publickly maintained in the Schools of Rome non sublatam esse sed mutatam tantum in novo Testamento significationem discretionem dierum that the difference of days and times and the mysterious significations of the same which had before been used in the Jewish Church was not abolished but only changed in the Church of Christ Aquinas did first lead this Dance in fitting every legal Festival with some that were observed
to the judgment of the Protestants before remembred 2. The Lords day and the other Holy days confessed by all this Kingdom in the Court of Parliament to have no other ground than the authority of the Church 3. The meaning and occasion of that clause in the Common-Prayer book Lord have mercy upon us c. repeated at the end of the fourth Commandment 4. That by the Queens Injunctions and the first Parliament of her Keign the Lords day was not meant for a Sabbath day 5. The doctrine in the Homilies delivered about the Lords day and the Sabbath 6. The sum and substance of that Homily and that it makes not any thing for a Lords day Sabbath 7. The first original of the New Sabbath Speculations in this Church of England by whom and for what cause invented 8. Strange and most monstrous Paradoxes preached on occasion of the former doctrines and of the other effects thereof 9. What care was taken of the Lords day in King James his Reign the spreading of the doctrines and of the Articles of Ireland 10. The Jewish Sabbath set on foot and of King James his declaration about lawful sports on the Lords day 11. What Tracts were writ and published in that Princes time in opposition to the doctrines before remembred 12. In what estate the Lords day and the other Holy days have stood in Scotland since the reformation of Religion in that Kingdom 13. Statutes about the Lords day made by our present Sovereign and the misconstruing of the same His Majesty reviveth and enlargeth the Declaration of King James 14. An exhortation to obedience unto his Majesties most Christian purpose concludes this History THUS are we safely come to these present times the times of Reformation wherein whatever had been taught or done in the former days was publickly brought unto the test and if not well approved of layed aside either as unprofitable or plainly hurtful So dealt the Reformators of the church of England as with other things with that which we have now in hand the Lords day and the other Holy days keeping the days as many of them as were thought convenient for the advancement of true godliness and increase of piety but paring off those superstitious conceits and matters of opinion which had been entertained about them But first before we come to this we will by way of preparation lay down the judgments of some men in the present point men of good quality in their times and such as were content to be made a sacrifice in the common Cause Of these I shall take notice of three particularly according to the several times in the which they lived And first we will begin with Master Frith who suffered in the year 1533. who in his declaration of Baptism thus declares himself Our forefathers saith he Page 96. which were in the beginning of the Church did abrogate the Sabbath to the intent that men might have an ensample of Christian liberty c. Howbeith because it was necessary that a day should be reserved in which the people should come together to hear the Word of God they ordained instead of the Sabbath which was Saturday the next day following which is Sunday And although they might have kept the Saturday with the Jew as a thing indifferent yet they did much better Some three years after him Anno 1536. being the 28. of Henry the eighth suffered Master Tyndall who in his answer to Sir Thomas More hath resolved it thus As for the Sabbath we be Lords over the Sabbath Page 287. and may yet change it into Monday or into any other day as we see need or may make every tenth day Holy day only if we see cause why Neither was there any cause to change it from the Saturday but to put a difference between us and the Jews neither reed we any Holy day at all if the people might be taught without it Last of all bishop Hooper sometimes Bishop of Gloucester who suffered in Queen Maries Reign doth in a Treatise by him written on the Ten Commandments and printed in the year 1550. go the self-same way age 103. We may not think saith he that God gave any more holiness to the Sabbath than to the other days For if ye consider Friday Pag. 103. Saturday or Sunday inasmuch as they be days and the work of God the one is no more holy than the other but that day is always most holy in the which we most apply and give our selves unto holy works To that end did he sanctifie the Sabbath day not that we should give our selves to illness or such Ethnical pastime as is now used amongst Ethnical people but being free that day from the travels of this World we might consider the works and benefits of God with thanksgiving hear the Word of God honour him and fear him then to learn who and where be the poor of Christ that want our help Thus they and they amongst them have resolved on these four conclusions First that one day is no more holy than another the Sunday than the Saturday or the Friday further than they are set apart for holy Uses Secondly that the Lords day hath no institution from divine authority but was ordained by our fore-fathers in the beginning of the Church that so the people might have a Day to come together and hear Gods Word Thirdly that still the Church hath power to change the day from Sunday unto Monday or what day she will And lastly that one day in seven is not the Moral part of the fourth Commandment for Mr. Tyndal saith expresly that by the Church of God each tenth day only may be kept holy if we see cause why So that the marvel is the greater that any man should now affirm as some men have done that they are willing to lay down both their Lives and Livings in maintenance of those contrary Opinions which in these latter days have been taken up Now that which was affirmed by them in their particulars was not long afterwards made good by the general Body of this Church and State the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and all the Commons met in Parliament Anno the fifth and sixth of King Edward the sixth 5 6 Edw. 6. cap. 3. where to the honour of Almighty God it was thus enacted For as much as men be not at all times so mindful to Iaud and praise God so ready to resort to hear Gods holy Word and to come to the holy Communion c. as their bounden duty doth require therefore to call men to remembrance of their duty and to help their infirmity it hath been wholsomly provided that there should be some certain times and days appointed wherein the Christians should cease from all kind of labour and apply themselves only and wholly unto the aforesaid holy works properly pertaining to true Keligion c. Which works as they may well be called Gods Service so the time
able of our selves so much as to think well and where in giving the cause why some have revolted from the Faith and some stand firm he said it was because the Foundation of God standeth sure and hath this seal the Lord knoweth who are his They added divers passages of the Gospel of S. John and infinite Anthorities of S. Augustine because the Saint wrote nothing in his old Age but in favour of this Doctrine But some others though of Iess esteem opposed this opinion calling it hard cruel inhumane horrible impious and that it shewed partiality in God if without any motive cause he elected one and rejected another and unjust if he damned men for his own will and not for their faults and had created so great a multitude to condemn it They said it destroyed Free-will because the Elect cannot finally do evil nor the Reprobate good that it casteth men into a gulph of desperation doubting that they be Reprobates That it giveth occasion to the wicked of bad thoughts not caring for Pennance but thinking if they be elected they shall not perish if Reprobates it is in vain to do well because it will not help them They confessed that not only works are not the cause of Gods election because that is before them and eternal but that neither Works foreseen can move God to Predestinate who is willing for his infinite mercy that all should be saved to this end prepareth sufficient assistance for all which every man having Free-will receiveth or refuseth as pleaseth him and God in his eternity foreseeth those who will receive his help and use it to good and those who will refuse and rejecteth these electeth and predestinateth those They added That otherwise there was no cause why God in the Scriptures should complain of sinners nor why he should exhort all to repentance and conversion if they have not sufficient means to get them that the sufficient assistance invented by the others is insufficient because in their opinion it never had nor shall have any effect The first Opinion as it is mystical and hidden keeping the mind humble and relying on God without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of sin and the excellency of Divine Grace so this second was plausible and popular cherishing humane presumption and making a great shew and it pleased more the preaching Fryers than the understanding Divines And the Council thought it probable as consonant to politick Reason It was maintained by the Bishop of Bitonto and the Bishop of Salpi shewed himself very partial The Defenders of this using humane Reasons prevailed against the others but coming to the testimonies of Scripture they were manifestly overcome Calarinus holding the same Opinion to resolve the places of Scripture which troubled them all invented a middle way That God of his goodness had elected some few whom he will save absolutely to whom he hath prepared most potent effectual and infallible means the rest he desireth for his part they should be saved and to that end hath promised sufficient means for all leaving it to their choice to accept them and be saved or refuse them and be damned Amongst these there are some who receive them and are saved though they be not of the number of the Elect of which kind there are very many Other refusing to co-operate with God who wisheth their salvation are damned The cause why the first are predestinated is only the will of God why the others are saved is the acceptation good use and co-operation with the Divine assistance foreseen by God why the last are reprobated is the foreseeing of their perverse will in refusing or abusing it That S. John S. Paul and all the places of Scripture alledged by the other part where all is given to God and which do shew infallibility are understood only of the first who are particularly priviledged and in other for whom the common way is left the admonitions exhortations and general assistances are verified unto which he that will give ear and follow them is saved and he that will not perisheth by his own fault Of these few who are priviledged above the common condition the number is determinate and certain with God but not of those who are saved by the common way depend on humane liberty but only in regard of the fore-knowledge of the works of every one Catarinus said He wondred at the stupidity of those who say the number is certain and determined and yet they add that others may be saved which is as much as to say that the number is certain and yet it may be enlarged And likewise of those who say That the Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation though it be necessary for him that is saved to have a greater which is to say a sufficient unsufficient He added that S. Augustins Opinion was not heard of before his time and himself confesseth it cannot be found in the works of any who wrote before him neither did himself always think it true but ascribed the cause of Gods will to merits saying God taketh compassion on and hardneth whom he listeth But that will of God cannot be unjust because it is caused by most secret merits and that there is diversity of sinners some who though they be justified deserve justification But after the heat of Disputation against the Pelagians transported him to think and speak the contrary yet when his opinion was heard all the Catholicks were scandalized as S. Prosper wrote to him and Genadius of Marselles fifty years after in his judgment which he maketh of the famous Writers said That it hapned to him according to the words of Solomon That in much speaking one cannot avoid sin and that by his fault exagitated by his Enemies the question was not then risen which might afterwards bring forth Heresie whereby the good Father did intimate his fear of that which now appeareth that is that by that opposition some Sect and Division might arise The censure of the second Article was diverse according to the three related Opinions Catarinus thought the first part true in regard of the efficacy of the Divine Will towards those who were particularly favoured But the second false concerning the sufficiency of Gods assistance unto all and mans liberty in co-operating Others ascribing the cause of Predestination in all to humane consent condemned the whole Article in both parts But those that adhered unto S. Augustine and the common opinion of the Theologans did distinguish it and said it was true in a compound sense but damnable in a divided a subtilty which confounded the minds of the Prelates and his own though he did exemplifie it by saying he that moveth cannot stand still it is true in a compound sense but is understood while he moveth but in a divided sonse it is false that is in another time Yet it was not well understood because applying it to his purpose It cannot be said that a man predestinated can be damned
