Ethelred son of Mollo substituted King in his place Whereupon Osred gathering forces together to expel Ethelred which had expulsed him out of his Realm was in his march into it again taken prisoner and slain by this Usurper at Tymmouth Upon occasion of which Insurrections and Wars I conceive this Council was most probably summoned Soon after this usurping Regicide Ethelred was slain himself even by those seditious Subjects who expelled and slew Osred to advance him to the Throne The common fate of bloody Usurpers especially in this kingdom of Northumberland as our Historians observe King Offa in the year 793. called a Provincial Parliamentary Council where Archbishop Humbert and his Suffragans with all the Primates and Nobles were present wherein he treated with them about founding the Monastery of St. Albane the first Martyr in the place where his Corps was found endowing it with lands and Privileges Placuit omnibus Regis propositum Whereupon they concluded the King should go to Rome in person and procure from the Pope the Canonization of St. Albane and a Confirmation of Privileges to the Abbey he intended to build He repairing to Rome accordingly the Pope commending his Devotion gave him his full aâ—â—ent both to found a Monastery and endow it with all such Privileges as he desired enjoyning him that returning to his Country ex Consilio Episcoporum Optimatum suorum by advice of his Biâ—hops and 〈…〉 to the Monastery of St. Albane what Possessions or Privileges he would which he 〈◊〉 grant or confirm to it by his special Charter first and afterwards he would confirm his original with his Privilege and Bull. The king hereupon receiving the Popes Benediction returned home and held two great Councils for the setliug of the Lands Privileges and Liberties of St. Albanes The one at Celâ—yth where were present 9 Kings 15 Bishops and 20 Dukes as Iohn Stow relates in his Chronicle who all subscribed and ratified his Charter of Lands and Privileges granted to St. Albane The other Council was held at Verolam which Matthew Westminster thus expresseth Congregato apud Verolamium Episcoporum Optimatum Concilio unanimi omnium consensu voluntate beato Albano Amplas contulit terras possessiones innumeras Quas multiplici Libertatum privilegio insignivit Monachorum vero conventum ex Domibus bene Religiosis ad Tumbam Martyris congregavit Abbatem eis Nomine Willegodum praefecit cui cum ipso Monasterio Iura Râ—galia concessit This king then reigning over 20 Shires at the same time by the unanimous assent of the Bishops and Nobles gave out of all those Counties to the English School at Rome Peter-Pence in English called Romescot Yet he privileged the Church of St. Albane with so great Liberty that this Church alone should be quit of the Apostolical Custom and Tribute called Romescot when as neither the King nor Archbishop nor any Bishop Abbot or Prior or any other in the Realm was exempted frow this payment And likewise granted that the Church of St. Albane should faithfully collect the said Romescot from all the County of Herâ—ford wherein the said Church is situated and receive the money collected to that Churches own use And that the Abbot thereof or a Monk constituted his Archdeacon under him should exercise Episcopal Authority over all the Priests Laymen within the possessions belonging to the Abbey and that he should make subjection to no Archbishop Bishop or Legate but only to the Pope himself So as that Church hath omnia jura Regalia and the Abbot thereof for the time being Pontificalia ornamenta And that by the great Charter of this king then made with the unanimous consent of all his Bishops and Nobles in this great Council What Lands he gave to the Monastery of St. Augustines and Christ-church in Canterbury and the Archbishops there you may read at large in the Chronicles of William Thorne col 1775. and Evidentiae Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis col 2203 2219. King Offa deceasing An. 797. his Son Egfrid so soon as he was settled in his Fathers kingdom imitating the pious footsteps of his Father devoutly conferred many Lands and possessions on the Church of St. Albanes and confirmed them by his Charter anâ— Privilege with all those other Lands Privileges and Royal Liberties which his Father had conferred on the said Church to enjoy them in the freest manner Of ejus Donatio ut perpetuae firmitatis Robur obtineret juxta morem Romanae Ecclesiae omnium Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum totius imperii sui assembled in a general Council of â—he Realm Subscriptionem signum crucis apposuit Causing all his Bâ—shops Earls and Barons of his whole Realm to subscribe and ratifie his Charter and Donation with the sign of the Cross after the manner of the Roman Church That it might be of perpetual force and validity Moreover declining his Fathers covetousness in all things whatever he for the exaltation of his Kingdom had diminished out of the possessions of divers Monasteries he out of a pious devotion restored and confirmed with his Privilege or Charter to all who desired it This pious King Egfrid as our Historians observe and let others note it who gain their Kingdoms Powers Possessions by Bloodshed and Treason was taken away by sudden death on the 141 day after his Fathers decease which gave great cause of grief to all the people of his Realm not for his own sins which is not to be supposed but because his Father pro Regni sui confirmaâ—ione sanguine◠〈◊〉 effudit for the confirmation of his Ringdom shed much blood For he came to the Croâ—n by the slaâ—ghter of King Bernred forementioned deposed and slain by him for his usurpation Tyranny and Mis-government then he invaded and slew with his own hand Alrick King of Kent routed his forces and reduced that kingdom under his own After this marching from South to North even beyond Humber he made Havock of all that stood in his way Whence returning in Triumph he set upon the West-Saxons and vanquished them forced their king Kenwolf to fly into Wales to the Britons for aid then enâ—red into Wales routed their King Marmodius for breaking his Truce made a great slaughter of the Britons after ten years prosperous wars to conquer others returned victoriously into his own territories After his return thither to compleat his bloody Tragedies Ethelbert King of East-Angles coming upon solemn invitation to his Court in great state to marry his Daughter was there treacherously murdered by his Wife Quendreda's solicitation and practice with his privity and consent who caused a deep pit to be digged in his Bed-chamber under his Chair of State or Bed into which he falling was there treacherously murdered and his head â—ut off by Gaymbertus who presented it all bloody to King Offa who to colour the business seeming to be sorrowfull â—or this murder shut himself up in his Chamber
violence of the King they importuned the Archbishop that he would consent to the Kings will upon this condition that the King should relinquish the difference which he had raised between the Pope and Archbishop by his Messengers and should restore to the said Father all the power and dignity which belonged to the said Primates See according to the authority which his Predecessors most amply enjoyed in former time But if the King could not do this that he should then restore the mony and Land which he exacted of the Archbishop to him again Upon this condition therefore the said reverend Father gave his assent But nothing of the aforesaid condition was performed For three whole years after the said agreement he remained deprived of the power which his predecessors and himself had before that difference over Suthmenstre as well in pasture mony vestments as obedience which belonged to the Metrapolitical See But after the death of King Kenulf when Beornulf reigned the said Archbishop Wulfred invited Abbess Kenedrytha Heir and Daughter of King Kenulf to the foresaid Council whither â—hen she came the Archbishop complained in the audience of all the Council of the injuries and troubles offered and done to him and to Christs Church by her Father and required reparation from her if it were Iust Then all the Council found it to be Iustice et hoc unanimi consenâ—u Decreviâ— and Decreed it by a unanimous consent That all those things which â—er Father had takâ—n away from the Archbishop she ought justly to restore unto him and to give him so much â—gâ—in for reparation And moreover should restore all the use or profit the foresaid Father had lost in so long a space which she humbly promised to do It seemed good therefore to king Beornulf with his Wisemen for friendship sake most diligently to make a reconciliation and amends for the said Lands between the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop and becaâ—se this pleased the king and he humbly intreated it out of Love and Friendship to the King the Archbishop conâ—ented thereto â—or â—he heirs of the said king Kenulf often desired to have the said Father to be their Patron and intercessor And they intreated him with humble devotion that for a full reconciliation he would receive in four places one hundred Hides of Land to wit Herges and Herfording Land Wamdeloa and Gedding Then the Archbishop for the love of God and the amiable friendship of Beornulf consenred to this accord upon this condition that the foresaid Abbess should deliver to the said Archbishop the foresaid Lands of one hundred Hides with the Books which the English call Landâ—oâ— and with the same liberty which he had before for a perpetual inheriâ—nace Whereupon king Beornulf with the testimony of the whole Council proclaimed it to be altogether free But this Agreement was not all this time ratified because after these things the promise remained unfulfilled for 12 Moneths for three Hides or tenements of the foresaid Lands were detained and the Books of 47 tenements to wit the Book of Bockland the Book of Wambelea and also the Book of Herfocding land But in the year following she the said Ahbess desired a Conference with the foresaid Archbishop who at that time was in the Country of the Wicii at a place called Ostaveshlen where he held a Council where when she had found the man of God she confessed her folly in delaying her former agreement upon which the Archbishop with great sweetness shewed that he was altogether free from the foresaid agreement and that of her part there were many things wanting which she ought to have restored but she being brought before the Councilâ— greatly blushing humbly promised that she would restore all those things that were wanting and with a willing mind restored to the Archbishop the Books of certain Lands which before she had not promised with the Lands adjudged to him as Sir Henry Spelmans Margent supplies the defect in the same Council She likewise added thereto a farm of 4 tenements in Hevgam for his favour likewise She gave to the Archbishop 30 Hide land or tenements in Cumbe with a Book of the said Lands that a firm and stable friendship and accord might remain between all the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop To all which things the Archbishop gave his consent upon this Condition that the names of the afore said Lands should be rased quite out of the Ancient Privileges which belong to Wincelcumbe lest in after times some controversie should be raised De hoc quod Synodall authoritate decretum est et signo crucis firmatum concerning this which was ended by authority of the Council and confirmed with the sign of the Câ—oss By this and the precedent Councils of Clovesho it is apdarent first That the Injustice Rapine and oppression of our Saxon Kings themselves was then examined and redressed in and by our Parliamentary Councils 2ly That Tittles to Lands Jurisdictions Privileges unjustly taken from the Church and other men by our kings or other great persons and complaints touching the same were usually heard determined and redressed in the great Parliamentary Councils of that Age upon complaints made thereof and that to and before the whole Council not to any private Committees not then in use 3ly That restitution reparations and damages in such Cases were usually awarded in such Parliamentary Councils not only against the Kings Parties that did the wrong but likewise against their heirs as here against Abbess Cenedritha Daugher and heir to king Kenulph After the decease of her father the Tort Feasor 4ly That the same cause and complaint was revived continued ended in succeeding that rested undecided and unrecompensed in former Councils 5ly That Agreements Exchanges and Judgements given upon Complaints in Parliamentary Councils were conclusive and final to the Parties and their Heirs 6ly That Injuries done by the power of our Kings or great Men in one Parliamentary Council as in dividing the Archbishoprick of Canterbury c. were examined redressed by another subsequent Council 7ly That Parliamentary Councils in that Age were very frequently held at least once or twice a year if not interrupted by wars and that usually at Clovesho according to the Decree of the Council of Heartford under Archbishop Theodor That the Bishops once a year should assemble together in a Council at Clovesho as Gervasius Doroberniensis records there being 4 Councils there and elsewhere held in King Beornulfs 4 years reign I find another Council held at Clovesho in the year 824 the 3. of the Calends of November under Beornulf King of Mercians and Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury where this King which all his Bishops and Abbots and all the Princes Nobles and many most wise men were assembled together Amongst other businesses debated therein there was a sute between Heabere Bishop of Worcester and the Nuns of Berclea concerning the inheritance of Aethelfrick Son of Aethelmund
