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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	death_n	great_a	sin_n	3,696	5	5.0169	4	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A46647	Salmasius his dissection and confutation of the diabolical rebel Milton in his impious doctrines of falshood, maxims of policies, and destructive principles of hypocrisie, insolences, invectives, injustice, cruelties and calumnies, against His Gracious Soveraign King Charles I : made legible for the satisfaction of all loyal and obedient subjects, but by reason of the rigid inquisition after persons and presses by the late merciless tyrant Oliver Cromwel, durst not be sold publickly in this kingdom, under pain of imprisonment and other intollerable dammages.	Jane, Joseph, fl. 1600-1660.; Saumaise, Claude, 1588-1653.	1660 (1660)	Wing J451A; Wing S739_CANCELLED; ESTC R35159	253,024	288

law and Government for have not his Masters changed the stile of proceedings against offenders which the law formerly vsed in regard of their change of Government and devised one according to their new modell It s possible they that devised that clause in the Act did not expect it would be retorted vpon them they were blinded with their fury and precipitation But the Image breaker might have observed that a greater evidence of their injustice could not have been provided He that is so shamelesse to insinuate the Kings instigation to that clause in the Act for the death of the Earle Strafford which were a madnes in any man to suppose may aswell pretend it for his death The six members must stand condemned if he acquit them for the contrary of what he affirmes is constantly true And it were folly to aske him why he should conclude the six members guiltles that never were tryed when they were accused of such facts as he himselfe sayes were Treason in others for he will certainly say it though he thinke it not He concludes against the Kings conscience in saying that he bare that touch of conscience with greater regret then any other in regard of the proditory aide he supposes sent to Rochell and Religion abroade and a Prodigalitie of shedding blood at home as he phrases it There cannot be a greater evidence of the Kings innocence and the Rebels lewdenes then their absurd accusations of him who after their barbarous reproaches and crueltie make his greatest Cryme the resistance of their Rebellion and the misfortune of an expedition in favour of Rochell and Religion No man is so senseles to beleive that Rochell could have defended it selfe without other aide then their owne if the King had not intended their releife he needed not have vndertaken such chrageable and dangerous expeditions whence can any reasonable man collect that the Kings assistance to them could beproditory when they were not their by hindred to vse their vtmost endeavours besides the English succours and heereby wee may see how miserably the people of England have been misled by hipocriticall Traytours who while they made profession of conscience and Religion acted the greatest villanies against Religion and conscience that the worst of Atheists ever attempted and shame not at such assertions of falshood as common States blush to be detected of The reason he sayes is worth the notinge why the King would have notice taken of so much tendernes which is he hoped it would be some evidence before God and man to all posteritie that he was farr from bearing that vast loade and guilt of blood laid vpon him by others which hath he sayes the likenes of a subtill dissimulation When the Prophet David humbled himselfe and put on sackcloth even that was turned to his reproach and his Majest teares and afflictions of soule are no lesse reproached by theis vipers then the greatest sins that could be repented of Cursed shimi will call David a man of blood and his repentance for the murther of one man with bitternes of soule shal be counted a dissimulation rather then the wretch will allow it any evidence that he was innocent of that blood he would lay to his charge This was not the first time his Majest charged himselfe with that innocent blood the Rebells published his Cabinet wherein they found it and he might well hope that God would cleere his innocence as the light and his righteousnes as the noone day Prayers may be made for mercy to a mans name and a penitent may piously hope God will make his repentance evident to men and his sorrowes for one sin an evidence he was not guiltie of many of the same Kinde His Majest hopes not that his expressions heere wil be evidence but that his regretts which were Knowne not only to God but men could be evidence how farr he was from the guilt of what his Enemies charged him with and to declare a hope of the benifit of repentance is no more like a dissimulation then repentance is like a justification If his Majest had shed the blood of thousands whome he counted Rebells as this Author mentions he could not suffer regretts of conscience though he had a sorrow of heart his vnderstanding being satisfied of the Justice and necessitie of the fact But those horrid Traytours that imbrewed themselves in the blood of that innocent King were hardned against the sparing of multitudes and would secure their consciences by reproaching his Majest repentance and transferring the blood of warr vpon him which their Rebellion and crueltie had spilt This libeller in this very page within few lines told vs that strafford was by him put to death vnwillingly and presently concludes thus by dipping voluntarily the tipp of his finger in the