rest of man-kind and appointed them by the same decree to eternal damnation without any regard to their Infidelity or Impenitency Art 2. Of the Merit and Effect of Christs Death That Jesus Christ hath not suffered death for any other but for those Elect only Ibid. p. 29. having neither had any intent nor commandment of his Father to make satisfaction for the sins of the whole World Art 3. Of Mans Will in the state of Nature That by Adam's Fall his Posterity lost their Free-will Ibid. p. 33. being put to an unavoidable necessity to do or not to do whatsoever they do or do not whether it be good or evil being thereunto Predestinated by the eternal and effectual secret decree of God Art 4. Of the manner of Conversion That God to save his Elect from the corrupt Mass Ibid. p. 41. doth beget faith in them by a power equal to that whereby he created the World and raised up the dead insomuch that such unto whom he gives that Grace cannot reject it and the rest being Reprobate cannot accept of it Art 5. Of the certainty of Perseverance That such as have once received that Grace by Faith can never fall from it finally Ibid. p. 47. or totally notwithtanding the most enormious sins they can commit This is the shortest and withal the most favourable Summary which I have hitherto met with of the conclusions of this Synod that which was drawn by the Remonstrants in their Antidotum being much more large and comprehending many things by way of Inference which are not positively expressed in the words thereof But against this though far more plausible than the rigorous way of the Supralapsarians Gods love to Mankind p. 45. it is objected by those of the contrary persuasion 1. That it is repugnant of plain Texts of Scripture as Ezek. 33.11 Rom. 11.2 John 3.16 2 tim 2.4 2 Pet. 3.9 Gen. 4.7 1 Chron. 28.9 2 Chron. 15.2 Secondly That it fighteth with Gods Holiness and makes him the cause of sin in the greatest number of men 1. In regard that only of his own will and pleasure he hath brought men into an estate in which the cannot avoid sin that is to say by imputing to them the transgression of their Father Adam Ibid. p. 53. And 2. In that he leaves them irrecoverably plunged and involved in it without affording them power or ability to rise again to newness of life In which case that of Tertullian seems to have been fitly alledged viz. In cujus manu est ne quid fiat Tertul. l. 2. contr Marcion c. 22. ei deputatur cum jam sit That is to say In whose power it is that a thing be not done to him it is imputed when it is done as a Pilot may be said to be the cause of the loss of that Ship when it is broken by a violent Tempest to the saving whereof he would not lend a helping hand when he might have done it They object thirdly That this doctrine is inconsistent with the mercy of God so highly signified in the Scriptures Gods love to Mankind p. 62. in making him to take such a small and speedy occasion to punish the greater part of men for ever and for one sin once committed to shut them up under an invincible necessity of sin and damnation For proof whereof they alledge this saying out of Prosper viz. Qui dicit quod non omnes homines velit Deus salvos fieri Ibid. p. 64. sed certum numerum praedestinatorum durius loquitur quam loquutum est de altitudine inscrutabilis gratiae Dei That is to say He which saith that God would not have all men to be saved but a certain set number of predestinate persons only he speaketh more harshly than he should of the light of Gods unsearchable Grace 4. It is affirmed to be incompatible with the Justice of God who is said in Scripture to be Righteous in all his ways according unto weight and measure Ibid. p. 65. p. 67. that the far greatest part of man-kind should be left remedilâ—sly in a state of damnation for the sin of their first Father only that under pain of damnation he should require faith in Christ of those to whom he hath precisely in his absolute purpose denied both a power to believe and a Christ to believe in or that he should punish men for the omission of an Act which is made impossible for them by his own decree by which he purposed that they should partake with Adam in his sin and be stript of all the supernatural power which they had in him before he fell And fifthly It is said to be destructive of Gods sincerity in calling them to repentance and to the knowledge of the faith in Jesus Christ Ibid. p. 58. that they may be saved to whom he doth not really intend the salvation offered whereby they are conceived to make God so to deal with men as if a Creditor should resolve upon no terms to forgive his Debtor the very least part of his debt Ibid. p. 76. and yet make him offers to remit the whole upon some conditions and bind the same with many solemn Oaths in a publick Auditory The like to be affirmed also in reference to Gods passionate wishes that those men might repent which repent not as also to those terrible threatnings which he thundreth against all those that convert not to him all which together with the whole course of the Ministry are by this doctrine made to be but so many acts of deep Hypocrisie in Almighty God though none of the maintainers of it have the ingenuity to contess the same but Piscator only in his Necesse est ut sanctam aliquam si mutationem statuamus in Deo which is plain and home And finally it is alledged that this doctrine of the Sublapsarians is contrary to the ends by God proposed in the Word and Sacraments to many of Gods excellent gifts to the Sons of men to all endeavours unto holiness and godly living which is said to be much hindered by it Ibid. p. 91. and tend to those grounds of comfort by which a Conscience in distress should be relieved And thereupon it is concluded that if it be a doctrine which discourageth Piety if it maketh Ministers by its natural importment to be negligent in their Preaching Praying and other Services which are ordained of God for the eternal good of their people if it maketh the people careless in hearing reading praying instructing their Families examining their Consciences fasting and mourning for their sins and all other godly exercises as they say it doth it cannot be a true and a wholsome doctrine as they say 't is not This they illustrate by a passage in Suetonius Sect. de vit Tyb c. 69. p. 180. relating to Tyberius Caesar of whom the Historian gives this note Cire à Deos Religiones negligentior erat quippe addictus
they were over-ruled by the Entreaties of some and the power of others A matter so unpleasing to the rigid Calvinians that they informed against him to the State for divers Heterodoxies which they had noted in his Writings But the business being heard at the Hague he was acquitted by his Judge dispatcht for Leyden and there confirmed in his place Toward which the Testimonial Letters sent from the Church of Amsterdam did not help a little In which he stands commended Ob vitae inculpatae sanae doctrinae morum summam integritatem That is to say for a man of an unblameable life sound Doctrine and fair behaviour as may be seen at large in the Oration which was made at his Funeral in the Divinity Schools of Leyden on the 22. day of October 1609. Thus died Arminius but the Cause did not so die with him For during the first time of his sitting in the Chair of Leyden he drew unto him a great part of the University who by the Piety oâ—he man his powerful Arguments his extream diligence in that place and the clear light of Reason which appeared in all his Discourses were so wedded unto his Opinions that no time nor trouble could drown them For Arminius dying in the year 1609 as before was said the heats betwixt the Scholars and those of the contrary persuasion were rather increased than abated the more increased for want of such a prudent Moderator as had before preserved the Churches from a publick Rupture The breach between them growing wider and wider each side thought fit to seek the Countenance of the State and they did accordingly for in the year 1610. the followers of Arminius address their Remonstrnace containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines and the substance of them to the States of Holland which was encountred presently by a Contra Remonstrance exhibited by those of Calvins Party from hence the names of Remonstrants and Contra Remonstrants so frequent in their Books and Writings each Party taking opportunity to disperse their Doctrines the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries For the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points Viz. The Method and Order of Predestination The Efficacy of Christs Death The Operations of Grace both before and after mans Conversion and perseverance in the same the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague in the year 1611. in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have had much the better of the day Now for the five Articles above mentioned they were these that follow VIZ. I. De Electione ex fide praevisa DEus aeterno immutabili Decreto in Jesu Christo filio suo ante jactum mundum fundamentum statuit ex lapso peccatis obnoxio humano genere illos in Christo propter Christum per Christum servare qui spiritus sancti gratia in eundem filium ejus credunt in ea fide fideique obedientia per eandem gratiam usque ad finem perseverant II. De Redemptione Universali Proinde Deus Christus pro omnibus ac singulis mortuuus est atque id ita quidem ut omnibus per mortem crucis Reconciliationem Peccatorum Remissionem impetrarit Ea tamen conditione ut nemo illa peccatorum Remisione fruatur praeter hominem fidelem John 2.26 1 John 2.2 III. De causa fidei Homo fidem salutarem à seipso non habet nec vi liberi sui arbitrii quandoquidem in statu defectionis peccati nihil boni quod quidem vere est bonum quale est fides salutaris ex se potest cogitare velle aut facere sed necessarium est eum à Deo in Christo per spiritum ejus sanctum regigni renovari mente affctibus seu voluntate omnibus facultatibus ut aliquid boni posset intelligere cogitare velle perficere secundum illu JOhn 15.5 sine me potestis nihil IV. De Conversionis modo De gratia est initiumi progressus perfectio omnis boni atque adeo quidem ut ipse homo Kegenitus absque hac praecedanea seu Adventitia excitante consequente co-operante gratia neq boni quid cogitare velle aut facere potest neq etiam ulli male tentationi resistere adeo quidem ut omnia bona opera quae excogitare possumus Dei gratiae in Christo tribuenda sunt Quoad vero modum co-operationis illius gratiae illa non est irresistibilis de multis enim dicitur eos spiritui sancto refistisse Actotum 7. alibi multis locis V. De Perseverantia incerta Qui Jesu Christo per veram fidem sunt insiti ac proinde spiritus ejus vivificantis participes ii abunde habent facultatum quibus contra Satanam peccatum mundum propriam suam carnem pugnent victoriam obtineant verumtamen per gratiae spiritus sancti subsidium Jesus Christus quidem illis spiritu sus in omnibus tentatinnibus adest manum porrigit modo sint ad certamen prompti ejus Auxilium Petant neque officio suo desint eos confirmat adeo quidem ut nulla satanae fraude aut vi seduci vel e manibus Christi eripi possint secundum illud Johannis 10. Nemo illos è manu mea eripiet Sed an illi ipsi negligentia sua principium illud quo sustentantur in Christo deserere non possint praesentem mundum iterum amplecti à sancta doctrina ipsis semel tradita deficere conscientiae naufragium facere à gratia excidere penitus ex sacra scriptura esset expendendum antequam illud cum plena animi tranquillitate Plerephoria dicere possumus VIZ. I. Of Election on t of Faith foreseen ALmighty God by an Eternal and unchangeable Decree ordained in Jesus Christ his only Son before the foundations of the World were laid to save all those in Christ for Christ and through Christ who being faln and under the command of sin by the assistance of the Grace of the Holy Ghost do persevere in Faith and Obedience to the very end II. Of universal Redemption To this end Jesus Christ suffered Death for all men and in every man that by his death upon the Cross he might obtain for all mankind both the forgiveness of their sins and Reconciliation with the Lord their God with this Condition notwithstanding that none but true Believers should enjoy the benefit of the Reconciliation and forgiveness of sins John 2.16 1 John 2.2 III. Of the cause or means of attaining Faith Man hath not saving Faith in and of himself nor can it attain it by the power of his own Free-will in regard that living in an estate of sin and defection from God he is not able of himself to think well or do any thing which is really or truly good amongst which sort saving Faith is to be accounted And therefore it is necessary that by God in Christ and through the Workings of the Holy Ghost he be regenerated and renewed
