Angle of the Sunne beames heateth and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto it might expresly be set downe what force of heat and cold is in all regions Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat but a temperate aire rather tending to cold For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde and vse the benefite of fire as well as we especially in the euening when they goe to bed for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed of which two fires the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights Also in many places of Torrida Zona especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous the people a litle shrincke at the cold and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed especially in Winter whereby appeareth that with their heat there is colde intermingled else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise For when they goe to warres they will put off all their apparell thinking it to be combersome and will alwayes goe naked that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot because the people of the countrey can and doe liue without clothing wherein they childishly are deceiued for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde because wee cannot liue without clothing for this our double lining furring and wearing so many clothes is a remedy against extremitie and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation but inconuenience and iniury of colde and that is rather the moderate temperate and delectable habitation where none of these troublesome things are required but that we may liue naked and bare as nature bringeth vs foorth Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot because the people of Africa especially the Ethiopians are so cole blacke and their haire like wooll curled short which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne which how it should be possible I cannot see for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America and in the East Indies and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke but tauney and white with long haire vncurled as wee haue so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both they abiding in one Parallel for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike and equidistant to the earth except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis and Oppositum which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat but by way of Angle in reflection and not by his neerenesse to the earth for throughout all Africa yea in the middest of the middle Zone and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne then the people are in the valley by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile frost and snow is engendred is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is and yet there continueth perpetuall cold because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England who taking a faire English woman to wife begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was although England were his natiue countrey and an English woman his mother whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong that neither the nature of the Clime neither the good complexion of the mother concurring coulde any thing alter and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime And for a more fresh example our people of Meta Incognita of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande that were brought this last yeere into England were all generally of the same colour that many nations be lying in the middest of the middle Zone And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire but also in their bodies which were stil couered with garments as ours are yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are No the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees for in effect they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone and as I saide fourtie degrees from the burning Zone whereby it followeth that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse And the most probable cause to my iudgement is that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey and so all the whole progenie of them descended are still polluted with the same blot of infection Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose to examine the first originall of these blacke men and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth there remained no moe men aliue but Noe and his three sonnes Sem Cham and Iaphet who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem Cham or Iaphet as the onely sonnes of Noe who all three being white and their wiues also by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee
the Sunnes heat by comparing the Angles there with the Angles made here in England because this temperature is best knowen vnto vs. As for example the 11. day of March when vnder the Equinoctiall it is halfe houre past eight of the clocke in the morning the Sunne will be in the East about 38. degrees aboue the Horizon because there it riseth alwayes at sixe of the clocke and mooueth euery houre 15. degrees and so high very neere will it be with vs at London the said eleuenth day of March at noone And therefore looke what force the Sunne hath with vs at noone the eleuenth of March the same force it seemeth to haue vnder the Equinoctial at half an houre past eight in the morning or rather lesse force vnder the Equinoctiall For with vs the Sunne had bene already sixe houres aboue the Horizon and so had purified and clensed all the vapours and thereby his force encreased at noon◠but vnder the Equinoctiall the Sunne hauing bene vp but two houres and an halfe had sufficient to doe to purge and consume the cold and moyst vapours of the long night past and as yet had wrought no effect of heate And therefore I may boldly pronounce that there is much lesse heate at halfe an houre past eight vnder the Equinoctiall then is with vs at noone à fortiori But in March we are not onely contented to haue the Sunne shining but we greatly desire the same Likewise the 11 of Iune the Sunne in our Meridian is 62 degrees high at London and vnder the Equinoctiall it is so high after 10 of the clocke and seeing then it is beneficial with vs à fortiori it is beneficiall to them after 10 of the clocke And thus haue wee measured the force of the Sunnes greatest heate the hottest dayes in the yeere vnder the Equinoctiall that is in March and September from sixe till after tenne of the clocke in the morning and from two vntill Sunne set And this is concluded by respecting onely the first cause of heate which is the consideration of the Angle of the Sunne beames by a certaine similitude that whereas the Sunne shineth neuer aboue twelue houres more then eight of them would bee coole and pleasant euen to vs much more to them that are acquainted alwayes with such warme places So there remaineth lesse then foure houres of any excessiue heate and that onely in the two Sommer dayes of the yeere that is the eleuenth day of March and the foureteenth of September for vnder the Equinoctiall they haue two Sommers the one in March and the other in September which are our Spring and Autumne and likewise two Winters in Iune and December which are our Sommer and Winter as may well appeare to him that hath onely tasted the principles of the Sphere But if the Sunne bee in either Tropicke◠or approching neere thereunto then may wee more easily measure the force of his Meridian altitude that it striketh vpon the Equinoctiall As for example the twelfth of Iune the Sunne will be in the first degree of Cancer Then looke what force the heate of the Sunne hath vnder the Equinoctiall the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel where the Pole is eleuated betweene fourtie and seuen and fourtie and eight degrees And therefore Paris in France the twelfth day of Iune sustaineth more heate of the Sunne then Saint Thomas Island lying neere the same Meridian doeth likewise at noone or the Ilands Taprobana Moluccae or the firme lande of Peru in America which all lye vnderneath the Equinoctiall For vpon the twelfth day of Iune aforesaide the Sunne beames at noone doe make an Isoscheles Triangle whose Vertex is the Center of the Sunne the Basis a line extended from Saint Thomas Iland vnder the Equinoctiall vnto Paris in France neere the same Meridian therefore the two Angles of the Base must needs be equal per 5. primi Ergo the force of the heat equal if there were no other cause then the reason of the Angle as the olde Philosophers haue appointed But because at Paris the Sunne riseth two houres before it riseth to them vnder the Equinoctiall and setteth likewise two houres after them by meanes of the obliquitie of the Horizon in which time of the Sunnes presence foure houres in one place more then the other it worketh some effect more in one place then in the other and being of equall height at noone it must then needs follow to be more hote in the Parallel of Paris then it is vnder the Equinoctiall Also this is an other reason that when the Sunne setteth to them vnder the Equinoctiall it goeth very deepe and lowe vnder their Horizon almost euen to their Antipodes whereby their twilights are very short and their nights are made very extreeme darke and long and so the moysture and coldnesse of the long nights wonderfully encreaseth so that at length the Sunne rising can hardly in many houres consume and driue away the colde humours and moyst vapours of the night past which is cleane contrary in the Parallel of Paris for the Sunne goeth vnder their Horizon but very little after a sloping sort whereby their nights are not very darke but lightsome as looking into the North in a cleare night without cloudes it doeth manifestly appeare their twilights are long for the Parallel of Cancer cutteth not the Horizon of Paris at right Angles but at Angles very vneuen and vnlike as it doeth the Horizon of the Equinoctiall Also the Sommer day at Paris is sixteene houres long and the night but eight where contrarywise vnder the Equinoctiall the day is but twelue houres long and so long is also the night in whatsoeuer Parallel the Sunne be and therefore looke what oddes and difference of proportion there is betweene the Sunnes abode aboue the Horizon in Paris and the abode it hath vnder the Equinoctiall it being in Cancer the same proportion would seeme to be betweene the heate of the one place and heate of the other for other things as the Angle of the whole arke of the Sunnes progresse that day in both places are equall But vnder the Equinoctiall the presence and abode of the Sunne aboue the Horizon is equall to his absence and abode vnder the Horizon eche being twelue houres And at Paris the continuance and abode of the Sunne is aboue the Horizon sixteene houres long and but eight houres absence which proportion is double from which if the proportion of the equalitie be subtracted to finde the difference there will remaine still a double proportion whereby it seemeth to follow that in Iune the heate at Paris were double to the heate vnder the Equinoctiall For as I haue said the Angles of the Sunne beames are in all points equall and the cause of difference is Mora Solis supra Horizontem the stay of the Sunne in the one Horizon more then in the other Therefore whosoeuer could finde out in what proportion the
