Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had â—…nding ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him famam virtute resellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though he were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one halfas his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Faâ—…hast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way but how uncerraine and unsure a
short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths desaâ—…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne p ace for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉 called the flowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and 〈◊〉 William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Marâ—… who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Margaâ—…t Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches â—…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Duâ—… Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we shall heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are the life of History and light of actions being knowne the actions themselves may be the better considered
hundreth and twentie prisoners besides those that were slain The same yeare 1380. the Earle Douglas entred England with twentie thousand men and went to the Faire of Pennure and having taken all the goods that were there he burnt the Towne Hollinshed in his English Chronicle speaking of that journey in all likelihood saith they brought away fouretie thousand cattell and were assaulted by the way but came into Scotland with the prey having lost some few of their men he sayes the occasion of it was because the men of Newcastle had taken a Scottish ship well known to be a Pirate but very rich worth seaventy thousand pound whereat the Scots being angry and offended made this incursion About this time the Earle of Douglas intreateth for mercy to James Lindsay Earle of Crawford who had been banished a certain time before for killing of John Lyon sonne in law to the King and Chancellour as some call him or Secretary as others hee was the first of the name of Lyon of whom the house of Glammes is descended This Lyon was a young man endued with all the naturall gifts of body and minde that could be Hee was comely in personage well bred and of a good carriage winning behaviour which made him to be wel liked of of all men and in speciall by this James Lindsay who received him into his traine and made him his Secretarie By this occasion being often at Court the King tooke notice of him and liking his deportment and upon Crawfords commendation tooke him into his service and made him his Domestick Secretary It fell so out at last that the Kings daughter by Elizabeth Moore fell in love with him and was made with childe by him which he revealed to the Earle of Crawford The Earle fearing that the King would take the matter heavily and hainously and use the young man hardly devised this way for his safetie hee causeth another Gentleman of his acquaintance to take the blame on him and to absent himselfe as guilty and then being very familiar with the King deals with him to bestow his daughter seeing shee had thus falne on John Lyon and to give him the lands of Glams with her which was done accordingly He got also for his coat of Armes the flowre de-luce field argent and a Lion azure with a double treasure and a womans head for his Crest What unthankfulnesse the Earle of Crawford did finde in him afterwards or did apprehend and conceive it is not particularly set downe but finding his owne credit with the King to decrease and John Lyons to increase and taking Lyon to be the cause thereof esteeming it great ingratitude after so great benefits he tooke it so highly and with such indignation that finding him accidentally in his way a little from Forfaire he slew him very cruelly and fearing the Kings wrath fled into a voluntary exile and so he remained certain yeares untill at the Earle of Douglas intercession the King suffered himself to be so farre entreated as that he was restored obtained pardon and received into the Kings favour What interest the Earl of Douglas had in it and what friendship with the Earl of Crawford or what pitie of his afflicted estate or commiseration of him or weighing the cause that drew him to so hard a fact as great men will regard one another where they think they have been evill requited by them to whom they have been beneficiall or how necessary the presence of so worthy a man was for the King and Countries present estate it is hard to conjecture but this is cleare that the Earle of Douglas hath beene not a little respected and accounted of at that time seeing at his sute the King consented to forgive the murther of his owne sonne in Law and to receive the Authour thereof into favour The yeare following which was 1381. there ensued a truce between the two Countries for three yeares There met for concluding of this truce John of Gant Duke of Lancaster who was Uncle to King Richard the second with some other Lords of the English side and for the Scots the Earle of Douglas and March. In the very time of their meeting and treatie both parties were informed of the insurrection made by Jack Straw in England and both dissembled the matter untill the truce were agreed upon Then when all was ended the Earle of Douglas with a generous wisedome farre from that which is now in vogue and request addrest himself to the Duke of Lancaster and told him that from the very first beginning of their conference hee was not ignorant in what estate the affaires in England were but that they were so farre from catching hold of any advantage of the time and from making either of peace or warre accordingly that they had the rather consented to the truce because of the troubles in England And for your selfe saith he if it please you you may remain here in Scotland untill these tumults bee setled or if you had rather return home you shall have 500. horse to accompany you and to set you safe in what place in England you please The Duke thanked them for their courtesie but thinking that hee needed it not at that time made no use of either of their offers But afterwards being on his journey home when he found that they shut the gates of Berwick against him and would not receive him into the Towne he came backe againe and was conveyed to Haliroodhouse by the Earle of Douglas and his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway and remained there till matters were composed in England After the truce was expired Archbald Lord of Galloway assisted by his brother the Earle of Douglas and by the Earle of March wonne the Castle of Lochmabane as we shall heare in the life of the said Archbald Upon this the Duke of Lancaster by way of revenge made an incursion upon Scotland in which having rifled Edinburgh and wasted the Countrey he returned home And he being gone the Earle of Douglas tooke in all the Castles and houses of strength in Tivedale which the English had kept since the battell of Durham Roxbrough onely excepted and purged that Countrey of Brigands and Robbers who had in time of the warre beene very licentious and bold This was the last work of this Nobleman worthy say our Writers of his house and Predecessours for he died soone after of a Fever in the Castle of Douglas and was buried in Melrosse in the Abbey in the year 1384. as they reckon and is likely for his sonne James is stiled Earle in the yeare 1385. March 20. Of what age he was at his death it cannot be certainly collected but from his fathers death at Halidoun hill we have 51 yeares after he began to come upon the stage and appeare in businesse and the affaires of his Countrey 30. yeares at least or 40. since we account that he came home before the battell of Durham He was a man
which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly aâ—…ter this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee â—…estored also his old enemie Creigâ—…ton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by his surmisings transported herewith hee gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more then civill which
7. That this Indenture should be showne to the Pope and ratified by him And so it was sealed and subscribed with a Henry as long as the whole sheet of Parchment the worst shapen letters and the worst put together that I ever saw And as I beleeve it hath a particular Letter of confirmation of the Pope in the hands of the Earle of Angus It is thought that when William Earle of Douglas went secretly into England that his errand was to this or some such purpose to have made a proffer of his service to King Henry on these or the like conditions For even then the seeds of civill discord were sowne and began to bud forth But either because things were not as yet come to any ripenesse or for that the Earle of Douglas was fallen into disgrace with his Prince nothing was done Now about the year 1460. in the minoritie of King James the third King Henry came into Scotland and did thus transact with the Earle of Angus A rare thing and whereof the like example is hard to be found in any subject except it be the Earle of Douglas concerning the Dutchie of Turaine with the King of France which is not unlike in many things Howsoever this shews how little inferiour the house of Angus hath been to the house of Douglas in credit and authority at home and abroad This Indenture took no effect it being now too late and King Henries estate brought to so low an ebbe that both his friends and his fortune having forsaken and turned their backs upon him his aide could not suffice against the whole power of England to make head against King Edward and to stoppe the current of his victories Notwithstanding Angus gave him a taste of what he could have done for him and shewed him in a notable exploite how available his service would have been if his case had not been desparate and past recovery Which though it were not rewarded with a Dutchie yet doth it not want nor ever shall want the due reward of high praise and honour as one of the hardiest and greatest interprises that hath been atcheived by any subject The Queen King Henries wife had obtained of her friends in France a few souldiers 300. of which were in the Castle of Anwick with Monsieur Brissac their commander King Edward following his victories and that he might prevent or suppresse any commotion that might arise in the North parts or out of Scotland was come to Durhame with a great Army He himself remaining in the Town sent abroad his Commanders to take in all such Castles as stood good for King Henry Amongst others he sent the Earle of Warwick to besiege Anwick with 20000. men He had another Army lying about Bambrough not far off from this and a third besieging another Town King Henry and more especially his Queen being very solicitous for the French men dealt with the Earle of Angus very instantly to have them relieved He promised to do his best and performed no lesse than he promised He assembled to the number of 10000. horse amongst whom there were 500. empty horses or moe for commonly the best appointed have ever two horses for service upon which he might mount the French-men and bring them away So he marches toward Anwick and when he came within a little space of the Castle he ranged his men in order of battell in the sight of the English Army making show as if he would have invaded them or at least that he meant to bide them battell if they should offer to set upon him or hinder him in his purposed businesse In the meane time he sent those 500. spare horse conducted by some choice troups to a posterne of the Castle to receive the French and so brought them away Some of the the English esteeming it a great affront to suffer them to be carried away in such sort from under their noses advised the Earle of Warwick to stay them But he was resolute in the contrary and told them that he had no commission to fight And sayes he who knowes what more aide these may have near hand in the parke or some other place And suppose they have not these are certainly all choice men able enough to sustaine our charge They cannot take the Castle with them into Scotland let them take the men I shall get the Castle which is all that my commission bears And so he lets them go who returned into Scotland with the French men an acceptable present chiefly to the Queen of England This was a fair assay and preamble of his ensuing services which being prevented by King Henries destinie and his death were smothered in the cradle and his Dutchie engrossed in parchment to have lien betwixt Trent and Humber is confined to a narrower precinct within the compasse of a Coffer Notwithstanding of this greatnesse and power to make him yet stronger and more puissant on the borders he did excambe his Lands in the Maines and Clarberon with Robert Grahame of old Monrosse and got for them the Lands of Eskedale upon the border He contracted his sonne Archbald and his heir apparant to Catherine daughter to Alexander Earle of Huntly or to any other of his daughters which the said George should choose The portion 2000. markes the termes of payment 10. years 100. markes every terme That if Archbald should die his brother whom the Indenture doth not name should marrie one of the said Earle of Huntlies daughters That the Earle of Angus should give his sonne 100. mark Land in Angus That Archbald after he be seven years old shall be given to the Earle of Huntly and the Earle of Huntlies daughter to the Earle of Angus The Indenture is dated at Saint Andrews 1461. the last of September This marriage took no effect what ever were the cause thereof Either before or after this there fell out a dissention amongst the Estates about the choosing of a governour and protectour for the young King James the third In which he and his brother Bishop Kennedie with the greatest part of the Nobilitie opposed themselves to the Queen who pretended to be Tutrix and had now usurped that place a year while as the Nobilitie being busied in the Warres had no leasure to look into these things The Queene and such as followed her remained in the Castle and the other party in the Abbey of Halyroodhouse A Convention being appointed the Queene and her faction came to the Parliament house and declared her Tutrix So soon as this was known the Earle of Angus and James Kennedie came up to the market place where the said Bishop declares that their intention was nothing else but to maintain their old law and the ancient practice of the Countrey which was that in such cases the Nobilitie should choose one whom they thought most fit to undergo that charge of governing which was for the good both of the King and Countrey whereas they of the other party
greatnesse and that their furie should be powred forth on somewhat else While they remained yet at Stirlin the Earle of Athole died suddenly which was matter of much talk and gave occasion to Mortons enemies to lay that foule aspersion upon him that he had poysoned him For all the Doctours did affirme that he was poysoned save onely Doctour Preston who said it was no poyson but being desired to taste of it and having onely touched a little thereof with the tip of his tongue it had almost cost him his life and he did never after fully recover but languished and was sickly so long as he lived Wherefore seeing it was certainly poyson Who could give it him said they but Morton And yet they could never tell how he could doe iâ—… For hee was not in Mortons lodging nor Morton in his as they knew and doe themselves confesse Neither were any that belonged to Morton in his house and though they had beene they were neither Cooks nor Cup-bearers nor Carvers to him So blinde is malice or so malicious are impudent detractours Morton cleared himselfe of this imputation at his death And yet there are some to this day that are not ashamed to report it In the next yeare 1579. in June upon the Kings longing to be abroad it was concluded in Councell that he should go to Edinburgh the 25. of September next but he came not till the 30. day thereof Morton and Marre were still with him as his chief Counsellours They invited him to Dalkeith where hee remained a certain space and returned to the Abbey of Haly-rood-house the 16. of October The day following hee made his entry through the City of Edinburgh with great solemnity and pompe with great concourse and applause of people rejoycing to see him whom they loved heartily and dearly as they testified by their acclamations and prayers powred forth for his safety and welfare After this on the 20. of October he kept a Parliament extant in the printed Acts. Hitherto wee have seene our Earle of Morton though not an absolute Favourite of fortune yet so cherished by her that howbeit shee did now and then frown on him yet shee seemed rather to try his strength whether or not he were able to endure a storme and ride it out with resolution than that she meant to over-whelme him in her waves for the issue did ever prove advantagious to him and he became rather a gainer than a loser by his sufferings But now having raised him to the highest dignitie and pitch of greatnesse that a subject was capable of according to her accustomed levitie all of a sudden turning down that was up of her wheele she brings him so low as to lose life and estate There is nothing more deserves our observation than these vicissitudes of great places to see men of low made high and than again falling from their height and greatnesse to become low which is to be seen in this last Act and Catastrophe of his Tragedie so notably as is rare to be found elsewhere Who could and would truly discover the depth of the mysteries of these times and tell exactly who were the chief plotters and first movers of this work and who were the instruments and executers thereof as he should do a piece of good service for clearing of the truth of things to posterity the ages to come so do I confesse for my own part that it is too hard a task for my self to performe and more than I will undertake or promise to do All that I can do is to set down the actions which are evident in grosse and to follow such conjecturall probabilitie in the narration as my weak judgement can lead me to We have heard how the King Queens factions did long contend and how Morton had ever been on the Kings side and how in his Regencie he had so handled businesse that they that stood for the Queen had yeelded and acknowledged the King and him as Regent The keeping of the Castle of Edinburgh was the last Act of opposition and with the yeelding of it all was whisht Lithington and Grange were taken out of the way who were the strongest or the stoutest upholders thereof Yet the Society was not quite broken or extinguished with them Master John Metellane sometime Priour of Coldingame and brother to Lithington Sir Robert Melvin uncle to Grange Pittadraw the Bishop of Dunkell and some others remained These he had committed to prison for a short while afterward had pardoned them and set them at liberty They kept still their old minde entertained mutuall friendship and correspondence and wanted onely occasion to shew the effects of their former disposition Especially Master John Metellane and Sir Robert Melvin bore great hatred to Morton the one for putting his Nephew Grange to death the other because he supposed Morton would have done as much to his brother if he fearing so much had not prevented it by poysoning himself as the common rumour was Besides these private grudges the publick cause did also egge them on and animate them against him which they never forgot and looked upon him as the man who had beene the bane thereof Yet they set it on foot again by 〈◊〉 of it openly and advancing it all they could secretly and indirectly using all the means they could to make all things work for the Queenes advantage She had her Agents and Ambassadours in France together with her Uncles of Guise and wanted not her under-hand Favourers in England that still had their eye upon her as upon the rising Snnne whom they esteemed the hope of their Religion Their suite now was who would not think it so both plausible and modest to joyn the mother and the sonne in an equality of government being so near joyned in nature It could not but be for the good of the Countrey and make much to confirme and strengthen their title to England Thus they said but how can this bee done He is in possession of the Crown how can it be taken from him again How can he be desired to dimit And though he would demit yet those of his party will never be contented that he should doe it On the other side Shee is living and dis-possessed but who that hath ever worne a Crowne can live and bee content to want it What other mids then and meane can bee found out but association in the Crowne So shall both have it and both be satisfied a happy society from which will flow the sonnes love and the mothers blessing All shall so goe well and it will bee easie to perswade a childe though never so wise being unacquainted with such things especially one that is so gentle and of so towardly disposition onely the difficulty will bee to move his old friends thereto they will never consent to it they will bee jealous and fearefull of any party or equalitie in ruling though of never so neare and deare friends they
mother bare me a Commander not a fighter but our Douglases were both maximi Imperatores nec minus strenui bellatores wise Commandars and hardy fighters and warriers they had both good heads and good hearts and hands In the beginning ere Rome came to its greatnesse it is said of the first Captains Decorum erat tum ipsis ducibus capescere pugnam That it was no disparagement but honourable for the Leaders themselves to sight with their own hand None were more ready and forward to fight then the Douglasses onely Wallace is thought to have gone beyond any of them But he is but one and that singular and extraordinary without any second at least of his own name and our comparison stands between name and name where the number is as well to be remembred as the worth So many so valorous of one surname is that which we have undertaken to prove Besides none of the Douglasses did ever encounter with Wallace to try who was the better man and if we parrallell their actions done apart what act oâ—… Wallace can be produced more admirable then that of Archbald Tineman at the battell of Shrewsburie where with his own hand he sâ—…ew Blunt the King of Englands Standard-bearer and three more who were apparelled like Kings and at last unhorst the King himself whom he had also stain if he had not been rescued by his sonne Henry the fifth In an English manuscript I have seen it thus expressed And there with fiery courage he assails Three all as Kings adornd in royall wayes And each successive after other quails Still wondering whence so many Kings did rise Till doubting lest his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse known and yet known every where c. It is written also of William Lord of Niddisdail that he was exceeding both stout and strong beyond any that lived in his dayes so that whomsoever he strook but once with mace sword or speare he needed never to double his stroke eveblow carried death with it Also James slaine at Otterburne his personall valour and strength is very highly extolled by the writers of these times who besides that he had the better of Percie in their duell at Newcastle he himselfe was the chiefe cause of the victorie that got the honour of the day at Otterburn where he lost himselfe but wan the field by his own personall valour They tell how he fought with a huge iron mace that was heavier then any ordinary man of those dayes could weild and more then two or three of such as now live Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus We might adde unto these Archbald Bell the Cat Earle of Angus who in a duell with Spence cut off his thigh through bone and all at a blow and divers others as Archbald of Kilspindie whom King James the fifth called alwayes his gray steel for his valour and ability of body but these shall suffice here for a taste of their valour But we will not content our selves with a generall and absolute commendation we will also descend to the comparative which we desire may be as farre from envie as we hope it shall be found neere to truth To begin then first at home there is no subjects race in this Countrey that can match them in these of which we have spoken Antiquity Nobility Greatnesse and Valour or worth in these I say joyntly that is there is none so Ancient and withall so Noble Great and Valorous No name is or ever was in this Countrey of which there can be reckoned so many and so worthy for so stands our compâ—…rison The Grahames are very Ancient in the dayes of Ferguse the second anno 424. and very Noble but have never attained to that degree of Greatnesse as the Douglasses have done The Hayes also are a very old and honourable name in the reigne of Kenneth the third anno 976. but not so anciâ—…nt as our Douglasses by two hundred yeares for they began in the reigne of Solvathius anno 767. These two Hayes and Douglasses doe agree in this that they are as the Grahames also are naturall Scots borne but there is great odds betweene them other wayes For the Hayes have not reached to that pitch of greatnesse either in degree or estimation and account of men by many stages as the Douglasses have attained Other names which now are great are nothing so ancient and besides are come from other Countreyes such as Hammiltoâ—… Gordons Campbels The Campbels from France and the other two out of England The Hammiltouns came in King Robert Bruces time the Gordons in Mackolme Kenmores The Murrayes are more ancient and before all these yet they are strangers and not of the first bloud of the Scots and there was but one of them great and remarkable who was Governour of Scotland few or none Nobilitated till of late but none of all those names comes neere that number of Nobles and Worthies by lineall or laterall descent and as it were of hereditarie vertuous succession and race of men which we finde of the Douglasses There have beene some great and worthy of other names but if they enter into comparison they will be found rari nantes in gurgite vasto but few one or two eminent of a name or of the chiefe house it will also appeare that their honours most of them have flowed more from their Princes favour then their owne great deserving or great service against the enemie The Cummins were the most numbrous and powerfull of any that ever were in Scotland before or since as some of our Writers say yet their greatnesse hath rather beene in lands and possessions or friends then in deeds of armes and prowesse of Chivalrie having done little or nothing of note and worthy of renowne John Cummin indeed fought three battels at Roseline in one day against the English in which we finde nothing reported of his personall valour whereas the Douglasses did ever shew themselves in person to be singularly valorous Besides he was but one man the rest are buried in silence and there is nothing to be found of them all though all their actions were put together that deserves to be compared with the deeds of any one man amongst many of the Douglasses Moreover as there was no great action in them they were scarce good Patriots using their power to the disadvantage of their Countrey and the opposing of the Liberties thereof in King Robert Bruces dayes rather then for the good and standing of the Kingdome which the Douglasses did ever We finde also that they were not very carefull to keepe their promises and thought the breach of their words and faith so it were for their advantage a point of good wisedome and policy a foule and base quality