of the Delegates of the Belgick Churches to whom the foreign Divines were found inconsiderable The Differences as great at Dort as they were at Trent and as much care taken to adulce the discontented Parties whose Judgments were incompatible with the ends of either in the one as the other The British Divines together with one of those which came from the Breme maintained the Universal Redemption of mankind by the death of Christ But this by no means would be granted by the rest of the Synod especially by those of North-Holland for fear of yielding any thing to the Arminians as Soto in the Council of Trent opposed some moderate Opinions teaching the certainty of Salvation because they were too much in favour with the Lutheran Doctrines First The general body of the Synod not being able to avoid the inconveniences which the Supralapsarian way brought with it were generally intent on the Sublapsarian but on the other side the Commissioners of the Churches of South-Holland thought it not necessary to determine which were considered an faln or not faln while he passed the Decrees of Election and Reprobation But far more positive was Gomarus one of the four Professours of Leyden who stood as strongly to the absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree exclusive of mans sin and our Saviours Sufferings as he could have done for the HOly Trinity And not being able to draw the rest unto his Opinion not willing to conform to theirs he delivered his own Judgment in writing apart by it self not joyning in subscription with the rest of his Brethren for conformity sake as is accustomed in such cases But Macorius one of the Professors in Frankar in West-Friezland went beyond them all not only maintaining against Sibrandus Lubbertus his fellow Collegiate in their open Synod That God wills sin That he ordains sin as it is sin and That by no means he would have all men to be saved but openly declaring That if these Points were not maintained they must forsake their chief Doctors who had so great a hand in the Reformation Some other differences there were amongst them not reconcilable in this Synod as namely wether the Elect be loved out of Christ or not whether Christ were the cause and foundation of Election or only the Head of the Elect And many others of like nature Nor were these Differences managed with such sobriety as became the gravity of the persons and weight of the business but brake out many times into such open heats and violences as are not to be parallel'd in the like Assemblies the Provincial Divines banding against the Foreiners and the Foreiners falling foulupon one another for so it hapned that Martinius one of the Divines of Breme a moderate and learned man being desired to speak his mind in the Points last mentioned signitied to the Synod In his Letters p. 72. That he made some scruple touching the Doctrine Passant about the manner of Christs being Fundamentum electionis and that he thought Christ not only the Effector of our Election but also the Author and Procurer of it Gomarus presently as soon as Martinius had spoken starts up and tells the Synod Ego hanc rem in me recipio and therewithal casts his Glove and challenges Martinius with this Proverb Ecce Rhodum ecce Sullum and required the Synod to grant them a Duel adding That he knew Martinius could say nothing in Refutation of that Doctrine So my dear Friend Mr. Hales of Eaton relates the story of this passage in a Letter to Sir Dudly Carleton bearing date Jan. 25. 1618. according to the style of the Church of England and where he endeth Dr. Belcanqual shall begin relating in his Letters to the said Ambassadour the story of a greater Fray between the said Martinius and Sibandus Lubberius above mentioned upon this occasion Martinius had affirmed God to be Causa Physica Conversionis and for the truth thereof appealed to Goclenius a great Philosopher being then present in the Synod who thereupon discoursed upon it out of Themistinus Averores Alexander Aphrodisaeus and many more affirming it to be true in Philosophy although he would not have it to prescribe in Divinity Sibrandus Lubbert taking fire at this falls upon them both but the Fray parted at the present by the care of Boyerman Gomarus within few days after picks a new quarrel with Martinius and the rest of the Divines of Breme for running a more moderate course than the rest of the Synod many other of the Provincials seconding Gomarus in the quarrel and carrying themselves so uncivilly in the prosecution that Martinius was upon the Point of returning homewards But this quarrel being also taken up the former is revived by Sibrandus in the following Session concerning which Belcanqual writes to Sir Dudley Carleton this ensuing Letter which for the rarity and variety of the passages contained in it and the great light which it affords to the present business I shall crave leave to add it here Dr. Belcanqualis Letter to Sir Dudley Carleton My very good Lord SInce my last Letters to your Lordship there hath been no business of any great Note in the Synod â—â—â—canquals Letters p. 10. but that which I am sure your Lordship will be very sorry to hear Contention like to come to some head if it be not prevented in time for there hath been such a Plot laid ex compositò for disgracing of the Bremenses as I think the Synod shall receive small grace by it D. Gomarus being he at whom the last Disquisition of the third and fourth Articles ended was entreated by the President to speak his mind of the said Articles but Sibrandus desireth the President first to give him leave to add some few things to that he had poken the day before Now what he added was nothing but a renewing of the strife which was between him and Martinius in the last Session two things he alledged First That he had been at Goclenius his Lodging conferring with him about that Proposition whether God might be called Causa Physica of humane Actions and delivered certain Affirmations pronounced by Goclenius tending to the Negative for the truth of his relation he appealed to Goclenius there present who testified that it was so next Martinius had alledged a place out of Paraeus for the Affirmative in opere conversionis Sibrandus read a great many places out of Paraeus tending to the contrary and no question it being pleaded before be entreateth some of the Pallatines naming them all severally who were Paraeus his Colleagues would speak what they did know of Paraeus his mind concerning the said Proposition Scultetus beginneth with a set speech which he had written lying before him but such a Speech it was as I and I think all the Exteri were exceeding grieved it should have come from a man of so much worth the sum of it was this That he did know upon his own knowledge that Paraus did hold the contrary of
Learning And as for Barns the far most learned of the three he had been once Prior of the Augustinian Fryers in Cambridge whose Doctrines he had sucked in at his first coming thither and therefore might retain them to the very last without relation to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents or any differences then on foot between the Protestant Doctors and the Church of Rome Besides being of the same Order which Luther had quitted he might the more willingly encline to Luthers first opinion touching servitude of the will mans inability in co-operating with the Grace of God and being forcibly drawn in his own conversion velut inanimatum quiddam like a stock or stone in which he was tenaciously followed by the rigid Lutherans though he had afterwards changed his judgment touching that particular So that beholding Dr. Barns either as one that followed Luther in his first Opinions or travelled the Dominican way in the present points as an Augustinian it is no marvel if we find somewhat in his Writings agreeable to the palate of the Calvinists and rigid Lutherans From whence it is Dise of Free-will p. 278. that laying down the Doctrine of Predestination he discourseth thus viz. But yet sayst thou that he giveth to the one mercy and the other none I answer what is that to thee is not his mercy his own is it not lawful for him to give it to whom he will is thine eye evil because his is good take that which is thine and go thy way for if he will shew his wrath and make his power known over the vessels of wrath ordained to damnation and to declare the riches of his glory unto the vessels of mercy Id. ib. which he hath prepared and elected unto Glory what hast thou therewith to do But here will subtil blindness say God saw before that Jacob should do good and therefore did he choose him he saw also that Esau should do evil therefore did he condemn him Alas for blindness what will you judg of that which God foresaw how know we that God saw that and if he saw it how know we that it was the cause of Jacobs Election These Children being unborn they had done neither good nor bad and yet one of them is chosen and the other is refused St. Paul knoweth no other cause but the will of God and will you needs discuss another He saith not I will have mercy on him that I see shall do good but I will shew mercy to whom I will He saith not I will have compassion on him that shall deserve it de congruo but Of him of whom I will have compassion Now as he followeth the Dominicans or rigid Lutherans in laying down the grounds and method of Predestination so he draws more to them also and the Zuinglians also touching Gods workings on the will than possibly may be capable of a good construction Ib. p. 281. Gods saith he of his infinite power letteth nothing to be exempted from him but all things to be subject unto his action and nothing can be done by them but by his principal motion So that he worketh in all manner of things that be either good or had not changing their nature but only moving them to work after their natures So that good worketh good and evil worketh evil and God useth them both as instruments and yet doth he nothing evil but evil is done alone through the will of man God working by him but not evil as by an instrument Which last Position notwithstanding all the subtilty in the close thereof how far it is from making God to be the Author of sin I leave to be determined by men of more Sholastical and Metaphysical heads than my simplicity can pretend to For Tyndal next though I shall not derogate in any thing from his great pains in translating the Bible nor from the glory of his suffering in defence of those Truths for which he died yet there were so many Heterodoxes in the most of his Writings as render them no fit rule for a Reformation no more than those of Wicklif before remembred the number and particulars whereof I had rather the Reader should look for in the Acts and Monuments where they are mustered up together about the latter end of the Reign of King Henry the eighth than expect them here That which occurreth in him touchin Predestination is no more than this Prolog in Epist to the Romans p. 42. 1. Grace saith he is properly Gods favour benevolence or kind mind which of his own self without our deservings he reacheth to us whereby he was moved and inclined to give Christ unto us with all other gifts of Grace Which having told us in his Preface to Sr. Pauls Epistle to the Romans he telleth us not long after that in the 9 10 11. Chapters of the Epistle the Apostle teacheth us of Gods Predestination From whence it springeth altogether whether we shall believe or not believe be loosed from sin or not be loosed By which Predestination our Justifying and Salvation are clear taken out of our hands and put into the hands of God only which thing is most necessary of all for we are so weak and so uncertain that if it stood in us there would of truth no man be saved Ibid. 15. the Devil no doubt would deceive him but now God is sure of his Predestination neither can any man withstand or let him else why do we hope and sigh against sin Discoursing in another place of the act the Will hath on the Understanding he telleth us That the Will of man followeth the Wit that as the Wit erreth so doth the Will and as the Wit is in captivity so is the Will neither is it possible that the Will should be free when the Wit is in bondage c. as I err in my Wit so I err in my Will when I judg that to be evil which is good then indeed do I hate that which is good and then when I perceive that which is good to bee evil then indeed do I love the evil Finally in the heats of his Disputation with Sir Thomas Moor who had affirmed That men were to endeavour themselves and captivate their understandings if they would believe He first cryes out lib. 3. Hist Moor p. 306. How Beetle-blind is fleshly reason and then subjoyns that the Will hath no operation at all in the working of faith in my soul no more than the Child hath in begetting of his Father for saith Paul it is the gift of God and not of us my Wit must conclude good or had yet my Will can leave or take my Wit must shew me a true or an apparent cause why yet my Will have any working at all I had almost forgot John Frith and if I had it had been no great loss to our rigid Calvinists who not content to guide themselves in these Disputes by Gods Will revealed have too audaciously pried into the