blood of strafford whereof all men cleere him he thinkes to escape that sea of blood wherein his owne guilt hath plunged him And may not a mans owne conscience strike him for that which all men cleere him of but that himselfe hath related to be otherwise in this case where so many concurred in Judgment against the death of the Earle of Strafford and when so many have made confession of their owne vnhappines in the consent to that Action and so few at present that doe not abhorre it and thinke it a greate cause of Gods displeasure against the nation it is farr from truth that all men cleere him The Libeller holds a single murther but dipping the tip of the finger in blood gives just cause to conclude that his conscience is not toucht with shedding a●…ea of blood Al men must confesse it a cause of greater regret to have his hand in the blood of one man against the perswasion of his conscience then erroneously to enter into a warr where many are distroyed vpon the opinion of Justice but the knowne Justice of his Majest cause layes the blood of this warr at the Rebells doores whose malice and Treason not ignorance or errour drew vpon them the guilt of that blood of Strafford those thousands which the warr hath devoured If the King had never published his repentance for the blood of Strafford all knowing men would have judged he had cause to doe it and if he had never gone about to purge himselfe of that blood which the warr had shed all men would have cleered him of it Vpon his going to the HOUSE OF COMMONS COncerning his vnexcusable and hostile march from the Court to the house of Commons there needs not much be said There neede litle to be said for his Majest defence in going to the house of Commons who had so high a provocation to make an hostile March and tooke the way of so milde and peaceable a comming to it but this Authors impudence in calling it vnexcusable after the many violences and hostile Marches of his Masters vnto that house and their taking out and driving away the members will never be excused How shameles

of his malice and disorder in his vnderstanding Next this intent appeares by the latine wordes Vota dabunt quae bella negarunt Intimating that what he could not compasse by warr he should atcheive by his meditations for in wordes which admit of various sense the libertie is ours he sa●es to chuse that may best minde vs of what our restles Enemies endeavour In words of various sence that interpretation is to be chosen which is most probable to be the Authors meaninge an interpretation for politique ends is vninge●…uous and iniurious and when it is against the apparent signification odious and the Author shewes with what candor he deales that makes constructions to serve his turne least the truths conteyned in his Majest booke should prevaile with any he will make such a sense as may prevent the right vnderstanding of them His Majest prayers and desires through his whole booke whereto the latine words are referred were directed to God for blessings vpon his Kingdomes and restoring right and Justice to them and all men may hope they will have a gracious acceptance and returne from the Almightie though the warrs procured it not but this Author will referr these wordes to the publishing of the booke because it best mindes them to prevent what their Enemies end●…avour and because it may vsher in a conceite which he makes much of For he sayes heere may be well observed the loose and negligent curiositie of those who tooke vpon them to adorne the setting foorth of this booke for though the picture in the front would Martir him and saint him to befoole the people the lattine Motto which they vnderstand not leaves him as it were a politique contriver The lattine being taken in the right sense what roome had there been for this curious observation And if they which set foorth his Majest booke had been curiously or stupidly negligent the Author had detracted nothing from his Majest It is not the picture but the crueltie exercised vpon him that made him a Martir and these miscreants are enraged to see their owne Actions in picture which they shamed not to commit in the face of the world The picture is farr short of the measure of his Majest pietie and sufferings and wee may expect hard measure vpon the booke when a picture in the front cannot escape the Image breaker This Author its likely wrote from them that vnderstood not lattine that seekes to make the front and lattine in the end so different when the front hath a picture in the posture of prayer and the lattine in the end is applied to the efficacy of prayer If he had expected to worke on such as vnderstood lattine he would not have obtruded such an insignificant observation of misconstrued lattine Doth the commendatious of a mans devotions shew him a politique contriver They that published his Majest booke are heerein free from that negligent curiositie the Author would have seene by contriving a sense which himselfe will not affirme to be theirs which vsed the words but his owne by a libertie of choice where are different senses to be made but the Author shewes himfelfe an vnpolitique contriver of detraction when he inserts the detection of it in the relation Quaint Emblems and devices begg'd from the old Pageantry of fome twelf nights entertainment at white hall will doe but ill to make a saint or Martir The Traytours are loath to see the Emblems of their owne inhumane crueltie and how insteed of harmeles Pageantry they erected the Theatre of their Barbarous villanie at white hall The wickednes of those that Martired his Majest