foresaid Frier Askillus had run from hand to hand of the Prelates and Nobles of the whole Council and one advised one thing another another Lord Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury cried out with a loud voice that he was healed of his disease and perfectly recovered by the merits of the most holy Confessor of Christ most blessed Guthlac whose businesses were then handling in their hands likewise many other most potent men in the said Council cryed out as well Prelates as Nobles that they had been sick of that disease but now by Gods Grace and the merits of most holy Guthlac they felt no pain in any of their Members through the said malady And all of them presently bound their Consciences with a most strict vow to visit the most sacred Tomb of most holy Guthlac at Croyland with devout pilgrimage so soon as they could Wherefore our Lord King Bertulf commanded the Bishop of London who was then accounted the best Notary and most eloquent speaker who being moreover touched with the same disease now predicated with greatest joy that he was healed to tâ—ke the Privileges of Croyland into his hands and that he should insist to honour his Physicitian S. Guthlac with his hand writing prout consilium statueret as the Council should ordain which also was done Therefore in the Subscriptions of the Kings Charter afore-mentioned the Archbishop of Canterbury Ceolnoth confesseth himself whole and sound St. Swithin Bishop of Winchester rejoyceth concerning the Lords Miracles Alstan Bishop of Sherburn and Orkenwald of Lichenfeld give thanks for the successes of the Church and Rethunus Bishop of Leicester professeth himself a Servant to St. Guthlac so long as he lived Uuniversique Concilii Optimates And all the Nobles of the Council with a most ardent affection yeelded obedience to the Kings benevolent affection towards St. Guthlac In all things From all which precedent passages in these two Councils it is apparent First That the Parliamentary Councils of that Age consisted only of the King spiritual and temporal Lords and Peers without any Knights of Shires or Burgesses of which we find no mention in this or any other former or succeeding Councils in the Saxons times though sometimes Wise-men of inferior quality both of the Clergie and Laity were particularly summoned to them without any popular election by the Kings special direction for their advice 2ly That all Divine and Ecclesiastical matters touching God Religion and the Church and all affairs of the Realm of publique concernment relating to war or peace were debated consulted of setled in Parliamentary Councils 3ly That the businesses of God and the Church were therein usually first debated and setled before the affairs of the kingdom of which they ought to have precedency 4ly That all private grievances injuries and oppressions done by the King his Officers or other private persons to the Church or other men were usually complained of and redressed in Parliamentary Councils by the advice and judgement of the King and Peers and that either upon the parties Petition setting forth his grievances or a relation made thereof by the King or some other Prelate or Nobleman before the whole Council 5ly That what could not be redressed in one great Council was in the next succeeding Council revived and redressed according to the merits of the cause 6ly That no Peer nor Member of the great Council might absent himself in those times but upon just and lawfull excuse which he ought humbly to signifie to the King and Council by a special Messenger and Letter as Abbot Siward did here 7ly That all Members of the Council had free liberty of Debate and Vote in all businesses complained of or proposed â—o them and a negative as well as an affirmative voice 8ly That all businesses then were propounded and debated before all the Council and resolved by them all not in private Committees 9ly That our Kings in those days in Cases of necessity could not lawfully â—eise their subjects monies and plate against their wills to raise Soldiers to resist invading forein Enemies but only borrow them by their free consents and held themselves bound to restore or recompence the monies lent or taken by them in such exigencies with thankfull acknowledgment 10. That our Kings in that age could not grant away their Crown lands create or inlarge Sanctuarieâ— or exempt any Abbies from Taxes and publique payments or impose any publique Taxes on their Subjects but by Charters or grants made and ratified in and by their great Councils Anno 854. King Aethelulf gave the tenth part of his Realm to God and his Saints free from all secular services exactions and Tributes by this Charter made and confirmed by the advice and free assent of all the Bishops and Nobles throughout the Realm then assembled in a Great Council to oppose the invading plundering Danes Regnante in perpetuum domino nostro Jesu Christo in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia direptiones opum nostrarum vastantium crudelissimas hostium barbarorum paganorumque gentium multiplices tribulationes aâ—â—ligentium usque ad internecionem cernimus tempoâ—a incumbere periculosa Quamobrem ego Aethelulfus Rex Occidentalium Saxonum cum Consilio Episcoporum ac Principum meorum Consilium salubre arque uniforme reme i un aâ—â—irmavi ut aliquam portioneâ— Terrae meae Deo beatae Mariae omnibus sanctisâ— Iure perpetuo possidendam concedam Decimam scilicet parâ—em terrae meae uâ— sit tuta muâ—eribus et libera ab omnibus servitiis secularibus nec non Regalibus Tributis Majoribus et Monoribus seu Taxationibus qâ—ae nos Wiâ—teredden appeâ—lamus Sitque omnium rerum libera pro remissione animarum peccatorum meoâ—um ad â—erviendum soli Deo sine expeditione et pontis constructione arcis munitione uâ— eo diligentiâ—s â—ro nobis preces ad Deum â—â—ne cessatione fundant quo eorum servitutem in aliquo le vigamus The Copies in our Historians vary in some expressions and in the date of this Charter some placing it in Anno 855. others Anno 865. This Charter as Ingulphus records was made at Winchester Novemb. 3. Anno. 855. praesentibus subscribentibus Archiepiscopis Angliae universis nec non Burredo Merciae Edmundi East-Anglorum rege Abbatum Abbatissarum Ducum Comitum Procerumque totius terrae aliorumque fidelium infinita multitudine Dignitates vero sua nomina subscripserunt After which for a greater Confirmation the King offered the Written Charter up to God upon the Altar of St. Peter where the Bishops received it and after sent it into all their Diocesses to be published and hereupon the Bishops of Sherburne and Winchester with the Abbots and religious persons on whom the said benefits were bestowed decreed That on every Wednesday in every Church all the Friers and Nuns should sing 50 Psalms and every Priest 2 Masses one for the King and an other for his Captains It is observable
alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Legati interea revelavit beatus Petrusâ— c voluntatem suam esse ut restituerem locum qui dâ—itur Westmonaâ—terium c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detulâ—ssent contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE dedi me ad restructioneÌ„ ejusdem loci Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam tam in auâ—o argento quà m in pâ—cudibus omni genere possessionum destruens veteremâ— novam à fundamento basilicam construxi From which passages and charters which I have coupled all together for their coherence in matter though differing somewhat in time I shall observe 1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions 2. That the Prelates Nobles and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the grâ—at parliamentary Councils summoned onely by the Kings writs without any Knights of Burgesses that we read of elected by the people 3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm no not to pay their solemn vows to God nor appoint Vice-royes Guardians Officers Judges Commanders to govern or defend the Realm in their absence without the advice and consent of their Nobles in parliamentary Councils nor yet endow Monaâ—teries with any Crown-lands or Royal priviledges by their charters unless by consent and confâ—rmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament 4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions buâ— even in his sacred and religious vows when prejudicial dangerous mischievous to the Realm the publick peace safety 5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions advice desires of their Nobles Councils and people in all things which concern their safety tranquility though contrary not only to their private resolutions but vows 6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons the kingdoms peace and security and the hereditary succession of the Crown 7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm or death without any hereditary issue or heir is exceeding perillous and mischievous to the Realm yea the cause of many seditions tumults perturbations and ruins 8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with and that by the resolution of two Popes three Roman Synods and two parliamentary Councils 9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life but likewise miraculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed after many years seclusion from it by intruding armed usurpers as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right Aurelius Ambroâ—ius after 21 years long before 10. That right heirs to the Crown when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes ought to be extraordinarily affected with and thankful bountiful and devout to God for it and their subjects likewise both in wordâ— and deeds as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were King Henry the Emperour An. 1049. when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders for burning his palace sent to King Edward intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to â—scape in case he should flie to sea Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate that two Princes of the Danes Lothin and Hirling the yeare before having there taken an inestimable booty and great store of gold and silver they sailed by sea about the coast of Essâ—x pillaged it and sailing thence into Flanders there sold their prizes and returned from whence they came Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich for defence of the coast as well as the Emperours Embassy Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sandwich Swane Earl Godwins son who formerly fled into Denmark because he could not marry Abbâ—sse Elgina â— whom he had defloured teturning into England with eight shipâ— gave out in speeches that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King Whereupon Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him The Emperour and Earl Baldwin being agreed Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home retaining onely a few ships with him But being soon after informed that Osgad Clapa whom he had banished lay in Vlve with 29. ships he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could to encounter him Osgad having received his wife sailed with 6 of his ships inâ—o Dâ—nmark the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe they were all cast away in a great storm but two w ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea all the men in them put to the sword In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitâ—ully with Earle Beorne intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King who considering his consanguinity went to him attended onely with three men Swane treacherously sending him to Bosâ—nham where his ships rode at anchor carried him on ship-board bound him in chains and at last slew and cast him into a pit After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich and 4 more of his ships being dismissed he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland till Ailred Bish. of Worcest reduced and reconciled him unto the King The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Severn by the help of Griffin King of Sâ—uthwales burnt and pillaged many villages and put the inhabitants to the sword against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedily marched but the Welshmen amongst them who had promised fidelity to them â—ending presently to their K. Griffin intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the morning slew many of them and routed the rest King Edward in the year 1051. released the English From the heavy tribute or Danegeld which Florentius Wigorniensis and Simeon Dunelmensis thus expresse Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi veâ—â—igali 38. anno ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit c. quod eis pater suus propter
whereof is this That the Church shall be free and enjoy her Iudgements Rents and Pensions And Anno Dom. 700. this king Withred unâ cum consensu Principum meorum together with the consent of his Nobles and Bishops who subscribed their names to his Charter granted to the Churches of God in Kentâ— thâ—t they should be perpetually freed ab omni exactione publica tributi atque dispendio vel laesione à praesenti die tempore c. From all publick exaction of Tribute and from all dammage and harm rendring to him his posterity such honour and obedience as they had yeelded to the Kings hâ—s antecessors under whom Iustice and Liberty was kept towards them About the year of our Lord 678. Wilfrid Archbishop of â—ork â—eing in a Council unjustly depriâ—ed of his Bishoprick by Theodor Archbishop of Canâ—erbury who envied the greatness of his Wealth Power and Diocess which he would and did againâ—â— Wilfrids will in that Council divide iâ—to â— more Bishopricks was after that time exiled the Realm through the malice of Egfrid king of Nortâ—umberland and Emburga his Queen whom he would have perswadâ—d â—o become a Nun and desert her Husband as some Authors write and others deny in his favour without any just and lawfull cause and after that about the year 692. being again deprived of his Bishoprick and right by the Iudgement and sentence of another Council held under Aldrid king of Northumberland and Bertuald Archbishop of Canterbury he thereupon maâ—e two successive appeals to Rome against their two unjust sentences as he conceived them The first to Pope Agatho and a Council of 150 Bishops held under him who decreed he should be restored to his Bishoprick and make such Bishops under him by advice of a Council to be held `by him as he should deem meet with which decree against his first sâ—ntence he returning from Rome to king Egfrid to whom he delivered it sealed with the Popes Seal the king upon â—ight and reading thereof in the presence of some of his Bishops tantùm à reverentiâ Romanae sedis abfuit was so far from obeying this Decree of the Roman See that he spoiled Wilfrid of all his Goods and possessions and committed him prisoner to a barbarous and cruel Governour who thrust him into a dark dungeon for many daysâ— and after that committed him to another more cruel Gaoler than he called Tumber who endeavoured to put him into Fetters by the Kings command which he could no ways fasten upon his Legs but they presently fell off again through a Miracle Whereupon wickedness giving place to Religion he was loosed from his Bonds detained in free custody and afterwards released but not restored After which about the year 693. he appealed again to Pope Iohn against the proceedings of the second Council which refused to re-admit him to his Archbishoprick unless he would submit to the decrees of Archbishop Theodore and Brithwald his successor which he refused to do unless they were such as were consonant to the decrees of the holy Canons which he conceived theirs not to be because they would order him to condemn himself without any Crime objected to him Upon which appeal this Pope wiâ—h his Bishops pronounced Wilfrid free from all Crime and ordered him to return to his Aâ—chbishoprick writing Letters to Ethelred King of Mercians and Alfrid King of Northumberland to restore him thereunto Alfrid receiving the Popes Letters by Wilfrids Messengers altogether refused to obey the Popes commands in this Case saying Quod esset contra rationem homini jam bis à toto Anglorum Concilio damnato propter quaelibet Apostolica scripta communicare That it was against reason to communicate with a man already twice condemned by the whole Council of the English Nation for any writings of the Pope so little were the Popes authoritie and decrees then regarded in England contradicting the kings and English Councils proceedings neither would he restore him all his life After his death Edulfe usurping the Crown by Tyranny Wilfrid repaired to him to restore him to his Archbishoprick upon this account of the Popes Letters Whereupon he was so inraged with him for it though formerly his great friend that he presently commanded him to depart the Realm forthwith unless he would be spâ—â—led of all his goods and cast out of it with disgrace But this Usuper being deprived both of his Realm Crown and Life in little more than 3 Months space and Osred son of king Alfrid being restored to the Crown by the Nobles as right heir thereunto at last Wilfrid was re-invested in his Bishoprick by the decree of a Council held under him in Northumberland at a place called Nidden An. 705. not so much in obedience to the Popes command as king Alfrids attested by Elfleda his Sister then Abbess of Streneshash witness these words of Berfride Ego jussionibus Papae obediendum censeo praeâ—erâ—im cum eorum roâ—ori accedat Regis nostri Iussio â— nostrae necessit atis sponsio c. Puer in Regem levatâ—s hostis abactus Tyrannus extinctus est igitur Regiae voluntatis ut Episcopus Wilfridus revestiatur Upon which he was accorâ—ingly restored whereupon all the Bishops embraced him and reconciled themselves to him This Bishop Wilfrid procured to the Church of Hagustald which he founded and was Bishop thereof many privileges and that â—or one miles circuit round about none should be arrested going or coming buâ— injoy inviolable peace Quod inâ—titutum authoritate privilegiis Romanae sediâ— Apostolicorum Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Regum Principum tam Scotiae quam Angliae confirmatum est Quod si aliquis temerarius insringere audebit magnae pecuniae damno obnoxius erit perpet no Anathematis gladio ab ecclesiâ— seperabitur as Richaâ—d Prior of Hagustald records Anno Domini 708 Egwin Bishop of Worcester procured king Kenred and Offa by their Charters to grant and confirm many Lands and Privileges â—o the Abbey of Evesham which Pope Constantine likewise ratified by his subscription at Rome as well as â—hese kings in the presence of many Archbishops Bishops Princes and Nobles of divers Provinces who commended and approved their Charters and Liberality In pursâ—ance whereof Pope Constantine writ a Letter to Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury to summon Concilium totius Angliae a Council of all England to wit of the Kings Bishops Religious persons of Holy Orders Optimatesque Regni cum proceribus suis with the Nobles and great men of the Realm who being all assembled together in the name of the Lord The Archbishop should in their presence read the Charters of these Kings and the Popes confirmation of them that they might be confirmed by tâ—e favour and assent of the Clergy and the people and consecraâ—ed with their Benediction Whereupon king Kenred and Offa after their return from Rome assembled a General Council in a place called Alne