Clergy Mr. John Hooker Bishop of Gloucester and Martyr of whose Exposition of the Ten Commandments and his short Paraphrase on Romans 13. we shall make frequent use hereafter a man whose works were well approved of by Bishop Ridley the most learned and judicious of all the Prelates who notwithstanding they differed in some points of Ceremony professeth an agreement with him in all points of Doctrine as appears by a Letter written to him when they were both Prisoners for the truth and ready to give up their lives as they after did in defence thereof Now the words of the Letter are as followeth But now my dear Brother forasmuch as I understand by your works which I have but superficially seen that we throughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion Acts and Mon. fol. 1366. against the which the world now so rageth in these our days Howsoever in times past in certain by-matters and circumstances of Religion your wisdom and my simplicity and ignorance have jarred each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment Now I say be you assured that even with my whole heart God is the witness in the bowels of Christ I love you in truth and for the truths sake that abideth in us and I am persuaded by the grace of God shall abide in us for evermore The like agreement there was also between Ridley and Cranmer Cranmer ascribing very much to the judgment and opinion of the learned Prelate as himself was not ashamed to confess at his Examination for which see Fox in the Acts and Monuments fol. 1702. By these men and the rest of the Convocation the Articles of Religion being in number 41 were agreed upon ratified by the Kings Authority and published both in Latine and English with these following Titles viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinens A.D. 1552. ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat Regia authoritate Londin editi that is to say Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and other learned men assembled in the Synod at London Anno 1552. and published by the Kings Authority for the avoiding of diversities of opinions and for the establishing of consent touching true Religion Amongst which Articles countenanced in Convocation by Queen Elizabeth Ann. 1562. the Doctrine of the Church in the five controverted points is thus delivered according to the form and order which we have observed in the rest before 1. Of Divine Predestination Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God whereby before the foundations of the World were laid he hath constantly ordered by his Council Artic. 17. secret unto us to deliver from curse and damnation those whom be hath chosen in Christ out of man-kind and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation as vessels made to honour Furthermore we must receive Gods promises in such wise at they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture and in our doing the will of God that is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in the Word of God 2. Of the Redemption of the World by the faith of Christ The Son which is the Word begotten of the Father begotten from everlasting of the Father c. and being very God and very Man did truly suffer was Crucified Dead and Buried Artic. 2. to reconcile his Father to us and be a Sacrifice not only for Original guilt but also for the actual sins of men The Offering of Christ once made Artic. 31. is this perfect Redemption Propitiation and Satisfaction to all the sins of the whole world both Original and Actual 3. Of mans will in the state of depraved nature Artic. 9. Man by Original sin is so far gone from Original righteousness that of his own nature be is inclined to evil so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit and therefore Works done before the grace of Christ Artic. 13. and the inspiration of his Spirit are not pleasant to God forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ neither do they make men meet to receive grace or as the School Authors say deserve grace of Congruity 4. Of the manner of Conversion The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works Artic. 10. to faith and calling upon God wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God without the grace of God by Christ preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will 5. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance The Grace of Repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin after Baptism in regard that after we have received the Holy Ghost Artic. 16. we may depart from grace given and fall into sin and by the grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives and therefore they are to be condemned which say they can no more sin as long as they live here or deny the place of Repentance to such as truly repent Now in these Articles as in all others of the book there are these two things to be observed 1. What Authority they carried in respect of the making And 2. How we are to understand them in respect of the meaning And first for their Authority it was as good in all regards as the Laws could give them being first treated and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation and afterwards confirmed by the Letters Patents of Edw. VI. under the Great Seal of England But against this it is objected That the Records of this Convocation are but a degree above blanks that the Bishops and Clergy then assembled had no Commission from the King to meddle in Church business that the King durst not trust the Clergy of that time in so great a matter on a just jealousie which he had of the ill affections of the major part and therefore the trust of this great business was committed unto some few Confidents cordial to the cause of Religion and not unto the body of a Convocation To which it hath been already answered That the Objector is here guilty of a greater crime than that of Scandalum magnatum making King Edward VI. of pious memory no better than an impious and lewd Impostor in fathering those children on the Convocation which had not been of their begetting For first the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large Articuli de quibus c. as before we had it which Title none durst adventure to set before them had they not really been the products of the Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might
world The like saith Bishop Hooper also telling us Pref. to his Exposition There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile that it was never forbid but that all sorts of people and every propeny of the World to be made partakers of the Jews Religion And then again in the example of the Ninevites Thou hast saith he good Christian Reader the mercy of God and general promise of salvation performed in Christ for whose sake only God and man were set at one The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points the more we shall receive in this touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike Concerning which he lets us know That to the obtaining the first end of his justice he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked and may be helped Ibid. partly with threatnings and partly with promises and so provoketh them unto amendment of life c. and would have all men to be saved therefore provoketh now by fair means now by foul that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent or his threatnings unto him that doth repent but these means he useth to save his creature this way useth he to nurture us until such time as the holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us that we will obey him though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all And in another place more briefly That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin and transform our selves into the image of the Devil then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. Bishop Latimer to the same point also His salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the World as concerning it self but as concerning us he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him and as many as believe in him shall be saved the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting damnation not for lack of salvation but for infidelity and lack of faith which is the only cause of their damnation One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude this point which in fine is this To the Objection saith he touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine c. this the Scripture answereth that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world and comprehendeth them all howbeit within certain limits and bounds the which if men neglect to pass over they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and mans co-operation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and Book of Homilies 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper 5. The necessity of Grace preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publick Liturgy 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books And 10. The Book of Homilies THIS leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace and the co-operation of mans will with those Heavenly influences in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism to ascribe too much to mans Free-will or so much to it at the least as by the right use of the powers of nature might merit grace ex congruo as the School-men phrase it of the hands of God Against this it was that Dr. Barnes declared as before was said in his discourse about Free-will and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article His works p. 821. affirming That such works as are done before the grace of Christ and the inspiration of his Spirit do not make men meet to receive grace or as the School-men say deserve grace of Congruity Against which Tyndal gives this note That Free-will preventeth not Grace which certainly he had never done if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome and against which it was declared by John Lambert another of our ancient Martyrs in these following words viz. Concerning Free-will saith he I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God but are subject unto sin Acts and Mn. fol. 1009. and thrals of the same conclusi sub peccato or as witnesseth S. Paul But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same some more some less But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion than Dr. Barnes before remembred not touching only on the by Collection of his works by I. D. sol 266. but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours of that time in this very point But here saith he we will search what strength is of man in his natural power without the Spirit of God to will or do those things that be acceptable before God unto the fulfilling of the will of God c. A search which had been vain and needless if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters by mans natural power without the workings of the Spirit And therefore he saith very truly That man can do nothing by his Free-will as Christ teacheth for without me ye can do nothing c. where it is opened that Free-will without Grace can do nothing he speak not of eating and drinking though they be works of Grace but nothing that is fruitful that is meritorious that is worthy of thanks that is acceptable before God To which effect we also find these brief Remembrances Mans Free-will without Gods Grace can do nothing that is good p. 268. that all which