three quarters of an houre after one of the clocke so that in Sommer their Sunne shineth to them twenty houres and a halfe and in the night is absent three houres and a halfe And although the Sunne bee absent these 3. houres and a halfe yet it is not darke that time for that the Sunne is neuer aboue three or foure degrees vnder the edge of their Horizon the cause is that the Tropicke of Cancer doth cut theâ— Horizon at very vneuen and obligue Angles But the Moone at any time of the yeere being in Cancer hauing North latitude doth make a full reuolution aboue their Horizon so that sometime they see the Moone aboue 24. houres togither Some of our company of the more ignorant sort thought we might continually haue seene the Sunne and the Moone had it not bene for two or three high mountaines The people are now become so warie and so circumspect by reason of their former losses that by no meanes we can apprehend any of them although wee attempted often in this last voyage But to say trueth wee could not bestow any great time in pursuing them because of our great businesse in lading and other things The Letters patents of the Queenes Maiestie granted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others for the search and discouery of the Northwest Passage to China ELizabeth by the grace of God of England France and Ireland Queene defender of the faith c. To all to whome these presents shall come greeting Forasmuch as our trustie and welbeloued subiect Adrian Gylbert of Sandridge in the Countie of Deuon Gentleman to his great costes and charges hath greatly and earnâ—stly trauelled and sought and yet doth trauell and seeke and by diuers meanes indeuoureth and laboureth that the Passage vnto China and the Iles of the Moluccas by the Northwestward Northeastward or Northward vnto which part or partes of the world none of our loyall Subiects haue hitherto had any traffique or trade may be discouered knowen and frequented by the Subiects of this our Realme Knowe yee therefore that for the considerations aforesayd and for diuers other good considerations vs thereunto specially moouing We of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and grant free libertie power and full authoritie to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to any other person by him or his heires to be assigned and to those his associates and assistants whose names are written in a Scedule hereunto annexed and to their heires and to one assignee of each of them and each of their heires at all times and at any time or times after the date of these presents vnder our Banners and Ensignes freely without let interruption or restraint of vs our heires or successors any law statute proclamation patent charter or prouiso to the conâ—rary notwithstanding to saile make voyage and by any maner of meanes to passe and to depart out of this our Realme of England or any our Realmes Dominions or Territories into all or any Isles Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Portes Bayes Creekes armes of the Sea and all Hauens and all maner of other places whatsoeuer that by the sayde Northwestward Northeastward or Northward is to be by him his associates or assignes discouered and for and in the sayde sayling voyage and passage to haue and vse so many shippes Barkes Pinnesses or other vessels of any quantitie or burthen with all the furniture of men victuals and all maner of necessary prouision armour weapons ordinance targets and appurtinances whatsoeuer as to such a voyage shall or may be requisite conuenient or commodious any lawe statute ordinance or prouiso to the contrary thereof nothwithstanding And also we doe giue and grant to the sayde Adrian Gylbert and his sayde associates anâ— to such assignee of him and his heires and to the heires and one assignee of euery of his sayde associates for euer full power and absolute authoritie to trade and make their resiance in any of the sayde Isles Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Portes Bayes and Hauens and all maner of other places whatsoeuer with all commodities prosites and emoluments in the sayde places or any of them growing and arising with all maner of priuiledges prerogatiues iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land whatsoeuer yeelding and paying therefore vnto vs our heires and successors the tenth part of all such golde and siluer oare pearles iewels and precious stones or the value thereof as the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associates their heires and assignes seruants factors or workemen and euery or any of them shall finde the sayd tenth to bee deliuered duely to our Customer or other officers by vs our heires or successors thereunto assigned in the Portes of London Dartmouth or Plimmouth at which three places onely the sayde Adrian Gylbert and his sayde associates their sayde heires and assignes shall lade charge arriue and discharge all maner of wares goods and merchandizes whatsoeuer to the sayde voyage and newe trade belonging or appertaining And moreouer wee haue giuen granted and authorized and by these presents for vs our heires and successors of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion doe giue graunt and authorize the sayd Adrian Gilbert and his sayd associats for euer their heires and their said assignes euery of them that if the aforesayd Iles Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Ports Bayes or Hauens or any other of the premisses by the sayd Adrian Gylbert or his associats their heires and their said assignes or any of them to be found by them discouered and traffiqued vnto by any trade as aforesayd shall be by any other our subiects visited frequented haunted traded vnto or inhabited by the wayes aforesayd without the special licence in writing of the said Adrian Gylbert and his associats and their heires and assignes for euer or by the most part of them so that the sayd Adrian Gilbert his heires or assignes be one of them that then aswell their ship or ships in any such voyage of voyages vsed as all and singuler their goods wares and marchandizes or any other things whatsoeuer from or to any of the places aforesayd transported that so shall presume to visit frequent haunt trade vnto or inhabite shall be forfaited and confiscated ipso facto the one halfe of the same goods and marchandizes or other things whatsoeuer or the value thereof to be to the vse of vs our heires or successours and the other moytie thereof to be to the vse of the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associats their heires and assignes for euer and vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associats their heires and assignes wee impose giue assigne create and confirme this name peculiar to be named by to sue and to be sued by that is to wit by the name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage
Westsouthwest sunne we set our maine sayle and lay close by the winde the winde being at Northwest and by North making but little way because the billow went so high at midnight wee cast about and the shippe caped Northnortheast making little way Friday at noone we had the latitude in 70 degrees 8 minutes and we sounded and had 29 fadomes sand and in maner stremy ground At a West sunne we cast about to the Westwards and a little after the wind came vp at West Saturday was calme the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees and a terce we sounded heere and had nine and forty fadomes and oze which oze signified that we drew towards Noua Zembla And thus we being out of al hope to discouer any more to the Eastward this yeere wee thought it best to returne and that for three causes The first the continuall Northeast and Northerly winds which haue more power after a man is past to the Eastwards of Caninoze then in any place that I doe know in these Northerly regions Second because of great and terrible abundance of ice which we saw with our eies and we doubt greater store abideth in those parts I aduentured already somewhat too farre in it but I thanke God for my safe deliuerance from it Third because the nights waxed darke and the winter began to draw on with his stormes and therefore I resolued to take the first best wind that God should send and plie towards the bay of S. Nicholas and to see if we might do any good there if God would permitt it This present Saturday we saw very much ice and were within two or three leagues of it it shewed vnto vs as though it had beene a firme land as farre as we might see from Northwest off vs to the Eastwards and this afternoone the Lord sent vs a little gale of wind at South so that we bare cleere off the Westermost part of it thanks be to God And then against night it waxeâ— calme againe and the winde was at Southwest we made our way vntil Sunday noone Northwest and by West and then we had the latitude in 70 degrees and a halfe the winde at Southwest there was a billow so that we could not discerne to take the latitude exactly but by a reasonable gesse Munday there was a pretie gale of wind at South so that wee went West and by South the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 10 minutes wee had little-winde all day at a Westnorthwest sunne we sounded and had 29 fadoms blacke sandie oze then we were Northeast 5 leagues from the Northeast part of the Island Colgoieue Tuesday the wind all Westerly we plyed to the wind wards Wednesday the wind was all Westerly and calme wee had the latitude this day in 70 degrees 10 minutes we being within three leagues of the North part of the Island Colgoieue Thursday we went roome about the Westermost part of the Island seeking where we might finde a place to ride in for a Northwest wind but could find none and then we cast about againe to the seawards and the winde came at Westsouthwest and this morning we had plenty of snow Friday the winde being at Southwest and by West we plied to the windewards Saturday the winde being at South we plyed to the Westwards and at afternoone the mist brake vp and then we might see the land seuen or eight leagues to the Eastwards of Caninoz we sounded a litle before and had 35. fadoms and oze And a while after wee sounded againe and had 19. fadome and sand then we were within three leagues and a halfe of the shore and towards night there came downe so much winde that we were faine to bring our ship a trie and laide her head to the Westwards Sunday the winde became more calme and then it waxed verie mystie At noone wee cast about to the Eastwards the winde beeing at South and ranne eight houres on that boorde and then we cast about and caped West southwest we sounded and had 32. fathomes and tough oaze like clay Munday we doubled about Caninoze and came at an anker there to the intent that we might kill some fish if God would permit it and there we gace a great Nuse which Nuses were there so plentie that they would scarcely suffer any other fish to come neere the hookes the said Nuses caried away sundrie of our hookes and leads A litle after at a West Sunne the winde began to blow stormie at West southwest so that we were faine to wey and forsake our fishing ground and went close by the winde Southwest and Southwest and by West making our way South southwest September TUesday at a West Sunne we sounded and had 20. fathoms and broken Wâ—â—keshels I reckoned Canonize to be 24. leagues Northnortheast from vs. The eleuenth day we arriued at Colmogro and there we wintered expecting the approch of the next Sommer to proceede farther in our intended discouerie for the Ob which by reason of our imploiments to Wardhouse the next spring for the search of some English ships was not accordingly performed Certaine notes vnperfectly written by Richard Iohnson seruant to Master Richard Chancelour which was in the discouerie of Vaigatz and Noua Zembla with Steuen Burrowe in the Serchthrift 1556. and afterwarde â—â—ong the Samoedes whose deuilish rites hee describeth FIrst after we departed out of England we fell with Norway and on that coste lieth Northbern or Northbergen and this people are vnder the King of Denmarke But they differ in their speech from the Daâ—es for they speake Norsh And North of Northbern lie the Isles of Roste and Lofoot and these Islands pertaine vnto Finmarke and they keepe the lawes and speake the language of the Islanders And at the Eastermost part of that land is a castle which is called the Ward house and the King of Denmarke doeth fortifie it with men of warre and the Russes may not goe to the Westward of that castle And East Southeast from that castle is a lande called Lappia in which lande be two maner of people that is to say the Lappians and the Scrickfinnes which Scrickfinnes are a wilde people which neither know God nor yet good order and these people liue intents made of Deares skinnes and they haue no certaine habitations but continue in heards and companies by one hundred and two hundreds And they are a people of small stature and are clothed in Deares skinnes and drinke nothing but water and eate no bread but flesh all raw And the Lappians bee a people adioyning to them be much like to them in al conditions but the Emperour of Russia hath of late ouercome manie of them and they are in subiection to him And this people will say that they beleeue in the Russes God And they liue in tents as the other doe And Southeast and by South from Lappia lyeth a prouince called Corelia