etiam duxisse haeroibus ortum And thou hast thought it not unfit to set Amongst thy many Crowns this Coronet A private family and yet they be Deriv'd from Kings and often did supply The place of absent Kings in warre and peace And what may be esteem'd a greater grace That from their loyns thy Royall self did spring Thy self then whom earth sees no greater King You Brittains threefold Scepter justly weeld Douglas nor Angus will to no house yeeld Nor the most fam'd of Greece or ancient Rome For numbers of brave men nor are o'recome In strength of mind or armes or faithfull love To their dear Countrey should your state improve And you injoy a thousand Scepters more And draw your stock from all the numerous store Of Kings the whole world holds it would not be Thy least praise that a Douglas lives in thee THE HISTORY OF THE HOVSE and RACE of DOUGLAS and ANGUS Of SHOLTO DOUGLAS the first that bare the name of DOUGLAS and of whom all that beare that name are descended TOuching the original of this illustrious Family and Name of Douglas we must not looke for an exact and infallible demonstration things of this nature are not capable of it Great Antiquity is commonly accompanied with much incertainty and the originalls even of Cities Countries and Nations are grounded for the most part upon no surer foundation then conjecturall proofs whose beginnings are more easily known and better remembred then those of private families In such cases we use to take that for truth which comes neerest to it amongst diverse narrations and must rest on that which is most probable and apparent Quis rem tam veterem pro certo affirmet sayes the Historian in a matter not unlike And we will say with the same Authour Cura non deesset si qua ad verum via inquirentem ferret nunc famae standum est ubi certam derogat vetustas fidem The beginning of our Nation yea of both Nations Scots and English such as they now are or of those that were before Picts and Brittans is not yet sufficiently cleared neither is it as yet fully known from what people they are sprung or how they got their name of Scots English Picts Britans although the learned have bestowed their pains andimploied their pens on this subject to the wearying but not satisfying of the Reader As for Scotland M r Cambden grants so much and mocks those that have laboured in it yet hath he himself bestowed his time and pains to as small purpose in behalf of his countrey-men the Brittans Neither hath he done any thing save that by his fruitles attempt notwithstanding all his bragging he hath made it appear that to go about it is but to labour in vain he himself after all his travell remaining no lesse Sceptick and to use his own words Scotizing then others And even Rome it self the mistresse of the world though the noon-tide of her Empire be clear and bright like the Sunne in her strength yet how misty is the morning and dawning thereof Darknesse triumphs over the reigns and triumphs of her first kings which are covered over with such uncertain obscuritie or rather drowned in so profound and deep night of darknesse that all her children though they have beaten their brains and spent much lamp-oyl in searching of it could never clear their mothers nativity or vindicate their father Romulus birth from the fable of the incestuous vestall nor his nursing from being beholding to a she Wolf Detur haec venia Antiquitati ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat If he had said that Writers must have leave to be obscure or uncertain in setting down the originall of Cities it could not well have been denied him but for men to invent and to thrust their intentions upon others to be beleeved because they know not what else to say Detur haec venia nobis to beleeve no more then is probable Neither will that serve his turn Jam hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo ut imperium patiuntur They may command our bodies who cannot command our soules or our belief and now we have shaken off the yoake of the one and so we do reject the other There is no lesse uncertainty in Plutarches Theseus and Numa Wherefore we must be contented in the originall of a private family with what others are forced to content themselves in the beginnings of Cities Nations Kingdomes and Empires which are like to some rivers whose streams and outlets are known but their springs cannot be found out as they report of Nilus Yet this our Narration doth better deserve credit then those of Romulus Numa Theseus c. seeing it contains nothing that is impossible nothing that is fabulous or incredible for here are neither gods for their fathers nor ravening beasts their nurses And albeit that the Chronicle of our Countrie now extant makes no mention of their beginning yet what we find there doth rather confirm then confute our deduction thereof And indeed it is no wonder that they are silent in this point If we consider how Edward the first of England surnamed Longshanks whom his countrey men terme Scotorum malleus the hammer of the Scots because that he deceiving the trust and abusing the power of Arbitratour which was given him to decide the right to the Crown of Scotland between Bruce Balioll did so handle the matter that setting the together by the ears after they had well beaten and battered each other he himself fell upon them both and so hammered and bruised them that he did thereby over-run all the low and plain champion Countrey If we then consider I say how he had to make the Scots malleable and pliable to his unlimited ambition after he had thus cut off the flowre of the Scottish Nobility destroyed also all the lawes of the realm both civil and ecclesiasticall burnt the publike Registers together with private Monuments Evidents Charters and Rights of lands we shall have greater cause to wonder that any thing escaped so powerfull a King intending the full conquest of the Countrey and who had so jealous an eye over any thing that might encourage his new vassals to rebells then that we have no more left us Nay although he had not done this of set purpose and with intention to root out all memorialls of Nobility out of the minds of the Scots and to embase their spirits by concealing from them their descent and qualities yet even the common chance and accidents of war were enough to excuse this defect for the Lord Douglas lands lying in the south parts of Scotland hard upon the borders of England this calamity did chiefly afflict him so that his houses were burnt his castles razed himself taken prisoner and so all monuments of his originall lost or destroyed Let us remember also besides all this the quality and condition of those times in which there was
them being uncertaine whom to trust in that frowning of fortune when commonly there are but few that remain friends and many become enemies base minds seeking thereby either to avoid harm or to gain favour of the stronger At last finding that they were hotly hunted after and hardly followed they thought it their safest way to go to the Western Isles Lochlowmond lay in their way whether being come and having found an old boat Sir James however expert in that Art before having learned so much by that great Schoolmaster Necessity rowed his King over this Lake in a night and half a day Thus saith the manuscript but it seemeth rather to have been some other Lake then Lochlowmond or rather some inlet of the Sea which are called sometimes Lakes between the main Land and the Isle in which they lurked because Lochlowmond is of no such breadth as that it should be esteemed a great matter to row over it in that space and besides they did row to an Isle where they did rest amongst our Aebudes to none of which Lochlowmond is adjacent The Bruces book saith not that they rowed through the Lake to the Isle but through the Lake to the next land and then passed to the Sea side where they provided boats in which they sailed to the Isles It attributes also this rowing to others then Sir James though hee were the first finder of the old boate Thus it went with them and to such an exigent was the hope of our Countrey brought Thus we see these great minds and afterwards great men in a base poore and perillous but never miserable estate which vertue is not capable of desolate in it self destitute of friends and their first attempts dasht by the mean under Captains of their great enemy King Edward But ere they have done they shall make his successour to flie in the like sort in a small fisher boat poorely accompanied to save his owne person after the losse of his army On such moments do the hopes and fears of mortall men depend and such vicissitude is the estate of those glorious crowns subject unto which men do so much affect with â—…uch travell and turmoil as for them it was not the Crowne onely but their libertty also that they suffered for and not their owne liberty alone but the freedome oâ—… their Countrie and Patriots which they sought to maintain against injustice fraud and violence Wherefore we never heare that they fainted at any time or dispaired any time in the midst of dispair such force hath a good cause in a good heart the Authour of goodnesse no doubt sitting at the rudder of that boat and preserving the old sheards of it so that they gave no place to the violence of the waves and their hearts from yeelding to that despair that every way did assault them untill he had finished that work he had to do with them for recovering the liberty of their Countrey and beating down the pride of tyranny that hee might in all this show his own might and prerogative in casting down and setting up at his pleasure Such hard beginnings have oftentimes the greatest works and so little ought either hope or dispaire bee grounded on the first successe Being landed in this little Isle which the Bruces book calls Rachrine other Authours name it not they remained a while hidden there with a speciall friend of King Roberts both the Isle and the man being worthy of more expresse honour and a perpetuall memory of their names he for his faithfull friendship the Isle for its safe receit and harbouring so good guests and their good luck after this receit their efforts from hence forward having been almost ever prosperous Their safety was most part in this that men believed they were not safe ceasing to seek those whom they thought had ceased to be taking them to have perished because they appeared no where to the view of the world Like example is long since recorded of Masinissa King of Numidia and their lurking doth bring forth the like fruit and effects But it was not fit for them to lurk too long their friends might so have been discouraged and losing hope have forsaken the cause whereby the work would have been the more difficult if not impossible Therefore to begin again afresh the King obtains from his good friend some small company of men and Sir James with fourty of these which hee got of the King went and tooke in the Castle of Arane by a stratagem A small but happy flourishing of a better spring time after that their tempestuous winter which shall yeeld a full harvest and bring forth the ripe fruit of liberty to their Countrey and the settling of the Kingdome to his master and his posterity untill these our dayes and we hope for ever Thither came the King also within two dayes and hearing of them Malcolme Earle of Lennox These sailed from thence into Carrict where they tooke a Castle of the Kings proper inheritance but the Writers do not name it And here indeed the course of the Kings misfortunes begins to make some halt and stay by thus much prosperous successe in his own person but more in the person of Sir James by the re-conquests of his owne Castles and Countries from hence he went into Douglasdale where by the means of his fathers old servant Thomas Dickson he tooke in the Castle of Douglas and not being able to keep it he caused burn it contenting himself with this that his enemies had one strength fewer in that Countrey than before The manner of his taking of it is said to have beene thus Sir James taking onely with him two of his servants went to Thomas Dickson of whom he was received with tears after he had revealed himselfe to him for the good old man knew him not at first being in meane and homely apparell There he kept him secretly in a quiet chamber and brought unto him such as had beene trusty servants to his father not all at once but apart and by one and one for feare of discoverie Their advice was that on Palmsunday when the English would come forth to the Church being a solemne Holiday he with his two servants should come thither apparelled like countrey taskers with mantles to cover their armour and when he should perceive that the English were in the Church and his partners were conveened that then he should give the word and cry the Douglas slogan and presently set upon them that should happen to be there who being dispatched the Castle might be taken easily This being concluded and they come so soone as the English werâ—… entred into the Church with Palmes in their hands according to the custome of that day little suspecting or fearing any such thing Sir James according to their appointment cryed too soone a Douglas a Douglas which being heard in the Church this was Saint Brides Church of Douglas Thomas Dickson supposing he had beene hard at hand drew out his
steele The Earle of Carlile also died without confessing any such thing Some write that King Robert was there in person but it is more likely that he was not but sent these two of whom we have spoken however if he were there these two were with him At this battell Sir James tooke three French Knights Robert Bartrame William Bartarhome Elye Anyallage with their vallats for whose relief the K. of France requested K. Robert and hee willing to pleasure him transacted with Sir James to give him for their ransome foure thousand markes starling for payment of a part of which summe the K. giveth to him the next yeare appearently Indictamenta Latrociniorum Ministrationem eorundem in omnibus infra omnes terras suas subscriptas Scilicet infra 1. Baroniam de Douglas 2. Forrestiam nostram de Selkirk de qua est officiarius noster 3. Constabularium de Lauderio 4. Forrestiam de Jedworth cum Benjedworth 5. Baroniam de Batherewle 6. Boroniam de Wester-Calder 7. Baroniam de Stabilgorthane 8. Baroniam de Romanok Then in generall Et infra suas terras quascunque infra regnum nostrum cum pertinentibus quas de nobis tenet in capite Then followes the Privelledge Etsi aâ—…qui de hominibus suis infra praedictas terras fuerint judicati per Justitiarium nostrum volumus quod dictus Jacobus 〈◊〉 sui eorum ministri habeant Liberationem liberam eorundem ministrationem salvis nobis haeredibus nostris omnibus aliis particulis ad homicidium coronam nostram pertinentibus Tenenda habenda praedicta indictamenta cum administratione eorundem cum omnibus libertatibus commoditatibus ad praedicta indictamenta administrationem eorundem 〈◊〉 praefato Jacobo haeredibus suis in feudo haereditate in perpetuum de nobis haeredibus nostris Volumus insuper 〈◊〉 pro nobis haeredibus nostris quod praefatus Jacobus haeredes sui eorum homines infra praedictas terras manentes Libri sint infuturum de sectis curiae de omnibus terris supradictis de Wardis castrorum nec non de omnibus presis talliagiis curiagiis captionibus quibuscunque ad opus nostrum haeredum nostrorum salvo tantum communi auxilio pro defensione regni nostri contingente Et ut praesens charta robur firmitatis obtineat in perpetuum manum ejusdem Jacobi annulo cum quodam lapide qui dicitur Emeraudus eidem Jacobo haeredibus suis nomine Sasinae in memoriale permansuro in futurum ex 〈◊〉 nostra personaliter invectimus Apud Bervicum super Twedam 〈◊〉 die mensis Novembris anno regni nostri nono decimo anno Domini 1325. Then there is a precept directed to Bernard Abbot of Arbrothock Chancellour to cause make a Charter thereof under the broad seal and deliver it to the said James This I thought good to set down in the owne words because of the singularity in that it is the promise of a King fulfilled to his subject not for any proper debt or money disburst but for the ransome of prisoners 2 It is singular also in respect of the thing given Inditements Immunities Liberties and Priviledges 3. The forme and manner of it is not ordinary to hold in feudo and inheritance without any duty or reddendo as they speake 4 And last of all the manner of infeftment and seasing not by earth and stone but by puâ—…ting a ring on his finger with the Kings owne hand and thereby 〈◊〉 both himself and his heires as it should seem in this one action without reiterating All which things how our Lawyers will allow of considering their formalities and what their opinion will be of the validitie hereof I know not but we finde here plaine and square dealing and honourable meaning whatsoever the subtilties and quirks of Law be we see an upright and loving Prince a liberall and bountifull King willing to honour a princely loyall subject This and the former Charter given foure yeares before and such others as may be thought to have beene given after to corroborate or increase perhaps these freedomes and priviledges â—…s it whereunto Archbald the fourth and his successors have leaned and trusted to in contemning Crighton and Levingston at what time they told them they would preserve their owne rights and priviledges and not suffer them to be infringed And this also hath beene the ground upon which the Bailies of William the eighth Earle he being himselfe in Italie would not suffer the Kings Officers to meddle with these priviledged things in his bounds which men that know not their immunities particularly account treason and rebellion and so their enemies did terme it to incense the King against them This battell at Biland was the last piece of service that Sir James did to Edward Carnarvan who having found fortune so froward to him in chance of warre against the Scots was thereby taught to doubt the triall thereof any further and therefore he sued for peace which was concluded at Newcastle to last for certaine yeares In this time of peace although all occasion of Warlike action was cut off yet Sir James was not idle but did good offices for his King and Countrey K. Robert did esteeme so well of him and had so good opinion of his prudencie and fidelitie and did so confide in his love that he entrusted and employed him in the greatest businesse that ever he could have to doe which concerned no lesse than the settling of his Crowne and his title to the kingdome which Sir James performed dexterously and happily For being sent into France to John Balliol of Hercourte to procure his resigning all title and right to the Crowne in King Roberts favour he sailed into Normandie and having declared his Commission and delivered his message he found Balliol very tractable contrary to all mens expectation for he plainly and ingeniously confessed that he had been deservedly rejected and debouted being no wise usefull nor profitable for the good of Scotland He said likewise that it was Gods especiall and favourable providence that had advanced K. Robert thereunto and therefore he did not repine nor grudge to see the Kingdome in the hands of his Cousin by whose high vertue singular felicity and great travell it was restored to the ancient liberty splendour and magnificence but rather rejoyced thereat And chiefly for that they by whom he was deceived did not injoy the hoped fruits of their fraud And calling together his friends and kinsmen in presence of them all hee did freely resigne unto Robert and to his heires all right and title that he or any from or by him had or might have to the Crown of Scotland renouncing all interest and claim whatsoever that could be alledged or pretended for any cause or consideration from the beginning of the world unto that present day This being done Sir James returned into Scotland This King Robert thought fit to be
father bearing the heat of the day for him while he is at ease and securitie with watching hunger thirst cold and great effusion of their bloud to make the Kingdome peaceable to him choosing to adventure their lands their lives and whatsoever worldly thing is deare unto men rather then to abandon him and follow his enemies with ease and quietnesse under whom they might have lived a peaceable life if they would set aside regard unto their honour and duetie Such is the force of the love of Subjects beyond all strength of men and riches of treasures onely able to bide a stresse and hold out As may bee seen by this example to bee remarked greatly by subjects and entertained above all treasure by Soveraignes and to be accounted a chiefe yea almost the onely point of true policy to love and make much of all men and most specially their Nobilitie that they may in such their Princes straits when they shall happen endure the better as these men did which they could not have done if they had not had authority and dependance and so been respected by their inferiours who so would diminish this authority in Noblemen abasing them too farre and making them suspect to Princes and not safe for them they erre greatly in policie and unadvisedly cut the props of the Princes standing which being brangled but a little his Kingdome is easily bereft him all authoritie going away with his owne person It fell well out with King David Bruce that these Noblemen were not so and therefore the more able to doe so great things for him After these things they sent Ambassadours to desire King David to come home and so hee did the 2 of June that same yeare His first Act was carefully to inquire for and gratefully to reward such as had suffered in his service a prudent Act But allas the mal heur it falleth often out that Princes know not all things and ere they be informed they many times conclude The cause of many errours and much mischief hath happened thereby as it fell out here We have heard how the Lord of Liddesdale amongst many his notable services had in speciall expelled the English out of Tividale and diverse other places by his wisedome and valour and was therefore rewarded with the same lands which he injoyed afterwards as his rightfull inheritance from thenceforth he so used it as in a manner conquered by himself He was Wairden and so defended it defending ministred justice and discharged the place and office of Sheriffe having wonne it from the enemy This hee did with the tacite consent of the Countrey and by allowance of those that were in authoritie Thus being in possession and trusting to his deserving towards King and Countrey and the Nobilitie of his bloud and potencie of that house he was come of he looked for no competitour in that which he had taken from the enemy And not knowing or not caring for the Law as is customable to Martiall men or perhaps being prevented being slower in going to King David or on some such like occasion the Sheriffe-ship is given from him to another Alexander Ramsay was amongst the first that welcomed King David at his return and was received kindly as hee had merited and much made of by him who for his service gave him the keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and together with it whether of the Kings owne free and mere motion or any other suggestion or by Ramsayes procurement the Sheriffe-ship of Tividale very unadvisedly if hee knew Liddesdales interesse very ill formed if he knew it not Very imprudently say our Writers who blame the Kings indiscretion for giving it from William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale to Alexander Ramsay and for withdrawing of it from so worthy a man so well deserving to whomsoever for that was to make a division among his owne so it proved for VVilliam Douglas of Liddesdale tooke it very highly that Alexander Ramsay should be preferred before him to that office But hee was chiefly incensed against the taker of it as having done him a great indignitie which makes it apparant that hee hath not onely accepted of it but sued for it therefore set altogether on revenge he suppressed his ire for that present But after some three moneths as Alexander Ramsay was exercising the office in Hawick and looked for no such thing hee set upon him and having slain three of his men that stood to the defence of their master hee hurt himself and casting him on a horse carried him to the Hermitage where hee died of famine according to the testimony of sundry of our Writers and the black booke of Sâ—…ne where it is showen that hee was taken the 20. of June and keeped seventeene dayes without meat save that some few grains of corne which falling downe out of a corne loft which was above him were gathered by him and eaten Such is the unbridlednesse of anger justly called fury to be greatly blamed in him yet they marke the cause thereof the Kings unadvisednesse in procuring thereby the losse and ruine of so worthy a man of war farre from his fathers prudencie and probitie The King not acquainted yet with military dispositions was marvellously moved therewith and purposed to have punished it exemplarily to deterre others from doing the like and therefore caused search very diligently to have apprehended Liddesdale but in vain for hee withdrew himself to the mountains and desert places and in time obtained pardon by the sute of his friends of whom he had purchased good store by his worthy acts for the liberty of his Countrey Among whom Robert Stuart the Kings sisters sonne was his speciall good friend That which most effectually served to procure him favour was the magnificke but true commemoration of the great exploits atchieved by him the consideration of the time in respect whereof the peace being uncertain without and things not very quiet at home military men were to bee entertained and used with all favour By this occasion he did not onely obtain pardon for his fault but hee got also the gift of keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and Sheriffeship of Tivedale and all other his lands in Tivedale or elsewhere restored to him which the other had and which were the cause of the slaughter This clemencie of King David was perhaps profitable for that time but pernicious in example This fell out as hath been said three moneths after the Kings coming home and therefore in October or perhaps in September at the head Court in Hawick His pardon was obtained and his peace made with the King a little before the battell of Durham which was in the yeare 1346. the 17. of October So as hee hath beene three or foure yeares a banished man After his returne from banishment finding the King bent upon his journey against England he wisely and earnestly disswaded him and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home and