may be shadowed by Emblems but neither art nor wit can fully expresse it Bloody Massacres are the Pageantry of Tyrants and the scritches of Martirs their Musique If the people resolve to take him sainted at the rate of such a Cannonizing I shall he sayes suspect their Calender more then the Gregorian He is very Kinde that will suspect their Calender no more then the Gregorian for that Calender which hath nothing peculiar or notable but the new account of the yeare is received by a greate part of the world for the truest and if the Author have no greater aversion from the Calender he supposes he is likely very neere the beleife of it but it seemes he had a minde to make a conceite from the word Calender therefore produceth the Gregorian Calender of computation insteed of the Calender of saints The Authors Pageantry playing with a picture is not the way to vncannoinze a saint The peoples opinion of his Majest sanctitie is not wrought by a picture and if they have any esteeme of such representations of his sufferings their just passion condemnes this Authors malitious detractions The Memoriall of the just shal be blessed in despight of the malice and scorne of men God lookes on their sufferings puts all their teares into his bottle and their death is right deare in his sight And if we looke vpon the eminencie of the Sufferer the pride and crueltie of the persecutors the true causes on the part of the sufferer or the pretended causes of suffering on the part of the persecutors we shall finde few Parallells in Calenders among saints to that of his late Majest and its memorable in his story that his persecutors their expressions so much resemble the cursed Jewes that crucified our blessed saviour This man would make his Majest after death a politique contriver the Jewes our blessed saviour adeceiver This Author pretends a plot to worke by this booke published after his Majest death that revenge which he could not obteine in his life the cursed Jewes pretended the beleife of our saviours resurrection of greater danger then his Miracles in his life time Such as preserve the Memory of the sufferings of holy men in Calenders have Zeale for their warrant and it was an ancient practice in the Church of God and such as deride that Custome to cast reproach vpon the persons they have persecuted will have their memories rott as they have their faces hardned and their consciences seared We may see what answeare this Author intends to his Majest booke that makes such observations vpon the Claspe frontispice Is it the way to confute a booke to revile the printer Iconoclastes hath an indignation at any holy meditations in his Majest booke and tells men there is danger of a Designe and to keepe men from reading it gives Caveatts against the outside In one thing he must commend his opennesse who gave the Title to this booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the Kings Image by the shrine he dresses out for him certeinly would have the people come and worshipp Was man made to be worshipt because the Scripture tells vs he was created in the Image of god And is this author so greate a stranger to the expressions of such as writ the lives Actions of woorthy persons who terme some men patternes or Images

them by their owne precipitation The proofes of his late Majest wisedome goodnes and pietie are obvious to the meanest capacitie and the sublimest vnderstandings have made his vertues aswell as his misfortunes their wonder and though wee have lived in an age where prodigies of villany are every day acted this Author is a wonder to wisemen that makes a Method of lying and dissimulation But as the Government of hell is confusion soe are the Arts and Method of the Ministers of that Enemy of mankinde which confound reason and sobrietie and soe as they may contradict truth care not to contradict themselves But it is evident that the cheife of his adherents never loved him never honoured him nor his cause but as they tooke him to sett a face vpon their owne malignant designes nor bemoane his losse at all but the losse of their owne aspiring hopes It s evident the Author sayes it and evident that it is without ground or colour of truth would men that never loved him never honoured him nor his cause not only hazard but loose thier lyues fortunes in defence of him and his cause and that when the best successes they could hope for could not equall the perils they ran If there be either honour or gallantry in any of those that call themselves souldiers Enemies to their King and that Rebeilion hath not vnnaturalized them they would hate such an impudent Parasite that seekes to please them with such impotent Calumines of persons whose worth and honour they have soe often tryed because they were Enemies to his partie What Malignant designes would he have imagined such as noe man ever dreamt of Doth not this man beleive that his readers see he followes the common places of detraction without respect to the proprietie of persons or Actions May not this language that he vsed of any persons that follow a partie was there ever in the world an Example of a cause prosecuted vpon more disadvantage on behalfe of the Kings partie When a King is prosecuted by his subjects Iconoclastes tells vs they that adheare to him doe it for malignant designes It s certaine the Rebells had noe other but wicked and malignant designes and whence came malignant designes in such as opposed them Because they Rebelled other men had malignant designes and if any had malignant Designes secrett disaffections to the King or his cause doth he