people will be alwayes like themselues stubburnly mainteining that which is false and foolish neither can I hope to remooue them from this accustomed and stale opinion I haue penned the treatise following And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men who both in age wit and learning are by many degrees my superiors and therefore more fit to take the defence of the countrey into their hands notwithstanding being earnestly perswaded thereunto by that godly famous man Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island I thought good to the vtmost of mine ability to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause both that I might obey his most reasonable request and also that I might encourage other of my countreymen who haue bene better trained vp in good learning and indued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe to the defence of this our nation so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake the like enterprise But to returne to the matter because they whatsoeuer they be that reproch and maligne our nation make their boast that they vse the testimonies of writers we are seriously to consider what things and how true writers haue reported of Island to the end that if they haue giuen perhaps any occasion to others of inueying against vs their errours being layd open for I will not speake more sharpely all the world may see how iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some ancient writers of this Iland by the rule of trueth and experience yet otherwise their memory is precious in our eyes their dignity reuerend their learning to be had in honour and their zeale and affection towards the whole common wealth of learned men highly to be commended but as for nouices if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles when they shall heare and know truer matters concerning Island then they themselues haue written they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to haue gained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order it shall be diuided into two generall parts the first of the Iland the second of the inhabitants and of these two but so for-foorth as those writers which are come to our hands haue left recorded because I am not determined to wander out of these lifts or to handle more then these things and some other which perteine vnto them For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer or Geographer but onely a Disputer Wherefore omitting a longer Preface let vs come to the first part concerning the situation the name miracles and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland The first section The Isle of Island being seuered from other countreys an infinite distance standeth farre into the Ocean and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers ALbeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land and the adiunces or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or inhabitants from the biting of slanderers yet seemeth it in no case to be omitted bâ—t to be intreated of in the first place that the friendly reader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in this respect may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto them in other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants and which others haue receiued from them as oracles from whence as they say they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation First therefore that the distance of Island from other countreys is not infinite nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine it might easily be prâ—uided if one did but in some sort know the true longitude latitude of the said Iland For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen any other way then this whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course be it neuer so direct as they suppose doth at all times swerue In y e meane while therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors concerning y e situation of Island that from hence euery man mâ—y gather that of the distance which seâ—meth most probable vntil perhaps my selfe being one day taught by mine owne experience may if not intrude yet at least adioin what I shal thinke true as touching this matter Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. Munster placeth Island almost in 20  68  Gerardus Mercator 325  68  Gemma Frisius placeth the midst of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42 Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10 Iacobus Ziegleâ—us     The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0 The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0 The East shore is extended Northward and hath bounds of extension in 30 0 68 0 The North shore is extended Westward and hath bounds of extension in 28 0 69 0 The description of y e West side     Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. The promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0 The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10 The inland cities of Island     Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50 Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22  63 30 Reinholdus     By Holen in Island   68  Iohannes Miâ—itius     By Mid-Island   69 ½ Neander     Island stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the equinoctial insomuch that y e said circle arctic doeth almost diuide it in the midst c.     There be others also who either in their maps or writings haue noted the situation of Island notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe any more of their opinions because the more you haueâ— the more contrary shall you finde them For my part albeit I haue probable coniectures perswading me not to beleeue any of the former opinions concerning the situation of Island but to dissent from them all yet had I rather leaue the matter in suspense then affirme an vncerteinty vâ—till as I haue sayd I may be able perhappes one day not to gesse at the matter but to bring forth mine owne obseruation and experience A câ—rteine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe Baâ—zende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues from whence if you shall account the difference of longitude to the meridâ—an of Hamburg Island must â—aue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place I am able to prooue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers that it is but seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Besides all those Islands which by reason of the abuâ—dance of sheepe are called Fareyiar or more rightly Faâ—reyiar as likewise the desert shores of Norway are distant from vs but two dayes sailing We haue foure dayes sailing into habitable Gronland and almost in the same quantitie of time we passe ouer to the prouince
together nor writing of letter to the great master he knew nothing Howbeit sith the great master had sent to him for to know his will he bade say to them that the great master should yeeld him the towne And in so doing he promised by his faith for to let him goe with all his knights and all other that would goe with their goods without receiuing any displeasure of his people of the campe And if he accepted not the sayd treatie to certifie him that he would neuer depart from Rhodes till he had taken it and that all his might of Turkie should die there rather then hee would faile of it and that there should neither great nor litle escape but vnto the cats they should be all cut in pieces and sayd that within 3. dayes they should giue him an answere for hee would not that his people should loose time and that during the sayd truce they should make no repaires nor defences within the towne When the great Turke had ended his wordes our ambassadours tooke their leaue of him and returned to the towne and there was giuen to each of them a rich garment of branched veluet with cloth of gold of the Turkish fashion Then Acmek basha tooke sir Passin and led him to his pauillion and intreating him right well caused him to abide all that day and night and in eating and drinking they had many discourses of things done at the siege questioning each with other And among all other things our ambassadour demaunded of Acmek and prayed him to tell for trueth how many men died of the campe while the siege was laied The said Basha sware vpon his faith and certified that there were dead of the campe of violent death that is to say of gunshot and other wayes 64000. men or more beside them that died of sicknesse which were about 40. or 50. thousand How one of the ambassadours made answere of his message and how the Commons would not agree to yeeld the towne REturne we now to our purpose and to the answere that our ambassadours brought to the lord great master The sayd Robert Perruse made the answere and told what the great Turke had sayd certifying that he would haue an answere quickly either yea or nay The which answere after the demaund of the great Turke hath bene purposed and concluded by the whole counsel and his offer treatie accepted howbeit the sayd ambassadours had it not to do so soone nor the first time that they went for good reasons but yet they would not deferre it for feare least he should repent him And vpon these determinations that they would haue sent the sayd Peruse to beare the answere came some of the common people of the towne to the lord great master that was with the lordes of the counsell and sayd that they were aduertised of the appointment that he had made with the great Turke and that he would yeeld the towne with couenaunts by him taken which they supposed ought not to be done without calling of them And because they were not called to it they sayd that they would not agree thereto and that it were better for them to die for the great Turke by some way would put them all to death as was done in Bellegrado in Hungarie How the lord great master sent two ambassadors for the Commons to the great Turke WHen the reuerend lord great master had heard their wordes he sayd graciously to them that as touching the acceptation of the great Turks offer it was needful so to do in the degree that the towne was and the causes wherefore he had done it the counsell had seene and discussed and that it was a thing that might not nor ought not to be sayd nor published in common for reporting of it to the enemies by traitours but be kept still and secret And moreouer that it was concluded to make an answere shortly for to take the great Turke at his word least he repented him For if they had bene called or the answere had bene giuen it had bene ouerlong businesse and in the meane time the Turke might haue changed his mind and that that he had done and concluded with the great Turke the lordes of the counsell had well regarded and considered in all things and for their profite and aduantage as much or more as for that of the Religion And that they would send to the great Turke againe other ambassadours the better to know his will and to be surer of his promise Then the lord great master ordained two other ambassadours for to goe to the great Turke which were two Spaniardes the one named sir Raimon Market and the other messire Lopez at whose issuing entered Sir Passin the first ambassadour and the other two went to the tent of Acmek basha for to leade them to the great Turke And when they were within the Turkes pauillion and had done him reuerence as appertained our ambassadours sayd that the great master had heard and seen his demaund to yeeld the towne And for y t it is a thing of great weight and that he had to doe and say with many men of diuers nations and because the time of answere was so short hee might not doe that that hee demaunded so soone Howbeit hee would speake with his people and then hee would giue him an answere How the Turke began the assault and how the Commons agreed to yeeld the towne WHen the great Turke heard the answere of our ambassadours he sayd nothing but commaunded his Bashas that they should begin the battell againe to the towne the which was done and then the truce was broken and the shot of the enemies was sharper then it was afore And on the other side nothing or very litle for fault of pouder for that that there was left was kept for some great assault or neede Howbeit the sayd Amek Basha kept one of the ambassadours and messire Lopez onely entered The great master seeing the warre begun and the shot thicker then it was afore and the enemies entred hourely by their trenches further into the towne called them that before had sayde to him that they would not the towne should be yeelded but had rather for to die And therefore the sayd lord sayd that he was content for to die with them and that they should dispose them to defend themselues well or to doe their endeuour better then they had done in times past And to the ende that each one of them should haue knowledge of his will for as then he spake but to foure or fiue of them that gaine sayd him he made a cry through all the towne that all they that were holden to be at the posternes or gates should giue attendance and not to come away day nor night on payne of death for afore the Rhodians came but litle there And that the other that were not of the posternes or that were of his succours should goe to the breach of Spaine where the