before all things to settle them For the Earle of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles whereby a great party of the Kings army was diminished the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head and so the Lord Rosse and his men for feare of punishment So did also many others that lay neare them retire and go home fearing least they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords and be some way endamaged wherefore they thought good to provide in time the best they could against all perrills that might happen For this cause hee councelled the King first to settle peace amongst his owne subjects before he enterprised a forraign war that peace being settled and his army united he might the more strongly and with better successe invade England But the King contemning his good and wholsome counsell his French friendship prevailing more with him then either his owne good or the good of his Countrey hee raised an army wherewith hee entred England and was encountred by the English at Durham where the Scots were defeated King David Bruce taken prisoner and with him beside others VVilliam Earle of Douglas and the Lord of Liddesdale who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily for that they had the King and so cared the lesse for others This fell out in the yeare 1346. October the 17. as hath been said While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies he forgetteth not his friends at home Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas brother to Sir VVilliam and father to Sir James of Dalkeith say our Writers beside Horsewood but they should say rather brother to Sir William for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale of whom wee now speake sonne naturall to good Sir James neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood but in Kinrosher by Loch-leven This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the Kings command and put him in prison in Lindores where hee died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died The Writers lay the blame on the Nobilitie that envied so worthy a man and accused him falsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse but they tell not in what point They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisedome singular prudencie and eloquence beyond any in his time who had been Chamberlain to Edward Balliol Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland and lastly Chamberlain to King David and amongst the chief of his Counsellers reputed as another Chussay Neverthelesse thus was he delated and taken away having done divers good offices in the Common-wealth and being very necessary unto it The Lord of Liddesdale had drawne him from the English faction to King Davids party and he had used him in good services whereof hee was not forgetfull ever remaining one of his speciall friends This giveth men matter of suspition that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay whereby the King is blamed as counseller or follower thereof and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him did execute it willingly or did procure the Kings command thereto The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh in the yeare 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale was plotted by Sir John Bullock say the Writers who in quicknesse of wit and sharpnesse of invention past all men in his dayes In revenge of this Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay by the hands of Sir John Saint Michaell say they but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene A just fact but not justly done the matter was good the forme ill being besides and against all order but who could wait for order in so disordered a Countrey when should hee by order of law have obtained justice his Prince being in captivitie his duetie to his friends defendeth the fact the estate of the Countrey excuseth the forme God looketh not so upon things hee had before as wee heard slain Sir Alexander Ramsay he must not want his owne share but who durst doe it The avenger of bloud finds the means Such is the estate of man what can they lean to on earth ere he do not pay that debt of bloud the Earle of Douglas shall exact it his Chief his Cousin and to adde that also his owne sonne in Baptisme as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earle of Douglas for the black book of Scone calleth him his spirituall father and thus it came to passe The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime hunting in Attrick Forrest is beset by William Earle of Douglas and such as hee had ordained for that purpose and there assailed wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the yeare 1353. upon a jealousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his Lady as the report goeth for so sayes the old song The Countesse of Douglas out of her Boure she came And loudly there that she did call It is for the Lord of Liddesdale That I let all these teares downe fall The song also declareth how shee did write her love letters to Liddisdale to disswade him from that hunting It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men and his owne killing at Galsewood and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk a mile from Selkirk and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse The cause pretended or the cause of this slaughter is by our Writers alledged to be the killing of this Alexander Ramsay and Sir David Barklay and some other grudges and so the Earle said himself as they say and so it was indeed if we looke unto God but who doth beleeve him that it was on his part no Writers no report no opinion of men doth beleeve it not untill this day They lay the cause on his ambition on his envie of Liddesdales honour and jealousie of his greatnesse Reason swaies to the same side and brings great if not necessary arguments for what had hee to doe with Alexander Ramsay that he should for his sake dippe his hands in his owne bloud farre lesse for Sir David Barcklay on whom he himself should have taken avengement if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew being so neare to himselfe but something must bee said to colour things But this will not colour this blemish though in a faire body indeed as we shall see hereafter Doth ambition spring from a great minde Doth envie of vertue jealousie of hatred Let noble hearts eschew them it is the basest thought that can fall into a mans mind Right minds love vertue even in strangers even in enemies generous minds strive to do better not to hinder such as do well It is a strange maxime and ill grounded a wicked wisedome and perverse policy to keep backe ones friend in whom vertue appeares It is of follies the
abundance being in Autumne did so spoile the wayes and raise the waters and wet the Souldiers with their armour that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot and 8000. horse and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian not sparing the religious houses and persons such as Newbotle Melrosse and Dribrough with the Monkes thereof The French Admirall better remembring and more carefull of his Masters directions then considering what was fit to bee done dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell But the Earle knowing better and regarding more the good of his Countrey and weighing with judgement the English power and forces would no wayes listen to him he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time And that he might the better see the English forces he tooke him up to a hill from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order which when the Admirall had seen and considered thereof hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes saying that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares and 30000. of all other sorts and the most part of those not well armed where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse and 60000. Archers which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour then a valiant Warriour he resolved not to hazard a battell but determined to take another course which he did for he entered England on that quarter which was furthest distant from the English Army and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Countrey neare to it The King of England being advertised hereof purposed to have followed him and forced him to fight but being better advised and put in mind no question of what had beâ—…allen his Grandfather Edward the third at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James he altered his purpose and marched the readiest way home And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes they returned without encountring or fight of other In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring and so they sat downe before it but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen who would needs have the Castle to bee given to them and to belong to the King of France when it were wonne from the enemy This demand did so offend the Scots that they could by no means heare of it and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres who rob and steal and use all manner of force and violence there arose many times great strife and many quarrells between the Country people and them for the Country people watched them when they were alone or but few together and sometimes robbed them of their horses sometimes of their valises and luggage sometimes they hurt and at other times slew of them The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell and the common people answered that they had received more losse and hurt by the French who professed themselves to be friends then they had done by the English who were sworne enemies And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland was willing partly to bear with their faults as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people but could hardly pacifie them yet at last with great instancy and entreatie being greatly favoured and generally well beloved and popular hee obtained that the common Souldiers and the Army should be suffered to returne into France and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied who had then sent for them and withall order taken with the dammage done by them This was the aide and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time It was very small before and it is now to very little purpose more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey then of importance against the enemy Aâ—…ter their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two moneths and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way they returned into Scotland And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid without which there greater enterprises were ever performed neither was there ever either by these or by others before or since though we looke over all Histories any great exploit atchieved All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times and some such trifles scarce worth the naming in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Countrey which I remark again and commend to the Reader to be truely considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces as is wrongfully surmised but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Countrey all manner of wayes and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause then the force of France if it were put all together did ever to this houre The yeare following the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fife and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle entered into England with an Army of three thousand men passing the water of Solway so secretly that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way Wherefore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie they returned home through Cumberland Westmerland and Northumberland into Scotland again without any encounter Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fife made a road into England in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland which did great harm in the Merse and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn For the Scots irritated herewith boyled with deâ—…ire of revenge being at that time very flourishing
him happily aâ—…chieved for the good of his Countrey In Piety hee was singular through his whole life and most religious according to those times He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons for whose use he founded the Colledge of Bothwell Out of his zeal and sincerity he expelled the Nuns of the Abbacie of Lincloudon and changed it into a Colledge of Clerks because the Nuns saith Boetius kept not their institution of their order and Major faith it is to be presumed that they kept not their Chastitie otherwise he could never have thrust them out And in this he commendeth him as having an eye to Religion and a speciall care of the pure and sincere worship of God as his onely end and intention As for his prudence and providence it appeareth that he did greatly encrease his Revenues and enlarge his Dominions hee was trusty and faithfull in his promises and carried a minde free from all ambition and vain glory All vertues greatly to bee accounted of and imitated of all Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord the fourth Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale first Duke of Turrane Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald the Grimme succeeded his second sonne named also Archbald he was married to Margaret daughter to King Robert the third and second of the Stuarts She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden with this inscription on her Tombe Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis filia Comitissa de Douglas vallis Anandiae Gallovidiae Domina Here lies Margaret daughter to the King Countesse of Douglas Lady of Annandale and Galloway He had by her two sonnes Archbald to whom Thomas Flemine Earle of Wigton resignes the Earledome of Wigton and he is entitled during his fathers life time Archbald Earle of Wigton his other sonne was James Lord Abercorne called grosse James Hee had alâ—…o two daughters Margaâ—…et married to Sir William Sinclair Earle of Orkney who was fifth in line â—…rom the Earle of Saint Clarences second sonne that came first out of France and was sonne to Giles or Egidia Douglas daughter to the Earle of Niddisdale Elizabeth was the other who was married to John Stuart Earle of Buchan second sonne to Robert the Governour afterward Constable of France her dowry or portion given with her in marriage were the lands of Stuarton Ormeshugh Dunlope Trabuyage in Carrict by resignation This Archbald is hee who was called Tine-man for his unfortunate and hard successe he had in that he tint or lost almost all his men and all the battels that hee fought This nick-name or cognomination in the old manuscript of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill and callâ—…th this Archbald one eye for distinction because of the losse of his eye in a battell against Percie But that surname of Tyne man cannot bee given so conveniently to the former Archbald who lost onely one field and himself in it whereas this man ever lost his men himself escaping often hee is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane But however he be named it is true that no man was lesse fortunate and it is no lesse true that no man was more valorous as will appeare by the History At his beginning to bee Earle a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Army and came to Edinburgh where he besieged the Castle in the which the Duke of Rothsay Prince of Scotland and with him the Earle of Douglas were The Governour of Scotland raised an Army to have given him battell and was come to Calder-more but went no further and there disbanded his Army The English Histories say that the Governour sent word to the King of England that if he would stay for him but sixe dayes onely he would give him battell and that the Herauld got a silke gowne and a gold chain for his newes from the King but the King having stayed twice sixe could heare nothing of his coming The cause of the Governours slacknesse is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish and be taken out of the way that he himself might come to the Crown Now as all do agree that he had these ambitious thoughts so Major sheweth that there was also some other particular between them whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this There was one John Remorgeny who first laboured to perswade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governour and then when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle he dealt with the Governour to cut off the Duke his Nephew as one that would ruine him if ever he should come to be King This Remorgeny was seconded by Lindsay who was upon the plot with him and helped it forward upon malice against Rothsay who had betrotâ—…ed his sister anâ—… rejected her as he had done to the Earle of Marches eldest daughter This seemeth not to be unlikely and giveth some further light to the History as containing the cause of the Governours not releeving the Castle of Edinburgh It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counsellours who are to be noted and avoided And I marvell much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers I thought it not to be omitted in this place as an instance of feare concurring with ambition in the Governour and indeed these two are commonly joyned together and take matter each of other Ambition bringeth feare with it and feare spurreth forward ambition toward that it aimes at as being not onely honourable but necessary and the onely meane to secure a mans selfe especially where it lighteth upon such Counsellours as these were to blow the fire whereof Princes had need to be aware and stop the entrie to the first motions thereof The blacke booke of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himselfe to be semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini halfe a Scot of the bloud of the Cummins and that he tooke the most High to witnesse that he was not come to hurt the Countrey but onely to have reason of some of the Nobilitie who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitour in the superlative degree which letters his men had intercepted and to trie if the Authours of these letters durst fight it with him The Manuscript saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter but it being valiantly defended by the Earle Douglas he was constrained to rise from before it with great losse and discontentment and no great credit especially for that the winter drew on apace having sat downe before it about the end of September I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great
so farre as to cast off the Earles sister whereof we heare nothing And even in that case seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife and therefore such fallings out are often born with in Princes upon that hope it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort however whether through his absence or negligence or that having small hope of amendment he would not meddle in it the Duke persists in his lewd wayes and growes rather worse then better Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him as hee was bound by so neare alliance Neither do we heare how he carried himself toward the Earles sister his wife or whether shee had any children by him or not though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers This is clear that neither party had any contentment or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected brought to passe with so great trouble disquiet and mischiefe in the Kingdome â—…a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing and not to seeke it over eagerly though it seem never so advantagious in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things But to returne to our prisoner wee see him hurt defeated a captive but neither disgraced nor discouraged no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends or enemies who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory which was obtained rather by the multitude of men then meer valour neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas for what they had received of them before however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses Douglas and Percie were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging and dejecting their spirits and bâ—…ed not hatred but an higher though emulous esteem of each towards other This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not diminish but rather increase his praise and glory and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre and on a more eminent subject and powerfull enemy for not long after the Earle of Northumberland whether for envie of King Henries good successe to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him which hee had taken at West Nisbet and at Homildon of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King or for what ever other cause the said Earle entered into league with Edmond Owen and some other Lords against the King with such confidence that they made a tripartite Indenture wherein they divided all England into three parts to each of them a third whereupon Percie esteeming highly of the Douglas valour having had good proofe thereof at Homildon offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise and shew himself as valiant on his side as hee had done against him that he should not onely be let goe without ransome but also if they prevailed he should have Berwick and a part of Northumberland for his reward Douglas who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England gladly accepted the condition and getting leave to come home returned again at the time appointed well accompanied with many of his friends and followers The leading of the vantguard was committed to him which place he discharged bravely and behaved himself so as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession for after the Scots who were led by him had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward conducted by the Earle of Stafford and forced them to give back having almost broken their ranks the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes and renewed the fight more fiercely then before Douglas and Percie perceiving the King to be there in person bent their whole forces towards him with such violence that if George Dumbarre Earle of March who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place Douglas had certainly slain him for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard that he bore all down before him and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands who had been made Constable of England that same day as also three more who were apparelled like the King and when the K. restored the battell again and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell hee said aloud in great choler and indignation where the Devil were all these Kings borne and withall running fiercely at him beat him from his horse and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt the Kings Standard-bearer and overthrew the Standard But the K. was rescued and mounted again by those that were about him especially by his owne sonne afterward Henrie the fifth and so escaped At last the victory fell to the Kings side who had behaved himself most valorously and is reckoned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him who did both by word and example encourage his Souldiers that they renewed the fight slew the Lord Percie and with him discomfited the whole Hoast The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner and brought to the King who would on no wise consent to have him put to death though divers perswaded him to it but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend and praised his valour which he honoured much in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds and sent him rich presents Some write that being asked by those of the Kings side why hee did joyne with such traitours against the King his reply was onely this It seemeth saith hee that the King is yet alive though divers Kings have been killed to day This answer being so full of resolution and courage and void of all fear did move the King to regard him so much the more They tell also that being hurt in his privie members when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds and complaining hee said at last when hee had hard them all They sit full still that have a riven breike The speach continueth still in Scotland and is past into a Proverb which is used to designe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine and say but little