first That the Parliamentary Council wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent and this exemption and tenth granted was principally called to resist the invading plundering Danes 2ly That this King and Council in those times of Invasion and necessiâ—y were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church for defence of the Realm or from imposing new unnâ—ual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than formerly and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions that they might more cheerfully and frequently pour â—orâ—h prayers to God for them as the best means of defence and security against these forein invading enemies Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year different from it in month and place out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect made by Parliamentary consent of that time per consilium saâ—ubre cum Episcopis Comiâ—ibus ac cunctâ—s Optimatibus meis which Charâ—er is sâ—bscribed by this King and his two Sons with some Bishops and Abbots ratified with their signs of the Cross and this annexed curse Si quis verò minuere velmutare nostram donationem praesumpserit noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit usual in such Charters Afâ—er which this King going to Rome carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him whom he most loved to be educated by Pope Leo where continuing a year he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope and returning into his Country married Iudith the King of France his Daughter bringing Alfred and her with him into England In the Kings absence in forein parts Alstan Bishop of Sherburne Eandulfe Earl of Somerset and certain other Nobles making a Conspiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son concluded he should never be received into the Kingdom upon his return from Rome for two Causes One for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred to be crowned King at Rome excluding thereby as it were his eldest Son and others from the Right of the Kingdom Another for that contemning all the wâ—men of England he had married thâ— Daâ—ghâ—er of the Kiâ—g of Fraâ—ceâ— an alien et contra morem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum and against the use and Statuâ—es of the Kings of the West-Saxons called Juâ—ith the King of France his Daughter wâ—om he lately espâ—used Queen and caused her to sit by his side at the Table as he â—easted For the West-Saxons permitâ—ed not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table nor yet â—o be calâ—ed Queen but the Kings Wife Which Infamy arose 〈◊〉 Eadburga Daughter of King Oâ—fa Queen of the sâ—me Natâ—on who destroyed her Husband King Brithrâ—â—ic with poison and sitting by the King was wont to accuse all â—he Nobles of the Realm to him who thereupon depâ—ived them of lâ—fe or banished them the Realmâ— whom she câ—uld not accusâ— she used to kill wâ—th poison Thereforeâ— for this mis-doing of the Qâ—â—en they all conjured and swore that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premises Wâ—eâ—eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome his Son Aethelbald with his Complices attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown But Almighty God would not permit it for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise betwâ—â—n the Father and tâ—e Son the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and Nobles ceased though the King Clemency who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons formerly undivided with his Son so that the East paâ—t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald and the West-part remain to the Father And when tota Regni Nobiliras all the Nobility of the Realm and the whole Naâ—ion of the West-Saxons would havâ— fought for the King thrust his Son Ethelbald from the right of the Kingdom and 〈◊〉 him and his Complices out of the Realm qui tantum facinus perpeâ—rare ausi sunt Regem à regno â—ropâ—io reâ—ellerent which Wigorniensis Anno 855. â—â—leâ— Facinus et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante infortunium if the Father would have permitted them to do it He out of the nobleness of his mind satisfiâ—d his Sons desire so that where the Father ought to have reigned by the just judgement of God there the obstinâ—te and wicked Son reigned The King Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father was ordained Bishop of Winchester but his Father dying he was made King by the Prelatesâ— Nobles and People much against his will cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare debuisset because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign Haeredibus aliis deficientibus poâ—â—modum necessitate compulsus gubernacula Regni in se suscepit as Bromton and others expresse it At his death Anno 857. he did by his will lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease give the kingdom of Kent with Sussex and Essâ—x to Ethelbert his second son and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald then he devised certain sums of Money to his Daughter Kindred Nobles and a constant annuity for ever for meat dâ—ink and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps Almes which sums I never find paid by his Successors as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils of Prelates and Nobles as his forcited Charter and Peter-pence likewise granted by him were upon this occasion as some record that he being in Rome and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron purchased of the Pope thaâ— Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country do penance in Bonds About the year of our Lord 867. Osbrith King of Northumberland as Bromton records residing at York as he returned from hunting went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard to eat who was then gone to the Sea-coasts to defend it the Ports against Theeves and Pirates as he was accustomed His Lady being extraordinarily beautifull entertained him very honorably at dinner The K. enamored with her beauty after dinner taking her by the hand leads her into her Chamber saying he would speak with her in private and there violently ravished her against her will which done he presently returned to York but the Lady abode at her house weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King whereby she lost her former colour and beauty Her Husband returning and finding her in this sad condition inquired the cause thereof wherewiâ—h she fully acâ—uainting him he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words saying that he would not love
her the lesse for it since her weakness was unable to resist the Kings power and vowed by Gods assistance speedily to avenge himself her of the King for this indignity Whereupon being a Noble and very potent man of great Parentage he called all his kinsmen and the chief Nobles of his Familie to him with all speed and acquainted them with this dishonour done to him by the king saying he would by all means be avenged thereof and by their Counsel and Consent they went all together to York to the king who when he saw Bruern called him courteously to him But he guarded with his kinred and friends presently defying the King resigned up to him his Homage Fealty Lands and what ever he held of him saying that he would never hold any thing of him hereafter as of his Lord And so without more words or greater stay instantly departed and taking leave of his friends went speedily into Denmark and complained to Codrinus king thereof of the Indignity done by King Osbrith to him and his Lady imploring his aid and assistance speedily to revenge it he being extracted out of his Royal blood The king and Danes hereupon being exceeding glad that they had this inducâ—ng cause to invade England presently gathered together a great Army to revenge this Injury done to Bruern being of his Blood appointing his two Brothers Inguar and Hubba most valiant Souldiers to be their Generals who providing Ships and other Necessaries transported an innumerable Army into England and landed them in the Nothern parts This being the true Cause why the Danes at this time invaded England in this manner In the mean time the Parents Kindred and Friends of Bruern expelled and rejected King Osbrith for this â—njury done to him and his Lady râ—fusing to hold their Lands of or to obey him any longer as their Soveraign and advanced one Ella to be King though none of the Royal bloud Our other Historians who mention not this fact of Osbrith and occasion of these Danes arival to revenge it write that the Danes upon their Landing marched to the City of York wasting all the Country before them with fire and Sword unto Tinmouth At that time they write by the Devils instinct there was a very great discord raised between the Northumberlanders Sicut â—emper populo qui odium incurrerit evenire solet For the Northumberlanders at that time had expelled their lawfull King Osbrith out of the Realm and advanced one Ella a Tyrant not of the Royal bloud to the Regal Soveraignty of the Kingdomâ— By reason of which division the Danes taking York ran up and down the Country filling all places with bloud and Grief wasting and burning all the Churches and Monasteries far and near leaving nothing standing but the Walls and ruines of thom pillaging depopulating and laying waste the whole Country In which great necessity and distress the Northumberlanders reconciling their two Kings Osbrith and Ella one to another gathered a great Army together against the Danes which their two Kings and â—ight Earls marched with to York where 〈…〉 long fight with various success both the said Kings with most of the Northumberlanders were all slain â— Aâ—ril 11. Anno 867. The City of York consumed with fire and the whole Kingdom made tributarie to the Danes Simeon Dunelmensis relates that both these kings had violently sacrilegiously taken away certain Lands from S. Cuthberts Church in Durham for Osbrit had by a sacrilegious attempt taken away Wircewood and Tillemouth and Ella Billingham Heclif and Wigeclif Creca from S. Cuthbert tandem cum maximâ parte suorum ambo praefati Reges occubuerunt Injurias quas Ecclesiae sancti Cuthberti aliquando irrogaverant vitâ privati regno persolverunt Which the Author of the History of St. Cuthbert observes and records more largely as a punishment of their sacrilegious Rapine The Danes hereupon made Egbert king of Northumberland as a Tributary and Viceroy under them Sic Northumbria bellico jure obtenta barbarorum dominium multo post tempore pro conscientiâ libertatis Ingemuit writes Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angliae l. 2. c. 3. p. 42. These rebellious Northumberlanders about 7 years after uno conspirantes consilio expelled Egbert the Realm by unanimous consent together with Archbishop Wilfer making one Richius King in his Place the Danes both then and long after possessing and wasting their Country and slaughtering them with fire and sword as the Marginal Historians record more than any other parts of the Iland by a just divine punishment for their manifold Treasons Seditions Factions Rebellions against and Murders of their Soveraigns In the year 868. a great Army of these victorious plundering Danes marched out of the Kingdome of Northumberland to Nottingham which they took and there wintered Whereupon Beorred or Brâ—thred King of Mercians omnesque ejusdem gentis Optimates and all the Nobles of that Nation assembled together Where the King Consilium habuit cum suis Comitibus comilitonibus omni populo â—iâ—i subjecto Qualiter inimicos bellicâ virtute exuperaretâ— sive de Regno expelleret held a Council with his Earls and fellow Souldiers and all the people subject to him how he might vanquish these Enemies with military power or drive them out of the Realm By whose advice he sent Messengers to Ethelâ—ed King of the West-Saxons and to his Brother Elfrid humbly requesting them that they would assist and joyn with him against the Danish Army which they easily condescening to gathered a very great Army together out of all parts and joyning all together with Beorred and his forces marched to Nottingham unanimously with a a resolution to give the Danes battel who sheltering themselves under the works of the Castle and Town refused to fight with them whereupon they besieged them in the Town but being unable to break the Walls they concluded a Peace at last with the Danes upon condition that they should relinquish the Town and march back again inâ—o Northumberland which they did where their Army continued the whole year following in about York debacchaâ—s insaniens occidens perdens perolurimos viros muliâ—res Abbot Ingulphus records that during the siege of Nottingham King Beorred as he stiles him at the request of Earl Algar the younger who was veâ—y gracious with him and the other Kingsâ— causâ suae nobilis militiae granted a Charter of Confirmation not only of all the Lands Advowsons Possessions which this Earl with other particular persons and Kings had given to the Abby of Croyland but likewise of all their former Privileges confirming all their Ilands Marishes Churches Chapels Mannors Mansions Cottages Woods Lands Meadows therein specified to God and Saint Guthlac for ever Libera Soluta emancipata ab omni onere â—erreno servitio seculari in Eleemâ—synam aeternam perpetuo possidendam Which Charter hath â—â—is memorable exordium expressing the motives