prescript of the priuileges is granted by your princely maiesties goodnesse and shall be for the benefite of both our subiects For performance whereof because hee standeth in neede of your Imperiall Maiesties authoritieâ— wee earnestly beseech the same that you would cause all those which bee in authoritie vnder your Highnesse by all their best meanes to aide and assist this our Ambassadour in executing this your Imperiall Maiesties pleasure for vnto him wee haue committed this charge wherein how honestly hee will discharge his credite toward both our Maiesties I no whit stand in doubt to whom also our pleasure is that all our subiects shall bee obedient as farre as the grant of your Imperiall maiestie doeth permit Moreouer whereas that woorthie personage Mustafa your Imperiall maiesties Interpretor hath taken speciall paines for the procuring of this league betweene vs wee earnestly beseech you that for our sakes your Imperiall Maiestie would vouchsafe to aduance him vnto the degree of the Mâ—stafaraks or chiefe pensioners If in these and in all other honest causes our aforesayde Agent and our subiectes shall finde your Imperiall Hignesses fauour a noble traffique will flourish betweene these nations and wee if by any way wee may stand your State in steade will alwayes most willingly be readie to requite this your Maiesties fauour and good will with all kinde of good offices Almightie God the maker of the world preserue and keepe your Imperiall Maiestie c. A Letter of the Queenes Maiestie to Alli Bassa the Turkes high Admirall sent by her ambassadour M. William Hareborne and deliuered vnto him aboord his gallie in the Arsenal ELIZABETHA c. Illustrissimo viro Alli Bassa magni Musulmanici Caesaris Admiralio salutem successus fortunatos Non ignotum esse Excellentiae vestrae arbitramur priuilegia quae dam à potentissimo Caesare Musulmanico domino vestro clementissimo subditis nostris Anglicis concessa esâ—e vt illis liceat in omnibus imperij Musulmanici prouincijs tutò securè manere ac negotiari non aliter quà m hoc ipsum Francis Polonis Venetis Germanis antea indultum est Qua ex causa nos Gulielmum Hareborne nobis dilectum è corporis custodibus vnuÌ„ ac multis nominibus ornatum ad inclytam Constantinopolis ciuitatem pro agente misimus qui ex priuilegiorum praedictorum praescripto nostras subditorum nostroâ—um res in illis locis constituereâ— Facere igitur non potuimus quin Excellentiae vestâ—ae Guilielmum hunc pro ea qua apud magnum Caesarem polles authoritate commendaremus petentes summopere vt tutò in mari sine Classiariorum vestrorum violentia securè in portibus absque ministrorum rapinis â—niâ—ria tam ipse quà m omnes Angli subditi nostri possint versari vti pro tenore literarum patentium à magno Caesare concessarum illis licere ex illarum conspectione perspicuum esse potest Gratisâ—imum ergo nobis excellentia vestra fecerit si portuum omnium aliorúmque locorum qui vestrae iurisdictioni parent custodibus item classium nauium praefectis omnibus mandare velit vt Guilielmus iste aliÃque Angli subditi nostri cum in illorum erunt potestate amicè humaniter tractarentur Quemadmodum nos vicissâ—m â—iâ—nes magni Caesaris subditos omni humanitatis genere tractabunus si in Oceani maria aliáue loca venerint quae nostro parent imperio Postremo excellentiam vestram pro eo quem in nostros extendet fauore ijs omnibus officijs prosequemur quae à gratissima principe in optime de se merontes debent proficisci Benè foeliciter valeas Datum è castro nostro Windesorij die vicessimo mensis Nouembris Anno Iesu Christi saluatoris nostri 1582. Regni verò nostri vicessimo quarto A briefe Remembrance of things to be indeuoured at Constantinople and in other places in Turkie touching our Clothing and our Dying and things that bee incident to the same and touching ample vent of our naturall commodities of the labour of our poore people withall and of the generall enriching of this Realme drawen by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple and giuen to a friend that was sent into Turkie 1582. 1 A Nile wherewith we colour Blew to be brought into this realme by seed or roote 2 And the Arte of compounding of the same 3 And also all other herbes vsed in dying in like maner to bee brought in 4 And all Trees whose Leaues Seedes or Barkes or Wood doe serue to that vse to be brought into this realme by Seed or Roote 5 All little Plants and Buskes seruing to that vse to be brought in 6 To learne to know all earths and minerals forren vsed in dying and thâ—ir naturall places for possible the like may here be found vpon sight 7 Also with the materials vsed in dying to bring in the excellencie of the arte of dying 8 To procure from Muhaisira a citie in AEgypt to Constantinople the seed of Sesamum the herbe and the same into this realme Common trade is betweene Alexandria and Constantinople and therefore you may easily procure the seeds Of this seed much oyle is made and many mils set on worke about the same in the sayd Muhaisira and if this seede may prosper in England infinite benefite to our Clothing trade may rise by the same This citie is situate vpon Nilus the riuer and thence this is brought to Venice and to diuers other Cities of Italie and to Antwerpe 9 To note all kindes of clothing in Turkie and all degrees of their labour in the same 10 To endeuour rather the vent of Kersies then of other Clothes as a thing more â—eneficiall to our people 11 To endeuour the sale of such our clothes as hee coloured with our owne naturall colours as much as you can rather then such as be coloured with forren colours 12 To seeke out a vent for our Bonettos a cap made for Barbarie for that the poore people may reape great profite by the trade 13 To endeuour vent of knit Stocks made of Norwich yarne of other yarne which brought to great trade may turne our poore people to great benefite besides the vent of the substance of our colours and of our diuers labour 14 To endeuor a vent of our Saffron for the benefit of our poore people for a large vent found it setteth many on worke Remembrances for master S. to giue him the better occasion to informe himselfe of some things in England and after of some other things in Turkie to the great profite of the Common weale of this Countrey Written by the foresayd master Richard Hakluyt for a principall English Factor at Constantinople 1582. SInce all men confesse that be not barbarously bred that men are borne as well to seeke the common commoditie of their Countrey as their owne priuate benefite it may seeme follie to perswade that point for each man meaneth so to doe But wherein men should
seeke the common commoditie and what way and by what meane that is to bee brought about is the point or summe of the matter since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers so are they to bee done by diuers men as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit or lesse fit for this and for that And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State some tend more and some lesse I finde that no one thing after our other is greater then Clothing and the things incident to the same And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie and become a Factor at Constantinople and in other partes iâ— Turkie I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there then you And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme this that I meane is in matter of Cloth c. 1 FIrst you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll the most soft the most strong Wooll the most durable in Cloth and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes or to fretting in presse then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie 2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke as this doeth that doeth bring in so much treasure and so much â—nrich the merchant and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools and the same are Clothed Turkie hath Wools and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse and cloth is made of the sâ—me in diuers places 1 But if England haue the most fine and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects as it cannot bee denied but it hath 2 If there may bee added to the same excellent artificiall and true making and excellent dying 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth But if Forren nations turne their Wools inferiour to ours into truer and more excellent made cloth and shall die the same in truer surer and more excellent and more delectable colours then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold to the spoyle of the Merchant of the Clothier and of the breeder of the wooll and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England Which things wayed I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme and after in Turkie to indeuour from time to time as your laisure may permit the same Before you goe out of the Realme that you learne 1 TO know wooll all kind of clothes made in this realme and all other employments of wooll home or forren be y e same in Felt clokes felt hats in the red knit cap for Barbarie called Bonettos rugios colorados or whatsoeuer c. All the deceits in Clothmaking as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures some of nature to shrinke some to hold out which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll some tootoo hard spun some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen The faults in Weauing The faults in Walking Rowing and Burling and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors all which faults may be learned of honest men which faults are to be knowen to the merchant to be shunned and not to be vsed 2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours as which be good and sure and which will not hold which be faire which not which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died be cheape colours 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme in dying of cloth or silke To learne to know them as which be good which bad And what colours they die And what prices they be of And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme and in what part of the Realme they are to be had And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in What you shall doe in Turkie besides the businesse of your Factorship 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellently died you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall there to be shewed partly to remoue out of their heads the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme 2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte or by bringing one or other from thence of skill or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes then to worke it by some great Bassas meane or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his acquaintance and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit 3 Then to learne to know all
Island Norway Finmarke and Lappia which are East from the sayd place about 360 leagues with greater force then it did from Cape de buona Sperança vpon the fret of Magellan or from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo vpon which coastes Iaques Carâ—ier met with the same considering the shortnesse of the Cut from the sayd Cape Fredo to Island Lappia c. And so the cause Efficient remaining it would haue continually followed along our coasts through the narrow seas which it doth not but is disgested about the North of Labrador by some through passage there thorow this fret The like course of the water in some respect happeneth in the Mediterrane sea as affirmeth Conterenus wheras the current which commeth from Tanais Pontus Euxinus running along all the coasts of Greece Italy France and Spaine and not finding sufficient way out through Gibraltar by meanes of the straitnesse of the fret it runneth backe againe along the coastes of Barbary by Alexandria Natolia c. It may peraduenture bee thought that this course of the sea doth sometime surcease and thereby impugne this principle because it is not discerned all along the coast of America in such sort as Iaques Cartier found it Whereunto I answere this that albeit in euery part of the Coast of America or elswhere this current is not sensibly perceiued yet it hath euermore such like motion either in the vppermost or nethermost part of the sea as it may be proued true if ye sinke a sayle by a couple of ropes neere the ground fastening to the nethermost corners two gunne chambers or other weights by the driuing whereof you shall plainely perceiue the course of the water and current running with such course in the bottome By the like experiment you may finde the ordinary motion of the sea in the Ocean howe farre soeuer you be off the land 9 Also there commeth another current from out the Northeast from the Scythian Sea as M. Ienkinson a man of rare vertue great trauaile and experience told me which runneth Westward towardes Labrador as the other did which commeth from the South so that both these currents must haue way thorow this our fret or else encounter together and runne contrarie courses in one line but no such conflicts of streames or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrodor or Terra noua as witnesse our yeerely fishers and other saylers that way but is there disgested as aforesayd and found by experience of Barnard de la Torre to fall into Mar del Sur. 10 Furthermore the current in the great Ocean could not haue beene maintained to runne continually one way from the beginning of the world vnto this day had there not beene some thorow passage by the fret aforesayd and so by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it selfe For the Tides and courses of the sea are maintayned by their interchangeable motions as fresh riuers are by springs by ebbing and flowing by rarefaction and condensation So that it resteth not possible so farre as my simple reason can comprehend that this perpetualâ— current can by any meanes be maintained but onely by continuall reaccesse of the same waâ—er which passeth thorow the fret and is brought about thither againe by such circular motion as aforesayd And the certaine falling thereof by this fret into Mar del Sur is prooued by the testimonie and experience of Bernard de la Torre who was sent from P. de la Natiuidad to the Moluccae Anno domini 1542. by commandement of Anthony Mendoza then Viceroy of Noua Hispania which Bernard sayled 750. Leagues on the Northside of the Aequator and there met with a current which came from the Northeast the which droue him backe againe to Tidore Wherforâ— this current being proued to come from C. de buona Sperança to the fret of Magellan and wanting sufficient entrance there by narrownes of the straite is by the necessitie of natures force brought to Terra de Labrador where Iaques Cartier met the same and thence certainly knowen not to strike ouer vpon Island Lappia c. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Mar del Sur on the backeside of America therefore this current hauing none other passage must of necessity fall out thorow this our fret into Mar del Sur and so trending by the Muluccae China and C. de buona Sperança maintaineth it selfe by circular motion which is all one in nature with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem So that it seemeth we haue now more occasion to doubt of our returne then whether there be a passage that way yea or no which doubt hereafter shall be sufficiently remooued Wherefore in mine opinion reason it self grounded vpon experience assureth vs of this passage if there were nothing els to put vs in hope thereof But least these might not suffice I haue added in this chapter following some further proofe hereof by the experience of such as haue passed some part of this discouerie and in the next adioining to that the authority of those which haue sailed wholy thorow euery part thereof To proue by experience of sundry mens trauels the opening of some part of this Northwest passage wherby good hope remaineth of the rest Chap. 3. PAulus Venetus who dwelt many yeres in Cataia affirmed that hee sayled 1500 miles vpon the coastes of Mangia and Anian towards the Northeast alwayes finding the Seas open before him not onely as farre as he went but also as farre as he could discerne 2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passing from Mexico by Ceuola through the countrey of Quiuira to Siera Neuada found there a great sea where were certaine ships laden with Merchandise carrying on their prowes the pictures of certaine birds called Alcatrarzi part whereof were made of golde and part of siluer who signified by signes that they were thirty dayes comming thither which likewise proueth America by experience to be disioyned from Cataia on that part by a great Sea because they could not come from any part of America as Natiues thereof for that so farre as is discouered there hath not bene found there any one Shippe of that countrey 3 In like maner Iohn Baros testifieth that the Cosmographers of China where he himselfe had bene affirme that the Sea coast trendeth from thence Northeast to 50 degrees of Septentrional latitude being the furthest part that way which the Portugals had then knowledge of And that the said Cosmographers knew no cause to the contrary but that it might continue further By whose experiences America is prooued to be separate from those parts of Asia directly against the same And not contented with the iudgements of these learned men only I haue searched what might be further sayd for the confirmation hereof 4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth America to be an Island and likewise Gronland and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40
61. degrees and a halfe which before was supposed to be part of the firme land of America and also al the rest of the South side of Frobishers straites are all seuerall Islands and broken land and likewise so will all the North side of the said straites fall out to be as I thinke And some of our company being entred aboue 60. leagues within the mistaken straites in the third voyage mentioned thought certainely that they had discryed the firme land of America towards the South which I thinke will fall out so to be These broken lands and Islands being very many in number do seeme to make there an Archipelagus which as they all differ in greatnesse forme and fashion one from another so are they in goodnesse colour and soyle much vnlike They all are very high lands mountaines and in most parts couered with snow euen all the Sommer long The Norther lands haue lesse store of snow more grasse and are more plaine Countreys the cause whereof may be for that the Souther Ilands receiue all the snow that the cold winds and percing ayre bring out of the North. And contrarily the North parts receiue more warme blasts of milder ayre from the South whereupon may grow the cause why the people couet to inhabit more vpon the North parts then the South as farre as we can yet by our experience perceiue they doe These people I iudge to be a kind of Tartar or rather a kind of Samoed of the same sort and condition of life that the Samoeds bee to the Northeastwards beyond Moscouy who are called Samoeds which is as much to say in the Moscouy tongue as eaters of themselues and so the Russians their borderers doe name them And by late conference with a friend of mine with whom I did sometime trauell in the parts of Moscouy who hath great experience of those Samoeds and people of the Northeast I find that in all their maner of liuing those people of the Northeast and these of the Northwest are like They are of the colour of a ripe Oliue which how it may come to passe being borne in so cold a climate I referre to the iudgement of others for they are naturally borne children of the same colour and complexion that all the Americans are which dwell vnder the Equinoctiall line They are men very actiue and nimble They are a strong people and very warlike for in our sight vpon the toppes of the hilles they would often muster themselues and after the maner of a skirmish trace their ground very nimbly and mannage their bowes and dartes with great dexteritie They go clad in coates made of the skinnes of beasts as of Seales Deere Beares Foxes and Hares They haue also some garments of feathers being made of the cases of foules finely sowed and compact togither Of all which sorts wee brought home some with vs into England which we found in their tents In Sommer they vse to weare the hairie side of their coates outward and sometime goe naked for too much heate And in Winter as by signes they haue declared they weare foure or fiue folde vpon their bodies with the haire for warmth turned inward Hereby it appeareth that the ayre there is not indifferent but either it is feruent hote or els extreme cold farre more excessive in both qualities then the reason of the climate should yeeld For there is colder being vnder 62. degrees in latitude then it is at Wardhouse in the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscouie being at aboue 72. degrees in latitude The reason hereof perhaps may be that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and vexed with Easterne and Northeastern winds which from the sea and yce bringeth often an intollerable cold ayre which was also the cause that this yéere our straits were so long shut vp with so great store of yce But there is great hope and likelihood that further within the Straights it will bee more constant and temperate weather These people are in nature very subtill and sharpe witted ready to conceiue our meaning by signes and to make answere well to be vnderstood againe And if they haue not seene the thing whereof you aske them they will wincke or couer their eyes with their hands as who would say it hath bene hid from their sight If they vnderstand you not whereof you aske them they wil stop their eares They will teach vs the names of each thing in their language which wee desire to learne and are apt to learne any thing of vs. They delight in Muâ—icke aboue measure and will keepe time and stroke to any tune which you shall sing both with their voyce head hand and feete and will sing the same tune aptly after you They will row with our Ores in our boates and keepe a true stroke with our Mariners and seeme to take great delight therein They liue in Caues of the earth and hunt for their dinners or praye euen as the beare or other wild beastes do They eat raw flesh and fish and refuse no meat howsoeuer it be stinking They are desperate in their fight sullen of nature and rauenous in their maner of feeding Their sullen desperate nature doth herein manifestly appeare that a company of them being enuironed by our men on the top of a hie cliffe so that they could by no meanes escape our hands finding themselues in this case distressed chose rather to cast themselues headlong down the rocks into the sea and so be bruised and drowned rather then to yeeld themselues to our mens mercies For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey withall they haue darts slings bowes and arrowes headed with sharpe stones bones and some with yron They are exceeding friendly and kind hearted one to the other and mourne greatly at the losse or harme of their fellowes and expresse their griefe of mind when they part one from another with a mourneful song and Dirges They are very shamefast in bewraying the secrets of nature and very chaste in the maner of their liuing for when the man which wee brought from thence into England the last voyage should put off his coat or discouer his whole body for change hee would not suffer the woman to bee present but put her forth of his Cabin And in all the space of two or three moneths while the man liued in company of the woman there was neuer any thing seene or percâ—iued betweene them more then might haue passed betweene brother and sister but the woman was in all things very seruiceable for the man attending him carefully when he was sicke and he likewise in all the meates which they did eate together woulde carue vnto her of the sweetest fattest and best morsels they had They wondred much at all our things and were afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure They began to grow more ciuill familiar pleasant and docible amongst vs in very