third or for his neglecting himself in his captivity or for that he esteemed all that government of Robert and Murdock to be an usurpation of the Crowne and feared the like hereafter or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice is uncertain However being resolved to ridde himself of them he thought it the safest way to make them fast who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it as he desired Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds and drawn them to his course or at least taken order with them to sit quiet And this was not long a doing for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly releeved and some of them also put upon the others quree or assise as Douglas March Angus Arrole But by what means he hath constrained them to be content or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them to let them see that those men were guilty of death or what crime they died for if any new conspiracy or what else our Histories tell us not which is a great defect in them Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King otherwise they would never saith hee have condemned such men to death Princes of the blood as wee may call them and their owne especiall friends And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing and the issue thereof For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas and kept him long in prison till at last by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats he and the Earle of Rosse were released Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly but Hollinshed is pleased out of sume partiall humour as should seeme to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain and this is all the difference betwixt them It was some yeares after his first committing but what yeare it is not condiscended upon Some say it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice which is not mentioned by any And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded whereof Major complaineth saying that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas and John Lord of Kennedie the Kings owne sister sonne for both were committed Douglas in Logh-leeven and Kennedy in Stirling for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly or for matters of weight or if for trifles onely and for his owne pleasure Others insinuate a cause but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know whether it were just or unjust which is the light and life of History and the right end and use thereof for they say no more but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly and somewhat more freely then became them of the estate and government of the Countrey What use can any man make of this generality rashnesse may be a fault yet perhaps none at all in them of whom it is spoken they being Privie Counsellers Likewise the phrase freelier than became is so generall that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied neither can posteriry either King or Subject judge of this fact whether it were right or wrong or whether the example were such as men ought to follow or forbeare and avoid It should have been expressely set downe what they spake to whom if to the King himselfe or to others In what sort if by way of admonition counselling or advising or if by forme of cavilling detracting murmuring mutining and such other circumstances whereon the judgeing of it chiefly dependeth In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve praise or censure them In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde and category with the Earle Douglas apparently it hath not been spoken in malice seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends such as these Kennedies were having approved thereof And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King or if the King being without malice is very hard for how shall a King know that will not heare hee cannot know all by himself And how shall he heare if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely he cannot heare all by himself Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill and it may bee hath done this same Prince no good And what ever it was that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake or the Kings owne sake or for both why might not the King thinke there might be errours And why might hee not then have heard them To have proceeded so vehemently for their hath been great veâ—…emency in it to have cut off his owne kinsmen and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at it was most important and worthy to be considered of whether or not it were best for him in policie to do Doubtlesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe when all the rest were cut off first by the King And was it nothing to lose the Nobility to alienate their hearts to irritate them by imprisonments forfeitures hath it not done ill thinke you and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason looking for the favour of the offended Nobility or for neutrality and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice when he saw the people grieved therewith And wisely in that hee â—…as carefull to keep the hearts of the people But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved was it enough that they would not or durst not perhaps or could not openly rebell was it not something to want their affections to want the edge and earnestnesse thereof to relent them to coole them Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie greater then they found yet in hope of it to go on with their designes and hath furthered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued What ever the cause were he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort in that he releaseth him and in token of a full reconcilement makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes twinnes which was in those dayes no small honour and signification of good will and a pledge of intimate friendship He made also his sonne William though but a childe of five yeares of age the first knight of fiftie who were dubbed at that solemnity as the Manuscript affirmeth By which actions as he honoured Douglas so did he withall honour himself in the eyes of the people and of forrainers gracing his Court and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere farre more then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men who were but
of times done before they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men These reproaches and brags touched and were meant of the Earle Douglas Him it was they called Captain of theeves because of the border men of whom many were his followers That they removed him often before was idle boasting for he had abstained to come to the King so long as the King was in their custody so long as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh where they might have murthered him as they did his Cousins That he was their enemy he denied not and had just cause so to be but to take that excuse from them he gave them assurance he should not proceed against them any wayes but by order of law and offered for that purpose to goe from Court till they should come to it in safetie And to meet their reproach of captain of theeves and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices hee was ready to prove that they themselves were theeves that they had stollen the Kings revenues and distributed to their friends and converted them to their owne particular use and that they had traiterously against justice murthered his Cousins whereof he besought the King to grant him justice and so a new charge was given out and another day appointed for them to compeir Which being come and they not compeiring they were denounced rebells in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November and their goods and moveables confiscated Thereafter John Forrester of Corstorphin a depender of the Earle Douglas is sent with a power of men to intromet with their goods who having received their houses some he razed some he manned with new forces and provision and so without resistance he returned laden with great spoil Hee was scarce retired when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine furrowed the lands of Corstorphin together with the lands of Strabrock Abercorn and Black-nesse and amongst other goods he drave away a race of mares that the Earle Douglas had brought from Flanders and were kept in Abercorn doing more harme then he had received This may seem strange to any man neither do our Histories sufficiently cleare it either where he got these forces or whither he carried the goods They insinuate that he was aided and assisted under-hand by Bishop Kennedie and the Earle of Angus and Morton Angus was the Kings Cousin germain sonne to his fathers sister and by her brother to the Bishop Morton had married the Kings owne sister But of these the Bishops power lay beyond Forth for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the Earle of Angus further beyond Tay so it is hard to conceive either how they could suddenly assemble to their folks or that they could conveene many except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale Jedward Forrest and Bonkle likewise Mortons lands and friends were most part on the same side of Forth to make assistance against the Earle Douglas But how ever apparantly they did it not openly and this it was against order against authority and against Law and if the Earle Douglas had done it it would assuredly have been called an open Rebellion against the King theft oppression presumption arrogancie insolencie and faction as we heard it was before when he contemned the Governours onely and as it will be called perhaps hereafter If men alledge that the King was guided with the Earle Douglas counsell and his name used to a particular onely tell me I pray you was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton And if the Earle Douglas his particular was in it what then how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men without the mixture of their cause without their particular suiting and particular insisting and if it be lawfull to any to seek justice for his own particular the Earle Douglas his particular was such as very well became him to insist in the wrong so manifest the murther so vile and traiterous And if that which is done against the lawes shall not be accompted wrong nor esteemed to touch the King because parties have their particular in that law none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king or against law for there is almost ever some particular joyned and the same hath been and wil be the Earle Douglas his case This therefore cannot be accounted innocencie yea no lesse then open violence and plaine rebellion and presumption against the Earle clad now with justice and lawes and against the king as protector and Patron of justice No marvell then if the Earle Douglas was offended herewith both for his own cause whom the losse touched so neere and for such manifest contempt of the King and if therefore he seeke to be avenged thereof But there was a different forme to be used according to the different actours of which we seâ—… there are two sorts Creighton and Levingston were open enemies open actours they themselves obnoxious to the law against them the law will strike and so he proceeded with them he besieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it The others not open enemies and actours themselves they were but secret stirrers up abetters and assisters of his enemies and among them Bishop Kennedie was the chiefe plotter and deviser the law could not well be had against him he must be met with in his owne way he had done besides the law he must be met with besides the law he had done disadvowedly he must be met with disadvowedly Therefore he writes to the Earle of Crawford who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great hoast entred life and without resistance spoiled the Bishops lands either because they could not get himself or because they had a greater minde to the bootie then to the quarrell The Bishop using his own weapons curseth them but they made small reckoning of his curses Neverthelesse shortly after there fell variance between Crawfords eldest sonne the master of Crawford and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides they were readie to fight it out But the Earle of Crawford having gotten advertisement came into the field to have composed the busines and trusted they would have respected him and not have offered him any violence he entred in between the two parties where having stayed his sonnes companie he was going over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parlee and treatie In the meane time one that neither knew what he was nor what his intent was runnes at him with a spear and slayes him hereupon the battells joyning the victorie fell to the Master of Crawford there being 500. slaine of the Oglebees side Alexander Oglebee taken and the Earle
private enemies And for the other crimes that his enemies alledged against him small presumptions cold conjectures and no appearance there was of them But above all this the greatest pitie is that they had power to bring such a King to commit such a fact contrary to his faith and promise solemnely sworne and sealed by himselfe and by his nobility to breake the bonds of all humane society It is worthy the considering to see their pretences and arguments set downe by Writers which they used to move and induce him to consent and yeeld to this strange and unnaturall fact A Paradox in truth though a Maxime in Matchivellisme one of them is Necessitie for they make him beleeve first that the Earle Douglas did aspire then that hee was so powerfull that there was no other remedy for his aspiring all they bring is but weake presumptions and for his strength and power hee was strong enough indeed to defend himselfe against his enemies or an unjust force and violence but it had beene another matter unjustly to have invaded the Kingdome for which hee was not so strong as justice and a just title to a Crowne which are of great force and against which that force which otherwise and in another case may bee great will prove nothing for God hath given his image of authority with it which so affects the hearts of men that they cannot but regard it and this image being imprinted in their hearts is not easily abolished but by very enormous faults and even sâ—…rce by any faults though never so extraordinary So that it was errour in them to thinke or craftinesse to perswade that there was no remedy in a just authority to defend it selfe by it selfe and without forgoing it selfe and becoming injustice and that in such a hatefull manner Whereas by the contrary this their way was not so safe and so certain a mean to defend himselfe but had almost been the meane to deprive him of what hee would have had men thinke hee preserved by it that is his Crowne for the fact being so viâ—…e and base it not onely moved the friends and followers of the Earle Doâ—…glas his house to rebellion but also incensed the whole common people for that if his brother who succeeded had beene as politicke as hee was powerfull the King might have beene set beside his Throne And as it was he was once in a great brangling and had resolved to quit the Countrey had it not beene for James Kennedies counsell who was Bishop of S. Andrewes so farre was this fact from establishing his Throne as they made him beleeve it would doe Then for the honesty and lawfulnesse of it it is to be diligently weighed It is lawfull say they to catch fraud in the owne craftinesse And indeed that saying is most true good and conforme to all wisedome being rightly understood thus Let fraud worke on fraudfully untill hee be intangled and intrapped in his owne fraud and so become guiltie and obnoxious to a lawfull and orderly avengement by justice but that men to meet fraud may justly use fraud and that against all promises seales subscriptions or oathes to the extremitie of murthering changing justice into injustice in the very seat of justice is not nor ever was nor ever can bee justified under any pretext whatsoever as being that which breaketh the bands of humane society It is an unworthy Kingdome which cannot otherwise defend it selfe and it is unworthy of a King to stoupe to such unworthy and base wayes It hath also beene by some pretended elsewhere to cover the foulnesse hereof that hereby much bloudshed is eschewed which would have beene before such a man could have beene cut off which I marvell is not alledged here also But that is frivoulous amongst the rest for it is the cause of much more bloud shedding because it takes away all trust and so peace untill the warres end by the destruction of one party which without trust cannot end by reconcilement besides this they insinuated it unto the King as a point of want of courage in him and cowardise if hee durst not so much as deceive his enemy whereby they would meane that it was courage to deceive him An unhappy dareing to dare to doe wrong and very far mistaken and misnamed And last of all they halfe menace to abandon him and provide for themselves and their own safety by taking part with Douglas as the stronger partie whom if the King did not make away they would follow him and that there was no other remedy left to them Such boldnesse were they come to thus to threaten their master and Soveraign And such is the weaknesse of that place where it submitteth it selfe to servants By these meanes was this good King farre contrary to his owne nature drawne on by them who had his eare to this unnaturall fact as to that which was most lawfull and flat necessary yet was neither this pretended necessitie nor alledged lawfulnesse sufficient to defend it even in the judgement of the doers themselves And therefore the Courtiers found out another mean to put some faire face at least some colourable excuse upon it as they thought for being ashamed of those allegiances or distrusting that they would bee accepted for just causes of breach of faith and fearing they should be detested of all men they gave it out that the slaughter was not committed of set-purpose but that it fell out onely by chance and that the King had no intention to kill him till he himselfe by his indiscretion procured it having irritated the King by his presumptuous answers But this is a weake excuse to commit murther contrary to promise although hee had answered so but there is no appearance of it that it was but a sudden passion neither was it beleeved in those dayes as may be seen by the perswasions given him by the Courtiers which while Writers set downe they witnesse it was a set draught and fore plotted For they say plainly also that the Courtiers would have had it appearing that it came by his arrogancy in his carriage and answers but not that it was so indeed besides there is a received tradition that James Hamiltoun of Cadzow pressing in to follow the Douglas Liviston being Uncle to James and knowing the Earle was to die gave him a blow on the face and thrust him backe from the gate James Hamiltoun drew his sword which the other little regarding held him off with a long halbert and made the guard shut the gate against him was exceeding angry at this affront in the time but after when hee heard the Earle was killed hee knew it was done for his safety Hee had given too much matter for his enemies to worke on by his rash journey into England and private conference with the King and Queene there but this had beene forgiven him as an oversight onely whâ—… the King had apparently tried and found to bee nothing else hee had beene vehement in the
casting downe their Houses and Castles Huntley being returned to the North not onely recompensed the dammage done to him by the Earle Murray but also compelled him out of his whole bounds of Murray yet it was not done without conflict and mutuall harme for Huntley coming to Elgin in Murray found it divided the one halfe standing for him the other halfe and almost the other side of the street standing for the Earle Murray wherefore he burnt that halfe which was for Murray and hereupon rose the Proverb Halfe done as Eglin was burnt While he is there Murray assembled his power which consisting most of footmen he sate downe upon a hill some two or three miles off called the Drum of Pluskardein which was unaccessible to horsemen Huntley forrowed his lands to draw him from the hill or at least to bee revenged of him that way thinking hee durst not come into the plain fields and not thinking it safe to assault him in a place of such disadvantage But Murray seeing Huntlies men so scattered came out of his strength and falling upon foure or five hundreth horsemen drave them into a bogue called the bogue of Dunkintie in the bounds of Pittendreigh full of quag-mires so deep that a speare may be thrust into them and not finde the bottome In this bogue many were drowned the rest slaine few or none escaping of that company There are yet to be seene swords steel-caps and such other things which are found now and then by the Countrey people that live about it They made this round ryme of it afterward Where left thou thy men thou Gordon so gay In the Bogue of Dunkintie mowing the Hay These victories in the North together with the repulse at least the retreat of the Earle Douglas from the Castle of Dalkeith did so encourage the King that he began to conceive better hopes of his affaires and by the counsell of Archbishop Kennedie he called a Parliament at Edinburgh and summoned the Earle Douglas and his partners to compeir thereat But the Earle was so farre from obeying that he caused plackards to be affixed upon the Church doores and other publick places sealed with his seale containing in effect that from thenceforth he would neither obey citation nor other commandement of the Kings nor in any sort commit his life to him who having allured his Cousins to Edinburgh and his brother to Stirlin under safe conduct had traiterously murthered them without any order of law and contrarie to his oath Hereupon he and his three brethren Archbald Hugh and John together with Beatrix Relict of Earle William were declared Rebels and forfeited and with them Alexander Earle of Crawford and James Lord Hammiltoun and that the number of the Nobilitie might not seeme to be diminished by their forfeiture there were divers new Lords created and the goods and lands of the forfeited given to them Thereafter an Armie was levied to pursue them their lands were wasted their goods driven away their cornes destroyed and then winter comming on because the Armie could not lie in the fields they were dismissed and appointed to meet againe in the spring But the Earle Douglas seemed to make small account of all this and that the grandour of his house which was growne to that great height by that great marriage might not be impaired and that estate transferred to strangers he takes to wife the foresaid Beatrix and deales with the Pope for a dispensation and confirmation of the marriage But that sute was crost by the Kings Letters I finde it in an ancient book written of the Douglasses in meeter that she her selfe alledged that her first husband Earle William had never carnall copulation with her and that she gave her oath thereupon which giveth some colourable excuse to this fact which otherwise is so enormous and void of all appearance that he could have beene so shamelesse as to have gone about it without some such reason or pretext which therefore I would not omit to intimate and I remember not that I have read it elsewhere However it were he kept her as his wife and continued the warres that yeare and the next two yeares pillaging and wasting the Kings possessions and the King doing the like to him especially in Annandale Galloway and the Forrest Hereupon ensued a Famine and upon the Famine a Pestilence Townes and Castles were destroyed on both sides and no kinde of hostilitie pretermitted The King notwithstanding caused trie indirectly whether the Earle could be perswaded to yeeld himselfe to him and the wiâ—…est of his friends counselled him to doe it alledging that his Predecessours had often done so chiefly seeing he had a King of a gentle nature and who would be entreated by friends not to extinguish so noble a Familie and undoe so many Noblemen as joyned with him or to redact them to that necessitie that they should be forced to take a course for themselves that it would be easier for him to get some good quarters now while matters were as yet not past reconciliation and while his friends were about him then afterward when he should be deserted and left alone then there would be no hope of pardon To this he answered That he would never commit himselfe to the credit of those whom neither shame nor honestie could binde who regarded neither the law of God nor man but having allured his Cousins and Brother with faire promises had so traiterously and cruelly slain them that hee would rather suffer all extremity then come into their power This speech was approved or reproved according to every mans disposition some praising his magnanimitle and courage some disliking his obstinacie exhorting him not to lose this good occasion of making his peace which if his friends wearie of troubles should abandon him he would repent afterwards He persisted in his opinion and what for detestation of the fact what for feare to be used after the same manner himselfe if he should come into the Kings power as it falls out and must of necessity where trust which is the ground of all peace and reconciliation is taken away not suffering any thought of peace to come into his minde resolved himselfe to trie the fortune of warre But the Earle Crawford being wearie of so long troubles apprehending the iniquitie of the cause and weighing with himselfe the common changeablenesse of all humane affaires and knowing that pardon would be easily granted to him who should preoccupy the Kings favour and uneasie and difficult to those that should continue in armes being left by a part of his friends and suspecting the fidelitie of the rest as the King was journeying through Angus he casts himselfe in his way with a habit most composed to move pitie bare footed and bare headed he plainly confessed his offences in times past put himselfe absolutely in the Kings will commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessours that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him had happened by his
greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by Gâ—…orge Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennediâ—…s and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Loch-mabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have bâ—…ene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that hee discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the
beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from mee betake themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they uâ—…ed ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stiâ—…l behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime
in Policie and that plausible to many That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions yet it is certain that without great Subjects there can be no great service Things may be shufled at home but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose or of note But now the question is where great men are already whether it bee best thus to undoe them and make up new men by their ruine or not a thing worthy to bee considered and also whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses and if possible whether it were not better to doe so then to goe about to undoe them whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard as we see that though it may succeed at last as it did here yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie Truely that which made it to succeed was the very honest heart of this last Earle James who if either hee would have turned English and cast off all respect to his native Prince or entered into battell against him at Abercorne it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men and not rather to have used them well that were become already great And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side but the onely providence of God who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas but to continue it in the right line which though the Douglas did not aime at yet being driven to this necessity either to lose his owne estate or to take the Crowne in case of victory hee could hardly have refused it if it should have come to that but hee chose rather to lose his owne and lost it indeed by a rare modesty which is even disallowed by Writers who interpret it to have beene fearefulnesse or lazinesse so hard is it to know the right and not to incurre some censure in our actions how ever it bee this appeares most certain that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good and that even in this man Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into they were drawne to them by the malice of â—…eir particular enemies and the Princes assisting fostering and maintaining them in their wayes thereby to undoe that Earledome jealous of their Crowne and that they might reigne perhaps with greater libertie and fuller absolutenesse which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe so long as they stood But it comes not ever so to passe and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes which were not many yet in his sonnes dayes wee shall see it fell out otherwayes for out of these mean men at least in respect of the house of Douglas there arose some who proved as great and greater restrainers of that liberty then ever the Earles of Douglas were So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men to obtain greater liberty wee see it is not alwayes attained and doth not ever follow upon it yea wee shall see that almost it never or but for a very short while produceth that effect It is therefore worthy to be examined whether it be to be sought or to be bought at so deare a rate such hazard and trouble But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world let men consider it and reverence the Ruler Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coenobio inclusus Quid rides rasumque caput cellaeque recessum Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror Fortunâ volvente vices fiet modo Princeps Plebeius Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne My Cell my Cloyster and my hooded Gowne This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen By whom Monkes Monarches Monarches Monkes have been Another Both Fortunes long I tri'd and found at last No State so happy as an humble rest Georgius Angusiae comes Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho Scotorum eripuit te duce parva manus Te duce Duglasius victus quoque Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae Sed consanguinei sed quid meruere propinqui O furor O rabies perdere velle suos Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera morsu Stirpem quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis unde genus Non me ventosa ambitio non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram poteram vel ferre priorem Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram Ast Regi parere jussa facessere fixum Fas quoque semper erat fas mihi semper erit George Earle of Angus Thou ledst a handfull who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick victory Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind Increast thy honour but against thy friend And kinsman what strange fury turn'd thy force What madnesse to destroy thy owne 't was worse Then Vipers cruelty compell'd to eat Their way or die thine was a needlesse hate No vain ambition oversway'd my heart No love of wealth no envie had a part In what I did I could an equall beare Nay did not grudge though Douglas greater were Content with what I had I happy liv'd But 't was my Prince his will and 't is beleev'd Lawfull and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King without respect of bloud Aliud A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit Duglasios nemo cùm posset vincere solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius Another on the same Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome A Douglas could not have been brought so low Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow Here endeth the first Part containing the History of the House of Douglas THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE DOUGLASSES CONTAINING THE HOUSE OF ANGUS By Master DAVID HUME of Godscroft EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie 1643. Of the House of ANGUS before it came to the name of DOUGLAS THe great and potent House of Douglas of which we may say the best subjects that ever served Prince the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any worthie for their modestie to be seconded by others second to none in all vertue and true worth of valour magnanimitie kindenesse courtesie faithfulnesse to King Countrey and kinred serving their Prince and served by the rest worthily served worthie to be served as knowers of service and recompencers thereof in due proportion and degree as Charters of Lands liberally given do testifie being thus brought to this pitifull end there arose in place thereof the House of Angus of which we come now to speak and to view in the descent of it If we shall consider it in our best discourse with all circumstances due to it and
bond for their relief To return to Earle George we finde that he was a man very well accomplished of personage tall strong and comely Of great wisedome and judgement He is also said to have been eloquent He was valiant and hardie in a high degree His father carrying the name of George also we saw how by his mothers help he raised and advanced the house many wayes almost doubling the estate of it as it was before him this man reares it up a great deal higher upon the ruines of the house of Douglas yet doth he also diminish his own patrimonie and revenues of Angus whiles to gain service and dependancie he bestowes liberally chiefly his lands of Angus for he redacted the greatest part thereof from propertie to superioritie onely there being above 24. Barons and Lords in Angus that hold their lands of the Earles of Angus His determination was fully to follow the King though against his Chief and Cousin But the King who had espoused the quarrell and made the Earle Douglas party was nearer to him in bloud and therefore reason inclined his minde more to him Besides he was a King duety required his assistance Hope also swayed the ballance greatly There is hope of a Kings liberality chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting And he being a Douglas and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas he had great probabilitie to expect a large share in them For to whom could they bâ—… given so justly and pertinently His brother Bishop 〈◊〉 could well egge him on There was no hope of rising for him that huge tree of Douglas standing which over-topt all others and over-shadowed the whole borders and almost the whole Kingdome He was younger this Bishop than Angus but wise vertuous learned and of authority Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves The maiden of Galloway the Earle of Wigtons daughter was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earle as was thought then and the house too great already in the Kings eyes not to beaugmented But he would none of such wisedome he marrieth her himself and disappoints them all who could look for any rising by these mens means Or in their standing in such greatnesse yet the cause seems to go higher than the Kings cause For even when the Earle of Douglas had the Kings authority on his side and Creighton was denounced Rebell Angus assists Creighton against the Kings authority Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time Then hath the house of Angus entred into friendship with Creighton in the dayes of William Earle of Angus which hath continued in the time of Earle James his sonne whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoile in the Baronie of North-Berwick And now that course begun then is here prosecuted by Earle George to the utmost point A pitie of such dissention in these houses or one house rather against which if it had not been thus divided in it self their enemies could hardly have prevailed For it cannot be denyed but the house of Douglas had great wrong and was treacherously dealt with by Creighton neither did it ever intend any thing against the King but the King was drawn to the partie against it though in the good cause of it it committed errours it is to be pitied and lamented for who doth not Also George Earle of Angus declares not himself openly against the house of Douglas for a time The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne Neither after that untill such time as the King declared himself openly slew William Earle Douglas at Stirlin and made open Warre against James who succeeded to him Then he also declared for the King and bent his whole force and power to aide him He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May taken a course for keeping good order in his Countrey of Liddesdale and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him and that his folks should do no hurt to others nor receive any of the enemies He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers Sheriffe of Roxbrough and William his sonne Bailiffs of Liddesdale and keepers of the Castle who undertook and bound themselves to do what we have said for which he allowed them a large recompence and reward as the Indenture thereof yet extant doth testifie He is stiled in it Warden of the east marches William Earle of Douglas being then alive Some give unto him the honour of the battell in which the Earle Douglas was defeated in Annandale where the Earle Murray was slain and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlile and Johnston But however that was in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earle and Henrie Percie Earle of Northumberland on the east border which was his wardenrie in a bloudy battell For the Earle of Douglas and Northumberland a fatall Warriour to the Douglasses having conveened an Army and come to the Merse began to spoile and burn the Countrey But the Earle of Angus set upon the Forragers and drave them to the hoast The Earles moved with this indignitie though many that were gone out to forrage were not yet come in advanced and presented him battell which he also accepted After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength the victorie which a long time was doubtfull which way to incline at last fell to the Earle of Angus not without some losse The number of the slain was equall but the English were put to flight and many of them made prisoners A chief cause of this defeat was the suddennesse of the enemie in giving battell and his not staying for the rest that were abroad and had been sent out to forrage the Countrey For they being laden with bootie when they heard the noise of the fight were so farre from coming to succour their fellows that for fear of loosing what they had gotten they took their way directly home into England This victorie did not a little recreate the King being wearied both with civill and forraine Warre For this service which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas upon a resignation which he had gotten before when the Earle Douglas was forfeited What other Lands he got we have no speciall mention So the Earle Douglas being now forfeited his brother slain himself banished and with small either effect or effort entertaining hostility by small incursions rather than doing any thing for the advanâ—…ing of his main businesse the face of the world was quite changed The Earle of Angus was now made Lord of Douglas and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former
favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either thè English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulnesse I know not by what other
and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ereskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we â—…ear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himfelf so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so great that nothing could be discerned freely so long as he
him having the Douglasses before him There were slain with him the Laird of Howstoun and the Master of Glencarne was sore wounded and hardly saved by the Earle of Angus whose Cousin he was brother and sisters children as is said above After the Battell those that had born arms against the King were enquired after and summoned to compeere in judgement but some of them compounded for money some became dependers to the house of Angus some to the Earle of Arran The obstinate were pursued by Law such as the Earle of Cassils who alledged for himself that he had the Kings Letter to show for his warrant to do what he had done whereupon they desisted from further processe against him which I see no ground why they should have done upon a private Letter and as little reason is there why they could not charge him with the hurting or slaying of some man seeing he was in the Battel It should seem they would not have been so malicious vehement against men as our writers give out or not so pregnant in the inventing of crimes and quarrells as men are now a dayes Cassills was slain by the Sheriffe of Aire his friends a little after at the instigation of Arrans bastard who had killed Lennox at Linlithgow because he stood to justifie himself and refused to become a depender of the house of Arran His son betook himself to the protection of the Douglasses came to Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who was then Thesaurer to the King and was kindely received by him and lovingly entreated as one who for his noble birth and towardlinesse he intended to make his son-in-law Now the Earle of Angus knowing well that Archbishop Beton was one of the chief stirrers up of the Earle of Lennox in this enterprise against him remembring also how he had before stirred up Arran in the same manner and his assisting of him at Edinburgh and many other times goes now to S. Andrews takes the Castle by force and pillageth it but could not apprehend the Fox himself who fled from hole to hole and linked secretly amongst his friends The Queen also lest she should come intoher husbands hands kept her self hid and solitarie These escaped their search After this he went to the Border where he caused the principall of every Name to give pledges and hostages for their good behaviour and keeping of good order And first he went into Liddisdale with an army where they came and yeelded themselves to him and the rest of the Borderers followed their example And now had the Earle of Angus settled all things in all appearance His enemies were overcome on the East hand at Melrosse on the West at Lithgow the Earle of Lennox was dead and his Faction dispersed and broken the Queens authoritie dashed and Bishop Beton beaten out of the cock-pit both put to save themselves by hiding all husht and under hatches no partie no faction no men to make head against him An estate highly esteemed greatly affected and much sought for by men But as in our bodies fulnesse of health hath the own danger so in our estates too great prosperitie and ease are the fore-runners of change which as experience doth teach is even then at the doores when there is least appearance otherwise It fell out just so now while the Douglasses were thus secure of all danger knowing too well and leaning too much to their own strength no partie to take the King from them no place strong enough to keep him in when he were taken nor to keep them out no meanes to effect either the one or the other and threupon grew slothfull in attending him are often abroad about their businesse he findes first the place then the means to escape then the party to maintaine it and at last to over-throw them The Queen his mother had the Castle of Stirlin as a part of her dowrie which while she for fear of the Douglasses hides her self was left emptie and waste and yet not seized on by them who were neither so greedie as men would have them to appear by so much neither so circumspect as wise men should have been to secure themselves knowing the fitnesse of the place for such a purpose the disposition of the owner and the inclination of the King toward themselves Now her fear being somewhat abated and the coasts being clear of them the Queens servants returned thither and furnished it more for show than sufficient resistance of any Force The King making wisely choice of it knowing there was no other place so strong pretending the conveniencie of hunting even to her transacts secretly with her and gives her Methwen in exchange for it with other Lands about Methwen no lesse convenient and profitable for her And so he had gotten his first point a place of retreat The meanes how to retire were easie which was the next He was in Falkland which was not far from Stirlin in a countrey not subject to the Douglasses nor near their forces and power Angus and Sir George his brother are both absent about affairs of the Countrey and none of theirs we hear of that were to attend the King or few and negligent they were as men are wont when they are secure So he goeth from Falkland to Stirlin in the night with a few of his familiar servants as secretly as he could Having gained these two points of them by their errour there rested the third without which these errours had been no errours to them nor advantage to him they had been of no effect nor importance that was a partie to maintain the retreat This is the main point and their main errour the cause and the ground of the other two errours that made them slothfull in seizing that house in attending the King because they laid their ground there could be no partie in Scotland And Buchanan writes concerning the Earle Bothwels refusall to be Lieutenant against them that he saw them a little before to be such as all the rest of Scotland were not able to match them But they took not heed nor considered that then the King was with them However his minde was against them he was in their custodie and power and if any had been ill-affected to them he could be no warrant to any Faction having no assurance of his life which was at their disposing and therefore he could not be a Head to any These considerations being of no small consequence as the event now proves for he is no sooner gone from them than he findes a partie against them now that he could be a Head to a partie He writes for many of the Nobilitie they come all to him others upon the first news of his retiring came without staying till they were sent for So that he quickly found himself free and out of danger to be forced Then by their advice he causeth make a Proclamation that the Douglasses abstaine from all administration and handling of publick affairs
and that none of them or their dependers come within twelve miles of the King under pain of death This Edict being brought to them as they were on their way toward Stirlin many of their friends advised them to go forward but the Earle himself and Sir George resolved to obey and perswaded the rest to do so A dutifull and wise resolution if there was not sufficient power with them to go forward which others that counselled them to go on have thought sufficient And if withall they had resolved to lay down their necks under the yoke and beare whatsoever should be laid upon them But that they did not resolve to do as appeareth afterward therefore they lost here also the occasion which might have procured them peace on better and more equall termes They returned to Linlithgow to remain there till they should hear farther from Court This their 〈◊〉 and not going forward to Stirlin is such an over-sight as a man could scarce have looked for at so wise and resolute heads and hands But where ruine is determined wisedome is taken from the wisest and hearts from the hardiest They will disobey more out of time hereafter The King makes use of that respit of time assembleth more and more Forces summonds a Parliament in September They go to Edinburgh and assemble also their friends more fully Both parties aimed more at their own security and to defend themselves than to offend the other yet they give place again and the second of August leave the City which day the King entred with displayed banner from thence by entreatie of friends he sent conditions to them which if they would obey there was some hope showne of clemencie and gentle dealing towards them These were That the Earle of Angus himself should be confined beyond Spey and his brother Sir George together with his uncle Archbald of Kilspindie should go to prison to the Castle of Edinburgh But they rejected the conditions and thereupon were summoned to compeare at the Parliament in Edinburgh the sixth of September In the mean while their Offices are taken from them the Chancellorship from the Earle which we hear not when it was given to him Archbishop Beton had been Chancellour in the Governours time he had consented to the Triumvirate and afterward had left and forsaken them Then hath it been taken from Beton as far as we can conjecture and given to Angus It was now given to Gawin Dumbar the Kings Pedagogue in law matters one who was no ill man but who was thought to be a greater Schollar than wise and prudent for government The Thesaurers place was taken from Kilspindie and given to Robert Carnecrosse a man better knowne by his bags of money than for his vertues Thus driven to their last hopes they labour to hinder the meeting of the Parliament by taking of Edinburgh where it was to sit and from whence the King was returned to Stirlin For this end they send Archbald of Kilspindie with some troops of horse to assay what he could do A poor shift if they had gotten it But the King had prevented them and sent thither Robert Maxwell who with his friends and dependers assisted by a great number of the Commons excluded them and with watch and ward kept the town till the Kings return Hereupon Angus retired to his house at Tantallon The day of the Parliament being come they were cited accused condemned and forfeited the Earle Sir George Kilspindie and Drummond of Carnock The main cause and clearest evidence given in against them was that the King swore he was ever in fear of his life so long as he vvas vvith them It is strange that his feare should have seemed a sufficient cause and evidence of forfeiture Their absence was no cause for they were prohibited to come vvithin 12. miles of the K. they had forgotten to release them from that command interdiction Sir John Ballandine who was then one of their dependers afterward Justice-Clerk knew it well and did freely and courageously protest in open audience that nothing done there should be hurtfull or prejudicial to the Earle because he had just cause of fear so of his absence which should be declared in the own time which was both an honest part toward his patron and a wise and stout part in it self Upon this protestation the forfeiture was reduced seventeen years after this But for the present it goeth on and an act was also made against such as should receive them that they should be liable to the same punishment of forfeiture Soon after this William Abbot of Halyroodhouse Angus his brother died through sicknesse which he had contracted by grief and sorrow for their estate The rest seeing no appearance of pardon make now for open violence Who can think but it was as unfit now as fit to have used it when they stayed from going to Stirlin But then they have had hope of more favour which hath marred all their course Better late wise than never time was driven but they counted it not lost because by their so long patience they had given proof of their goodwill now they will shew their enemies what power they had then and that it was willingnesse not weaknesse made them to forbeare doing more than they did They burn Cowsland and Cranston and daily rode about Edinburgh in view of the City so that it was in a manner besieged the mean sort suffering for the faults of the great ones By this their proceeding the theeves and broken men of the borders and elsewhere whom they had before restrained in their government loosed from all fear of them waxed bold to come out of their lurking places and greatly molested the Countrey people about them Many outrages were committed by many in many places oppression theft murders and robberies All was imputed to the Douglasses and called their doing by the Courtiers thinking thereby to please the King well There was a Ship called the Martin which being loaden with rich Ware brake about the Skate-raw and the common people came and took away the goods from the owners this was laid also upon them and their faction and followers though nothing of it came to their use unlesse it were that some of their stragling horsemen happening to be there at that time might perhaps get their share with others About this time the King resolves to besiege Tantallon Castle in Lowthian some sixteen miles from Edinburgh and for that purpose causes bring Ordinance Powder and Bullet from Dumbar which was then kept by the servants of the late Governour the Duke of Albanie as a portion of his patrimony There was in Tantallon one Simcon Penangoe with a competent number of men well furnished and provided both of Victuals and Munition The Earle himself remained at Billie in the Merse within his Baronie of Bonkle not willing to shut himself up within the Wals of any strength having ever in his mouth