thinke it adds any weight to his slanders against the King will he lay on him the faults of his partie It seemes he thought some madder then the multitude would reade his booke otherwise such trash would not have been worth his binding vp but he tooke this to make vse of his Greeke how the Captive women seemed to lament Patroclus though in truth their owne condition and that 's the best of his evidence for this assertion and therefore he notes the booke where it is It must needes be ridiculous to any judgement vninthrald that they who in other matters expresse soe little feare either of God or man should in this one particular outstrip all Precisianisme with their Scruples fill mens eares continually with the noyse of conscientious loyaltie and Alleagiance to the King Rebells in the meane while to God in all their Actions besides It is ridiculous to any judgement vnin thrald that such as Rebell against their King should pretend they are not Rebells to God and that such as professe Precisianisme in crying downe dances and May-games should expect to be beleived that they feare God or man when in the meanetime they violate all oaths and duty to God and man Have not this generatiō shewed to the world that all their outward formalities were noe other then the washing cleane of the outside of the vessell Are such fitt judges of conscience that pretended this Precisianisme he mentions who made greate scruples and cases touching Ceremonies and make noe bones of robbery murther and Rebellion It was our saviours judgement that they which neglected the greater matters of the law were most properly Hipocrites Notwithstanding their Precisianisme that all men of any partie or societie should be free from scandalous offences where there are multitudes is without Example and it could not be hoped in the best and cleerest cause that all that followed it should have sincere ends but none could have lesse feare of God or man then he that would make all guiltie of the Crymes of some that for particular crymes of men will take the Devills office to accuse all their Actions He makes it not in among the number of scruples cases whether Rebellion be a sin but holds it a cleere case to be none And then why not Idolatry adulterie and what not It s possible probable to any judgment vninthrald that some men may make scruples of some sins are peccant in diverse others and it s farr from ridiculous that mē have greatest remorse of sins the greatnes of whose guilt it most evident to their consciences But this Author doth not love the noyse of consciencious loyaltie had rather noe conscience then any loyaltie The particular Crymes of some that followed his Majest cause and made warr against him by their sins have been lamented and reproved out of Christian zeale not hipocriticall austeritie nor can any judgement from thence draw any conclusion against the cause they have followed nor convince them of sinister ends in following it But is not a Rebell to his King a Rebell to God The preachers among those Rebells have had a long heart rising against their Rulers to take men of from being tender in Rebellion against their King when ever they reproved any sin that terme of Rebellion against God came with it insinuating a distinction of Rebellion against Princes from Rebellion against God yet Rebellion against Princes is a sin against God they cannot free themselves of the greatest guilt of sin that seduce men into it handle the word of God deceitefullie such as open a gate to Rebellion against Princes by transferring the Terme from the most ordinary signification and applying it wholy to the borrowed sense seeke to get slaves to hell not saints to heaven These were the infusions of their ordinary lecturers and serves aptly for the Rebell Politiques Much lesse that they whose professed loyaltie and Alleagiance led them to direct Armes against the kings person thought him nothing violated by the sword of hostilitie drawne by them against him should now in earnest thinke him violated by the vnsparing sword of Iustice. What meanes he in this Is it much lesse ridiculous in these latter then the former The forme of his Period went as if he meant to make a gradation to the greater and I thinke he intended it and an errour of the presse for sure nothing is more ridiculous then to thinke the King nothing violated by the sword of hostilitie whome he meanes wee must guesse for he cannot name them but by

this vnbecoming sight to see the King of England one while in the house of Commons by and by in the guild-hall among the Liveries this libeller doth not remember out of affection to the Kings person or office but out of joy that he was enforct to such extreamitie If he had had any sense of duty or regret at any Action ill becomming a King in reguard of his place or dignitie he would not so scurrilously descant on his misfortunes with the termes of Sollicitor pursivant apparitor for that prosecution and it is a plaine Testimony of the Rebellion then begun when the King was driven to Actions beneath his Majest this libeller wil hardly allow a King more then such offices for he sayes the Kings office is to execute the Parliaments Commaund and eyther in that he beleived not what he said as is most certen he did not or els he vainely objects the doing of Actions beneath him but it appeares his desires are to reduce all Kings to the lowest of the people That though the King in his answeares to the Parliament said that as he once concieved he had ground enough to accuse them so at length that he found as good cause to desert any prosecution