in the others They obserue in their sowing the course of the Moone and the rising of certaine starres and diuers other cuâ—â—omes spoken of by antiquâ—ty Moreouer they liue by hunting and fishing They liue long are seldome sicke and if they chance to fall sicke at any time they heale themselues with fire without any phisitian and they say that they die for very age They are very pitifull and charitable towards their neighbours they make great lamentations in their aduersitie and in their miserie the kinred reckon vp all their felicitie At their departure out of life they vse mourning mixt with singing which continueth for a long space This is asmuch as we could learne of them This land is situated in the Paralele of Rome in 41. degrees and 2. terces but somewhat more colde by accidentall causes and not of nature as I will declare vnto your highnesse elsewhere describing at this present the situation of the foresaid Countrey which lieth East and West I say that the mouth of the Hauen lieth open to the South halfe a league broad and being entred within it betweene the East and the North it stretcheth twelue leagues where it waxeth broader and broader and maketh a gulfe about 20. leagues in compasse wherein are fiue small Islands very fruitfull and pleasant full of hie and broade trees among the which Islandes any great Nauie may ride safe without any feare of tempest or other danger Afterwards tuâ—ning towardes the South in the entring into the Hauen on both sides there are most pleasant hils with many riuers of most cleare water falling into the Sea In the middest of this entrance there is a rocke of free stone growing by nature apt to build any Castle or Fortresse there for the keeping of the hauen The fift of May being furnished with all things necessarie we departed from the said coast keeping along in the sight thereof and wee sailed 150. leagues finding it alwayes after one maner but the land somewhat higher with certaine mountaines all which beare a shew of minerall matter wee sought not to land there in any place because the weather serued our turne for sailing but wee suppose that it was like the former the coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie leagues And trending afterwards to the North we found another land high full of thicke woods the trees whereof were firres cipresses and such like as are wont to grow in cold Countreys The people differ much from the other and looke how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle so much were these full of rudenesse and ill maners and so barbarous that by no signes that euer we could make we could haue any kind of traffike with them They cloth themselues with Beares skinnes and Luzernes and Seales and other beasts skinnes Their food as farre as we coulde perceiue repairing often vnto their dwellings we suppose to be by hunting fishing and of certaine fruits which are a kind of roots which the earth yeeldeth of her own accord They haue no graine neither saw we any kind or signe of tillage neither is the land for the barrennesse thereof apt to beare fruit or seed If at any time we desired by exchange to haue any of their coÌ„modities they vsed to come to the seashore vpon certaine craggy rocks and we standing in our boats they let downe with a rope what it pleased them to giue vs crying continually that we should not approch to the land demanding immediatly the exchange taking nothing but kniues fishookes and tooles to cut withall neyther did they make any account of our courtesie And when we had nothing left to exchange with them when we departed from them the people shewed all signes of discourtesie and disdaine as were possible for any creature to inuent We were in dispight of them 2 or 3 leagues within the land being in number 25 armed men of vs And when we went on shore they shot at vs with their bowes making great outcries and afterwards fled into the woods We found not in this land any thing notable or of importance sauing very great woods and certaine hilles they may haue some minerall matter in them because wee saw many of them haue beadstones of Copper hanging at their eares We departed from thence keeping our course Northeast along the coast which we found more pleasant champion and without woods with high mountaines within the land continuing directly along the coast for the space of fiftie leagues we discouered 32 Islands lying al neere the land being small and pleasant to the view high and hauing many turnings and windings betweene them making many faire harboroughs and chanels as they doe in the gulfe of Venice in Sâ—lauonia and Dalmatia we had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people we suppose they are of the same maners and nature as the others aâ—e Sayling Northeast for the space of 150. leagues we approached to the land that in times past was discouered by the Britons which is in fiftie degrees Hauing now spent all our prouision and victuals and hauing discouered about 700 leagues and more of new Countreys and being furnished with water and wood we concluded to returne into France Touching the religion of this people which wee haue found for want of their language wee could not vnderstand neither by signes nor gesture that they had any religion or lawe at all or that they did acknowledge any first cause or moouer neither that they worship the heauen or stars the Sunne or Moone or other planets and much lesse whither they be idolaters neither could wee learne whither that they vsed any kind of sacrifices or other adorations neither in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer We suppose that they haue no religion at all and that they liue at their owne libertie And that all this proceedeth of ignorance for that they are very easie to be perswaded and all that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice they did the same with the like imitation as they saw vs to doe it A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine French Captaines into Florida Wherein the great riches and fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to light written all hauing the last by Monsieur Laúdonniere who remained there himselfe as the French Kings Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter Translated out of French into English by M. RICHARD HAKLVYT To the right honourable Sir VValter Ralegh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Gard Lord Warden of the Stanneries and her Highnesse Lieutenant generall of the County of Cornewall R. H. wisheth true 〈◊〉 SIR after that this historie which had bene concealed many yeeres was lately committed to print and published in France vnder your Name by my learned friend M. Martine Basamer of Paris I was easily enduced to turne it into English vnderstanding that the same was no
foote and a halfe They said vnto me that he dwelt within the land in a very large place and inclosed exceeding high but I could not learne wherewith And as farre as I can iudge this place whereof they spake vnto me was a very farre citie For they said vnto me that within the inclosure there was great store of houses which were built very high wherein there was an infinite number of men like vnto themselues which made none account of gold of siluer nor of pearles seeing they had thereof in abundance I began then to shew theÌ„ al the parts of heaueÌ„ to the intent to learue in which quarter they dwelt And straightway one of them stretching out his hand shewed me y t they dwelt toward the North which makes me thinke that it was the riuer of Iordan And now I remember that in the raigne of the Emperour Charles the fift certaine Spaniards inhabitants of S. Domingo which made a voyage to get certaine slaues to work in their mines stole away by subtilty the inhabitants of this riuer to the number of 40 thinking to cary theÌ„ into their new Spaine But they lost their labour for in despite they died al for hunger sauing one that was brought to the Emperor which a litle while after he caused to be baptised and gaue him his own name called him Charles of Chiquola because he spake so much of this Lorde of Chiquola whose subiect hee was Also he reported continually that Chiquola made his a bode within a very great inclosed citie Besides this proof those which were left in the first voyage haue certified me that the Indians shewed theÌ„ by euident signes that farther within the land toward the North there was a great inclosure or city where Chiquola dwelt After they had staied a while in our ships they began to be sory and stil demanded of me wheÌ„ they should returne I made them vnderstand that the Captaines will was to send them home againe but that first he would bestow apparell of them which fewe dayes after was deliuered vnto them But seeing he would not giue them licence to depart they resolued with themselues to steale away by night and to get a litle boat which we had and by the help of the tyde to saile home toward their dwâ—llings and by this meanes to saue thâ—mselues Which thing thâ—y failed not to doe and put their enterprize in execution yet leauing behinde thâ—m the apparel which the Captaine had giuen them and carrying away nothing but that which was their owne shewing well hereby that they were not void of reason The Captaine cared not greatly for their dâ—parture considering they had not bene vsed otherwiâ—e then well and that therefore they woulde not estrange themselues from the Frenchmen Captaine Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairenes of this riuer desired by all meanes to encourage some of his men to dwell there well â—oreseeing that this thing might be of great importance for the Kings seruice and the releife of the Common wealth of France Therefore proceeding on with his intent he commanded the ankers to bee weighed and to set things in order to returne vnto the opening of the riuer to the ende that if the winde came faire he might passe out to accomplish the rest of his meaning When therefore we were come to the mouth of the riuer he made them cast anker whereupon we stayed without discouering any thing all the rest of the day The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come vp vpon the decke saying that he had somewhat to say vnto them They all came vp and immediatly the Captaine began to speake vnto them in this maner I thinke there is none of you that is ignorant of how great consequence this our enterprize is and also how acceptable it is vnto our yong King Therefore my friendes as one desiring your honour and benefite I would not faile to aduertise you all of the exceeding good happe which should fall to them which as men of valure and worthy courage would make tryall in this our first discouerie of the benefits and commodities of this new land which should be as I assure my selfe the greatest occasion that euer could happen vnto them to arise vnto the title and degree of honour And for this cause I was desirous to propose vnto you and set downe before your eyes the eternall memorie which of right they deserue which forgetting both their parents and their countrey haue had the courage to enterprize a thing of such importance which euen kings themselues vnderstanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnanimitie and increase of their maiesties doe not disdaine so wel to regard that afterwards imploying them in maters of weight of high enterprize they make their names immortall for euer Howbeit I would not haue you perswade your selues as many doe that you shall neuer haue such good fortune as not being knowen neither to the king not the Princes of the Realme and besides descending of so poore a sâ—ocke that few or none of your parents hauing euer made profession of armes haue bene knowen vnto the great estates For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my selfe haue applyed all my industry to follow them and haue hazarded my life in so many dangers for the seruice of my prince yet could I neuer attaine therunto not that I did not deserue this title and degree of gouernment as I haue seene it happen to many others onely because they descende of a noble race since more regard is had of their birth then of their vertue For wel I know that if vertue were regarded ther would more be found worthy to deserue the title by good right to be named noble and valiant I will therefore make sufficient answere to such propositions and such things as you may obiect against me laying before you the infinite examples which we haue of the Romans which concerning the point of honour were the first that triumphed ouer the world For how many finde we among them which for their so valiant enteprizes not for the greatnesse of their parentage haue obtained the honour to tryumph If we haue recourse vnto their ancesters wee shall finde that their parents were of so meane condition that by labouring with their hands they liued very basely As the father of AElius Pertâ—nax which was a poore artisan his Grandfather likewise was a bond man as the historiographers do witnes and neuerthelesse being moued with a valiant courage he was nothing dismayed for all this but rather desirous to aspire vnto high things he began with a braue stomacke to learne feates of armes and profited so wel therein that from step to step he became at length to be Emperour of the Romans For all this dignitie he despised not his parents but contrariwise in remembrance of them he caused his fathers shop to be couered with a fine wrought marble
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
offers of the king to our English merchants A good prouiso The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title Fuquien Cincâ—o Cantan Cheqâ—eâ—m Xutiamfu Chelim Quianciâ— or Quinzi â—achin Their moneths Loutea Châ—an or Chaen Ponchiâ—ssi Anchiassi or Heâ—â—si Tâ—zi Taissuâ— Licentiates Doctors We that is the Italians and Spaniards After the Dutch fashion Pythagorean like The Italians call it the strapadoâ— A pilloâ—y boord Of like the first lenders be the more wealthie Fuquieo Hereâ—â—â—oforeâ— Parai Tamen the pâ—oper name of China Pochâ—n oâ— Pachin Their enemies Mariage of the kiâ—â—s children 〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉 â—re of all 〈◊〉 but o◠〈…〉 s for 〈…〉 places 〈◊〉 beg 〈◊〉 â—s 〈…〉 ready◠〈◊〉 ming 〈◊〉 of trees 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 He speaketh of Fuquien shire Alà s Ceâ—â—bi The Kings reuenuâ—e Parai Fish poudered with peper ☞ Great ships comming from the North. * That is their temples It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius ☞ A Northerne Sea It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea At Cacan Riuers ouer-frosen in China Ali Auoins Tartars Mount Vsont Mogores Blewes of great price in China Brames Southward from Chenchi to the sea Auoins Chenchi Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies Odericus writeth of the like Great store of â—ner mynes Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iaponicis But his almes are very good Inambuxu Genguis A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco The Iapanish funerals They burnâ— their dead Aâ—â—â— De reb Iabâ—â— 4â— Santianum The situation and liâ—â—tes of China Chinian Cosmographers The rich reuenues of the king of China Fifteene great prouinces in China The seats roiall all of the king of China The warlike munitions of China a marueilous wall Abundance of â—nhabitants 〈◊〉 China Cities and townes The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited Holesome aâ—re plenty peace in China Chinian sâ—orâ—esâ— The city of Coanchesu aliaÌ„s Cantam Great abundance of gold in China Great store of siluer Pearles Great store of silke in China Silke brought into Iapon Spices Camphire muske Cotton-wooll whereof Calicut-cloth is made Three qualities of porcellan Plants Sugar China in a maner destitute of corne wine oile Chinian maps The dispositions maners of the Chinians Their loyaltie vnto their superiours Their laborious industry Painting Gunnes Printing Nauigation The Tartars tyranized ouer China Military discipline The literature of China Three degrees in learning The first degree The second degree The third and highest degree Note the extraordinary honor vouchsaâ—ed by the great King of China vpon his lâ—â—rned graduates Naturall philosophy Excellent astronomers in China The politike gouernment of China Three principall magistrates in ech prouince Two Senates or Counsels coÌ„tinually holden in China The causes of peace in China Learning the only step to honour in China The stately forâ—idable procession of the Chinian magistrates The houses of the Chinian magistrates The magistrates barges The maner of electing magistrates in China Degrees vnto honour Kiding post Martiall dignities The king of China Van-Sui The succession of the crowne The kingâ— yonger brethren Twelue chariots The idolatrous religion of the king The ciuill gouernment of China most agreeable to the instance of nature The fiue vertues principally esteemed among the Chinians â—rbanity The Chinians great piety towards their parents A memorable story The religion of China Three principall sectes among the Chinians Confucius authour of the first sect The summe of Confucius his doctrine Xequiam author of the second sect whose followers ar called Ceâ— or Bonzi Note The third sect The superstition of the Saraceni Christian religion planted in China An ancient custome worthy y e obseruation The Chinians contemne other nations The variation of the compasse Signes about the Cape of Boâ—a Speransa Fishes on the sea coast of Aâ—â—â—ca Note Corall Two wayes beyond y e capâ— of Good hoâ—e They coÌ„monly saile from Lisbon to Goa in 5 moneths Running seas very dangerous Certaine signs of land They arriuâ—d at Goa the 24 of October The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores Abundance of golde siluer pearles precious stones in Pegu. The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu. Pegu the best richest countrey in all the East India A prophesie of an Indian against Spaine Three occasions of sicknes neere the line Agoada de Saldanha Great store of Penguins and Seales Bullocks oxe and sheepe dog-cheape Cape de Buona Speransa doubled Cape dos Corrientes Here they are seuered from the Penelope Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder The Shoulds of S. Laurence Quitangone neere Mozanbique The I le of Comoro 32 of our men betraied at the I le of Comoâ—o Zanzibar Iland A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar The treason of the Portugals towards the English An excellent place for refreshing A gallie Frigate Another thunder-clap Heat in the head deadly Letting of blood very necessary A Iunco laden with pepper and brugs The currents set â—o the Northward Zocotora The Iles of Mamale Cape Comori doubled 1592. The Iles of Nicubar The Iles of Gomes Polo Sumatra The Iles of Pulo Pinaou Trees fit for mastes Malacca Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper Martabam Pera. Pulo Sambilam A ship of Negapatan taken A ship of S. Thome The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken Wares fit to carâ— into the East India The kingdom of Iunsalaom Amber-greese The hornes of Abath The female Unicorne Some small quantitie hereof may be caried to pleasure those kings They arriue at the Iles of Nicubar which are inhabited by Moores They returne homeward They arriue at Zeilan Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam Commodities of Bengala Commodities of Pegu. Commodities of Tanaseri A great current to the Southward A notable reliefe of fishes taken Baia de Agoa They double the Cape of Buona Speransa S. Helena Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in the I le of Santa Helena A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme ioy The descriptioÌ„ of the commodities of the I le of santa Heleâ—a The gulfe of Paria or Bocca del Dragooâ— passed A good note The I le of Mona The I le of Sauona enuironed with flats Cape de Tiberon The old chanel passed They returne backe to the West Indies Fiue English men leâ—t on the Nueblas The ship lost by driuing away Great famine Two ships of Diepe The French trafike in S. Domingo M. Lancaster returneth to Diepe and so to England The Isle of S. Sebastian Râ—o grande Sue Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio graÌ„de in Guinea The Coâ—igidoâ— of Bilbao taken and brought to London The same in English A letter of Mully Hamet to the Erle of Leicester ‖ Which is with vs 1587. The Queenes letters to the Emperour Iohn Herman an English rebel The gouernor of S. Michael taken prisoner Pedro Sarmiento the gouernour of the Straights of Magelan taken prisoner A ship laden with fish taken
reserued for the English nation to possâ—sse The Spanyards prosperous in the Southerne discoueries yet vnhappy in thâ—se Northerne The French are but viuepers vpon our right The FreÌ„ch also infortunate in those North parts of America A good incouragement for the English nation to proceed in the conquests of the North of America The due time approcheth by all likelihood of calling these heathens vnto Christianity The word of God moueth circularly The planting of Gods word must be handled with reuerence Ill actions coloured by pretence of planting vpon remote lands The fiâ—st and great preparation of sir HuÌ„frey Gilbert A constant resolution of sir Humfey Gilbert A second preparation of sir Humfrey Gilbert Consultation about our course Comodities in discouering from South Northward Cause why we began our discouery froÌ„ the North. Incommodities in begining North. Beginning of the voyage Our fleet consisted of fiue sailes in which we had about 260 men Prouisions fit for such discoueries Iune 11. Iune 13. Obserue Iune 15. Iuly 20. Great fogges vpon the Ocean sea Northward Iuly 27. The banke in length vnknowen stretcheth from North into South in bredth 10. leagues in depth of water vpon it 30 fadome A great fishing vpon y e banke Abundance of foules Iuly 30. First sight of land Iland and a foule named Penguin An Iland called Baccalaos of the fish taken there Misdemeanor of them in the Swallow English ships are the strongest and Admirals of other fleetes fishing vpon the South parts of New-found land Good order taken by English marchaÌ„ts for our supply in Newfound land Good entertainment in Newfound land No Sauages in the South part of New-found land August 4. August 5. Possession taken Three Lawes Actuall possession maintained in New-found land Men appointed to makâ— search New found land is al Islands or brokeÌ„ lands Goodly roads and harbours New found land is habitable Cold by accidental meanes Commodities