Prin and his Shadow so declare themselves Anti-Armin Pag. 48. the one affirming that all these passages are directly for them and punctually opposite to their Arminian Antagonists the other crying out with some admiration How do the Master and Scholar plainly declare themselves to bâ— no friends to the Tenents which the English Arminians how contend for but notwithstanding all this cry I fear we shall get but little wool when we come to consider of those passages in Poynets Catechism which are most relied on and which hâ—re follow as I find them in the Anti-arminianism without alteration of the words or syllables though with some alteration in the method of the Collection Now the passâ—ges collected out of Poynets Catechism are these that follow viz. The Image of God in man by original sin and evil custom was so obscured in the beginning and the natural judgment so corrupted Caâ—â—â—â— Pag. 7.8 12. Page 9. that man himself could not sufficiently understand the difference between good and bad between just and unjust c. As for the sacrificings cleansings washings and other Ceremonies of the Law they were Shadows Types Images and Figures of the true and eternal sacrifice that Jesus Christ made upon the Cross by whose benefit alone all the sins of all Believers from the beginning of the World are pardoned by the sole mercy of God Page 13. and not by any merit of their own As soon as ever Adam and Eve had eaten of the forbidden fruit they both died that is that they were not only liable to the death of the body but likewise lost the lise of the soul which is righteousness and forthwith the Divine Image was obscured in them and those lineaments of Righteousness Holiness Truth and knowledge of God exceeding comely were disordered and almost obliterated the terrene Image only remained coupled with unrighteousness fraud carnal affections and great ignorance of Divine and Heavenly things from thence also proceeded the infirmity of our flesh from thence corruption and confusion of affections and desires hence that plague hence that seminary and nutriment of sin wherewith all man-kind is infected which is called Original sin Moreover nature is sodepraved and cast down that unless the goodness and mercy of Almighty God had helped us by the medicine of grace as in body we were thrust down into all the miseries of death so it was necessary that all men of all sorts should be cast into eternal torments and fire which cannot be quenched â—eâ— 18. Those things which are spiritual are not seen but by the eye of the spirit He therefore that will see the Divinity of Christ on Earth let him open the eyes not of the body but of the mind and of Faith and he shall see him present whom the eye doth not see he shall see him present in the midst of them Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in his Name he shall see him present with us to the end of the World What have I said he shall see Christ present yea he shall both see and feel him dwelling in himself no otherwise than his own soul for he doth dwell and reside in the soul and in the heart of him who doth place all his confidence in him Above all things this cannot be concealed that the benefits which are brought unto us by the Death 〈◊〉 23. the Resurrection and Ascention of Christ were so great and ample that no tongue either of men or Angels can express it c. From these and from other actions of Christ two benefits do accrew unto us One that whatsoever he did he did it all for our profitand commodity so that they are as much ours if we cleave fast to him with a firm and lively faith as if we our selves had done them He verily was nailed to the Cross and we are crucified with him and our sins are punished in him He died and was buried we likewise with our sins are dead and buried and that so as that all the memory of our sins is utterly abolished he rose again and we also are risen with him being made partakers of his resurrection and life that henceforth death might no more domineer in us for there is the same Spirit in us that raised Jesus from the dead Lastly as he ascended into Celestial glory so we are exalted together with him Fol. 30. The Holy Ghost is called holy not only for his own holiness but because the Elect of God Fol. 31. and the Members of Christ are made holy by him The Church is the company of them who are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost by whom she is guided and governed which time she cannot be understood by the light of sense or nature is justly placed amongst the number of those things which are to be believed and is therefore called the Catholick that is the universal Assembly of the faithful Fâ—â— 44 45. because it is not tied to any certain placed God who rules and governs all things can do all things No man is of so great power that he can so much as withst and him but he gives whatsoever he shall decree according to his own pleasure and those things which are given to us by him he is able to take them away After the Lord God had made the Heavens and Earth he determined to have for himself a most beautiful Kingdom 〈◊〉 from Pag. 37. to 41. and holy Commmon-wealth The Apostles and Ancient Fathers that writ in Greek called it Ecclesia in English a Congregation or Assembly into the which he hath admitted an infinite number of men that should be subject to one King as their Soveraign and only Head him we call Christ which is as much as to say Anointed or to the furnishing of this Common-wealth belong all they as many as do truly fear honour and call upon God daily applying their minds to holy and godly living and all those that putting all their hope and trust in him do assuredly look for bliss of everlasting life But as many as are in this Faith stedfast were fore-chosen predestinate and appoined to everlasting life before the World was made witness whereof they have within their hearts the merit of Christ the Authour earnest and unfailable pledge of their Faith which Faith only is able to perceive the mysteries of God only brings peace unto the heart only taketh hold on the Righteousness which is in Christ Jesus Master Doth then the Spirit alone and Faith sleep we never so securely or stand we never so reckless or slothful work all things for us as without any help of our own to convey us to Heaven Scholar Just Master as you have taught me to make a difference between the Cause and the Effect The first principal and most proper cause of our Justification and Salvation is the goodness and love of God whereby he chose us for his before he made the World After that God
XVIII A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth 1. the Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam the miserable estate of man the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ and the universal redemption of all man-kind by his death and passion 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace the possibility of a total and final falling and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewel touching the universal redemption of mankind by the death of Christ Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ and reached out unto all them that believe in him by Mr. Alexander Poynets 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls Cross Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie and makes him to be the Author of sin 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedom of his will makes God himself to be double minded to have two contrary wills and to delight in mocking his poor Creature Man 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant contrary to the truth of Scripture and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain other heads directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrines in the points disputed 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid with reference to the subject of it as also to the time place and persons in and before which it was first preached An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet 10. That in the judgment of the Right Learned Dr. King after Bishop of London the alteration of Gods denounced judgments in some certain cases infers no alteration in his Counsels the difference between the changing of the will and to will a charge 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us and something concealed unto himself the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes and of the conditionalty of Gods threats and promises 12. The accommodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed THese Obstacles being thus removed I shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Churches Doctrine under this new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth And first all Arguments derived from the publick Liturgy and the first book of Homilies being still in force we will next see what is delivered in the Homilies of the second part establisht by a special Article and thereby made a part of the doctrine here by Law established And first as touching the doctrine of Predestination it is declared in the Homily of the Nativity That as in Adam all men universally sinned so in Adam all men received the reward of sin that is to say became mortal and subject unto death having in themselves nothing but everlasting condemnation both of body and soul that man being in this wretched case ti pleased God to make a new Covenant with him namely that he would send a Mediator or Messias into the world which should make intercession and put himself as a stay between both parties to pacifie wrath and indignation conceived against sin and to deliver man out of the miserable curse and cursed misery whereunto he was fallen headlong by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the only Lord and Maker Nor secondly was this deliverance and redemption partial intended only for a few but general and universal for all man-kind the said Homily telling us not long after that all this was done to the end the promise and covenant of God made unto Abraham and his Posterity Hom. p. 172. concerning the Redemption of the World might be credited and believed to deliver man-kind from the bitter curse of the Law and make perfect satisfaction by his death for the sins of all People For the accomplishment whereof It was expedient saith the Homily that our Mediator should be such an one as might take upon him the sins of Man-kind and sustain the due punishment thereof viz. Death to the intent he might more fully and perfectly make satisfaction for man-kind which is as plain as words can make it and yet not more plain than that which followeth in the Homily of the worthy receiving of the Sacrament Fol. 200. Nor doth the Homily speak less plainly in another place concerning Universal Grace than it doth speak to this in reference to Universal Redemption as appears evidently by the first part of the Sermon against the peril of Idolatry Hom. 1. part against the peril in which it is declared in the way of paraphrase on some passages in the 40. Chapter of the Prophet Isaiah That it had been preached to men from the beginning and how by the Creation of the World and the greatness of the work they might understand the Majesty of God the Creator and Maker of all things to be greater than it should be expressed in any image or bodily similitude And therefore by the light of the same instruction had they not shut their eyes against it they might have come unto a further knowledg of the Will of God and by degrees to the performance of all moral duties required of them before Christ coming in the flesh And in the third part of the same Sermon there are some passages which do as plainly speak of falling from God the final alienation of the Soul of a man once righteous from his love and favour Where it is said how much better in were that the Arts of Painting and we had never been found than one of them whose Souls are so precious in the sight of God should by occasion of Image or Picture perish and be lost And what can here be understood by the souls which are so precious in the sight of God but the souls of the Elect of justified and righteous persons the souls of wicked men being vile and odious in his sight hated by God as Esau was before all Eternity as the Calvinians do informs us And what else can we understand by being perished and lost but a total or final alienation of those precious souls Hom. of the Resurrection p. 139. from his grace and favour more plainly speaks the Homily of the Resurrection in which the Church represents unto us what shame it should be for us being thus clearly and freely washed from our sin to return to the filthiness thereof again What a folly it would be for us being thus endued with Righteousness to lose in again What a madness it would be to lose the inheritance we be now set in for the vile and transitory pleasure of sins And what an unkindness it would be where our Saviour Christ of his mercy is come unto us to dwell with us as our guest to drive him from
not only a strong interruption for the present to the proceeding of the Church but an occasion also of great discord and dissention in it for the time to come For many of our Divines who had fled beyond the Sea of avoid the hurry of her Reign though otherwise men of good abilities in most parts of Learning returned so altered in their principals as to points of Doctrine so disaffected to the Government Forms of worship here by Law established that they seem'd not to be the same men at their coming home as they had been at their going hence yet such was the necessity which the Church was under of filling up the vacant places and preferments which had been made void either by the voluntary discession or positive deprivation of the Popish Cleergy that they wer fain to take in all of any condition which were able to do the publick service without relation to their private opinions in doctrine or discipline nothing so much regarded in the chice of men for Bishopricks Deanries Dignities in Cathedral Churches the richest Benefices in the Countrey and places of most command and trust in the Universities as their known zeal against the Papists together with such a sufficiency of learning as might enable them for writing and preaching against the Popes Supremacy the carnal presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament the superstitions of the Mass the half Communion the celebrating of Divine service in a tongue not known unto the People the inforced single life of Priests the worshipping of Images and other the like points of Popery which had given most offence and were the principal causes of that separation On this account we find Mr. Pilkington preferred to the See of Durham and Whittingham to the rich Deanry of the Church of which the one proved a grear favourer of the Non-conformists as is confessed by one who challengeth a relation to his blood and family the other associated himself with Goodman as after Goodman did with Knox for lanting Puritanism and sedition in the Kirk of Scotland On this account Dr. Lawrence Humphrey a professed Calvinian in point of doctrine and a Non-conformist but qualified with the title of a moderate one is made the Queens Professor for Divinity in the University of Oxon Thomas Cartwright that great Incendiary of this Church preferred to be the Lady Margarets Professor in the University of Cambridge Sampson made Dean of Christ-church and presently propter Puritanismum Exacutoratus Godw. in Catal Episc Oxon. turned out again for Puritanism as my Author hath it Hardiman made one of the first Prebends of Westminister of the Queens foundation and not long after deprived of it by the high Commissioners for breaking down the Altar there and defacing the ancient utepsils and ornaments which belonged to the Church And finally upon this account as Whitehead who had been Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullain refused the Archbishoprick of Canterbury before it was offered unto Parker and Coverdale to be restored to the See of Exon which he had chearfully accepted in the time of K. Edward so Mr. John Fox of great esteem for his painful and laborious work of Acts and Monuments commonly called the Book of Martyrs would not accept of any preferment in the Church but a Prebends place in Salisbury which tied him not to any residence in the same And this he did especially as it after proved to avoid subscription shewing a greater willingness to leave his place than to subscribe unto the Articles of Religion then by Law established when he was legally required to do it by Arch-bishop Parker Of this man there remains a short discourse in his Acts and Monuments of Predestination occasioned by a Letter of Mr. Bradfords before remembred whose Orthodox doctrine in that point he feared might create some danger unto that of Calvin which then began to find a more general entertainment than could be rationally expected in so short a time And therefore as a counter-ballance he annexeth this discourse of his own with this following title viz. Notes on the same Epistle and the manner of Election thereunto appertaining As touching the Doctrine of Election whereof this Letter of Mr. Bradford and many other of his Letters more do much intreat three things must be considered Fox in Acts and Mon. fol. 1505. 1. What Gods Election is and what the cause thereof 2. How Gods Election proceedeth in working our salvation 3. To whom Gods Election pertaineth and how a Man may be certain thereof Between Predestination and Election this difference there is Predestination is as well to the Reprobate as to the Elect Election pertaineth only to them that be saved Predestination in that it respecteth the Rebate is called Reprobation in that it respected the saved is called Election and is thus defined Predestination is the eternal decreement of God purposed before in himself what shall befal all men either to salvation or damnation Election is the free mercy and grace of God in his own will through faith in Christ his Son choosing and preferring to life such as pleaseth him In this definition of Election first goeth before the mercy and grace of God as the causes thereof whereby are excluded all works of the Law and merits of deserving whether they go before faith or come after so was Jacob chosen and Esau refused before either of them began to work c. Secondly in that the mercy of God in this Definition is said to be free thereby is to be noted the proceeding and working of God not to be bound to any ordinary place or to any succession of choice nor to state and dignity of person nor to worthiness of blood c. but all goeth by the meer will of his own purpose as it is written spiritus ubi vult spirat c. And thus was the outward race and stock of Abraham after flesh refused which seemed to have the preheminence and another seed after the Spirit raised by Abraham of the stones that is of the Gentiles So was the outward Temple of Jerusalem and Chair of Moses which seem'd to be of price forsaken and Gods Chair advanced in other Nations So was tall Saul refused and little David accepted the Rich the Proud and the Wise of this world rejected and the word of salvation daily opened to the poor and miserable abjects the high Mountains cast under and the low valleys exalted c. And in the next place it is added in his own will by this falleth down the free will and purpose of man with all his actions counsels and strength of nature according as it is written non est volentis neque currentis sed miserentis Dei c. It is not him that willeth nor in him that runneth but in God that sheweth mercy So we see how Israel ran long and yet got nothing The Gentile runneth began to set out late and yet got the game So they which came at the first which did labour more
tres solum inventi fuere qui edicto resisterint that is to say the Word of God is not made the weaker by my sole appearing in defence thereof no more than when there were but three he means the three Hebrew Children in the Book of Daniel which durst make open opposition to the Kings Edict Liberius thought himself sufficient to keep possession of a truth in the Church of Christ till God should please to raise up more Champions in all places to defend the same not thinking it necessary to return any other answer or to produce the names of any others of his time who turned Athanasius as much as he which brings into my mind a passage in the conference betwixt Dr. Ban Featly and Sweat the Jesuite in which the Jesuite much insisted on that thred-bare question viz. where was your Church before Luther which when the Doctor went to shew out of Scriptures and Fathers some of the Papists standing by cried out for names those which stood further of ingeminating nothing but Names Names whereupon the Dr. merily asked them if nothing would content them but a Buttery book And such an Answer I must make in the present case to such as take up testimony by tale not weight and think no truth is fairly proved except it come attended with a cloud of witnesses But what we want in number now he shall find hereafter when we shall come to take a view of King James his Reign to which now we hasten CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused the inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament An. 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons for it 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon. Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius than against their persuasions 10. Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges 11. The publishing of Mountagues answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his appeal licensed by the Kings appointment 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England NOw we come unto the Reign of King James of happy memory whose breeding in the kirk of Scotland had given some hopes of seeing better days to the English Puritans than those which they enjoyed under Queen Elizabeth Upon which hopes they presented him at his first coming to the Crown with a supplication no less tedious than it was impertinent given out to be subscribed with a thousand hands though it wanted many of that number and aiming at an alteration in many points both of Doctrine and Discipline But they soon found themselves deceived For first the King commanded by publick Proclamation that the divine service of the Church should be diligently officiated and frequented as in former times under pain of suffering the severest penalties by the Laws provided in that case And that being done instead of giving such a favourable answer to their supplication as they had flattered themselves withal he commended the answering of it to the Vice-Chancellour Heads and other Learned men of the University of Oxon from whom there was nothing to be looked for toward their contentment But being thirdly a just Prince and willing to give satisfaction to the just desires of such as did apply themselves unto him as also to inform himself in all such particulars as were in difference betwixt the Petitioners and the Prelates he appointed a solemn Conference to be held before him at Hampton Court on Thursday the 12th of January Anno 1603. being within less than ten moneths after his entrance on the Kingdom To which Conference were called by several Letters on the Churches part the most Reverend and right renowned Fathers in God Dr. John Whitgift Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London Dr. Tobie Matthews Bishop of Durham Dr. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester Dr. Gervase Babbinton Bishop of Worchester Dr. Anthony Rudd Bishop of Davids Dr. Anthony Walson Bishop of Chichester Dr. Henry Robbinson Bishop of Carlile and Dr. Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough as also Dr. James Mountague Dean of the Chappel Dr. Thomas Ravis Dean of Christ Church Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum Dr. Lancelot Andrews Dean of Westminster Dr. John Overald Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. William Barlaw Dean of Chester Dr. Giles Tompson Dean of Windsor together with Dr. Joh King Arch-Deacon of Nottingham and Dr. Richard Field after Dean of Glocester all of them habited and attired according to their several ranks and stations in the Church of England And on the other side there appeared for the Plantiff or Petitioner Dr. Reynolds Dr. Spark Mr. Knewstubs and Mr. Chatterton the two first being of Oxon and the other of Cambridge Con. at H. C. p. 27. apparelled in their Turky Gowns to shew as Bishop Bancroft tartly noted they desired rather to conform themselves in outward Ceremonies with the Turks than they did with the Papists The first day of the Conference being spent betwixt the King and the Bishops the second which was the 16th of the same moneth was given to the Plantiffs to present their grievances and to remonstrate their desires amongst which it was named by Dr. Reynolds Con. at H. C. p. 24. as the mouth of the rest That the nine Assertions Orthodoxal as he termed them concluded upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Book of Articles which when King James seemed not to understand as having never heard before of those nine Assertions Pag. 40. c. He was informed that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity my Lords Grace