a cruel death who gave him this ill advice and to pacifie his Brothers â—host and his own Conscience built two new Monasteries at Middleton and Michelresse and there was scarce any old Monastery in England which he adorned not either with buildings or Ornaments or Books or Landâ— to expâ—ate this his bloody crime In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927. There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of England soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes and treacherous Scots which had violated their Agreement made with his Father whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom uniting it to his own Realm vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales Constantine king of Scots Anlafe the Dane and others in a set battel drove them out of their Realms and forced them to submit to him Who upon their submission knowing the chance of war to be variable and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes restor'd them presently to their former estates with this Princely Speech That it was more honour to make a King than to be a King yet these petty Kings Princes rebelling afterwards siding with Anlafe against him were all rouâ—ed by Athelstanâ— King Constantine of Scotland with five more of these Kings 12 Dukes and most of their Army slain in one battel principally by the valor of Turketulus and the Londoners An. 837 Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold and 300 of Silver and 25000 head of Cattel with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds which no King of England ever exacted or received from them before William of Malmesâ—ury who exceeds in his praises writes that it was truly reported of him amongst the English Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rempublicam administraverit That no king governed the Commoâ—weâ—lâ—h more legally or learnedly than he being as Ingulphus records guided and directed by Turketulus his Chancellour a man of great integrity honesty and piety of profâ—und judgement whose decrees upon debate were irrefragâ—ble This king Athelstan for the better administration of Jusâ—ice enacted sundry excellent civil and ecclesiasâ—ical Laws recorded in Bromt. Lamb. Spelm. The first of these his Laws were made and enacted in the famous â—ounâ—il of Grately about the year 928 in which the king himself Wulfehelm Archbishop of Canteâ—bury and the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble were present who all ordained and confirmed these Laws in this great Council as the last Chapter 〈◊〉 inâ—orms us in â—hese words Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum In magno Synodo apud Grateleyam cui Archiepiâ—copâ—◠〈…〉 et omnes Optimates et Sapientes quos Adelstanus Rex potuit Congregare Or Cumâ—â— Optimates et Sapientes ab Aetheâ—â—tano evocaâ—â— frequentissimi as another Copy renders itâ— which proves that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ and not elected by the peoples sufâ—rages And although the Archbishops Bishops and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical Lâ—ws made in this Council as this Prologue to them attests Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex prudenti â—lâ—â—elmae Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando yet they were all enacted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council as the premises evidence In this Council the king commandedâ— by his Laws all his Officers that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive adding this memorable reason for it Nunquam enim erit populo bene consultum nec digne Deo conserâ—abitur ubi Lucrum impium et magis falsum diligitur Ideo â—eâ—ent omnes amici Dei quoâ— miquum en enervare quod â—ustum est elevare non paâ—i ut propâ—er falsum et pecuniae quaestum se forisfaciant homines erâ—â—â—ere â—apientem Deum cui displicet omnis injustitia Which I wish all our unrighteous covetous â—â—x-maâ—â—ers Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider Afâ—er which it follows Chrisâ—ianis autem omnibus necesâ—arium est ut rectum diligant ut iniqua condemnent et saltem sacris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et prava deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum saeculi Judicibus interesse Judiciis ne permittant si possint ut illinc aliqua pravitatum germina pullulaverint And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings oppressions and Injustice in all things this Council by positive Laws ascertains all fines amerciaments imprisonments and corporal punishments for criminal offences from which the Iudges might not vary And withall defines what Armes every man should â—ind in those times of war against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law Lex 21. Sax. 16. Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bonis equis de omni Carucâ King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately what years is not expressed assembled several other Parliamentary Councils at Exeter Fevresham and Thunderfeld wherein he and his Wisemen by common consent confirmed the Laws made at Grately altering some of them in certain particulars and adding some new Laws unto them as you may read at large in Bromâ—on and as the first Chapâ—er and this Prologue to those Laws assure us ` Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exonâ—ae consilio Adelstani Regis instituerunt iterum 〈◊〉 Fevresham â— et tertia vice apud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc definitum simul et confiâ—matum est et hoc imprimis est ut observentur omâ—ia Judicia quae apud Gratelâ—yam imposita fuerint praeter mercatum Civitatis et Diei Dominicae The Cause of making these new Laws and confirming the old was a Complaint to the King in the Council at Exeter that the Peace and Laws made at Grateley were not so well kept as they should be and that Theâ—ves and Malefactors abounded as this Prologue manifests Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis sicut dictum est Michi quod pax nostra pejus observata est quam Michi placet vel apud Grateleyam fuerit institutum Et Sapientes Michi dicunt quod hocdiutius pertuli quà m debueram Nunc inveni cum illis Sapientibus qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini quod parati sunt omnino quando velim cum seipsis uxoribus pecunia omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero nisi malefactores requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant c. In the Council of Fevresham in Kent the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it propounded some things for the weal
and peace of the Country together with his pardon for fore-past offences which they upon debate assenting to and drawing up into sundry heads returned to the King for his Royal assent with this memorable Gratulatory Prologue which most truly representing unto us the proceedings in the great Councils of that Age I thought meet entirely to transcribe Karissime Episcopi tui de Kent omnis Kentescire Thayni Comites Villani tibi Domino dilectissimo suo gratias agunt quod nobis de pace nostra praecipere voluisti de commodo nostro perquirere consulere quia magnum opus est inde nobis divitibus Egenis Et hoc incepimus quanta diligentia potuimus consilio horum Sapientum quos ad nos misisti unde Karissime Domine primum est de nostrae decimâ— ad quam valdè cupidi sumus voluntarii tibi supplices graâ—ias agimus admonitionis tuae Secundum est de pace nosâ—râ— quam omnis populâ—s teneri desiderat sicut apud Grateleyam Sapientes tui posuerunt et sicut etiam nunc dictum est in Concilio apud Fefresham Tertium est quod gratianâ— omnes misericorditur Hermerum dominum suum â—e dono quod forisfactis hominibus concessiâ—â—i hoc est quod pardonatur omnibus forisfactura de quocâ—nque furto quod antè Concilium de Fefreshâ—m factum fuit eo tenore quo semper deinceps ab omni malo quiescant et omne latrocinium confiteantur et emendent hinc ad Augustum Quartum Ne aliquis recipiat hominem alterius sine licentia ipsius cui prius folgavit nec intra marcam nec extra et etiam ne Dominus libero homini hlasocnam interdicat si rectè custodierit eum Quintum Qui ex hoc discedat sit dignus eorum quae in scripto pacis habentur quod apud Grateleyam institutum est Sextum si aliquis homo sit adeo dives vel tantae parentelae quod castigari non possit vel illud cessare nolit ut efficias qualiter abstrahatur in aliam partem regni tui sicut dictum est in occiduis partibus sit alterutrum quod sit sit Comitum sit Villanorum Septimum est ut omnis homo teneat homines suos in fide jussione suâ contrà omne furtum Si tunc sit aliquis qui tot homines habeat quod non sufficiat omnes custodire praepositum talem praeponat sibi singulis villis qui credibilis ei sit qui concredat hominibus Et si praepositis alicui eorum hominum concredere non audeat inveniat XII plegios cognationis suae qui ei stent in fide jussione Et si Dominus vel praepositus vel aliquis hoc insâ—ringat vel abhinc exeat sit dignus eorum quae apud Grateleyam dicta sunt nisi Regi magis placeat alia justitia Octavum Quod omnibus placuit de scutorum opere sicut dixisti Precamur Domine misericordiam tuam sit in hoc sit in alterutrum vel nimis vel minus ut hoc emendare Iubeas juxta velle tuum Et nos devotè parati sumus ad omnia quae nobis praecipere velis quae unquam aliquatenus implere valeamus After this there was another kind of Parliamentary Council held at London not long after that another at Thithamberig wherein many consultations were had propositions made for suppression punishment of Theeves and keeping of the peace which the Iustices Commissioners and others appointed to keep the peace and to take sureties of all men to the keeping thereof concluded upon at London and after submitted to the Kings Council to enlarge or alter as he should see cause Who thereupon made some alteration and mitigation at Thithamberig of what the King thought over-severe in putting to deaâ—h those who were above 12 years of Age for 12 d. value as these passages attest declaring the proceedings of that Parliamentary Council Hoc consultum est quod Episcopi et praepositi qui Londoniensi Curiae pertinent edixerunt jurejurando confirmaverunt in suo Fridgildo Comites villani in adjectione judiciorum quae apud Grateleyam Exoniam instituta sunt iterum apud Thundresfeldam Cap. 1. Et est imprimis haec non parcatur alicui latroni supra 12 Annos et supra 12 d. de quo verè fuerit inquisitum quod reus sit quin occidatur capiatur omne quod habet c. Cap 14. Nec tacendum est vel praetereundum si dominus noster vel praepositorum nostrorum aliquis ullum Augmentum excogitare possit ad nostrum Fridgildum ut hoc gratanter excipiamus sicut nobis omnibus convenit nostrum necesse sit in Deo confidimus et regni nostri Domino Cap. 15. Si totum hoc ita complere volumus res totius populi meliorabitur contra fures quam anâ—eâ— fuit si remissius egerimus de pace vadiis quae simul dedimus quam Rex nobis praecipit timere possumus vel magis scire quod fures isti regnabunt plus quam antè fecerunt si fidem teneamus et pacem sicut domino nostro placeat quia magnum opus est ut insistamus et peragamus quoâ— ipse velit et si amplius praecipiat cum omni jocunditate et devotione parati sumus Cap. 17. Item quod Sapientes omnes dederunt vadium suum insimul Archiepiscopo apud Thundresfeldam quando Ealpheagus Scyb et Brithnodus Odonis â—ilius veneruut ad Concilium ex ore Regis ut omnis praepositus vadium capiat in suo comitatu de pace servandâ sicut Adelstanus Rex apud Fefresham et quartâ vice apud Thundresfeldam coram Archiepiscopo et Episcopis et Sapientibus quas ipse Rex nominavit qui interfuerunt et judicia conservaverunt Quae in hoc Concilio fuerunt instituta c. Cap. 18. Item quod Adelstanus Rex praecepit Episcopis suis et praepositis omnibus in toto Regno suo ut pacem ita custodiant sicut recitavit et Sapientes sui Cap. 19. Item Rex dixit nunc iterum apud Thitlanâ—birig Sapientibus suis et praecepit ostendi Atchiepiscopo et caeteris Episcopis quod ei miserabile videtur quod aliquis tà m juvenis occidatur vel pro tà m parvâ re sicut innotuit ei quod ubique fiebat dixit itaque Quod ei videbatur et eis cum quibus hoc egerat ne aliquis occidatur junior quam quindecim Annorum nisi se defendere velit vel aufugere et in manus ire velit ut tunc deducatur sir major sit minor qualiscunque sit si se dederit ponatur in Carcere sicut apud Greateleyam dictum est et per idem redimatur c. Praecepit Rex ne aliquis occidatur pro minori precio quam 12 d. nisi fugiat vel repugnet ne dubitetur tunc licet minus Si haec ita conservemus in Domino Deo
the things of the Church he had taken away with satisfaction and effusion of Tears Whereupon to obtain pardon and absolution for the penance they enjoyned him he gave the parish of Guidcon with all the Lands Liberties and Commons apperâ—aining thereunâ—o to God and the Bishops of Landaffe for ever to be held in Frankalmoighne Some five years after Anno 955. Ily a Deacon slaying one Merduter and slying into a Church for Sanctuary thereupon his kinsâ—olk and some of king Nogui his family forcibly entring into the Church flew Ili before the Altar sprinkling his blood both upon the Altar and Walls of the Church Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe assembled a Synod of all the Priests Deacons and Ecclesiastical persons within his Diocess to excommunicate the Delinquents which King Nogui and his Nobles hearing of fearing the Malediction of the Church the weight whereof they duâ—st not undergoe sent for the Bishop and upon conâ—ultation by advice of the Doctors of both sides delivered up the Murderers into the Bishops hands who sent them to the Monastery of St. Teliavi where they were kept 6 Moneths in Iron Chains Aftâ—r which they were excommuuicated Synodo quoque Judicanâ—e definiâ—um est unusquisque eorum suum agrum suamque totam substantiam insuper pretium animae suae id est septem Libras Argenti redderet Ecclesiae quam maculaverat determinantibus omnibus Divino Judicio c. The Bishop rising up in the midâ—â— of them holding the Gospel in his hand said to Nogui lay thy hand upon this Gospel Whereupon Nogui laying his hand upon it said Sit haec terra cum incolis suis in sempiterna consecraâ—ione Deo c. Patri Episcopo omnibus Episcopis Landaviae Libera ab omni Laicali servitio nisi tantum in oratione quoâ—idianâ in perpetuo It seems the petty Welsh Kings and their Courtiers were all subject in those dayes to the Censures and excommunications of their Synods for their Sacrilege and other unrighteous Actions infringing the Churches Liberties That their Synods had a Iudiciary Power and that they could not convey Lands to the Church but by the Consent and Iudgement of their Synods which attested and ratified the same as you may read in Spelman Who likewise informs us of another Welsh Synod held at Landaffâ— about the year 988. wherein Arithmail Son of Nogui King of Guenti slaying his Brother Elised was for this execrable Fratricide excommunicated by Gucan Bishop of Landaâ—fe and all the Synod who thereupon submitting to the penance therein enjoyned him gave certain Lands for ever in Frankalmoighne to God and all the Bishops of Landaffe to purchase his absolution King Edred deceasing to the great grief of all hiâ— Subâ—ects his Nephew Edwin formerly put by the Crown for his Nonage was thereupon though young crowned King at Kingston by Archbishop Odo An. 955. but in the second year of his reign 957. the Mercians anâ— Northumberians wholly cast off their obedience to him and conspiring alltogether by unanimous consent rejecting him from being their King elected his Brother Edgar for their Sovereign Lord Deo dictante annuente populo VVhereupon the kingdom was divided between them by the bounds of the River of Thames VVhat was the true Cause of this deposition and rejection of Edwin is very doâ—btfull William of Malmesbury Hovedeu Matthew Westminster Dunelmensis Bromton Henry de Knighton Abbot Ethelred Hygden Florence of Worcester and most of our old Historians being Monks and over-much devoted to their Arch-Patron Dunstan record That the true Causes thereof were First His ill lascivious Life and Incontinency with Alfgiva his Concubine as they write and near kinswoman from whom Archbishop Odo divorced him and likewise with sundry other Concubines which he entertained in his Court whom Odo excommunicated and banished thence 2. His Indiscret and Tyrannical Gvernment contrary to his Laws 1. In slighting depressing and destroying the Nobles and Wisemen of the Realm who disgusted his lascivious Courses and in favouring ignorant unjust vicious persons and following their most wicked Counsels 2. In banishing Abbot Dunstan and seising upon all his Goods only for Justice sake because he reprehended him foâ— his exorbitant vicious Courses being then the chief swaying Grandee and head of the Monkish faction 3. In forcibly thrusting out by Armed Souldiers all the Regular Monks throughout England and casting them forth of the Monasteries there being then no Regular Monks in any Monasteries but only in Glastonbury and Malmesbury as the Chronicles of Winchester and others record then seizing upon all their wealth and bestowing their Lands and Monasteries on secular and maried Priests and afflicting these Monks in sundry other kinds But Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntington an antient judicious impartial old Historian flourishing in the year 1148â— mentions none of these particulars in his life but gives this honorable Testimony of his Government thaâ— it was both prosperous â—lourishing and laudable Rex Edwi non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenuit Anno Râ—gni sui Quiuto cum in principio Regnum ejus decentissimè â—loreret prospera et laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit And therefore Archbibishop Parker Bishop Godwin Speed and others conceive that the true cause why the Mercians and Noâ—thumbrians those only not the rest of his subjects and kingdom rejected him and sâ—t up his Brother Edgar whose lasciviousness was more excessive and vices more extorbitant in some degrees than Edwins which yet our former Monkish Historians blanch or excuse was the Malice of Dunstan and Odo the Pillars and Oracles of the Monkish Clergy who stirred up the Merciaus and seditious rebellious Northumbrians against him to set up Edgar in his stead who was totally devoted to them and Dunstan by whose Counâ—els he was afterwards wholy guided and built no less than 47 new Monasteries for the Monks besides all those he repaired inâ—ending to build three more had he lived to make them 50 compleat and likewise cast out the secular and maried Priests out of all Monasteries and Churches unless they would become Monks reâ—lenishing all Monasteries Churches with Monks alone They likewise inform us that the true causes of kings Edwins banishing Dunstan ejecting the Monks and seising their Lands and Treasures was That Dunstâ—n had so bewitched Edmund Edward Athelstan and Aedred his Predecessors with the love of Monkery as that they noâ— only took vioâ—ently from maried Priests â—heir livings to erect monasteries but also lavishly wasted much oâ— their own Royal Treasures Lands and Revenues upon them which they should have rather employed in resisting the common Enemies of God and their Country the Danes whereupon Edwin perceiâ—ing that all the wealth of the Land was crept into Monasteries not only refrained to bestow more on them but recalled divers of those prodigal Gifts his Predecessors had granted them which the Monks refusing to renâ—er upon demand he seizeâ— upon them by armed Officers as having indeed cheated
qui sibi idem timere possâ—t quod aliis praejudicio accedisse cerneret Hereupon many clamours and tumults arising among the pâ—ople they went to Archbishop Dunstan Praecipue Proceribus ut Laicorum est succlamantibus praejudicium c. but especially to the Nobles as the manner of Laymen is crying out unto them that the Sâ—culâ—r Clergy were prejudged and suffered unjustly being expelled their aâ—tient posessions without cause that they ought to be more mildly dealt with and restored to their Rights Dunstan giving a deaf ear to these their just complaints many of the Princes and Nobles thereupon in a tumultuous manner expulsed the Abbots and Monks out of the Monasteries wherâ—in King Edgar had placed them and brought in the maried Clerks with their wives in their places as at â—irst Among oâ—hers Alfere Earl of Mercia gathering great forces and using much insolence overturned almoâ—t all the Monasteries King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold had bâ—ilt in the Province of Mercia quorundam Potentum assensu et factione placing maried Priests in them This they did magnis occaecati muneribus by the maried Clergy as Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Florentius Wigorniensis and our Monkish Historians asâ—ert To which Abbot Ingulphus subjoyns Cujus Regis Edwarâ—i sancta simplicitate et innocentia tà m abusa est factio Tyrannorum peâ— Reginae favorem et potentiam praecipue roborata quod per Merciam Monachis de quibusdâ—m Monasteriis ejectis Clerici sâ—nt inducti Qui statim Monasteriorum maneria Ducibus terrae distribuebant ut sic in suas partes obligati eos contra Monachos defensarent â—unc de Monasterio Eveshamensi Monâ—chis expulsisâ— Clerici fueâ—unt introducti Terraeque Tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt quibus Regina cum novercali neâ—uitia stans cum Clericisâ— in Regis opprobrium favebat Cum Monaâ—his Rex et sancti Episcopi persistebant Sed Tyranni fulti Reginae favore et potentia super Monachos triumphabant The Monks on the contrary to secure their intereâ—t by like Bribes and means as is most probable though our Monkish Historians conceal it stiâ—red up Ethelwin Duke of the East-English and Brithnorth Earl of Essex men of great dread and power to aâ—â—ear in their quarrel and resist â—he opposite party Qui in Synodo constituti who assembled together in a Synod or Council for that end protested That they would never indure the Monks should be cast out of the Realm who held up all Religion in the Kingdom After which they raised a mighty Army defending with great valour the Monasteries of the Eastern English keeping the Monks in possession of them This fire between the Monks and maried Priests thus blown from a spark to a flame was feared to mount higher if not timely quenched Wherefore by mediation of Wise men arms being laid aside the causâ— was referred to be heard and decided between them in a Great Council of the whole Kingdom For which end there was a famous Council summoned and held at Winchester which some Historians antedate in Edgars life others place in the Interregnum after his death but the series of Story and most judicious Antiquaries evince it to be after Edwards Coronation Anno 975. In this Great Council the King and Archbishop Dunstan sitting in their Thrones as chief Judges of the Controversie in the East-End of the Hall of the Refectory of Winchester Abby near the wall wherein there was a Crucifix immured just behind themâ— Duces cum torius Regni Magnatibus the Dukes with alâ— the Nobâ—es of the Realm and the expulsed maried Clerks standing on the left side of the Refectory and pleading for themselves that they might be restored and Oswald Archbishop of York Athelwold Bishop of Winchester with the Monks standing all together on the right side of the Hall pleading for their continuance in their Churches as they Author of the old Manuscript Chronicle of Winchester Abby relates though he misdates the time of this Council as hâ—lâ— Anno 968. After much debate the Nobles of the Realm fearing they should be overcome by dâ—spute 〈…〉 Monks promising reformation of life on the Clergies behalf most humbly intreated the King and Archbishop That they might be readmitted into Monasteries out of which they had been ejected With whose prayers tears sigâ—s the moâ—â— meâ—ciâ—uâ— King being much moved was in a great streight ruminating in his minâ— what he should doe in this business At last purposing and being about to grant pardon to the Clerks upon hope of their amendment and to give them leave to return to the Monasteries and Churches whence they had been expelled When he was ready to pronounce this his definitive Sentence there was this divine Voice uttered by the Crâ—â—ifix iâ—â—he Wâ—ll Cum plurium jam Suffragiis de Presbyteris restituendis decernebatur as Mâ—â—â—hew Parker relates it Absiâ— ut hoc 〈◊〉 c. God forbid that this should be done God forbid it should be done You have judged well once you would change â—gain not well Which articulate voice only the King and Archbishop who were the Judges of â—he cause heard if the Chronicle of Winchester may be credited when as another Monk relates it was heard by all present At which voice they being both astonied fell to the ground on their faces but all the rest hearing only the â—ound of the Voice as of a great Thunder fell down flat to the Earth very much affrighted Some write that both sides by Dunstans policy appealed to the resolution of the Crucifix in this case in which Dunstan had placed a man with a Trunk in the wall behind the Image who uttered this voice in and by the mouth of the Rood which is most probable Soon after he King and Dunstan heard this second voice from the Crucifix Arise be not afraid because this day Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other in the Monks In memory of this cheating Oracle and Monkish fable of which Huntindon Hoveden Wigorniensis Ranulâ—us Cistrensis Fabian and other old Monasâ—ical â—â—storians make no mention and Malmsbuâ—y slightly relates it as An hear-say the Monks of Winchester ingraved these Verses over the head of this Crucifix in their Refectory Humano more Crux praesens edidit-ore Coelitus effaâ—a quae prospicis hic subarata writing the words forcited under this Distick as then uttered by the Crucifix which asserted before all That Dunstans way was true Wherewith the Clerks and their Abettors were quite confounded and put to silence Sed adhuc non sedatis animis c. But the Nobles and Clerks minds being not as yet quieted by this Oracle a clear evidence they suspected it as counterfeit our Historians inform us there were three more great Councils soon after held to settle this Conâ—roversie between the married Priests and Monks The first at Kerling Kerding or Cerding or Kirking as it is variously stiled Anno 977. which Wigorn. and Hoveden stile Magna Synodus without recording
pace brevissima pensionem 16 millium librarum persolvere compulsus est VVhich fell not out till the year 994. as himself and others record Malmesbury referrs it to the Tax of 10 thousand pounds paid by him to the Danes Anno 991. In this year 986. Alfric Duke of Mercians son of Duke Alfere was banished England crudeliter cruelly without just cause as Bromton recites which made him afterwards prove treacherous to the King he being one of those English quos nullis causis extantibâ—s exhaeredabat Rex et affecto crimine opibus emungebat which Malmesbury taxeth him for His oppression and injâ—stice being the chief causes of his miscarriage and expulsion by the Danes Anno 988. The Danes invading VVecedport thereupon Goda Earl of Devonshire Strenwild a most valianâ— Knight and many others in defence of their Native Country and Liberties fought with them and were slain by them And Anno 891. Brithnoth the most valiant Duke of the East English and his forces fought a set battle with the invading Danes who wasted Ipswich and the parts adjoyning In which battel an innumerable multitude were slain on both sides and this valiant Duke with many thousands of the English in defence of their Country against these Invaders After which by the Counsel of Syricius Archbishop of Canterbury Duke Aethelward Alfric and other Nobles assembled no doubt in a Parliamentary 〈◊〉 as Malmesburâ— his Duces et Proceres si quando in Concilium venissent pars hic 〈◊〉 illud 〈…〉 and Henry de Kayghton his Proceres Regni si quando ad Concilium congregati c. imâ—ort A Tribute of ten thousand pounds was given to â—he Danes that they might desist from their frequent rapines and slaughters of men which they frequently exercised about the Sea-coasts pacemque firmam cum iis tenerent and might hold a firm peace with them Some of our Historians stile this Infaustum Concilium an unlucky Council Eadmerus gives this verdict of it Regis desidia circum circa innotuit Et ideo extevorum cupiditas opes Anglorum quam mortes affectans hac illac per mare terram invadere primo propinquas mari villas urbes deinde remotiores ae demum totam Provinciam miserabili depopulatione devastare Quibus cum ille nimio pavore perculsus non armis occurrere sed data pecunia pacem ab eis petere non erubuisset ipsi suscepto pretio in sua revertebantur ut numero suorum adaucto fortiores redirent ac praemia iteratae irruptionis multiplicata reciperent Unde modo decem millia modo sedecim millia modo viginti quatuor millia modo triginta millia librarum argenti consecuti sunt omnia illis largiente praefato Rege Edelâ—edo et gravi exactione totum Regnum opprimente VVilliam of Malmesbury passeth this censure on it and the unhappy consequence of it Danis omnes portus infestantibus levitate piratica ubique infestanâ—ibus dum nesciretur ubi eis occurrere debent decretum à Syriaco Archiepie piscopo c. ut repellerenâ—ur argento qui non poâ—erunt ferro Ita decem millia libraâ—um soluta cupiditatem Danorum expâ—â—â—ere Exemplum Infamiae et Uiris indignnm libertatem pecunia redimere quam ab invicto animo nulla violentia possit excutere Et tunc quidem paâ—isper ab incurâ—bus ceâ—â—arunt mox ubi vires oâ—io resumpserunt ad superiora reâ—iâ—um Tantus timor Anglos invaserat ut nihil de resistendo cogitarent Si qui antiquae glorâ—ae memores obviare â—â—gna colligere tentassent hostium multitudine sociorum defectione destiâ—â—ebantur whereby they became Vassals and Tributaries to the inâ—ulting Danes Cujus Siricii consilio in gestis Regum dixi Ethelredum Regem animi libertatem Danis pretio â—endicasse Ut eoâ—uâ— pacem argento redimerent quod ferro repellere possetâ— nisi corde carâ—ret Unde Importabilis Tributi pensio imposita Angliae fortunas provincialium ad solum usque destruxit Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton pass this verdict against and deduce this memorable observation from this Tribute Edelredi Regis Anno 13. Primo statuerunt Angli which intimates it to be 〈…〉 a Parliamentary Council Concilio infausto Siricii Archiepiscopi quod ipsi censum Dacis persolverent quatenus à rapinis caede 〈…〉 â—ederum eis decem mille libras Hoc autem malum usque in hodiernum diem duravit et diu nisi Dei Pietas subveniat durabit Regibus namque nostris modo persolvimus ex consuetudine quod Dacis persolvebatnr ex ineffabili terrore To which Bromton Ranulphus Censtrensis and Hâ—nry de Knyghton immediately subjoyn Dacis Tributum annuum solvunt Primo anno 10 milia librarum Secundo anno 16 millia librarum Tertio anno 20 millia librarum Quarto anno 24 millia Quinâ—o anno 40. millia librarum donec tandem pecunia deficiente iterum tenderent ad Rapinas Et tunc Norâ—â—â—â—briam depraedantesâ— et Londoniam obsidente Coegerunt regem tributum dare Mat. Parker Arcâ—â—ishop of Caâ—terbury thus censures this ill advice of his Predecessor Siricius pacem Christianis ab inâ—idelibus Dacis 10. librarum millibus redemit Ad ignominiam sane peneque perniciem totius Regni Mr. Iohn Fox informs us That King Ethelred being glad to grant the Danes great sums of money for peacâ— gave himself to polling of his Subjects and disinheriting them of their possessions and caused them to redeem the same agâ—iâ— with great sums of money For that he paid great Tributes to the Danes yearly which â—as calleâ— Danegelt Which Tribute so increased that from the first Trâ—bute of 10000 l. it was brought at last in pâ—ocesse of 5. or 6. years to 40000 l. The which yearly Tribute until the coming of St. Edward and after was levied of the people of the Land Moreover for lack of Iustice many Theeves Rioters and Bribers were in the land with much misery and mischief To which sorrow moreover was joyued hunger and penury besides a bloudy flux feavers mortality murrain amongst catâ—el c. amongst the Commons insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pick and steal from others So that what for the pillage of the Danes and what by inward Theeves and Bribers this Land was brought into great affliction Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction as it seemeth to me is not so much to be imputed to the King as to the dissention among the Lords themselves who did not agrée one with another but when they assembled in Consultation together either they did draw divers wayes or if any thing were agreed upon any matter of peace between tâ—e parties soon it was broken again or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the Enemy even the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same Council Iohn Speed in his Hist of Great Britain
them intimates Haec sum verba Pacis et Prolocutionis quas Ethelredus Rex et omnes Sapientes ejus cum exercitu sirmaverunt qui cum Aâ—aâ—anâ— â—t Justino et Gudermundo Stegiari filion venit The Articles of the Peace between them are X. in the Saxon but XI in the Latin Copy The perfidious Danes violating their former agreement Anno 997. came with a great Fleet and Army into the mouth of Severn wasted and laid waste and desolate Northwales and most of the West and South parts of England no man resisting them gaining an extraordinary great booty and Wintring about Tavestock The next year 998. They entring the river of Frome wasted and spoiled Dorsetshire the Isle of Wight and Sussex over and over living upon their spoils whereupon the English many times assembled an Army to resist and expell them but so often as they were about to give them battel Angli aut insidiis aut aliquo infortunio impediti terga verterunt et hostibus victoriam dederunt most of the Nobles of England secretly favouring the Danes and not loving Ethelred quia Alfrida mater sua pro ipso liberius in regno substituendo sanctum Edwardum fratrem suum dolosè â—xtixxerat as Bromton and others atteâ— Anno 999. The Danish â—leet entring the river of Medway besieged Rochester and wasted Kent The Kentish men uniting their forces fought a sharp battel with them wherein many were slain on both sides but â—he Danes winning the field horsed their foot on the horses they gained and miserably wasted all the West part of Kent Which King Ethelred being informeâ— of suorum Primatum Consilio et classem et pedestrem congregavit exercitum by the advice of his Nobles â—e assembled a Navy and foot Army to encounter them But whiles the ships were preparing the Captains of the Army delaying from day to day their begun leâ—yes and undertakings Grievously vexed the People In conclusion neither the Navy nor Army â—id any thing at all for the peoples benefit or defence praeâ—er populi laborem pecuniae peâ—ditionem hostium incitationem as Florentius Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and others observe Hereupon King Ethelred Anno 1000. for the better defence of his Realm resolved to take to wife Emma daughter of Richard Earl of Normandy who was then most valiant and formidable to the whole Realm of France For he saw himself and his Subjects very much weakned and did not a little fear their future overthrow Hoc autem Dei nutu factum esse constat ut veniret contra improbos malum Genti enim Anglorum quam sceleribus suis exigentibus disterminare proposuerat sicut et ipsi Brittones peccatis accusantibus humiliaverant Dominus omnipotens duplicem contritionem proposuit et quasi militares insidias adhibuit Scilicet ut hinc Dacorum persecutione saeviente illinc Normannorum conjunctione accrescente si ab Dacorum manifesta fulminatione evaderent Normannorum improvisam cum fortitudine cautelam non evaderent Quod in sequentibus apparuit cum ex hac conjuntione Regis Anglorum et filiae Ducis Normannorum Angliam JUSTE secundum jus Gentium Normanni et calumniati sunt et adepâ—i sunt Praedixit etiam eis quidam vir Dei quod ex scelerum suorum immanitate non solum quia semper caedi et proditioni studuebant verum etiam quia semper ebrietati et negligentiae domus Domini dediti erant eis insperatum à Francia adventurum Dominium quod et eorum excellentiam in aeternum deprimeret et honorem sine termino restitutionis eventilaret Praedixit etiam quod non ea gens solum verum et Scottorum quos vilissimos habebant eis ad emeritam confusionem dominaretur Praedixit nihilominus varium adeò seculum creandum ut varietas quae in mentibus hominum latebat et in actibus patebat multimoda variatione vestium et indumentorum designaretur Hac igitur providentia cum Legatoriis ad Ducem Normannorum missis Rex Anglorum suae petitionis concessionem obtinuisset Statuto tempore tanto digno ministerio ad Dominam suam recipiendam et adducendam Proceres Anglorum mittuntur in Normanniam quae longo et digno regibus apparatu dirigentur in Angliam Thus Henry Archdeacon of Humindon Radulphus Cistrensis Bromton and others out of them â—rite of this Norman match as the ground-work of translating the Goverment in succeeding times from the Saxons to the Normans for the Saxons sinnes forenamed This same year the Danish Fleet sailing into Normandy and pillaging it King Ethelred hearing oâ— it marched with a great Army into Cumberland and the Northern parrs which had revolted to the Danes and where their greatest Colony was where he vanquished the Danes in a great battel and wasted pillaged most of all the Country Which done he commandâ—d his Navy to sail round about the North parts of Wales and to meet him at an appointed place which by reason of cross winds they could not doe yet they wasted and took the Isle of Man which success somewhat raised and encouraged the dejected spirits of the English and encreased the Kings reputation with them In the years 1001. The Danish Fleet returning from Normandy entred the river of Ex and besieged Exceter which the Citizens manfully defending repulsed them with great loss from their walls Wherewith they being extremely enraged marched through all Devonshire burning the villages wasâ—ing the fieldsâ— and slaying the people without distinction of age or sex after their usual manner Whereupon the inhabitants of Devon Somerset and Dorsetshires uniting their forces in a Body in a Place called Peâ—ho gave them battel but being overpowred by the multitude of the Danes who farr exceeded them both in number and military skill they were forced to â—lie and many of them slain The Danes thereupon getting their horses harrowed Devonshire â—arr worse than before and returned with a great booty to their ships Whence steering their coâ—rse to the Isle of Wight they preyed sometimes upon it sometimes upon Hampshire other times upon Dorsetshire no man resisting them Destroying the men with the sword and the Villages and Towns with fire in such sort ut cum illis nec classica manus navali nec pedestris exercitus certare audeat praello terrestri for which cause the King and People were overwhelmed with unspeakable grief and sadneâ—s In this sad perplexity King Ethelred Anno 1002. Habito consilio cum regni sui Primatibus as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Dicetâ— Roger Hoveden and others express it or Consilio Primatum suorum as Mat. Westminster and his followâ—rs relate iâ— â— By the Counsel of the Nobles of his realm assembled together for this purpose at London reputed it beneficial for him and his people to make an Agreement with the Danes and to give them a Stipend and Pacifying Tribute that so they might cease from their mischiefs For which end
apud Greenwic â—acuiâ— Tributum quod erat 30. millia librarum pendi mandavit to wit to the Fleet under Turkell the Dane who instead of defending did but help to pillage and oppress the English Huntindon wriâ—es it was but 21 thousand pounds and Bromton aversâ— that it was Cnute not Ethelred who commanded it to be paid to his Navy Soon after which the Sea rising higher than it was accustomed drowned an innumerable Company of Villages people and cattel After Cnutes departure King Ethelred summoned a Parliamentaty Council at Oxford Anno 1015. both of the Danes and English Malmsbury expressly stiles it MAGNUM CONCILIUM Wigorniensis Hovedâ—n Sim. Dunelmensis MAGNUM PLACITUM Matthew Westminster and others MAGNVM COLLOQUIUM our later English Historians a Great Council and Parliament The King by the ill advise of that Arch Traytor Duke Edric at this Great Council commanded some Nobleâ— of the Danes to be sodenly and secretly slain quasi de Regia proditione notatos ac perfidiae apud se insimulatos the chiefest of them were Sygeforth and Morcar whom Edric treacherously invited to his chamber and there making them drunk caused his armed guards there placed secretly to murder them which they did Hereupon their Servants endeavouring to revenge their Lords deaths being digniores et potentiores ex Scovengensibus they were repulâ—ed wiâ—h arms and forced to slye into the Tower of St. Frideswides Church for safety whence when they could not be forcibly expelled they were all there burnt together The King presently seised upon their lands and goods the chief cause of their murder as some conceived and sent the relict of Sygeforth a very Noble beautifull and vertuous Lady prisoner to Malmsbury whither Edmond the Kings base Son as some affirm posâ—ed without his fathers privity and being enamored with her beauty first carnally abused then afterward maried her and by her advice forcibly invaded and seised upon the Lands of her husband and Morcar which were very great and the Earldom of Northumberland which his father denied him upon his request Whereupon all the Inhabitants of that County readily submitted to him Whiles these things were acting Cnute having setled his affairs in Denmark and made a League with his neighbour Kings recruiâ—ed his Army and Navy and returned into England with a resolution either to win it or to lose his life in the attempt Ariving first at Sandwich and sailing thence to the West he pillaged Dorsetshire Somersetshire and Wiltshire filling all places with slaughters and plunders King Ethelred lying then sick at Cosham his son Edmond Ironside and Duke Edric raised an Army against Cnute but when both their forces were united to fight him the old perfidious Traytor Edric endeavoured by all means to betray Edmond to the Danes or treacherously to slay him which being discovered to Edmond thereupon they severed their forces from each other and gave place to the Enemies without giving them battel Not long after Edric inticing to him 40 of the Kings ships furnished with Danish Mariners and Souldiers openly revolted and went with them to Cnute subjecting himself to his dominion as his Soveraign by whose example all West-Sex submitted to him as their Kihg delivering him hostages for their fidelity resigning up all their arms to him and providing both horse and arms for his Danish Army The Mercians offred themselves alone to resist the Danes but through the Kings sloathfulness the business of war received delay and the enemies proceeded in their rapines without opposition In the year 1016. King Cnute and treacherous Duke Edric came with 200 sail of ships into the river of Thames whence they marched by land with a great Army of horse and foot and invaded Mercia in an hostile manner burning all the Towns and Villages and slaying all the men they met with in Warwickshire and other places whereupon King Ethelred as Huntindon Wigorniensis and others record made an Edict Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset secum in bello procederet That every Englishman who was in health should go with him in battel against the Danes An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to assist him But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one body the King was informed that some of his auxiliaries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the enemies unless he took care to prevent it and save himself and as some write the Mercians refused to â—ight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes whereupon the expedition was given over and every man returned to his own home After this Edmund Ironside raised a greater Army than before against Cnute and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London to raise as many men as possible he could and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes but he for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy presently dismissed the Army without fighting and returned to London Hereupon Edâ— Ironside went into Northumberland where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane but he and Vhâ—red Earl of Northumberland instead of incountring Cnute wasted the Counties of Stafford Shrewsbury and Leicester because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army in defence of their Country and King Cnute on the other side wasting with fire and sword the Counties of Buckingham Bedford Huntindon Northampton Lincoln Nottingham and after that Northumberland Which Edmond being informed of returned to London to his Father and Earl Uhtred returning home being compelled by necessity repaired to Cnute and submitted himself to him with all the Northumbrians making a Peace with him and giving him hostages for performance thereof and for his and their fidelity Not long after Uhtred and Turketel Earls of Northumberland were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane by Cnutes command or Commission Which done Cnute made one Hirc some stile him Egric Earl of Northumberland in his place and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph a little before the feast of Easter with a very great booty Not long after King Ethelred born to troubles and mischief after manifold labours vexations treacheries and incessant tribulations ended his wretched life in London where he died May 9th Anno 1016. being there buried in St Pauls Church finding rest in his Grave by death which he could never find in hiâ— Throne all his life having attaineâ— it by Treachery â—nd his Brothers Soveraigns murder whose Ghost as Malmesbury and others writeâ— did perpetually vex and haunt him all his râ—ign and made him so subject to and fearfull of plots and treacheries that he knew not whom to trust nor ever deemed himself secure even in the midst of his oft raised Armies Nobles People though ready to adventure theiâ— Lives for his defence I have related these Passages of the Danish warsâ— and invasions during Ethelreds reign more largely than I intended 1. Because on the Englishmens parts they were meerly defensive
of their Native Country King Laws Liberties Properties Estates Lives against forein Invaders and â—â—urpers 2ly Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions touch-the fundamental Rights Liberties Properties of the English Nation 3ly Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds causes motives necessities and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories by the King and his Nobles in their General Councils to the Danish invaders to purchase peace and the true nature use of our antient Danegelt and rectifie some mistakes in our common late Eâ—glish Historians Immediately after King Ethelreds decease Episcopi Abbates Duces et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati as Wâ—gornienâ—â—s Hoveden Sâ—meon Dunelmeâ—â—is Radulphus de Diceto Bromton â— Or Maxima pars Regni tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati as Matthew VVestminster â— Or Proceres Regni cum Clero as Knâ—â—hton expresses iâ— Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Canntum eligere All the Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of England and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity assembled together in a kind of Parliamentary Counciâ—◠〈◊〉 unanimous consent elected Cnute for their Lord aâ—â— King notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before never to suffer a Danish King to reign over them Whereupon â—heâ— all repaired to Cnute to Southampton omnemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi coram illo abhorrentes et abnegando repudiantes aâ— Wigorniensis Huntindon Knyghton and others record and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred they submitted themselves and swore fealty to him as to their only King and Soveraign he reciprocally then swearing unto them That he would be a faithfull Lord unto themâ— both in things appertaining to God and the World which our Historians thus express Quibus ille juravit quod secundum Deum secundum seculum fidelis illis foret Dominus Only the City of London anâ— part of the Nobles then in it unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. Ironside King Ethelreds 3. son by Elgina his first Wife Daughter to Duke Thored as Speed and oâ—hers relate though Matthew Westminstâ—r and others register his birâ—h Non ex Emma Regina sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus qui utique matris suae ignobilitatem generis mentis ingenuitate corporis streuuit te redintegrando redemit After Edmonds election he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury at Kingston upon Thames where our Kiugs in that age were usually crowned No sooner was he thus advanced to the Regal dignity but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex and being there receiâ—ed by all the People with great gratulation and joy he moâ—t speedily subjâ—cted it to his Dominion Which being divulg'd in other parts many Counties of England deserting Cnute voluntarily submitted themselves unto him such is the fickleness of â—he People unconstancy of worldly power and affairs Cnute in â—he mean time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Edmond King marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City from the Southside of the River whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others whom he shut up so close that none could go in or out of the City and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it but being still repulsed by the Citizenâ— who valiantly defended the walls he left off the siege with great confusion and loss as well as dishonor Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire to subdue it Where King Edmond meeting him with such forces as he could suddenly raise gave him battel at Penham near Gillingham where after a blâ—udy and cruel encounter he put Cnute and his Army to flight and slew many of them Not long after they recruiting their forces both Armies meeting at Steorstan King Edmond resolving there to give Cnute battel placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him he kept for a reserve in the rear Then calling upon every of them by name he exhorted and informâ—d them That they now fought for their Country for their Children for their Wives for their Houses and Liberties inâ—laming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches in this battel with the Enemy he exercised the Oâ—fices of a valiant Soldier and good General charging very couragiously But because that most perâ—idious Duke Edric Almar and Algar and others of the great men who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton VViltshire and innumeâ—able other English joyned with the Danes the battel continued all day from morning to night with equal fortune till both sides being tiâ—ed out and many of each party slain the night constrained them to march one from another But their bloud not being cold the next day they buckled together again with no less courage than before till at last in the very heat of the battel the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed and the English in great forwardness of victory cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance and shaking his bloody sword with the half gasping head in his hand which he lifted up on high cryed out to the English Army O ye Dorsetshire men Devonshire men and othâ—r English flee and get away for your head is lost beâ—old here is the head of your King Edmund which I hold in my hand therefore hasten hence with all speed and save your lives Which when the English heard and saw they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing than with the belief of the Speaker whereupon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem and seeing his men ready to give over the fight hasted where he might be best seen and posting from rank to rank encouraged them to fight like Englishmen who thereupon resuming their courage charged the Danes more fiercely than beâ—ore and bending their force against the Traytor had shot him to death but that he retreated presently to the Enemy the English reviving and manfully continuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat from each other into their Tents When much of the night was spent Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp and marched to his Ships and soon after whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex besieged London againâ— whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers chased Cnute and his Army to their ships removed the
King himself 7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel against the King in an Appeal 8. That the murther of Prince Alfred then heir to the Crown in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title by his command was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin for which he forfeited his lands and was forced to purchase his pardon and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King 9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Bromton Caxton out of him â—tâ—le this Assembly PARLIAMENTUM a Parliament not a COUNCIL yet it is onely according to the style of the age wherein he writ being in the reign of King Edward the third as Mr. Selden proves not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger and CONCILIUM MAGNUM c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies King Edward Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester attended with Earl Godwin Siward and Leofric and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Emma all her gold silver jewels and precious stones and whatever rich things else she possessed commanding onely necessaries to be administred to her there The cause of which unjust act some affirm to be Godwins malice towards her others affirm it to be her unnaturalnesse to King Ethelred her first husband and her own sons by him Alfred and Edward In loving and marrying Cnute their enemy and supplanter when living and applauding him when dead more then Ethelred In advancing Harde-Cnute her â—on by him to the Crown and endeavouring to deprive Alfred Edward thereof In refusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw his maintenance whiles in exâ—le and distresse although he oft requested her to supply his necessities In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred and endeavouring to poyson King Edward himself as the Chronicle of Bromton relates After which by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury a Norman born he againe spoiled her of all she had and shut her up prisoner in the Abbey of Werwel upon suspition of incontinency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares without any harm Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother and all the Bishops there present Anno 1044. There was GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRATUN a General Council held at London wherein Wolmâ—r was elected Abbot of Evesham And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCIDIO PROCERUM SUORUM as Bromton and others write moâ—t likely when assembled in the Council at London married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui he being the moâ—t potent man in all the Realm there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall vertues And this same year most probable by this same Councils Edict Gunilda a noble Matron King Câ—ute's sisters daughter with her two sons Hemming and Thurkell were banished out of England into Flanders from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong Navy against Magnus King of Norway purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him hindered his voyage for Englaâ—d The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England Swanâ— King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Ambassadours to King Edward desiring him to send a Navy to him agaiâ—st Magnus King of Norway Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers Sed quia Leofrico comiti ET OMNI POPULO id non vidâ—batur consilium CAETERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT nullum ei mittere voluit But because that Council seemed not good to Earl Leofric and all the people and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it he would send no ships to him Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane and after a great slaughter on both sides expelled him out of Denmark reigned in it and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute Harold Harvager King of Norwey Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward offering peace and friendship to him which he embraced Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year requesting a naval assiâ—tance of ships from him But although Earl Godwin was willing that at least fifty ships should be sent him yet none were sent because Earl Leofric OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRADIXERUNT and all the people contradicted it with one voice Abbot Ingulphus records That Wulgat Abbot of S. Pâ—ga whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh concerning the seat of his Abbey especially with Abbot Leofric with whom he most strongly contended Sed Regis curia nimium fav â—nte potentiori contra pauperem sententiante tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia tanta Comitis Godwini potentia which he thus repeats Illo in tempore venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diutissimam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfrico Arwino Leofrico Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tandem succubuit proâ— nefas totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT Tantum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia contra veritatem versutia in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia After which he addes that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt next adjoyning to the old intending to translate his Abbey thither and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church Dormitory with other claustral offices there being assisted with the alms of many believers Fernoâ—us a K t. L d. of Bosworth openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pâ—ga and to the Monks there serving God whence by consequence he alâ—edged That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from thâ—t time forwards in that place where the old Monastery stood that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Manour Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO ET CONFESTIM ADjUDICATUM EST dictum manerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis praedicto militi Fernoto tanquam jus suum haereditariuÌ„ de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae alienatuÌ„ perpetuo sublatum Quod tum per universum Regnum citius â—uisset cognitum scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk
of dearth and scarcity Therefore certainly our late illegal taxes without authority of a free and legall Parliament amounting to 120.90 or 60.1000 li. moâ—thly when lowest besids Excises Customes Imposts amounting to twice as much more must certainly be far more grievous intollerable to the Nation and so not onely to be remitted abandoned excluded but accounted for and restored to our exhausted oppressed Nation by all those Governours who pretend themselves saints of the highest forme and men ruling in the fear of God against whom this St. Edward the Confessor will rise up in judgement iâ— they imiâ—aâ—e not his just and Saintlike president therein All which conâ—iderations I recommend to their own and their Collecters Excisers sadest considerations to meditate seriously upon for the peoples ease William of Malmsburies records of this King Edward that he was in exactionibus vectigalium parcus quippe qui exactores execraretur Till we may bâ— able really to record the like of our new Govâ—rnourâ— and Princes over us we shall never be either a free a peaceable or happy people noâ— thâ—y worthy of the name of Saints or Confessors in any English Annals or Kalenders He addes That King Edward with the touch of his hand dâ—d miraculously cure sundry persons of the luxuriant humours and swellings about the neck commonly called the Kings Evill whâ—ch cure in after ages some falsly ascribed non ex sanctitate sed ex regalis prosapiae haereditate â—luxisse not to have issued from his sanctitie but from his hereditary royall bloud If his sanctity in releasingâ— and restoring the formentioned insupportable Tributes of Danegeld shall now cure the hereditary Kings and our new Republiques long continued evill and malady of intolerable Tributes Contributions and Excises in this Age we shall register it to posterity for as great a miracle as his first care of the evill Kings only by his touching of it with his royall sacred hand King Edward about the year 1047. calling out of Normandy certaâ—n Normans qui olim pauculis beneficiis inopiam Exulis suppleverant who had there releived and supplied his want during his exilâ— to reward them for their benefits advanced them to places of extraordinary honour and trust about him amongst others he promoted Robert Gemeticensis a monk to the Bishoprick of London then to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury William to be his Chaplain first and afterwards Bishop of London and another to the Bishoprick of Dorchester which Iugulphus thus expresseth Rex autem Edwardus natus in Anglia sed Nutritus in Normania diutissime immoratus pene in Gallicum transierat adducens attrahens de NormaÌ„nia plurimos quos variis dignitatibus promotos in immensum exaltabat Praecipuus inter eos erat Robertus Monachus c. Caepit ergò totâ terrâ sub rege sub aliis Normannis introductis Anglicos ritus diminui FranceruÌ„ mores in multis imitari Gallicum idioma omnes Magnates in suis curiis tanquam magnum gentilitium loqui Charâ—as Chyrographa sua more Francium confici propriam consuetudinem in his in aliis multis erubescere Thereupon Earle Godwin and his Sons being men of high spirits auctores tutores regni Edvardi were very angry and discontented quod novos homines advenas sibi preferri viderent because they saw these new upstarts and strangers preferred before them yet they never uttered a high word against the King whom they had once advanced Upon this occasion Anno 1051. there arose great discords between the Englâ—sh and these Normans quod Angli aspernantèr ferant superiorem Normani nequeant pati parem Henry Huntingdon records That these Normnans accused Godwin and Swaine and Harold his Sonnes to the King that they went about to betray him wherupon the King calling them into question for it they refused to appear without hostages for their safety upon which the King banished them But William of Malmsbury Roger de Hoveden Matthew Westminster Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Bromton Hygden Henry de Knighton Fabram Graston Holmshed Speed and the General Stream of our Historians relating the businesse more fully make this the originall cause of the difference between them and of the Exile of Godwin and his Sons Eustace Earle of Boloyn who had wedded King Edwards Sister ariving at Dover in the moneth of September 1051. one of his Knights seeking lodging unjustly slew one of the Townsmen whereupon the Townsmen slew him The Earle and his followers being enraged thereat slew divers men and women of the Town and trode their children under their own horses feet The Burgesses upon this assembling together to resist them after a feâ—rce Encounter put the Earle and his followers to flight slew eighteen or twenty of them in the pursute and wounded many more so that the Earle escaped only with one of his followers to the King then at Glocester where he grievously incensed the King against the Englishmen by reason of this tumult which he and his followers occasioned Whereupon Earle Godwin being much incensed at the slaughter of his men in the Burrowgh of Dover he and his sons assembled a great Armie out of all the Towns and Countries subject to them The King sending for Godwin to the Court charged him with hiâ— Host to avenge the wrong done to Eustace and to punish the insolency of the men of Dover which the King exceedingly aggravated But Godwin a man of sharp wit and wel understanding that sentence ought not to be pronounced upon the hearing of the allegations of one part only without hearing the other refused to march with his Army against the Burgesses of Dover although the King commanded him both because he envied that all Aliens should find such extraordinary favour with the King and because he would shew friendship to his own Countreymen Whereupon he answered It were reasonable and just that before any execution done the the Wardeins of Dover Castle should be summoned into that Kings Court in a fair manner to answer this tumult and if they could excuse themselves that then they should be dismissed without harms or if not that then they should satisfy the King whose peace they had broken and the Earl whom they had offended with money or the forfeiture of their bodies and goods Iniquum videri ut quos â—utari debeas eos ipse poâ—issimum inauditos adjudices And so Godwin depaâ—ted at that time little regarding the Kings fâ—ry as being but momentany Quocirca Totius regni Proceres jussi Glocestriam conveniâ—e ut iâ—i magno conventu res ventilaretur Therefore all the Lords of the land were commanded to assemble together at Glocestâ—r that this matter might be there debated in a great Parliamentary assembly Thâ—ther came the most famous Earle Syward of Northumbâ—rland and Leofric Earle of Mâ—rcia Omnibus Anglorum Noâ—iles and all the English Nobility at that time only Godwin and his Sonnes who knew