Fish of sea and fresh water Newfound land both minister commoditieâ— abundantly for art industrie Siluer Ore brought vnto the Generall Reasons why no further search was made for the silver mine Misdemeanor in our companie God brought togither these men into the ship ordained to perish who before had coÌ„mitted such outrage Why sir Huâ—â— Gilbert went in the Frigate Liberalitie of the Portugals August 20 S. Iohns in 47 deg 40 min. Cape Race in 46 degrees 25 minutes Fish large and plentifull Cattel in the Isle of Sablon Good soile August 27. Predictions before the wracke Losse of our Admirall Stephanus Parmenius a learned Hungarian Daniel a refiner of mettals A wonderfull scape and deliuerance A great distresse A desperate resolution Two men famished Causes inforcing vs to returne home againe August 31. A monster of the sea September 2. Our last conference with our Generall Circumstances to be well obserued in our Generall importing the Ore to be of a siluer Mine Wilfulnes in the Generall A token of a good mind A resolute and Christianlike saying in a distresse Sir Humfrey Gilbâ—rt drowned Arriuall in England of the Golden Hindâ— A fit motion of the Captain vnto sir Humâ—â—ey Gilbert An ill recompense Constancie in sir Humfrey Gilbert His temeritie and presumption Afflictions needfull in the children of God Dominus Ralegh Insula Penguâ—â— In the south side of Newe found land there is store of plaine and champion Countrey as Richard Clarke found The great heate of the sunne in summer 20. Leaguesâ— from the Isle of Sablon 15. Leagues froâ— the Isle of Sablon Herein Clarke 〈◊〉 chargethâ—â— Hâ—mâ—â—ey Gilbert The ship cast away on Châ—â—â—a◠〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 â—5â—3 Sâ—xteene gate into the ship-boate Master Hâ—dlyes vngodly propâ—sâ—â—oâ— They came on land the 7. day after theiâ— shipwracke The fruitfulnesse of the south part of Newfoundland Foureteene oâ— our men brought out of Newfound land in a ship of Sâ— Iohn de Luz Master Edward Hays Sir Humfrey Gilbert did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen in Neâ—found land the 3. of August Anno 1583. Among these there was found the tract of a beast oâ— 7. ynches and a halfe ouer Sir Humfrey tooke possâ—ssion of the New-found land in right of the Crowne of England Three lawes estaâ—lished theâ—e by Sir â—â—â—frey Sundry pâ—rsons â—ecame Tenants to Sir Humfrey and doe mainteine possâ—ssion 〈◊〉 in diuers places â—hâ—re 〈◊〉 ‖ Englishmen Master Iohn Hawkins Sir Francis Drake M. William Winter M. Iohn Chester M. Martin Frobisher Anthony Parkhurst William â—aties Iohn Louel Dauid Iâ—gram Strangers French Iohn Kidault Iaques Carrieâ— Andrew Theueâ— Moâ—litus Goutgues Monsieur Laudonniete Italians Christopher Columbus Iohn Verâ—zarus God doeth not alwayes begin his greatest workes by the greatest persons His custome was to bowe himselfe very lowe in making of courtesie Hernando Cortes Francisco Pizarâ—o A reasonable â—equesâ— The argument of the booke The principall causes why this voyage is vndertaken The seconde kinde of planting Iosua 4. Iosua 6. Iosua 8. Iosua 9. Iudg. 11.13 Iudg. 1. A good now for al Conquerers to be mercifull Iudg. 6.7 Ruffinus lib. cap. 9. Meâ—opius slaâ—nâ— Edesius and Frumenâ—ius preserued by the Indians Frumentius in great fauour with y t Queene of the IndiaÌ„s An other great worke of God begunne by a man of meâ—nâ— birth Ruffinuâ— the Author of this storie â—usebâ—â—â— his ecclesiasticall Historie testifieth how that Conâ—tantine the great did enlarge his doâ—inions bâ— subduing of Infidels and Idolatrous nations Eusebius lib. 1. de vita Constant. cap. 4. eâ— cap. 9. Euseb. eâ—d lib. â—ap â—9 â—â—eoâ—oâ—â—â— in eccle lib. 5. cap. â—â— Theodoretus cap. 26. eodem 〈◊〉 1170. Owen Gwyneth was then Prince of Northwales Nullum â—emâ—us 〈◊〉 Regi This Islanâ— was discouered by Sir Humfrey and his company in this hâ—â— iourney Mutezuma hiâ— Oration to his subiects in presence of Hernando Cortes which Oration was made about the yeere 152â— M. Oliuer Dalbony M. Edward Reow. M.R.H. M.I.A. Cox the mâ—â—ster Clothiâ—â—s Woolmâ—n Carders Spâ—â—ters Weauersâ— Fiâ—lersâ— Sheermeâ— Diers Dâ—apeâ—â— Cappers Yaâ—â—rs c. and many decayed townes reported The idle persons of this realme shall by occasion of this iourney hee well imployed a set on worke â—empe doeth grow neere S. Laurence riuer naturally Head the beginning of the booke intituled Diuers voyages touching the discouery of America Beasts for pleasure Given 〈◊〉 for forty shillings a piece Great grapes Wine of the Palme tree Commodities found in August last 1. 〈…〉 This â—â—argeâ— cannot be vniust where both parties are gainers â— Decad lib. â— fol. 77. of the West Indies in English Canoa is a kind of boat â— Decad lib. â— fol 97. About the yere of our Lord 1511. Conquest at the West Indies fol. 43. and 45. English A marueilouâ— victorie Ceffala accounted to be the place where the noble and wise king Salomon did fetch his gold These are the furthest parts of the world from England At these Ilands hath siâ— Francis Drake bene where the same of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was renowmed Moscouie Dutchmen Denmarke Easterlings Turkie Leuani Barbarie
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
Nine bishopricks and one archbishoprick in Peru. The prouince of Tucuman Cordoua Aâ—acama Caâ—â—â—â— Acâ—â—â— El Calao Liâ—â— Santa Cannet◠〈◊〉 Paiâ—â—â— Guaiaquil Tumbeâ— Salsaperilla Ships built as Guaiaquil Puerto Viejo a place where Emralde a bound La Buena â—eâ—tura La gouernacioâ— de Popaâ—â—â— Negros 〈◊〉 from their masters Panama Costa ricâ— The prouince of Nicaragua The discouery of the Philippinas The Isle of Manilla The discouery of the Isles of Salomon Cloues ginger and sinamon The Isle of â—â—aâ—â—â—canal A towne burnt Abundance of good victuals vpon the Isles of Salomon A new rich trade for gold cloues ginger and sinamon Why these Isles were called The Isles of Salomon 5. Great Biskaynes ships fought wâ—tâ—a August Rio del orâ— Cape Blanco A dangerous sand Sierra leona A Portugall taken Poysoned arrowes The description of their towne September Many of our men hurt by Negros William Pickman diâ—th of a poysoned arrow This poâ—son is the 〈◊〉 of an 〈◊〉 Their departuâ—e from Sierra leona The Isles of Madâ—â—buâ—ba inhabited by Negros A towne Fâ—esh water October Cape Frio in Brasiâ—l Nouember S Sebâ—â—â—ians Iland The â—iuer of Ienero Decembeâ— 48. Degreesâ— Port Desâ—â—â— Seales strangâ— in â—hape 〈…〉 Yong Seales are very good meate Foules bâ—â—â—â—ding in burrowes like conies We call these foulâ—s 〈◊〉 gums They grauâ— and 〈◊〉 their shâ—â—s A man and a boy hurt by negligenâ—â— A kinde of 〈◊〉 Their departure from port Desire Ianuarâ—◠〈◊〉 Then enâ—â—r the â—â—râ—igâ—ts the 6. oâ— Ianuâ—â—ie â— Spaniaâ—d taken in tâ—e Sâ—â—eigâ—â—s of Mageâ—â—an The Barke Iâ—hn Thomas â—â—e of sir â—ran â— Dâ—â—keâ— conâ—oâ—â—â—â— King 〈…〉 dâ—solâ—te in the â—trâ—ights of Magelâ—aÌ„ which 〈◊〉 â—â—nâ—â—alâ—â—alled â—ort â—amâ—ne End enâ—mie to tâ—â— Spaniaâ—â—d Port famine in 5â— degrees Câ—pe Froward â—â— 54. degrees Muskle â—oue Elizabeth Bay The mâ—st â—â—â—â—tish Sauages that 〈…〉 â—eenâ— The Câ—anel of Sainâ— Ieâ—â—â—e Februarâ— 1587. The streights of Magellan aâ—e about 90. leagues long The Westerne mouth of the Streights is in 52. degrees and 2. tercâ—s Their entrance into the South sea the 24 of Februarie Ilands in thâ— South sea called Lâ—s Anegâ—dâ—â— March 1. Extreme danger of the Hugh Gallant by a great leake The I le of Mocha in 38. degrees not subiect to the Spaniards Arauco is the richest place in the South sea for golde and is not subdued by the Spaniards as yet Saint Marie Iland in 3â— degrees and 1. â—eâ—â—e which is subdued to the Spaniards A Church with crosses and altars The Indians of S. Mary Iland made all Christians Arauco rich in golde The Conception Quintero standeth in â—3 degreâ—s 50. minutes The perturie of a Spaniard Our men march 7. or 8. miles into their enemies land 24 Spaniard slaine A little Ilanâ—â—ull of pâ—â—gâ—in Moro morenâ— in â—3 degâ—ee aâ—d a halâ—e Most artificâ—all boates Tribute pay in fâ—sh A barke taken which ther called The Geoâ—ge Aâ—icâ— sâ—aâ—detâ— in 18 degrees 31 minutes A ship taken Great store of wine â—ound Another barke taken in the road The fourth barke taken A watch house The first barke of aduise taken A good mind if he had bene in a good cause The bay of Pisca in 13 deg â…” An Iland of Seales The Hugh Gallant lost â—ompanie of the fleete and met not vntill the seuenteenth 400 â—age of meaâ—e â—ound A bay in 9. degrees and 1 â—â— Iohn Way â— preacher A ship of 30. tunnes taken after halâ—e an houres fight Seuen degrees of Southerly latitude They met their fleete againe Two rich ships taken One shippe worth 20000 pounds The bay oâ— Paita in 5 degrees 4 〈◊〉 A new sort iâ— building The towne of Paita taken auâ—burnt 25 pounds wâ—ight in â—â—â—uer The towne of Paita had 200 houses in it A barke set on fire The Iland of Puna within 1 degree the Equinoctial to the South A great ship burnt Great store of cables made in Puna The towne of Guaiaquil A little Iland neere vnto Puna The I le of Puna is almost as big as the Ilâ— of Wight Cotton trees An excellâ—â—â— orchard The seconâ— grauing of their ships The first skiâ—mish with the Spaniards Zacharie Saâ—iâ— slaine honorâ—bly Robert Maddocâ— slaine with hiâ— owne peece 46 Spaniarâ—â— and Indianâ— slainâ— The second skirmish with the Spaniards The chiefe towne in Puna burnt They arriued at Puna the 25 of May. The Hugh Gallant a barke of 40 tuns sunke Rio dolce Michael Sancius a Marsâ—â—lian A great new ship burnt The second barke of aduise taken Sonsonate in the prouince of Guatimala A barke burnt The riuer of Copalita Aguatulco in 15 degâ—ees and 40 minutes Northward A barke burnt Anile Cacaos Aguâ—tulco a towne of 100 houses burnt Cacaos goe for moneâ— in Nueua Espanna Our Generall entred two miles into the maine land with 30 men Our departurâ— from Aguatulco Puerto de Nâ—â—â—uidad in 19 degrees The third coste of aduiâ— taken Puerto de Natâ—uidad burnt Two new ships burnâ— The riuer oâ— Sant Iago Pearles tâ—ken The bay of Malacca The towne of Acatlan burnt The road of Chaccalla The Isle of Sant Andrew Iguanos good meate Massatlan in 2â— degrees and an halfe An island a league Northwards of Massatlan The escape of one Domingo a Spaniard Chiaâ—etla Fresh water at 2 or 3 foote deepe in the sand The cape of S. Lucar on the point of California Aguada Segura California in 23 degrees and two thirds The fight betweene the great S. Anna and vs. The second encounter The third â—ncounter The great S. Anna yeeldeth One hundreth and two and twenty thousand pezos of gold A pezo â—s 8 s. The marchandise in the great ship The Spaniardes set on shore to the nuÌ„ber of 190. Mutinie against the Gâ—nerall Two hope of Iapon Three boyes of Manilla Nicolas Roderigo a Portugaâ— A Spanisâ— Piâ—otâ— Acapulco is thâ— haueâ— whence they 〈◊〉 to the Philippinas Good watering at the Lâ—drones The winâ—e aâ— Eastnorâ—heast The Content whereof Steueâ— Hâ—â—â— was master left â—ehinâ— in the road The island of Guana one of the Ladroneâ— in 13 degrees and two thirds Commoditieâ— of the isles of Ladrones The colouâ— and stature â— of the pâ—ople of the isles oâ— Ladronâ—â— Their images Artificial canoas Canoas sayling right against the winde The nimblenes of the people of the Ladrones Cabo del Spirito Santo one of the isles of the Philippinas in 13 degrees From Guanâ— an islâ— of The Landrones to Cabo del Spirito Santo is 310 leagues The description of the town of Manilla Trade from Acapulco to Manilla Marchants of Châ—na Marchants called Sangueloâ— Siluer exchanged waight for waighâ— for golde The island of Capul at which our men stayed 9 dayeâ— One of the chiefe gouernours of the island came aboord vs. Hennes and hogges The treason the Spanish Pilote 〈◊〉 led The copy of thâ— Spanish Pilotes letter tâ— the gouâ—rnouâ— of Manilla which was found in his cheste and translâ—ted by Timothy Shottor Capul adioyning vpon thâ— South isle of Manilla The Northwest passagâ—â— 50 lâ—agues from Maâ—â—llâ— The Spanisâ— Pilote