himself that whatsoever had been done in the alteration suffragio meo comprobavi he had confirmed and approved as a thing well done Calvin in Eplstola ad Cardinal Sadolet and therefore thought himself to be no less obliged to defend the action than if it had been done at first bh his own command For doubtless that of Tully is exceeding true Nil refert utrum voluerim fieri vel gaudeam factum Cicero in Philip 2. between the doing of a soul and disloyal act and the approbation of it when it is done is but little difference But to proceed our Author being thus made a party in the cause and quarrel of Geeva thought himself bound not only to justifie unto others what himself approved but also to lay down such grounds whereby the Example might be followed and their disloyalty and rebellion the less observed because they did not go alone without company In which respect and 't is a thing to be observed althoughthat Book of Institutions hath been often printed and received many alterations and additions as before was noted yet this particular passage still remains unaltered and hath continued as it is from the first Edition which was in the year 1536. when the Rebellion of Geneva was yet fresh and talked of as an ill Example Nor was the man deceived in his expectation For as he grew into esteem and reputation in the World abroad so he attained at last to that power and Empire over the souls and consciences of his followers that his Errors were accounted Orthodox his defects Perfections and the revolt of the Genevians from their natural Prince must by no means be called Rebellion because projected and pursued by such popular Officers to whom it appertained of common course to regulate the Authority of Kings and Princes And though he doth not say expresly that there either are or ought to be such popular Officers in every Realm or common-wealth but brings it in upon the by with his ifs and ands yet ifs and ands are not allowed of in the Laws to excuse Rebellions Bacons History of King Henry the seventh and by the setting up of that dangerous Si quis si qui sintâ—populares Magistratus as his words there are he seems to make a Proclamation that where there were such Popular Officers it was their bounden duty to correct their Princes after the manner of Geneva where there were none the people were God help them in an ill condition unless some other means were thought of for their ease and remedy Upon which Principles of his his folowers raised such Positions and pursued such practices as have distracted and embroyled the most parts of Europe and made it of a Garden to become a Wilderness For finding that they could not easily create such popular Magistrates to lord it over Kings and Princes who had not been accustomed to the like Controlments they put that power of regulating the Supream Authority either upon the body of the people generally whereof you were told before from Buchannan or upon such to whom they should communicate or transser their Power as occasion served whereof you may hear further in that which followeth And that not only in the case of civil Liberty for which the Examples of the Ephori and the Roman Tribunes were at first found out and that of the Demarchi thrust upon the Readers for the like foul end but specially in such matters which concerned Religion wherein the extraordinary calling of some men in the holy Scriptures must serve for Precedents and Examples to confirm their practices From hence it was that Buchannan doth not only subject his King unto the Ordinary Judges and Courts of Justice as before was noted but fearing that Kings would be too potent to be so kept under adviseth this Buchann de jure Regni Eorum interfectoribus praemia decerni that Rewards should publickly be decreed for those who kill a Tyrant and Kings and Tyrants are the same as heretofore in the word and notion so now in the Opinion of the Presbyterian or Calvinian faction as usually are proposed to those who kill Wolves or Bears From hence it was that the inferiour or subordinate Magistrate is advanced so high as to be entituled to a Power adversus Superiorem Magistratum se Rempub. Ecclesiam etiam armis defendere Paraeus in Epistola ad Rom. cap. 13. of taking Arms against the King or Superiour Magistrate in defence of himself his Countrey and true Religion which though they are the words of Paraeus only yetthey contain the mind and meaning of all the rest of that faction as his son Philip doth demonstrate In Append. ad Cap. 13. Epist ad Rom. Cambden Annal Eliz. An. 1559. Hence was it that John Knox delivered for sound Orthodox doctrine Procerum esse propria autoritate Idololatriam tollere Principes intra legum rescripta per vim reducere that it belonged unto the Peers of each several Kingdom to reform matters of the Church by their own Authority and to confine their Kings and Princes within the bounds prescribed by Law even by force of Arms. Hence that Geselius one of the Lecturers of Roterdam preached unto his people Necessaria Respons Jean de Serres inventnire de Fr. History of the Netherlands Thuan. hist l. 114. Camden Annal An. 15 59. Laurea Austriaca Continuati Thuan. hist l. 8. that if the Magistrates and Clergy did neglect their duty in the reformation of Religion necesse est id facere plebeios that then it did belong to the common people who were bound to have a care thereof and proceed accordingly And as for points of Practice should we look that way what a confusion should we find in most parts of Europe occasioned by no other ground than the entertainment of these Principles and the scattering of these positions amongst the people Witness the Civil Wars of France the revolt of Holland the expulsion of the Earl of East-Friezland the insurrections of the Scots the Tumults of Bohemia the commotions of Brandenburg the translation of the Crown of Sweden from the King of Pole to Charles Duke of Finland the change of Government in England all acted by the Presbyterian or Calvinian party in those several States under pretence of Reformation and redress of grievances And to say truth such is the Genius of the Sect that though they may admit an Equal as parity is the thing most aimed at by them both in Church and State yet they will hardly be persuaded to submit themselves to a Superiour to no Superiours more unwillingly than to Kings and Princes whose persons they disgrace whose power they ruinate whose calling they endeavour to decry and blemish by all means imaginable First for their calling they say it is no other than an humane Ordinance and that the King is but a creature of the peoples making whom having made they may as easily destroy and unmake again Which as it is the
Parliament in their own personal capacities and not as the representative body of the Clergy yet the poor Clergy found it some respect unto them to be thus honoured in their Heads and were the more obliged to obey such Acts as were established in that Court wherein these heads ha dopportunity of interceding if perhaps any thing were propounded which might be grievous to the Clergy and many times a power of hindring and divertring if not by Voice and Numbers yet by strength of reasons They were not altogether Slaves and Bond-men whilest the Church held that remnant of her ancient Rights for whilest the Heads retained that Honour the body could not chuse but rejoyce in it and be cherished by it But since they have been stripped of that by what unworthy Arts the World knows too well they are become of such condition that the most despicable Tradesman in a Corporate Town is more considerable in the eye of the State and hath a greater interesse in the affairs thereof than the greatest Prelate and to say truth than all the Clergy of the Realm For being there are three Ingredients which make up a Freeman as Sir Francis Bacon well observed in his speech concerning the Post-nati that is to say 1. jus Civitatis which did inable a man to buy and sell and to take Inheritances 2. jus suffragii a Voice in the passing of Laws and Election of Officers and 3. jus honoris a capability of such Offices and Honours as the State could give him the Clergy by this means are limited to the first right only and utterly excluded from the other two and thereby put into a worse condition than the meanest Freeman in the Kingdom Insomuch that whereas every needy Artizan if he be free of any Corporate Town or City every Cottager that dwelleth in an ancient Burrough and every Clown which can lay claim to forty shillings per Annum of Freehold either for life or of Inheritance hath a Voice in Parliament either in person or by Proxy and is not bound by any Law but what himself consents to in his Representatives the Clergy only of this Realm as the case now stands being out of the greatest States of this Kingdom as is acknowledged expresly in terminis by Act of Parliament 8 Eliz. c. 1. are neither capable of place there in their personal capacities nor suffered to be there in their Procurators as of old they were nor have so much as any Voice in chusing of the Knights and Burgesses which represent the body of the people generally I know it hath been said in reply to this that the Clergy may give Voices at the Election of the Knights and Burgesses and that it is their own neglect if they do it not But I know too that this is only yielded unto such of the Clergy as are possessed of Lands and Houses in those several places where such Elections are to be made and not then neither in most places except it be to make a party for particular ends especially where some good man or the main cause it self it concerned therein which as it totally excludeth the greatest part of the Clergy from having any Voice at all in these Elections the greatest part of the Clergy the more the pity having neither Lands nor Houses to such a value in fee simple so it gives no more power unto those that have than what of necessity must serve I am sure occasionally it may to their own undoing For to say truth those that give out that the Clergy may give Voice at such Elections use it but as a shift for the present turn intending nothing less indeed as hath oft been seen than that the Clergy should be capable of so great a trust The reason is because there is not any Freeman of a City or a Corporate Town who hath a Voice in the Election of a Citizen to serve in Parliament nor almost any Cottager or Free-holder who hath a Voice in the Election either of a Knight or Burgess but is directly eligible to the place himself Of Citizens and Burgesses Elected from the very meanest of the people we have many instances and shall have more according as they find their strength and have received a taste of the sweets of Government And for the chusing of the Knights of the several Shires it is determined by the Statutes that as 40 s. Land of Free-hold per Annum 8 Hen. 6. c. 7. is enough to qualifie a Clown for giving a Voice at the Election so the same Clown if he have 20 l. Land per Annum is capable of being chosen for a Knight of the Shire as appears plainly and expresly by the Statute Law For though the Writ directed to the several and respective Sheriffs prescribe a choice of dues milites gladio cinctos yet we know well that by the Statute of King Henry 6. which is explanatory in this case of the Common Law such notable Esquires or Gentlemen 23 Hen. 6.15 born of the same Counties as shall be able to the Knights are made as capable as a dubbed Knight to attend that service and he that hath no more than 20 l. per Annum either in Capite or Socage is not only able by the Law to be made a Knight 1 Ed. 2. c. 1. but was compelled thereunto even by the Statute-Law it self until the Law was lately altered in that point 17 Carol. c. 1. And on the other side it is clera enough for there have been of late some experiments of it that though a Clergy-man be born an Esquire or Gentleman for they are not all born ex fece Plebis as the late Lord Brook forgetting his own poor Extraction hath been pleased to say and though he be possessed of a fair Estate descended to him from his Ancestors L. Brook against Episcopacy or otherwise possessed of some Lands or Houses in Town Burrough or City whereby he stands as eligible in the eye of the Law as any Lady-Gentleman of them all yet either he is held uncapable and so pretermitted or if returned rejected at the House it self to his soul reproach It is a Fundamental constitution of the Realm of England that every Freeman hath a Voice in the Legislative power of Parliament And so acknowledged in a Writ of Summons of K. Edw. 1. and it is a Rule in Politicks quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet Which being now denied to the English Clergy reduceth them to that condition which St. Paul complains of and makes them no otherwise accounted of by the common people than as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the filth and off-scouring of the world to this very day This tempts me to a brief dicussion of a Question exceeding weighty in it self but not so much as thought of in this great Disfranchisement the slavery obtruded lately on the English Clergy that is to say whether that any two of the three Estates conspiring or agreeing
belong also to Bishops 14. And of Lay-people if they walk unworthy of their Christian calling ibid. 15. Conjectural proofs that the description of a Bishop in the first to Timothy is of a Bishop strictly and properly called Page 233 CHAP. VI. Of the estate of holy Church particularly of the Asian Churces toward the later days of Saint John the Apostle 1. The time of Saint Johns coming into Asia Page 235 2. All the seven Churches except Ephesus of his Plantation ibid. 3. That the Angels of those Churches were the Bishops of them in the opinion of the Fathers Page 236 4. And of some Protestant Divines of name and eminency ibid. 5. Conclusive Reasons for the same Page 237 6. Who is most like to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ibid. 7. That Polycarpus was the Angel of the Church of Smyrna Page 238 8. Touching the Angel of the Church of Pergamus and of Thiatyra ibid. 9. As also of the Churches of Sardis Philadelphia and Laodicea Page 239 10. What Successors these several Angels had in their several Churches Page 240 11. Of other Churches founded in Episcopacy by Saint John the Apostle ibid. 12. Saint John deceasing left the Government of the Church to Bishops as to the Successours of the Apostles Page 241 13. The ordinary Pastors of the Church Page 242 14. And the Vicars of Christ Page 243 15. A brief Chronologic of the estate of holy Church in this first Century Page 244 PART II. CHAP. I. What doth occur concerning Bishops and the Government of the Church by them during the first half of the second Century 1. OF the condition of the Church of Corinth when Clemens wrote unto them his Epistle Page 249 2. What that Epistle doth contain in reference to this point in hand Page 250 3. That by Episcopi he meaneth Bishops truly and properly so called proved by the scope of the Epistle Page 251 4. And by a text of Scripture therein cited ibid. 5. Of the Episcopal Succession in the Church of Corinth Page 252 6. The Canons of the Apostles ascribed to Clemens what they say of Bishops Page 253 7. A Bishop not to be ordained under three or two at least of the same Order ibid. 8. Bishops not barred by these Canons from any Secular affairs as concern their Families Page 254 9. How far by them restrained from the employments of the Common-wealth ibid. 10. The jurisdiction over Presbyters given to the Bishops by those Canons Page 255 11. Rome divided into Parishes or tituli by Pope Euaristus Page 256 12. The reasons why Presbyteries or Colleges of Presbyters were planted first in Cities ibid. 13. Touching the superiority over all the flock given to the Bishop by Ignatius Page 257 14. As also of the Jurisdiction by him allowed them Page 258 15. The same exemplified in the works of Justin Martyr Page 259 CHAP. II. The setling of Episcopacy together with the Gospel in the Isle of Britain by Pope Eleutherius 1. What Bishops Egesippus met with in his Peregrination and what he testifieth of them Page 260 2. Of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth and of the Bishops by him mentioned ibid. 3. How Bishops came to be ordained where none were left by the Apostles Page 261 4. The setling of the Gospel in the Isle of Britain by Pope Eleutherius Page 262 5. Of the Condition of the Church of Britain from the first preaching of the Gospel there till the time of Lucius Page 263 6. That Lucius was a King in those parts of Britain which we now call England Page 264 7. Of the Episcopal Sees here founded by King Lucius at that time Page 265 8. Touching the Flamines and Arch-flamines which those Stories speak of ibid. 9. What is most like to be the reason of the number of the Arch-bishopricks and Bishopricks here of old established Page 266 10. Of the Successors which the Bishops of this Ordination are found to have on true Record Page 267 11. Which of the British Metropolitans was antiently the Primate of that Nation Page 268 CHAP. III. The Testimony given to Episcopal Authority in the last part of this second Century 1. The difference betwixt Pope Victor and the Asian Bishops about the Feast of Easter Page 269 2. The interpleading of Polycrates and Irenaeus two renowned Prelates in the aforesaid cause Page 270 3. Several Councils called about it by the Bishops of the Church then being with observations on the same ibid. 4. Of the Episcopal Succession in the four prime Sees for this second Century Page 271 5. An Answer to some Objections made against the same Page 272 6. The great authority and esteem of the said four Sees in those early days ibid. 7. The use made of this Episcopal Succession by Saint Irenaeus Page 273 8. As also in Tertullian and some other Antients Page 274 9. Of the authority enjoyed by Bishops in Tertullians time in the administration of the Sacraments Page 275 10. As also in enjoyning Fasts and the disposing of the Churches treasury ibid. 11. And in the dispensation of the Keys Page 276 12. Tertullian misalledged in maintenance of the Lay-Presbytery Page 277 13. The great extent of Christianity and Episcopacy in Tertullians time concludes this Century Page 278 CHAP. IV. Of the Authority in the Government of the Church of Carthage enjoyed and exercised by Saint Cyprian and other Bishops of the same 1. Of the foundation and preheminence of the Church of Carthage Page 279 2. Of Agrippinus and Donatus two of Saint Cyprian's Predecessors ibid. 3. The troublesome condition of that Church at Cyprian's first being Bishop there Page 280 4. Necessitated him to permit some things to the discretion of his Presbyters and consent of the People Page 281 5. Of the Authority ascribed by Cyprian to the People in the Election of their Bishop Page 282 6. What power the People had de facto in the said Elections ibid. 7. How far the testimony rf the People was required in the Ordination of their Presbyters Page 283 8. The power of Excommunication reserved by Saint Cyprian to the Bishop only Page 284 9. No Reconciliation of a Penitent allowed by Cyprian without the Bishops leave and licence Page 285 10. The Bishop's power as well in the encouragement as in the punishment and censure of his Clergy Page 286 11. The memorable case of Geminius Faustinus one of the Presbyters of Carthage Page 287 12. The Bishop's power in regulating and declaring Martyrs Page 288 13. The Divine Right and eminent Authority of Bishops fully asserted by Saint Cyprian Page 289 CHAP. V. Of the condition and affairs of the two Patriarchal Churches of Alexandria and Antiochia 1. Of the foundation and first Professors of the Divinity-School in Alexandria Page 290 2. What is affirmed by Clemens one of those Professors concerning Bishops Page 291 3. Origen the Divinity Reader there permitted to expound the Scriptures in the presence of the Bishop of Caesarea ibid. 4. Contrary to
doctrins An Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same ibid. 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times the case of Liberius Pope of Rome and that the testimonies of this kind are rather to be valued by weight than tale Page 627 CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled Page 628 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James Page 629 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition ibid. 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it Page 630 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused The inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession ibid. 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their Predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament Anno 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons of it Page 631 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-Calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland ibid. 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon Calvanists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud Page 632 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that King was more incensed heainst the party of Arminius than against their perswasions ibid. 10. The Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges Page 633 11. The publishing of Mountagues Answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his Appeal Licensed by the Kings appointment Page 634 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England ibid. A Postscript to the Reader concerning some particulars in a Scurrilous Pamphlet Entituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare c. Page 635 The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience and Rebellion c. CHAP. I. The Doctrine of Obedience laid down by Calvin and of the Popular Officers supposed by him whereby he overthroweth that Doctrine 1. THe purpose and design of the work in hand Page 645 2. The Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes soundly and piously laid down by Calvin Page 646 3. And that not only to the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants Page 647 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it Page 649 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some particular Officers ordained of purpose to regulate the power of Kings Page 650 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine as to the point of Obedience Page 651 7. Several Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him Page 653 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and the Scholars ibid. 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience Page 654 10. The method and distribution of the following work Page 655 CHAP. II. Of the Authority of Ephori in the State of Sparta and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The King of Sparta absolute Monarch at the first Page 656 2. Of the declining of the Regal power and the condition of that State when Lycurgus undertook to change the Government Page 657 3. What power Lycurgus gave the Senate and what was left unto the Kings ibid. 4. The Ephori appointed by the Kings of Sparta to ease themselves and curb the Senate Page 658 5. The blundering and mistakes of Joseph Scaliger about the first Institution of the Ephori Page 659 6. The Ephori from mean beginnings grew to great Authority and by what advantages Page 660 7. The power and influence which they had in the publick Government Page 661 8. By what degrees the Ephori incroached on the Spartan Kings Page 662 9. The insolencies of the Ephori towards their Kings altered the State into a Tyranny Page 663 10. The Spartan Kings stomach the insolency of the Ephori and at last utterly destroy them Page 664 11. An application of the former passages to the point in hand Page 665 CHAP. III. Of the Incroachments of the Tribunes on the State of Rome and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The Tribunes of the People why first Instituted in the State of Rome Page 666 2. And with what difficulty and conditions Page 667 3. The Tribunes fortifie themselves with large immunities before they went about to change the Government Page 668 4. The Tribunes no sooner in their Office but they set themselves against the Nobility and the Senate contrary to the Articles of their Institution Page 669 5. The many and dangerous Seditions occasioned by the Tribunes in the City of Rome Page 670 6. The Tribunes and the People do agree together to change the Government of the State Page 671 7. By what degrees the People came to be possessed of all the Offices in the State both of power and dignity Page 672 8. The Plots and Practices of the Gracchi to put the power of the Judicature and Supream Majesty of the Senate into the hands of the People ibid. 9. The Tribunes take upon them to commit the Consuls and bring all the Officers of the State under their command Page 673 10. The Office and Authority of the Tribunes reduced unto its antient bounds by Corn. Sylla and at last utterly destroyed Page 674 11. An Application of the former passage to the point in hand Page 675 CHAP. IV. Of what Authority the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of the danger and unfitness of the instances produced by Calvin 1. Athens first governed by Kings and afterwards by one Sovereign Prince under other titles Page 676 2. The Annual Magistrates of Athens what they were and of what Authority Page 677 3. By whom and what degrees the State of Athens was reduced to a Democratie Page 678 4. Of the Authority of the Senate and the famous Court of the Areopagites Page 679 5. What the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of what Authority Page 680 6. The Demarchi never were of power to oppose the Senate nor were ordained to that end ibid. 7. Calvins ill