their own slain of the enemie besides Sir Ralph Ivers and Brien Laton 200. or as others say 800. amongst whom there were divers Gentlemen of good note and qualitie There were taken prisoners 1000. or as others 2000. with all their baggage which had been left at Melrosse of which there were 80. of good birth and qualitie It was no little furtherance to the victory the advantage which the Scots had of the Sunne going down and so beating full in the eyes of the enemy as also of the Winde that blew the smoak of the Powder on their faces likewise so that they were blinded two wayes They had also marched so fast to overtake the Scots that they were quite out of breath almost ere they came to strokes and when they came to them at the first joyning the Scots that were on their side fled without fighting It is said that the Earle of Angus was so resolute and void of feare that when they were going to joyn battell he perceiving a Heron flie over their heads cryed out aloud `` O that I had my white Gose-hawke here we should all yoke at once The honour of the victorie was wholly given to him and the profit came to the Governour But the more honour that Angus got at home of his own countrey-men the more hatred he had of the Enemy the English King Henry blamed him saying he was ungratefull and vowed to be avenged of him for it As if any gratitude could binde a man to betray his Countrey or any benefite tie him to omit his duty toward it Angus had never learned such gratitude of his Predecessours nor could his noble heart stoop to such mercenarinesse And as for his threatnings he looked upon them with the same courage and resolution Is our brother-in-law offended sayes he that I am a good Scottish man Because I have revenged the defacing of the tombes of my Ancestors at Melrosse upon Ralph Ivers They were better men than he and I ought to have done no lesse And will he take my life for that Little knows King Henry the skirts of Kirnetable I can keep my self there from all his English hoste The newes of this victory being come to France the King sent Monsieur de L'orge Earle of Montgomerie into Scotland with 3000. foot and 500. horse to assist against England He gave him also commission to bestow the order of the Cockle or S. Michael on the Governour Angus Huntley and Argyle which he did accordingly De L'orge arrived about the fourth or fifth of July 1545. and moved the Governour to assemble some power of men about 15000. which were mustered at Hadington From thence they went to the Borders and encamped over against Warke an English Castle upon Tweed But they did nothing to any purpose Hereupon the Count Montgomerie returnes into France the rest of that year and the next following with a good part of the year 1547 there was nothing done abroad or at home save that the Cardinall was busied in causing execute such as were of the reformed Religion whereupon followed his own tragicall death and the French Galleyes coming besieged S. Andrewes Castle and carried away the authors of the Cardinals slaughter into France The Earle of Angus hath had no hand in all these broyles for he is never mentioned in any of them Only his naturall son George is said to have gotten the Abbacie of Arbrothe But then if he got it he might have been called Abbot and not Postulat or Postulant which implies that he was ever asking it but got it not In the same year 1547. in August King Henry of England dying his son Edward a childe of some eight or nine years of age succeeded and his Uncle the Earle of Hereford was created Duke of Sommerset and made Protectour of England He levied two Armies to come against Scotland one by sea another by land in which he came himself in person and with him the Earle of Warwick It contained 18000. men He pretended for the cause of his coming the performance of the marriage betwixt the King his Nephew and the young Queen of Scots together with the observation of the Articles agreed upon with the Scottish Nobilitie in the Treatie of Peace with King Henry The Governour was mightily perplexed herewith He had no forraigne aide and he distrusted his Countreymen at home Notwithstanding he causeth it to be proclaimed that they should assemble themselves to resiste the common enemie They had their randezvous at Edinburgh and there came thither to the number of 30000. men From thence they march to Musclebrugh which is seated at the mouth of the river of Eske in Lowthian some foure miles from Edinburgh The English lay at Preston within two miles and their Fleet sailed along the Coast still in the view of the Land army ready to second or succour it The Protector looking down from Carberrie Hill and perceiving the Scottish Army to be greater than he had expected in regard of the civill discord and dissention that was amongst them called a Councell of Warre to advise about the Battell and in the mean time he sends a Letter to the Governour to try if things could be taken away without blood The summe of the Letter was that he was come to crave the performance of the marriage and the observance of the conditions agreed unto by the Scots If they would not yeeld to that yet if they would but promise not to enter into terms of marriage with any other forrain Prince nor carry her out of the Countrey till she were come to years of discretion to choose her own husband they should return in peace and make satisfaction for any dammage their Army had done This was very reasonable but it should have been treated of before they came from home and rather by Ambassadours than in the field and camp It hath never been the cause of their coming with an Army but rather hope that no head could have been made against them in respect of the dissention for Religion and other divisions which perswaded them to come Now the sight of an Army which was a sufficient party for them had taught them wisedome and moderation in their conditions If the Governour could also have moderated his hope of victorie which arose from his confidence in the number of his men the bargaine had been agreed on and the businesse had ended without blood But his councell of Warre his base brother the Bishop of S. Andrews George Durie Abbot of Dumfermling Archbald Beton and Hugh Rigge puffed him up with idle hope of a sure victory So the Letter is supprest and preparation made for battell The Armies were thus ordered The English were divided into three battels Whereof Warwick led the Vaunt-guard together with Sir Francis Brien who commanded 800. light horsemen which were in the wings The Protectour himself commanded in the mid battell having with him Sir Peter Mewtas with 600. Musketiers and Jamboas a Spaniard
done so he had sought a matrimoniall Crowne from the three estates and hardly obtained it after he had been refused at first yet not without consent of a Parliament But by this it appeared they made no account of the estates nor bare no respect unto the customes of the Kingdome Every man thought it a great neglect and derogation to their priviledges but the male-contented called it a tyrannicall usurpation Thus many of the Nobility being discontented withdrew themselves and the want of their presence and countenance in guiding of affaires did alienate the people The principall male-contents were Hamilton Murray Argyle Rothuse Glencairne Against these the King goeth to Glasgow with 4000. men They lay at Pasley and though they were together yet they were not all of one minde The Hamiltons would not hear of any peace alledging there could be no true and firme reconciliation with Princes once offended The rest were not of their opinion they said that matters had been hitherto carried without bloud neither were their differences such but that they might be composed without stroke of sword especially in regard that there were some about their Princes that would both mediate their peace and endeavour to have it faithfully kept The constant practice of their Predecessours and the rule they had ever followed had been this To passe by and not to take notice of the secret and hidden faults of their Princes and to salve those things which were doubtfull by a favourable and charitable construction yea even to tolerate and beare with their open faults and errours as far as might be without the ruine of the common wealth of which nature they esteemed these slips in government to be proceeding from their youth and want of experience which might be redressed by calme and fair means Duke Hamilton himself did like of their moderation but the rest of the Hamiltons refused to assist them upon these terms wherefore they departed all of them save the Duke with some sixteen that attended his Person By this departure they were so weakened that not daring to abide the Kings coming they went first to Hamilton and the day following toward Edinburgh but being shot at from the Castle they took their way through Bigger to Dumfreis to the Lord Harris who had desired them to do so and had made them many faire promises But he failing them they dismissed their Troupes and fled into England All this way the King with his Companies dogged them at the heeles whereupon it was called the Runne-away Rode or runne-about and the wilde-goose chase The King returned to Edinburgh in the latter end of October All this while the Earle of Morton took part with the King and Queen but he was suspected to favour the other side which he did indeed so farre as to wish that the matter might be so taken up that none of their lives were endangered Otherwise he was in a good place and Chancellour for the time But these male-contented Lords being thus removed his house of Tantallon was seized that it might not be a receipt and place of refuge for the Rebels if they should happen to take it But the true cause was Rizio commonly known by the name Signior David had put the King and Queen in some jealousie of Morton the occasion whereof was this This Italian or Pied-montoise was of a Musician risen to such favour that he was become Cabin-Secretary to the Queen and Sir William Metellan Secretary of estate finding himself prejudiced by him who had encroached upon his office as also out of the love he bare to Murray to whom Rizio was a professed enemy bethought himself how to be rid of him Wherefore he appointed a meeting with Morton and the Lord Harris in which he used all the perswasions he could to induce them to cut off that base stranger who took upon him to disturb the Countrey did abuse the Queens favour and set all in a combustion to the dishonour of the Prince and Nobilitie telling them that it belonged to them and such as they were to have a care that such disorders were not suffered unpunished And the more to incite them thereto he alledged the examples of former times omitting nothing which he thought might move them to undertake it But Morton as the Proverb is was as wise as he was wâ—…ely He told him flatly he would take no such violent course he would do what he could by fair meanes for Murrays peace and restitution but as for that way it would oâ—…d the Queen highly and therefore he would not meddle with it Metellan seeing that he could not draw him to it by perswasion casts about how to drive him to it by necessity He betakes himself to Rizio mâ—…es shew as if he were very desirous of his friendship and proffers him his 〈◊〉 so farre as he was able After he had so insinuated with him that he began to have some trust with him he told him that the place he had to be the Queens Closet-Secretarie was neither gainefull nor usuall in this Countrey and that he might easily come by a better The Lord Chancellours office sayes he is the most honourable which is in Mortons hands a man no wayes fit for the place as being unlettered and unskilfull Do but deal with the Queen to estrange her countenance from him as one thâ—… savours Murray a Rebell and with the King to insist in his right to the Earledome of Angus Morton will be glad to sue to you for your favour and to obtain your friendship will be content to demit his place of Chancellour in your behalf Onely in regard that the place being the chief office in the Kingdome must be possessed by a Scottish Nobleman you must first be made a free Denizan and naturalized and have the title of an Earle which the Queen may conferre upon you of her self This Metellan thought would incense Morton against Rizio and force him to do him a mischief Rizio began to follow this advice in so much that the Castle of Tantallon was summoned and delivered into the Kings hands Likewise the King entred heir to his Grandfather Archbald Earle of Angus The Queen also intending to create Rizio an Earle would have bought Melvin Castle with the Lands belonging thereto for the first step of his preferment but the owner would by no meanes part with them And it is very probable that he would have prosecuted the rest of the Plot if he had not been interrupted and dispatched before he could bring it to passe for his credit increased so farre with the Queen that like too big a Saile for a small Barke he was not able to bear his good fortune but being puft up therewith beyond measure he forgot his duty to the King and carried himself so insolently toward him that the King resolved to rid himself of him upon any terms So he imparts his minde to his friends that Rizio must needs be made away Those whom
prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controverâ—…ie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. the Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that Marre having crossed the water of
the Enemie had time to flee safely And now many that before kept within doores for fear began to creep out of their corners and come forth to the Street and joyne themselves with the Earle of Marres men so that the case was quite altered For the Victours and Conquerours leaving their prisoners and their spoyle fled for life to save themselves and divers became prisoners unto their prisoners namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston who was himself killed while he laboured to save the Regents life and the Regent also received his deaths wound They might have utterly destroyed the Enemie but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses so that they could not pursue them And so they escaped we may say on both sides for both were victorious both were vanquished in a few houres space A rare and remarkable example how available and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition and how dangerous in time of Warre to be negligent and secure But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warriour Julius Caesar Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest that in all the exploits of Warre fortune hath great power either to frustrate or make successefull But what he cals fortune we know to be providence and ought so to call and acknowledge it which turnes the wheele of humane affairs beyond and contrary to their expectation If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetuall successe of the maintainers and by their meeknesse and moderation therein the Kings side have had the better and the juster The Regent died that same night and was buried in the Chappell of Stirlin Castle with such solemnitie as the Town and time could afford The Grand-father being dead the next Regent was Marre being chosen the 8. or 9. of September the same year 1571. There were three put on the list Argyle Marre and Morton It is strange they should have made Argyle one who had been all this while on the contrary faction and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most unlesse they were sure how to carry it Many thought Morton should have been the man but he nothing ambitious of the title which was but matter of envie helped to cause Marre be chosen who was a very sufficient and trusty Nobleman able to discharge the place and who had the Kings person in keeping within the Castle of Stirlin The main thing that he did in his Regencie was that he conveened the Countrey and lay about the Town but wanting Artillerie to batter it he returned again to Leith where having divided the Kingdome into quarters he appointed the severall divisions to come to him by turnes with whom having broken the Mils about Edinburgh he placed Souldiers in the villages and Gentlemens houses about it to hinder all kinde of provision from it In the South parts of the Kingdome Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the Kings side especially the town of Jedburgh Wherefore Morton both for this cause as also for a particular against Farnihaste who claimed to be Bailiffe of Jedward Forrest which belonged to the Earle of Angus by inheritance sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse and desired them to subscribe a Band by which all those that were by name insert therein did binde themselves to assist other and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward the Laird of Badrule together with the Trumbles and Rutherfords and divers others The first that wascalled they being all assembled together in Mortons lodging at Leith was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne who flatly refused to subscribe it but said Hee was ready to serve the King as became a faithfull Subject so farre as hee was able but that hee would not binde himself in any Band to any man further than hee was already bound in duty especially such men with whom he would not enter into any societie fellowship or combination He understood chiefly the Trumbles and Rutherfords which names were infamous and most of them reputed theeves and Badrule a notorious one Morton seeing him thus resolute lest the rest might by his example refuse likewise caused him go aside into a back-room and called in the rest The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart who hearing of the Trumbles and Rutherfords refused also to be joyned with them or to subscribe When Morton asked him his reason he answered roundly Because sayes he it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wedderburnes cattell And hath Wedderburne any cattell stollen from him sayes Morton Yes my Lord answered the other that he hath He did not tell me so much sayes Morton But it is true my Lord saith Polwart Well sayes Morton will ye subscribe this Bond I cannot my Lord saith he as the case stands If you do not saith he you shall do worse Worse my Lord saith the other nay rather than do worse I will do it No but saith Morton I do not mean to compell you No but my Lord saith hee you have said enough and so he signed it accounting it threatning and compulsion and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing The rest of the Gentlemen being called seeing Polwarts hand at it made no more scruple but set to theirs likewise After this Morton went to dinner and being set hee remembred himself and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the back-roome and when hee came he asked him Why he did not come to dinner I was saith he lawfully committed my Lord and I would not break prison but stayed till I was lawfully released These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton that hee would use such infamous men and tolerate them for his own ends especially being a publicke person and in the place of justice Yet others did excuse him as being necessitated thereunto by the times there being no other way to counter-poyse the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords alledging withall that it is not fit or possible to observe those Schoolrules precisely in Politick affairs which it seemes hath been his opinion also In February Morton being absent in S. Andrews about the installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunitie went forth and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith burnt some twenty houses thereof and having spoyled and pillaged it returned safe to Edinburgh There was little other thing of moment done by either side during Marres time And now by the Garrisons which lay about Edinburgh hindering Victuall to be brought to them their scarcitie increased so much that they sent to procure an Ambassadour from France and another from Queen Elizabeth to mediate a Peace And for the preamble of
away to bed again he perceived it was he and smiling said to him GOD make you a good man and so went his way From thence forward John conversed in publick and came ordinarily into his sight and presence without being challenged as if he had been formally released from his banishment The Earl of Angus himself had his own discontents and thought him too carefull to preferre provide for his natural sons and not so careful of him as he should have been Besides these that thought themselves dis-obliged he had professed enemies that hunted for all the advantages against him they could devise at home the Castle faction Master John Metellane Sir Robert Melvin Pittadraw and abroad in France the Lord Seton Farnihaste Waughton who was not very busie the Bishops of Glasgow and Rosse Ambassadours and Agents for the Queen These things like warts or freckles in a beautifull body seemed to stain the lustre of his government and though they may be thought but small slips and weaknesses yet they made impression in the mindes of some and in the own time brought forth hard effects albeit in respect of his place wisedome and power like slow poyson they were long ere they did shew forth their operation There fell out a businesse in the year 1576. the 7. of July which men looked should have brought on warre with England Sir John Forester Warden of the middle March in England Sir John Carmichael Warden for Scotland met for keeping of the Truce at a place called The Red Swire There the Scottish Warden desired that one Farstein an English man who had been filed by a Bill of goods stolne from Scotland should be delivered as the custome was to the owner of the goods to be kept by him untill he were satisfied for them The English Warden alledged that the man was fugitive and so the Warden was not bound to answer for him or deliver him but the party endammaged was to seek redresse of any that should be found to receive or harbour him in their houses Sir John Carmichael taking this not to be spoken in sinceritie but for a shift to frustrate justice urged and pressed the matter more hardly desiring him to speak and deal plainly without sparing any maâ—… for fear or favour but regarding onely what was just and right according to equitie and reason Sir John Forester thinking himself taxed of partialitie beganne to bee angry and in a contemptuous manner bad Carmichael match himself with his equalls and not with him who was above him both in birth and quality and therewith hee rose up from the place hee sate in and walked a little away from thence The English Borderers chiefly they of Tindall being all Bow-men when they perceived their Warden displeased glad of occasion to trouble the Peace sent a flight of arrows amongst the Scots whereby they killed one of them and wounded diverse The Scots who looked for no such thing and were gone some to Cards and some to other Pastimes being scattered here and there fled at the first many of them At length some few about twenty persons taking courage and calling to the rest to stay and stand to it they joyned together and charged the English so fiercely that they slew divers of them amongst whom was Sir George Heron a worthy Gentleman and well beloved of both the Countreyes whom they would have been loath to have hurt if the heat of the conflict had not carried them to it unawares Sir John Forester and the Gentlemen that were with him were taken prisoners and brought into Scotland to the Regent He entertained them kindely and honourably but detained them as lawful prisoners and breakers of the Peace till the Queen of England sent for them It was expected that this should have bin an occasion of warre but the Regent was nothing afraid of the matter He knew them and they him he entertained friendship with them after his wonted manner and sent many Scottish Falcons for a present to the Courtiers of England whereof one made a jest saying That hee dealt very nobly and bountifully with the English in that he gave them live Hawkes for dead Herons alluding to Sir George Heron who was slain The businesse came to a treatie and the Regent came in person to Foulden in the Merse where the English Commissioners met him They agreed on these termes That the goods should be restored and for satisfaction and repairing of the Queens honour Carmichael should go to London and come in the Queens will He went as far as York where being come the 26. of September he was detained there some five or six weeks and so was dismissed Concerning restitution of the Goods the Regent caused make a Proclamation by which he commanded all that were on this side of Forth to come to him at Edinburgh the 8. of October with provision of victuall for twenty dayes intending to go to the Borders But he continued or adjourned the diet till he should give new advertisement for the Borderers ceased from their stealing and took order for restoring what they had taken Afterward he held Justice-Courts at Peebles and Edinburgh which was interpreted to be done more for getting money than doing of justice The townsmen of Edinburgh were especially aimed at most carefully summoned yet they were continued and cast over to another time only they paid a thousand marks Scottish for Bullion which the Merchants are bound to furnish to the Mint but had neglected to do it During the time of his Regencie he met with one private conspiracy of which John Semple son to the Lord Semple was author upon what ground or motive I know not It was revealed by one Gabriel Semple who being confronted with John before the secret Councel avouched it and offered to make it good by combate But it needed not for John confessed it and was thereupon condemned to be hanged quartred and drawn Yet when his friends interceeded for him the Regent nothing bloud-thirsty did onely send him to the castle there to remain during pleasure which not being declared he was kept there during his Regency after which he was set at liberty In the year 1577. the 4. of March the Nobility assembling at Stirlin concluded that the King should take the government into his own hands and should be guided by a Councell and the Regent deposed No cause was given out nor could there be any sufficient reason pretended The King was not yet 18. years of age which was the time limited and set down in the Act of the Queens dimission for him to be governed by Regents At most he was but 11. or 12. years old When these newes were brought to the Regent at Dalkeith being astonished therewith he came to Edinburgh but little countenance was made to him by the townsmen few came from the countrey no Baron almost of note save Wedderburn none of the Nobility so far were they alienated from him in affection And indeed