of them yet heere he seemes to reverse all He seemes soe to none though some out of willfull malice would have it seeme soe ' The King found that he had good cause to desert the prosecution in regard of the injustice and violence of the Rebell faction And is there any thing said heere to the contrary of it Could the King finde any cause to continue the prosecution vpon the cleer●…t evidence that could be produced It is the Method of the false Sectaries to infinuate an opinion of their vertue by rigid censures of others whereby they draw men from observation of their owne lewdenes they seeme very sharpe against sins of most common obloquy offensive to sobrietie and thence the libeller calls his Majest guard the spawne and shipwracke of Tavernes Such as were of his Majest guard may not thinke to escape these false tongues when their King hath tasted soe largely of them and these hipocrites thinke to hide their blood guiltines pride robbery perjury oppression by reproaching their Enemies with Stewes and Tavernes The principall zealotts of this Rebellion were the tags and raggs of the people who were glad to heare voluptuous living and riott objected to the Kings partie that they might compare their beggery and base condition before other mens vices whether true or fayned If the house of Commons declar'd that the comming of those Souldiers Papists and others with the King was to take away some of their members and in case of opposition or denyall to have falne vpon the house in a hostile manner they shewed themselves men of as litle creditt as this Author for the world knowes that they neither had nor pretended proofe of such a purpose their declarations in that kinde are no truer then their professions of loyaltie If the house had denyed their members and opposed was it ●…esse then Treason He inferrs from the Kings profession if he purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent then let the Enemy persecute my soule treade my life to the ground lay my honour in the dust that God hath judged and done according to the verdict of his owne mouth The king well knew his Enemy persecuted his soule when he wrote this and that he was in the hands of those that would take away his life but assassination was noe proofe of his guilt nor of Gods judgment of his cause and these word●… vsed by the prophett and him are not an imprecation for tryall but a deprecation of the offence and it was not to satisfie men but to acknowledge his judgment of the Cryme to God The kings partie are assured that the proceedings against him were odious to God man and this Action touching the members was noe other then necessary Justice and there appeares not any purpose of violence or oppression of the innocent and in vaine doe murderers seeke to shelter themselves from the guilt of their impieties by pretending Gods secret Counsells The sinceritie of his Majest heart is noe lesse manifest because he fell into the hands of wicked men who cannott treade his honour in the dust which outluies their fury and though they murthered him his life is with the Lord and their infamy endles God wi●…l bring their wickednes vpon their owne heads in his due time The Kings admirers may see their madnes to mistake this booke But all men see his madnes to traduce the booke and to prophane and prostitute all things sacred to his lewde detractions who sayes it is his doomesday booke not like that of William the Norman his Predecessour Thus making the common appellation of the greate day of the Lord an inducement to vilifie the kingly office which must be a day of wrath to such mockers as aske where is the promise of his comminge which did theis Traytours expect they would not proceede soe presumptuously in their wickednes and compile a booke of it against that day The Admirers of the kings booke are noe white mistaken but they see the breaker very much mistaken in his confidence that thinkes all men madd because himselfe is soe and they were madd indeede if they received his sense or saw not that only rage att the excellency of the kings Booke not right vnderstanding made him seeke these silly objections and face them with such ostentation Vpon the INSOLENCIE Of the TUMULTS HE must confesse to have heere a neate and well couch'd invective against Tumults which surely ought not to be answeared with a impudent defence of them The misfortunes of Princes are the mirth of Rebells and therefore he sayes Rehoboam the son of Solomon could not have composed a better It was not only the son of Solomon but his Father David and himselfe too that felt the fury and danger of Rebells and Rehoboams misfortune doth not mittigate the sinfull Revolt of the ten Tribes which the Scripture calls Rebellion and this Author scoffing at his haste to escape their fury shewes how affectionate he is to Rebelliaon That the Tumults at whitehall were not soe dangerous as these at sechem he cannot affirme for those Tumults at whitehall have produced greater impieties and Calamities then those at sechem and those Tumults have since felt the scourge of their violence as those at sechem soone did their revolt being punisht by God who gave them a King in his rage that brought in Idolatry with their Rebellion which after many sore afflictions at last rooted them out of their land and they ceased to be a people He would insinuate that because this is a neate invective therefore the Kings Houshold Rhetorician made it but this hath as litle credit as his exceptions have truth or weight That the matter considerable is whether these were Tumults or noe

which he deserved noe thankes because he did them for feare of the Tumults and is now soe shameles to call them false and frivolous excuses The King formerly exprest that valour is not to be questioned for not scufling with the sea or an vndisciplined rabble And though he had not a base feare he could not be vnapprehensive of violence intended by that rabble and it cannot be doubted but that a King must have a greater measure of shame then feare to see such insolencies and if this libeller had any shame he would not have argued from that expression of his Majest a contradiction of what he said of danger from these Tumults But he thinkes his readers have a short memory as well as sense and therefore he reguards not the repugnancie of his owne Periods He magnifies the courage and severitie of Zeale to Iustice in Rebells of former times and calls them our fore Fathers and that their folly wickednes may have some excuse in following subtile conspiratours against their King he calls it courage and severitie of Zeale and that he may authorize their lewdnes he sayes their courage was against the proud contempt and misrule of their Kings He sayes that when Rich. the 2. departed but from a Committee of Lords who sate preparing matter for the Parliament not yet assembled to the removal of his evill Councellours they first vanquished and put to flight Robert de Vere his cheife favorite and then comming vp to London with a huge Army required the King then withdrawne for feare but noe further of then the Tower to come to Westminster which he refusing they told him flatly that vnles he came they would chuse another And who can reade this relation but must judge that it was a Trayterous conspiracie of these Lords and a giddy wicked Rebellion in the people By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament more then any others of the Kingdome Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it And how comes it to passe that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him What Rebells can be convicted by any law if this Action be not Treason The libeller getts nothing by this example but an evidence against his Masters for these Lords and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man and it s not imaginable that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres and Councellours which did tend towards a Parliament for by that Rule he must attend in as many places as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended that the king was bound to attend the Parliament which was to be called and dissolved by him and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason as loyaltie if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds which their impious and inconsiderate violence and fury had inflicted The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing And this the libeller believes was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament or faction in it when either they could not or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes The worst and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps and expelling them the house and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant Churches And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme What did the Parliament there if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church or state Can it be presumed that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what was conformitie to other Protestant Churches The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford there he might have found that it was Treason to goe about assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church or state And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force in that manner they did was Treason by the law and we have seene that this desperate rabble whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps and the like thinke the murther of the king and destruction of his family noe other then a but. They were demaunded by the Parliament which is vntrue but they were demaunded by a factton who suborned these Tumults to overaw and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme and steerage of the Common wealth He withdrew himselfe from that storme which the Traytours had raysed against him and admitted not any steerage when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing he would conclude there were only demaunds noe barbarous rudenes and would make the last word to exclude all that went before To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours the support of Government in Church and state was intollerable and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults yet heere he calls it only importunitie and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church and state denyall and delay of Justice If violence be lawful as he oftē affirmes why doth he mince his defence and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie and petitioning The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage because the the King sayes of them whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment for sayes the libeller the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires but if it ordaine also that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament it ordaines that which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining There is no doubt but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation then any number of private men can be encleined to and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him soe it forbidds them to commaund or