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
a new Edgar Athelings title was worthy more respect than it found for him they held too young for government besides a stranger born scarce speaking English and withall the prophecies of Edward touching the alienation of the Crown the interest of the Danes and the claim of Duke William made both by gift and consanguinity bred great distractions of desires and opinions but nothing concluded for setling the State no man assuming or possessing the diadem because none had the power or right to adorn therewith his own head In this calm conference a sudden gale arose which blew all the sails spred for that wind into one port Harold son to Earl Godwin a man duly prizing his many worthy parts not unmeet for a Kingdom next Edward his Broâ—her-in-law in the kingdom courteous in speech and behaviour in martial prowesse the only man qui vivente Edwardo quaecuâ—que contra eum bella incensa sunt virtute sua compressit cupiens se Provincialibus ostentare in regnum scilicet spe prurienti anhelans as Malmsbury writes of him friended by asâ—inity of many of the Nobles expected to be both sided and assisted if his cause came either to trial or voice seeing the time well sitted his entrance Swane King of Denmark most dreaded by the English being then intangled with the Sweden wars William the Norman that made claim from King Edward then absent and at variance with Philip the French King the friends of Edgar in Hungary and himself a Stranger over young for to rule all which concurrent made Harold without deliberation or order from the States to set the Crown on his own head regardlesse of all ceremony and solemn celebration for which act as a violater of holy rites he too tooâ—much offended the Clergy none either greatly applauding or disapproving his presumption except only for the omission of manner and form Harold having gotten actual possession of the Crown Marianus Scotus Florentius Wigorniensis Huntindon Hoveden Sim. Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Hygden Fabian Graâ—ton Hâ—linshed Cambden and Speed record that to ingratiate himself with the Clergy people He began to destroy evil Laws and Customs before used and stablished just and good Laws especially such as were for the defence of holy Church He likewise became a Patron of Churches and Monasteries respected and reverenced Bishops Abbots Monks and Clergymen shewed himself pious humble affable to all good men and hatefull to all Malefactors publickly commanding all his Dukes Earls Sheriffs and other Officers to apprehend all Thieves Robbers and Disturbers of the Realm himself likewise taking extraordinary paines and care for the defence and guarding of the Realm both by Land and Sea Whereunto Iohn Speed superadds He remitted or diminished the grievous customs and Tribute which his Predecessors had raised a course ever powerfull to win the hearts of the Commons to Churchmen he was very munificent and carefull of their advancement and to grow more deeply in their venerable esteem he repaired their Monasteries especially that at Waltham which he sumptuously new built and richly endowed Moreover to satisfie such Nobles as affected young Edgar he created him Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour In brief unto the poor his hand was ever open unto the oppressed he administred Justice and all to hold that Crown upright which he had set on his own head with an unsure hand and deprived him of unto whom he was Protector But these Encomiums of his Justice and Government seem to me to be rather forged than real For how could he râ—form ill Laws and Customs and enact good Laws when King Edward had so newly and exactly done it before him that there was no need of such a reformation neither â—inde we the least mention of any Laws made by Harold Or how could he remit or diminish those grievous câ—stoms and Tributes which King Edward had totally remitted before him unless himself first revived them Or how could he court the Prelates and Clergy when as he refused to be consecrated by them for which he incurred their disfavour I rather therefore incline to the quite contrary Characters which other Historians give of him and his Government as most consonant to truth Henry de Knyghton though he recites what some forementioned write in his favour yet gives us this account of his proceedings himself Iste devenit nimâ—s eâ—latus et cupidus in collectione auri et argenti et thesaurorum nec aliquam uxorem ducere voluit vi oppressit filias Baronum Procerum atque Militum de regno quod ipsi aegrè ferebant Et de Forestis suis tantam ferocitateÌ„ seviritatem erga adjacentes Nobiliores exercuit quod quamplures adniâ—tlavit et multos depauperavit Neo mirum quamvis ex hiis et aliis nimis odiosus devenit populis suis. Et ideo pars Comitum et Baronum ad inviâ—em conferebant dicentes ipsum non esse fortunae deditum nec verum esse Regem sed per intrusionem erectum et ideo infauste regere populum suum Et mandaverunt Willielmo Duci Normanniae ut in Angliam veniret eorum Consilio et Auxilio Ius Regni prosecuturus feceruntque ei fidelem securitatem veniendi et consensit And Matthew Westminster gives us this character of him Superbia elatus jam factus de Rege Tyrannus Rex Haroldus in multis patrisans temerarius suit et indiscretus in praesumptione ancipiti nimis suae invictae confidens fortitudini laudis cupidus et Thesauri promissorum immemor arridente prosperitate Unde ipsis Anglis quibus praeerat etiam consanguineis se praebuerat odiosum victoriamque cum illi Dominus exercituum et Deus ultionum concesserat non Deo sed sibi suaeque ascripsit strenuitati Quod recenti experientia fuerat comprobatum cum a Noricis eviâ—tis Superbus spoliisque omnium retentis quae aliis promissa debebantur ad Normannorum praelia praecipitanter et inconsultè festinavit Unde Ducis Gulihelmi maguanimi in negotiis bellicis peragendis et circumspecti fidelis in pollicitis in pace socialis jucundi in conviviis dapsilis et serenâ— omnibus fere tam Anglis quam conterminis maxime tamen Noricis acceptabatur Recipientes eum benevole dicebant Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini Rex paciâ—icus bellator victoriosus pater protector desolatorum Dominus autem Papa simulque fraâ—res Cardinales universi cum tota Curia Romana Regem Haroldum semper exosum habentes pro eo quod sibimet diadema Regni sine eorum convenientia et ecclesiastica solemnitate consensuque Pralatorum praesumpserat injuriam dissimularunt Et vidâ—ntes quo fine ausa praesumptio terminaretur cum fortuna adversa sunt adversati potentioriq manu atque victrici more cupidorum vel potius arundinis exagitatae ventorum turbine quantocius inclinaverunt Such was the Popes Clergies temper then Duke William being certainly informed that Harold contrary
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
and presently charged the English with unspeakable violence before the third part of their army could be set in battel array as Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Hoveden Bromtom and others write One Taillefer running before the rest slew three English Ensigns one after another and then was slain himself before the rest of the Souldiers encountred The English by reason of the narrownesse of the place were unable to bring up above one third part of their men to fight in an orderly manner For which cause and out of hatred to Harold many of them deserted both the field and him and very few continued with him with a constant heart Yet the battel was so manfully fought by Harold and the English remaining with him with various successe sometimes one side prevailing sometimes the other that in continued from the third hour of the day even till dark night The English stood so thick and close together and fought so valiantly that the Norman assailants could no waies break their array and were upon the point to recoyl Which William perceiving politickly sounded a Retreat the Normans retiring in good order the English supposing them to flie and themselves to be Masters of the field thereupon began disorderly to pursue them breaking their ranks and files but on a sudden the Normans having their wished opportunity charged them afresh being scattered and disordered so as they were not able to recover their battel and so were beaten down and slain on every side none of them by flight seeking to escape the field but to maintain their honour in arms chusing rather manfully to dye fighting in the cause and defence of their Country than to foâ—sakâ— their Kings Standard Who performing the Office both of an expert Commander and valiant Souldier all the day after many wounds received and fighting very manfully was at last slain with an arrow shot through his brain in at his left eye and falling dead from his horse to the ground was slain under his own Standard when he had reigned only 9. Moneths and S. dayes and his two Brothers Girth and Leofwin with most of the English Nobility Gentry there present were slain together with him Upon Harolds death most of the common mercenary Souldiers fled being without that head for whom they fought and were pursued and slain by the Normans till night Sed generosi malentes mori quam probrose fugere videntes exhaeredationem suam imminere et jugum intolerabile donec nox certamen divideret in certamine immota pectora praebentes prestiâ—erunt pulchram mortem pro patria ultione meruere Some of our Historians write that there were slain of the English in this battel no lesse than sixty thousand nine hundred twenty four men which could not be if Harolds Army were so small as some report it the Normans losing not above six thousand in the fight Eadmerus Roger de Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Dicâ—to Bromton and others ascribe this Victory only to a divine Miracle and Gods Justice upon Harold for his detestable perjury from the Testimony of the French who were present in it De hoâ— praelio testantur adhuc Franci qui interfuerunt quoniam licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit tamen tanta strages et fuga Normannorum fuit ut victoria quâ potiti sunt vero et absque dubio soli miraculo Dei ascribenda sit qui puniendo per hanc iniquum perjurii scelus Haroldi ostendit se non dominum esse volentem iniquitatem Which Abbot Ailred thus seconds Gulielmus Dei judicio to which Harold appealed ipsum Haroldum Regno simul et vita privavit for invading the Crown against right and his Oath belonging to William jure consanguinitatis antiquae inter ipsum et Edwardum conventionis The most of our Historians do the like Thomas of Walsingham imputes the great slaughter of the English in this battel by the Normans as a just Judgement of God upon them for their treacherous murder of Prince Alfred and the Normans that came with him Referuntur illo conflictu pugnae multa millia Anglorum corruisse Christo illis vicem reddente ob Aluredi fratris Edwardi Râ—gis necem ab eis injuste perpetratus With whom Mr. Iohn Fox concurrs in his forecited passage and Duke Williams Speech to his Souldiers before the battel implies as much he making it the chief ground of his invading England This battel writes Abbot Ailred Anglicae Libertati finem dedit initium Servituti to which Malmsbury subjoyns Illa dies fuit fatalis Anglis funestum excidium dulcis patriae pro novorum dominorum commutatione Hanc autem regni subversionem sanguinis redundantis effusionem cometa ingens sanguinea atque crinita in exordio illâ—us anni apparens minace fulgore praeâ—ignavit unde quidam Anno millesimo sexageno quoque seno Anglorum metae flammas sensere Cometâ— Quod Regni mutationem magnam populi Stragem multam terrâ—e miseriam portendit Ut enim Philosophi dicunt quo dirigit crinem illiâ— diriget et discrimen as Abbot Ingulphus Mat. Westminster Matthew Paris Huntindon Hoveden Wigornienfis Simeon Dunelmensis Hygden Knyghton and others observe In this Battel Duke William had three Horses slain under him and often acknowledged that Gods divine hand did more protect him than mans seeing his Enemy amidst so many showers of darts and arrows which they shot against him could not draw so much as one drop of hiâ— bloud though they frequently hit him with them Morcar and Edwin Earls of Yorkeshire and Cheshire Harolds Brother-in-laws withdrawing themselves and their forces from their battel either for want of room to fight as was pretended or rather for former discontents retreated to London where consulting with Alfred Archbishop of York and other Peers and with the Citizens and Mariners of London they all resolved to crown and set up Edgar Atheling the true heir for their King promising to march under him with all their forces against Duke William and to try another field for which end they posted abroad Messengers to levy new forces and raise up the hearts of the dejected English from a despairing fear But before Edgars Coronation whiles many were preparing themselves for a new battel Morcar and Edwyn whom this fearful estate of their native Conntry would not disswade or restrain from disloyalty and ambition to gain the Crown to themselves as some record secretly hindered that noble and prudent design by withdrawing themselves from Edgar and marched home with all their forces and their Sister Algitha or Agatha Harolds wife into Northumberland conjecturing out of their simplicity that Duke William would never come so farr Upon their departure though the rest of the Nobles would still have elected and crowned Edgar King if the Bishops would have assented thereunto yet the Prelates struck with the fear of the Popes thunderbolt from abroad