keeping the King and Castle For as the King had been moved to take the government upon himself before the time appointed so the Earle of Marre was moved to take upon himself that his own charge of keeping the King and Castle of Stirlin before his time being not yet of age nor Major The manner of it was this One morning the 26. of April 1578. the Earle got up betimes to go a hunting and sending for the Keyes of the Castle Gate Alexander his Uncle came himself in person and having opened the Gate to let his Nephew forth he himselfe and his servants were thrust out at the Gate by the Earle assisted by his own naturall brother and his Uncles the Abbots of Cambskenneth and Driebrugh very worthie kinde upright and honest Gentlemen and so he took the Keyes and keeping of the King and Castle into his own hands the 27. of April 1578. as my notes say and so not above 7. weeks after Mortons dimission of his Regency Whether or not Morton imployed Tillibardine in this work and gave him Money for it he being Uncle to the Earle of Marre I cannot affirme it though I know it was reported neither indeed can I say confidently that Morton plotted this businesse and that it was his doing or what hand he had in it or whether it were nothing else but division amongst themselves However it were by this meanes the designes of the new Counsellours were turned to nothing They had the 9. of April chosen the Earle of Athole Chancellour and indicted a Parliament to be held the 10. of July and had consulted of many Articles to be concluded therein Upon the newes of this change they go to Stirlin but the Castle was kept so close that they were not suffered to come in save one at once There they had some meetings in the Town and afterward returned to Edinburgh the 8. of May. Morton waa come to Dalkeith a little before wherefore they send to him and desire to conferre with him He came to Craig-Miller and there spake with Athole and Argyle and at last after much tossing of businesse they agreed so well that they went with him to Dalkeith to dinner On the morrow the 9 of June Morton goes to Stirlin and was friendly received by the Earle of Marre into the Castle The rest followed that same day so that the whole Nobilitie was assembled together the tenth day By their advice the Counsell was changed and Morton made Principal and President thereof The Parliament by Proclamation was transferred to Stirlin there to be held the twentie fifth day of July whither the Lords of Parliament were ordained to come with their ordinary train The other Lords Athole Argyle Montrose Lindesay Oglebee Maxwell Harris and the former Councell conveened in Edinburgh and sent Montrose and Lindsay to excuse their absence and to give the reason and cause of it because as they alledged the Parliament was not free being kept within the Castle of Stirlin and both King Castle and all in the Earle of Marres power All this notwithstanding the Parliament held wherein there were not many things concluded The chief things were a discharge given to Morton for his government during the time of his Regencie An â—…xoneration to the late Earle of Marre who had been Regent for his keeping of our Soveraigne Lords Person within the Castle of Stirlin The Lord Hume was also restored from his forfeitrie by the meanes and procuring of Sir George Hume of Wedderburne with the consent indeed of Morton whom he solicited for that end but against his opinion and advice For he told him freely that he thought it was not his best course for sayes he you never got any good of that house if it were once taken out of the way you are next and it may be you will get but small thanks for your paines Sir George answered that the Lord Hume waâ—… his Chief and he could not see his house ruined if they were unkinde he could not do withall that would be their own fault this he thought himself bound to do and for his own part whatsoever their carriage were to him he would do his duty to them if his Chief should turne him out at the fore-doore he would come in again at the back-doore Well sayes Morton if you be so minded it shall be â—…o I can do no more but tell you my opinion and so consented to do it Yet Sir George had so ordered the matter that he made no question to have carried it without Mortons consent by the Abbot of Driebrugh and Cambskenneth to whom he was allied by his wife Wherefore they are mis-taken that say 〈◊〉 did all and that there was nothing done but according to his pleasure for hee was but accessary and concurred as one of the chief and prime Noblemen but the house of Marre had the main sway at this time At this Parliament the wardenrie of the East march was taken from Coldinknowes and given to Sir George of Wedderburne and he thought it no robberie to take it being given him In August the other Lords with whom were Coldinknows and Manderston Cesford and Fadunside assembled their forces and having set forth a Declaration that their purpose was to set the King at liberty they marched from Edinburgh to Fawkirk Neither was Morton slow in gathering together his friends at Stirlin with resolution to have tryed the hazard of a battell The Earle of Angus went out divers times and skirmished with them but there was no great hurt done Onely in a single Combate or Duell upon a challenge which was fought on horse-back with Lances one Taite a Tividale man that belonged to Cesford was slain by James Johnston a follower of Angus he also being sore wounded At last they came to an agreement and lest they should seem to have done nothing they condescended that the King should be brought to Edinburgh or elsewhere as they pleased by the advice of the Nobility which served little for their purpose for there was no time limited and when he was brought to the palace of Haly-rood-house the 30. of September 1579. a year after yet was Marre and Morton the chief men about him and had greatest credit with him But before that time it was concluded in Councell that the Lord Aberbrothe and Claude of Pasley his brother should bee pursued as slayers of Lennox and Murray late Regents which was done accordingly But they themselves having fled into England their servants were taken and some executed others imprisoned and their Lords Houses demolished This motion is thought to have proceeded chiefly from the house of Marre and Logh-leven Wee hear of no new occasion given by them for they remained neutrals and did not side with either partie at this time Mortons part was that he remained a spectator and was contented that mens minds should be taken up with some other thing and not have leasure to think of him and his late
Councell that she understood that hee was a true and good Subject a worthy Noble man and free of that he was accused of Shee desired that he might be tried by an assise or jury and that his enemy knowne to be so Mounsier d' Obignie now made Earle of Lennox who was also an enemy to the reformed Religion as being a Papist might bee removed off the Counsell It was answered that the King was not so farre bound to any forraign Prince as to change his Counsellers at their request or to trie his Subjects but where and when he pleased The Embassadour discontent with this answer gives up all bond of friendship and having denounced warre returned into his owne Countrey the 27. of March 1581. Hereupon a taxation was imposed and a company levied of 1000. foot and some horsemen to be a Guard for the Kings person James Stuart the accuser was preferred to be a privie Counseller is made Baron of Bothwell-haugh say the notes Lord Hamilioun Earle of Arrain and Captain of the Guard with most ample Commission to apprehend whomsoever he suspected and to banish and punish at his pleasure especially any that favoured the Earle of Morton of whatsoever degree ranke or quality But the English intended rather to threaten then to make war indeed and they knowing that well enough went on with their intended projects against Morton He being still kept prisoner in Dumbarton learned a lesson there which he had not well learned till then Let the prophane be silent and let mockers leave off their mocking and let all mortall men know that there is a happinesse which consists not in honour or riches that there is a God who disposeth of all things who is All-sufficient and who is able alone to satisfie and content the mind few there are that know or consider it but when tâ—…ey are brought to such a point and happy is he that can doe it then He had heard of it before and beleeved it but had not taken it so fully to heart nor felt it by experience Now he sees now he feels and findes it really and experimentally He contemns the world and his riches are vile in his eyes his glory vanity and all his delights madnesse He findes that one thing is necessary and is all that is of man which is to reverence God Hee sees his over-sight in that he had been so slacke and carelesse thereof before now he goes about it as he can and labours to amend his fault hee reads the Scriptures and meditates on them he makes his use and findes comfort therein he sees his sinfulnesse and repents him thereof sees Gods mercifulnesse and layes hold on it He acknowledges himselfe to have been miserable when he seemed to swim in happinesse and that now hee was truly happy when he seemed overcharged with miserie in respect that God had given him leasure to meditate and thinke of his end and time and grace to repent while being sequestrate from all worldly affaires and restrained by his imprisonment his minde had full scope and libertie to raise it selfe to those better and higher thoughts of the life to come and of eternity wherein he found such contentment and resolution that now death was no more death to him nor terrible and that all the horrour thereof was swallowed up with the hope of those eternall joyes and pleasures which last for evermore Thus being prepared for that last act he was sent for to give proofe how well he could practise and make use of this lesson For on the 24. of May the Earles of Arran and Montrose with some companies of horse and foot brought him from Dumbartan to Edinburgh the 27. to Robert Gourleyes lodging which was one of the strongest in the Citie Before they tooke their journey on the 22. day proclamation was made commanding all that favoured him in generall to depart out of the towne and not to come within ten miles of the King and his Court and particularly some 52. Citizens by name were expressed and strictly charged to goe forth of the Citie After foure dayes respite the first of June he was called to the Tolbooth and there empannelled and convicted by a Jurie aud found guilty of the late Kings murther The sentence was given out by the Earle of Montrose who was Chancellour of the Assise and it is said to have beene pronounced in these termes The Jurie or Assise doth finde him guilty of being airt and part of concealing the murther of our Soveraigne King James his father the late King Henry When Morton heard it he repeated these words twice over Airt and pairt airt and pairt and without speaking farther he held his peace It is reported that the Jurie did finde him onely guilty of concealing the murther and that Arran and Montrose thinking that to be onely guilty of concealing was not sufficient matter of condemning him did â—…oist in these words airt and pairt to give it the greater sound and to make it be thought and understood as if he had beene found to be airt and pairt that is deviser contriver plotter and part ker or accessary to the Kings murther whereas he was onely found to have concealed it This made one that heard it and perceived the sophistry thereof to say that they had stollen his head from his shoulders by sophistry His known enemies the Lord Seaton and Wauchton were of his jurie yet it is thought they did him no wrong in their verdicts But however it shewed partiall dealing in that they would not suffer them to be set aside when he excepted against them as knowne enemies Being asked at his death what he thought of the judgement he answered soberly that he would leave them to God and their owne conscience but he perceived that whether he had beene guilty or guiltlesse as Stephen or Judas all had beene one his death had beene concluded before for his lawfull and legall exceptions were not admitted his enemies were on his Jurie naming the two former and such as were partiall and not indifferent who had given partiall counsell against him by name the Earle of Argyle He added also that it was not his death alone that would content them and that they would not stay there others should be put to it as well as hee he was but made a precedent and preparative to make way for the rest the cause was the maine thing they aimed at However it were whether the sentence were thus involved and wrested or if it were plaine and cleare whether it were indeed so given out by the Jury or if it were thus patched out by Arran and Montrose he was conveyed backe againe to his lodging as a condemned man There he carried himselfe after his wonted manner his countenance was no wayes cast downe or changed he supped cheerfully and slept soundly without any apperance or shew of feare or solicitousnesse About three of the clocke in the morning hee arose and wrote letters for the
the King who had agreed upon this conclusion Thirdly hee said that Councels and Doctors of the Church did think that the triall of such things is most conveniently and fitly to bee taken in the place where the slander is raised and scandall given which was Saint Andrewes for there that Sermon was preached Fourthly hee pleaded that the priviledges of the University granted and given to it by former Kings and confirmed and ratified by his Majesties self made the Rector and his Assessors Judges to all Ministers Masters and Students that were Members of the same and were accused of any offence committed within the liberties thereof Fifthly that he spake nothing but what he had good warrant for from scripture Sixthly that he had for him first the testimony of the Universitie signed by the Rector and sealed with their seal secondly the testimony of the Church-Session in S. Andrews subscribed by the Ministers Elders and Deacons thirdly the testimony of the Provest and Bailiffs and town Councell signed by the town Clerk by their commandement and sealed with their seal fourthly and last of all the testimony of the Presbyterie subscribed by the Clerk thereof which testimonies were of more value to absolve him than any one mans accusation was to condemne him Seventhly he desired that he might have the common priviledge of all the Subjects which was to know his accuser and the prerogative of a Minister of Gods word that an accusation should not be received or put in processe against him but under two or three witnesses Eighthly that his accuser might be liable and incurre the punishment due to him by the Acts of Parliament if his accusation were found to be false Ninthly that the Defender might have place and be permitted to object against his Accuser And that if William Stuart were the man he would prove that the said William had professed hatred against him and had threatned him to do him bodily harm in which respect his information was to be suspected if he were the Delatour or if he were a witnesse his testimony was not sufficient Notwithstanding of all this yet he said he would simply declare the truth in the presence of God and his Angels so far forth as his memory would serve him He said his text was Daniels expounding of the hand-writing on the wal to Baltazar Here he observed how Daniel in reproving Baltazar for not giving glory to God for his benefits toward him and his father and for abusing the vessels of the house of God did apply the Text of the hand-writing to Baltazar From hence and other places of Scripture he inferred that application ought to be made of examples whether of mercies or judgements by the Ministers of the Word as Daniel was to Kings as was Baltazar And that the nearer the example touched the party to whom it were applied as that of Nabuchodonosor who was father to Baltazar the more forcible it would be This said he is the right way of application but who doth it now-a-dayes Or if any do it who cares for it or is moved with it If a man should now apply the example of our Predecessours to these times as of King James the third how his Courtiers and flatterers abused him would they not say that he raved and wandered from his Text Nay perhaps accuse him of Treason Secondly he said concerning these words which his accuser did alledge to have been spoken by him that our Nabuchodonosor to wit the Kings mother had bin banished twice seven years would be restored again as it never came into his mind so did he not remember the words or any expression tending to that purpose or importing any such thing Thirdly As for that speech That the King was unlawfully called to the Crown or any thing sounding that way he protested before God he never spake it nor did he ever doubt of the lawfulnesse of his Majesties authority which the Church had ever maintained he himself constantly avouched as all that knew him could bear witnesse That it was true that in speaking of Nabuchodonosor he had said That first howbeit he had succeeded to his fathers Kingdome and that when he was of ripe years secondly though he were endowed with wisedome learning liberality and other vertues thirdly though he had conquered and purchased divers Territories and Countries as a valiant Captain having been Lieutenant to his father in his fathers time fourthly And although he were made King after his father by all the Nobility yet Daniel maketh mention of none of all these but saith That God gave him the Kingdome From whence he gathered as a firm conclusion That by whatsoever way Kingdomes do come whether by election succession or conquest whether by ordinary or extraordinary means it is God that gives them he that makes Kings But alas men do forget this that are in high places as experience doth shew And not only Atheists and Idolaters but even godly Kings are subject to this forgetfulnesse David extraordinarily called Salomon also extraordinarily and Joas extraordinarily preserved and crowned in his tender years did all forget the ordainer all forget God their advancer and he therefore did chastise them That instead of applying this to the King he did as his custome ever was when he spake of his Majestie turne and convert it into a Prayer That since such was the weaknesse of Godly Kings it would please God of his mercie never to suffer our King to forget Gods goodnesse and mercie toward him who had called him extraordinarily to be King of the Countrey first being but a childe in his Cradle secondly his mother yet alive thirdly a great part of the Nobility his enemies and fourthly some of them still pursuing of him ever since the heavie burden of government was laid on his shoulders He concluded that these were his formall words upon which what ground any man could have to build such accusation against him he referred it to the wisedome of his Majestie and his councell who he hoped would not give eare to such who through malice did stretch or wrest his words or through ignorance did mistake them not being able to distinguish betwixt extraordinary calling and unlawfull calling This Declaration he set forth not so much to beg favour or releasement but to render the reason of his chosen and voluntary exile Divers moe than he who suffered as he did and for the same cause set forth likewise their apologies to justifie themselves by clearing of their innocencie and shewing the causes of their leaving the Countrey their callings The Courtiers did interest the King in all these quarrels and laboured to embarke him therein the deepest they could and by all meanes strove to make him beleeve that all was against him and that their aime was at him whom they wounded through their sides and fain they would have perswaded all others to the same But all were not so blinde there were many that could did distinguish
malicious intention or out of arrogancy pride or presumption The French Proverbe taketh place Il faut passer par la there was no other way besides no audience no accesse could bee had to him by any other means So they conclude to joyne their pains and to partake of the perill The way resolved upon was to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces there to supplicate the King and to make their declaration to the Countrey to intimate their grievances and desires with all respect to his Majestie and with all evidence and plainnesse against the Courtiers For this end the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe having his friends lying near to it and the Towne devoted to his service then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither who lay nearest to it together with the Earle of Athole the Lord Oglebie the Drummonds and the Murrayes Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts the Merse Liddesdale and other parts The Earle Bothwell my Lord Lindsay and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party and had promised to joyne with them Being once Conveened and having the affection of the Ministerie and Burrowes they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power assisted onely by their particular friends If the Kings name were used against them there behoved to bee a Convention of the Nobilitie and Barons who would heare the Cause judge impartially and informe the King truely without flattery or feare of the courtiers whom they hated neither could they doubt of his equitie and tractablenesse when hee should understand how things were So the businesse should end without bloud and have a good and happy issue And if the worst should come yet were it better to die noblely in the field then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Executioner Thus did they propose but God did dispose of things otherwayes Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie whose determination doth onely stand and come to passe He had not ordained that they should execute their designs nor that they should die in the quarrel it was to be done by another way and at another time the cup of their iniquitie was not yet full against whom they tooke armes Wherefore they were disappointed at this time which fell out thus The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey within fifteen dayes Hee shifted and delayed this affrighted the Courtiers or gave them occasion to seeme affraid and to put the King into a feare and suspition that there was some enterprise in hand against him whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge contrary to the advice of his associates and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall hee goeth to Dundie causeth provide a ship and make all things ready so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile and bee gone Especially the Earle of Angus distrusted him and was jealous of his dissimulation being uncertaine whether it were with the Court or with them that hee did thus dissemble At last having trifled out the time till mid Aprill Colonell William Stuart came to Dundie and having a small company with him setteth upon him at unawares and made him save himselfe in his lodging Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships which lay in the Haven being aided by the Townesmen to whom hee had brought a Commission and warrant from the King hee began to batter the house whereupon it was rendered and the Earle taken prisoner By chance as this was in doing a servant of the Earle of Angus coming from Dalkeith by Dundie and having seene all that had happened made haste and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen Hee arose presently being much moved therewith and sending for the Gentleman whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before made a heavie moane bewailing the overthrow of their cause and of themselves Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it and first told his owne that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit and collusion which hee had ever feared and was now evident that his going to Dundie contrary to his advise had no other end but this and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground For said hee how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken If hee doubted or distrusted the towne of Dundie why did hee commit himselfe to them or come in their power Why did hee not stay at Perth where hee was out of all danger till the time appointed were come Doubtlesse hee hath betrayed us all and hath colluded to suffer himselfe to bee taken so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us It was answered that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie which hee ever disliked and had laboured to disswade him from it but could not prevaile yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a fained apprehending that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall disposition being another Fabius Cunctator in that point which hee had often found by former experience and often contested with him for it But to thinke him false in such a degree or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers with a crime lying on him though but counterfeited it was such a point that for his owne part his opinion was that he durst not do it lest they should make use of it for his ruine and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie and so worke his death But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus but still hee kept his opinion that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending And hee was the more confirmed therein when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes whose sonne offered to set him at liberty and to take him out of the Colonels hands and to goe with him himselfe which hee refused to doe Angus passed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare lest hee himselfe should bee assailed and taken after the same manner which had beene no hard matter to performe hee having but a small family and the Castle not being furnished with Armes the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers and that whole Countrey being evill affected to him But
whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him or that hee did not thinke of it and thought hee had sped well enough already by taking Gowry is uncertain but however it were hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing against Angus And yet for all that Angus was not altogether secure knowing well his danger and the small power hee had to defend himselfe for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting that they might not know where to finde him and in the night hee caused his servants to keepe watch that hee might not bee surprized unawares Within three dayes after the Earle of Marre sent to him to let him know that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke had taken the Castle of Stirling and were ready to wait upon his coming which they entreated him to hasten There was no choice they were his true friends and hee was no lesse theirs and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course from which there was no retiring for any of them Angus desired the Lord Oglebee and Master Oglebee of Powrie with others of that name to goe with him They were allied to the Earle of Gowry and were well affected to the businesse as also they were his owne vassals but being terrified with Gowries taking and thinking that their joyning with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him and not knowing what his minde was herein they refused to goe Hee notwithstanding goeth with his owne family from Brechin to Stirlin and avoyding Perth he crossed the river of Tay at that place where it meets with Almont by boat and comes to Inshechaffray where he lodged with the Lord thereof but could not perswade him to take part with them for the same reason when he came to Stirling he was kindly welcomed by Marre and the rest that were there and presently dispatched away letters and messengers to Douglas and other places for his friends and dependers to come thither to him with as great speed and diligence as they could He wrote also to Robert Douglas eldest sonne to William Douglas of Logh-leven to the same purpose but the letter falling into the hands of his mother her name was Leslie she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner It is not enough saith she for you to undertake so foolish a worke whereby you cannot but ruine your selves but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction I have hindered him and laid my curse and malediction upon him if hee take part with you like as I doe upon you if you make him disobey me This letter moved him very much and he caused an answer to be returned to her according as it merited which was thus I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe yoâ—…r sonne from so honourable an enterprise knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect his duety either to his friends or countrey The Noblemen that are conveened here have entered upon such a course as becomes them for discharging their duetie both to God and man what the event will prove is knowne onely to God and in his hands alone if wee perish herein wee cannot perish more honourably Yet wee hope that God in whom we confide and whose cause wee have taken in hand will worke out our safety and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church when you and your house for which you are so solicitous with the neglect of the house of God and of all friendly duety shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency and perish as we feare and are sory for it through such carnall and worldly wisedome and warinesse And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished for the Lords escaped into England for that time and were safe in their persons and within a yeere and a halfe they brought their designes to passe which were now frustrate by Gods blessing upon them but her sonne Robert and her son in law Laurence Master of Olyphant being commanded to depart the Countrey as they were sailing for France perished at sea and neither they nor the ship nor any that belonged thereto were ever seene againe yet how it came to passe is uncertain The most common report is that being set upon by the Hollanders and having defended themselves valiantly they slew a principall man of the enemies in revenge whereof they sanke the ship and all that were in her Others say that after they had yeelded themselves they were hanged upon the mast A pitifull case but a notable example The youthes were noble active and of great hope and expectation and so great pitty of their losse But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it as on the contrary how perills are avoyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill And their case is so much the more to bee pittied and lamented as that they themselves were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wisedome had they not beene forced to it by their mothers importunitie The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course They caused set forth a Declaration shewing their minde and purpose together with the causes thereof the abuses in Church and Common-wealth They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure how the Nobilitie and men of all rankes were vexed by him what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince what violence used against them what evils were presently felt and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince and of the Prince from his people the blasting of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince and of his pietie in the solid use of true Religion by working feare of the contrarie tyrannizing in government and superficiall profession of Religion yea of reducing Poperie or which is worse of irreligion and Atheisme They told how deaâ—…e their Religion their Countrey their Prince was to them what their owne estate and condition forced them to what the care of all these required of them out of dutie in regard of their place being Nobles and Peeres of the Land and Privie Counsellours by birth how every man according to his place was bound to lend a helping hand but chiefly those of the Nobilitie yet not excluding either Barons Burgesses or men of whatever degree ranke or qualitie when the common Ship of the State was in hazard and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all if it were not quenched in time How they for their owne part after long patience seeing all things grow worse had now
them from those calumnies which wicked and seditious men that sought their own particulars had filled his Majesties eares and minde with and so made him to be suspicious of them without cause The King answered lovingly That it was true and that he now saw that hee had been too long abused That it was certainly the mighty hand of GOD working with their good affection that had brought them so through without shedding of bloud And so embracing them heartily he welcomed them with a chearfull countenance desiring that they would forgive and spare the Earles of Montrose and Crawford who were afraid to lose their lives and estates being conscious of their own deservings This request divers of the Earle of Angus his friends would have had him to have denied but he by a rare moderation and to shew how far he regarded the desires of his Prince being willing also that the whole work should be free not onely of innocent blood but even from particular though just revenge neither could nor would refuse it This was the Catastrophe of this Tragick-comedie acceptable and joyfull to all except these few particular men and harmefull to none which did justifie their unjustly condemned former meeting at the same Towne of Stirlin which if it had had the same successe had produced the same effect as it had the same aime and end It justified also those of the Ministery who had fled to England and those at home who approved and favoured them that in so doing they did not favour Traitors or traiterous enterprises This the Earle of Angus above all did observe and did often remember this consequent of the successe with no lesse contentment than the successe it self esteeming it a greater mercie and favour from GOD to have thus cleared their innocencie and loyaltie than that he was restored to his own home and inheritance And therefore he did often call to minde and mention that speech of the Kings That it was the very hand of GOD which had prospered their enterprise and given them that successe without bloud For though it may seem no hard matter in respect of the generall favour of the Countrey yet if we consider what a desperate enemie loath to quit such places as they have enjoyed is wont to doe it will seem strange that they should without once striking a stroke thus be gone without more ado But as it hath been found in broyles and I have particularly observed that GOD hath preserved their hands from bloud whose hearts did abhorre from the shedding of it even upon such occasions as men thought they could hardly avoid either to be frustrate of their intentions or to obtain them with much bloud where by the contrary many whose feet have been swifter their hearts lesse carefull of it have on very small occasions fallen into it So in this publick businesse it pleased GOD to look on the hearts of the actours and according to the innocencie thereof to dispose of the means of their restoring that their hands were kept pure from the bloud of any He observed also of the Town of Edinburgh how it had pleased GOD to cut short their aid and assistance which they might have given the enemy by laying of it waste and desolate through the death of 20000. persons of the plague which had raged there whereby the rest were so terrified that they were glad to forsake the City For the Courtiers did most repose and rely upon them who were readiest upon the sudden and who upon the least advertisement were wont to come at their beck without any disputing or questioning the lawfulnesse of the quarrell or justice of the cause but took every thing as from the King whatsoever was commanded in his name as they had given proof before when they conveened at Stirlin having been the first that were sent against them when they were forced to flee into England This plague began immediatly after their flight and the departure of their Ministers and increased daily with such terrour and fearfulnesse in the hearts of men that every man did interpret it to be the immediate hand of GOD striking them for their obsequiousenesse to the Court and contempt of their Ministers and now they being returned it diminished daily so evidently that after their entry into Stirlin it ceased not by degrees or piece-meale but in an instant as it were so that never any after that hour was known to have been infected nor any of such as were infected before to have died The Lane also in Stirlin by which they entred was wholly infected yet no man was known to have been tainted with it or to have received any hurt Nay the men of Annandale did rob and ransack the pest-lodges which were in the field about Stirlin and carried away the clothes of the infected but were never known to have been touched therewith themselves or any others that got or wore the clothes They also that were in the Lodges returned to their houses and conversed with their Neighbours in the Town who received them without fear suspicion or reproof and no harm did ensue upon it As for Edinburgh before the first of February within three moneths it was so well peopled and filled again with inhabitants as none could perceive by the number that any had died out of it As if GOD from Heaven should have said Lo the cause of my wrath lo the cause of my mèrcie with the going and coming of his servants a rare and remarkable work never to be forgotten as he did never forget it And for my part I think it merits to bee recorded here and that it is worthy that the remembrance thereof should remain to all posterity so far as my weaknesse can preserve it that men may see and learn to fear and seek that GOD who worketh so great things and none can hinder him A notable wonder and next unto that overthrow of the Spanish Armado in 88. both in my time both immediatly by the hand of GOD But this so much the more evidently as that there some ordinary industrie and help of man did intervene here nothing can be alledged to have brought it to passe but the very singer of GOD. Let mankinde advert and admire it And whosoever shall go about to bereave GOD of his glory by laying it over upon chance or fortune may his chance be such as his blindnesse or perversenesse deserveth Things being brought thus about who would have been so modest as not to have been so farre ambitious as in distributing the offices of the Kingdome to have taken to himself or bestowed on his friends some place of honour or profit But Angus did neither take to himself nor procure any for his particular friends followers Let ambition be silent and let her plumes fall when she seeth her self truly contemned by him He contented himself with that onely which was his own yea he even dispensed and forbore that which was his own modestly tolerating that
I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlesly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Postscript THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne â—…ster sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie abake who are practitioners and
warrant from the text the drift of which is clean contrary not to extoll or lift them up but to abate their pride and to humble them not to secure them but to terrifie them not to exempt them from death the lot of other men but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others and to threaten them therewith Wherefore let men build up Power and impunitie to Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please I dare affirme that this place is most unfit for it For here there is never a word of Obedience never a word of Impunitie but by the contrary of punishment Oh but it saith I have said ye are Gods True but it saith also Neverthelesse you shall die which two being put together the one shewes them their duety Do justice as God doth the other threatneth punishment Te shall die if ye do it not But they will say that this threatning is from God and therefore God indeed may and will punish but man may not I answer the Text makes no mention whether God will punish them immediately or by the hand of man but however that be the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them and hee who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunitie to them gathers that which is contrary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon To what use was it at that time to preach Obedience to Tyrants was it not sufficient to have preached Obedience to good Kings And to have showne his Majesty to be a good King if he thought that any man doubted of that point which was more honourable for his Majestie more beseeming a Preacher more easie to perswade then to roote out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulnes to resist Tyrants Concerning his Arguments 1. Was the first solid God sitteth in the assembly of Gods therfore Tyrants sit in the seat of God though it were true yet it followeth not and it is even like to this The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords therefore the Lords sit in the Kings seat As on the contrary The King being present doth sit in his owne seat and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them Also as I have said the presence of God is there mentioned not to authorize but to controll them Neither doth the Text inferre Therefore obey them there is no word of that there but Therefore they shall die Because God sits and sees them eyes them and perceives the wrong they doe and how they abuse their power which is a contrary illation to his and farre more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor who was a Tyrant therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed How hard an inference Of a particular extraordinary to gather a generall ordinary rule If wee allow of this kinde of arguing it will bee replied God commanded Jehu a private man to slay Achab a Tyrant therefore private men ought or may slay Tyrants 3. His third David did not slay Saul therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant how loose is it from example or authoritie negative 4. But the fourth God placed the Tyrant in that place therefore no man may put him out of it though his Tyranny bee never so great what doe you thinke of it A mans goods are taken from him by a briggand who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands hands But doth it therefore follow that no man not the Magistrate may take them from him againe because God hath put them into his hands yea who knowes but God hath cast them into his hands for that end that they may bee taken out of his hands and hee punished for it Besides this inconvenient will also follow hereon if an usurper shall once get himselfe place in a Kingdome no man by this reasoning may ever dispossesse him again to repossesse the lawfull King because without all doubt God hath placed him there This were a maxime very prejudiciall to lawfull and rightfull Kings 5 The fifth was a Simile which all men know are ever lame and doe halt some way yea those which he used are brought by others to prove the contrary 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civill law Romane 2. And Servants from their Masters by Gods Law given to the Jewes as If his eye bee beaten out let him goe for his eye 3. Wives are divorced and freed from their husbands if the essentiall knot and tie of matrimonie bee violated and broken why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away If the Essentiall cause of obedience the image of God justice be violated and cast off by the Tyrant why may not the obligation of obedience cease And this for his Arguments which you â—…ee how frivolous and weak they are As for his conclusion Men may not put hand in Tyrants it can never be deduced from his text There is only one word which seemes to make for him I said ye are gods but the next words say plainly Neverthelesse ye shall die whereby it is clear that this appellation of gods is not given them to free them from punishment but to put them in minde of their duty which when they neglect they lose the name and are lyable to the punishment So that according to his owne forme of reasoning if it follow from hence that because God hath placed them in that place to doe justice therefore men should not take them out of it though they prove Tyrants it will follow farre better God appoints them to die because they doe not justice therefore they must die therefore men may make them die when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods Which kind of reasoning if he think not to be good then must he quit his own reason and leave this passage as neither making for him nor against him neither exempting them from punishment in calling them gods which showes but what they ought to be of dutie nor yet giving expresse command for men to slay them in this other word ye shall die which showes onely what God will doe in his justice He alledged as others also doe in this cause that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion was because that if a liberty to kill or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men then good Kings shall not be obeyed nor sure of their owne lives because seditious or ambitious men of which there are enow will call a good King a Tyrant But your Lordship may consider the futilitie of that pretext for by the same reason all lawes are taken away and all punishment of vice and wickednesse For where the law ordaines theeves to be punished an unjust Judge may call an honest man a theefe and if we allow blasphemie to be punished a Jezabel will finde meanes to
Hollinshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitâ—…ed without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the â—…arle Douglas at his 〈◊〉 procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour aâ—…ter hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed alâ—…o seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree â—…or his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magâ—…nimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but â—…ew actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept â—…t that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of tâ—…e chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times onâ—… of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From fierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with fiery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to flee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved With all the grace and honour he deserved And that was all to be preserved and
had presumed so of victory A notable example to teach men not to be over confident in things of such uncertaine event as are the warres and as our proverb is Not to sell the beares skin before he be slaine There were slaine besides him eleven Knights of good account and note Of the Scots were lost but 600. There were taken priloners a great number amongst whom were Sir John Pennington and Sir Robert Harington Knights and the Lord Percie sonne to the Earle of Northumberland whilest he helped his father to his horse who thereby escaped taking There was also so great store of spoile gotten as no man remembred so much to have beene gotten at any battell before For the English trusting to their number and the strength of their Armie together with the opinion of their enemies weaknesse through dissention and variance as they supposed had brought with them their best furniture and richest stuffe in full assurance of victorie Wallace of Craiggie being sore wounded in the fight was carried home and died within three moneths after The Earle of Ormond having gotten this honourable victorie conveyed the chiefest of the prisoners to Lochmabane and then repaired to Court where he was joyfully met and received of all with all sort of honour that could be envie it self not daring to open her mouth against him The King did highly commend him for this exploit and exhorted him and the Earle Douglas his brother That as their foregoers had often as they also had done defended the Estate of Scotland with their labours and vertue in most perillous times and had given large proofe of their valour and courage That so they would at home accustome themselves to modestie That they themselves would abstain and that they would containe their friends from injuries toward the weaker sort Their power and puissance which they had acquired by so many their great deserts towards their Kings his Predecessours and the Countrey that they would employ it rather in suppressing of robbers and disorderly men then to make new of giving way to it by connivence That this only was lacking to their full praise which if they would adde they should finde by experience there was nothing more deare unto him then the advancement of the House and Name of Douglas To this the Earle Douglas replied he being the elder brother and finding that this speech was chiefly directed to him with great submission and promised to doe as his Majestie had exhorted them and so they were dismissed and returned home to their owne houses with great honour and applause both of Prince and people to whom they had by this victorie purchased great quietnesse For neither were the English Borderers able to invade them any more nor the King of England to send downe a new Army which faine he would have done by reason of the civill warre which ensued shortly after at home So that he chose rather to have peace with Scotland in regard of the case he was then in then warre Wherefore he sent Ambassadours and obtained a Truce for three yeares the Scots thinking it no lesse expedient for them in a case not unlike to his through intestine dissention though not open insurrection against the King For notwithstanding all this service done to the King and Countrey the malice of such as were the enemies of the Douglasses was no whit abated nay their worth the more it was showne and the more brightly that it did shine it did so much the more stirre envie in their ill-willers whose secret practises still continued and whose credit in Court seemed still to increase against them Creighton who before had beene sent Ambassadour to Charles the seventh of France for procuring a wife to the King had concluded a match for him with Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Gelders who by her mother the Duke of Burgundies sister was come of the Bloud Royall of France was now returned into Scotland with her in this yeare 1448. This service and her favour increased his credit greatly with the King which the Earle Douglas perceiving was nothing pleased with it but being discontented obtaining leave of the King he withdrew himselfe from Court seeing his errour of having beene contented that Creighton should be imployed in that honourable message thinking himselfe well rid of him by this his absence which practice of Court succeedeth sometimes happily as it did against the Boyds in King James the thirds time in the very like case yet it did not so now but turned to the greater advantage and advancement of his enemie Creighton was well contented with his retiring esteeming it his gaine to be so rid of him from the Kings eare and presence Whilest they concorded thus in their discord both willing one thing in so contrary mindes to wit the Earle Douglas absence there fell out an accident that occasioned his longer absence not from the Court onely but out of the Countrey also Richard Colville of Ochiltree was an enemy and bare deadly feud to John Auchenlech of Auchenlech a friend and depender of the Earle Douglas whom the Earle having sent for to come to him to Douglas Castle for such businesse as he had to do with him the said Richard having notice of the said Auchenlechs journey notwithstanding he knew he went toward the Earle whether stirred up by the Earles enemies at Court so to put an affront upon him or leaning to their credit for impunitie or out of impatience or presumption or contempt of the Earle in respect of his withdrawing from Court not regarding him or fearing his displeasure or anger he lay in wait for him by the way and set upon him with a number of armed men where after some small conflict Auchinlech was slaine and divers of his friends and servants with him The Earle Douglas having notice hereof the fact touching him so neerely in the person of his friend and follower in his service comming toward him and sent for by him he was so incensed therewith that whether distrusting the ordinary course of justice as wherein he might be eluded by his enemies then guiders of Court or impatient of delay or not accounting it so honourable for him nor so awefull in example to others concluding immediately to revenge it and vowing solemnly he should be avenged before he either eat or dranke he tooke horse immediately and with the readiest of his friends rode to the Castle of Ochiltree forced it and slew the said Richard Colvill and all the males within the Castle that were come to the age of men This opened the mouths of men diversly according to their diverse humours some condemning his cruelty some commending his courage some saying that he had gone too farre and done too much others that he could doe no lesse that he had just cause and that he had been ill used his friend slain his honour interessed that such kinde of justice best became him his enemies at Court tooke hold of it aggravating it to the
King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglasdale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet notwithstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes