are established in great authoritie breedeth many disorders which afterwards cannot be remedied OBstinacie is no other thing than a setled and firme purpose and determination to doe or not to doe some thing hee which is in this manner resolute is not to admit or receiue any counsell neither to consider any daunger but preferring his own rash opinioÌ„ before the sound aduertisements of wise and well aduised men to shew himselfe to be a man of little iudgement and of no experience in the affaires of the world Such men are the cause of many euils and commit so many disorders that afterwards following their owne ill fortunes and aduentures ouerthrow their enterprises and bring themselues and others also into extreame daunger and oftentimes cause extreame losse and ruine It is lost labour to gee about to perswade obstinate persons by reason for the more they are counselled the more they perâ—stâ—â— their opiâ—on It is but lost labour to attempt to perswade such persons by reason for that they imagining and presuming themselues to know more than all the world besides stop their eares to all good counsailes and their eyes to all daungers so as all goeth to wracke ANd as an egge by how much the longer it lieth in the fire by so much the harder it waxeth euen so a man who trusteth only to his owne braines by how much the more you counsell him by so much the more you make him obstinate Monsieur de Lautrech was Generall for the French King at the siege of Naples and of heart so hautie and obstinate that although hee manifestly saw before his face that the place wherein hee was incamped was neither fit nor holesome and that it daily waxed worse and worse yet would hee not depart from thence to chuse a better neither for the counsell of his Captaines neither for the discommoditie of the souldiers neither for the death which he saw daily before his eyes so that after the losse of a great number of souldiers which dyed poore and miserablie through the corruption of the ayre in the durt and mire he himselfe also left his life Lautrech through his obstinacie was the cause of the totall ruine of the French armie before Naples and was the occasion of his owne death Guicciar lib. 4 and in this manner hee lost the honour and reputation of the victorie and was the cause that the Kings armie whereof he was Generall came to extreame ruine which had not happened if leauing his obstinacie hee had giuen eare to those which counselled him both for the priuate and publike good Wherefore our author wisely saith that it is good to consider of the disorders bred by the obstinacie of those which are employed in great matters This obstinacie maketh men cruell both against others and themselues also whereof are many examples both ancient and moderne as I haue vnderstood of certaine gentlemen of Siena worthie to be beleeued that in the warres of Siena there were some which in the Senate did propound and declare that they were resolued to kill their wiues their children themselues and to set the towne on fire rather then they would fall into the hands of the Florentines Moreouer Obstinacie maketh men cruel both against themselues and others also obstinacie maketh the obstinate to be easily oppressed by their enemies for knowing their naturall condition meanes may be easily found to offend them and in fine persisting obstinate without reason or iudgement and so consequently without wit or wisedome of force they doe euery thing backward and liuing like fooles and mad men fall from euill to worse and in the end to extreame ruine CHAP. 24. Curtesies employed vpon obstinate enemies are to no purpose but bestowed in vaine WHen a Prince or Common-wealth vndertaketh to wage warre against another people if by chance the obstinacie to yeeld nothing to the enemie which molesteth enter into the mindes of those against whom the warre is made he which beginneth the warre must resolue with himselfe not to vse any curtesie towards his obstinate enemie because that any clemencie or curtesie to be vsed will be in vaine and to no purpose for the nature of obstinacie is to loue better to die than to make any shew be it neuer so little of humilitie or giuing place And although that the obstinate man sometime seemeth to be humbled through extreame necessitie yet his heart is not altered An obstinate man loueth rather to die then to shew but eâ—e the least signe of humilitie or of giuing place to his aduersarie for so soone as occasion is offered him he will shew that what he did was done perforce Wherefore an obstinate and rude enemie is to bee handled and dealt withall by all rigour and seueritie forasmuch as gentlenes and curtesie wil neither pacifie him nor asswage his furie Many examples might be alleaged hereof as of the Saguntines besieged by Hanniball but I will content my selfe with the example of the Pisans happened in the time of our ancestors The Florentines made long warres against the Pisans and oftentimes vanquished them and euer vsed them very hardly and in conclusion they resolued to inuade and to bring them to their obedience through hunger and euery yeere spoyled their haruest and often bereaued them of hope of any for the yeere following but they made prouision from elsewhere At length the Florentines determined to trie them by gentlenes and clemencie to see if curtesie might preuaile to the end to leaue nothing vntried And for this cause they made a new law ordained that euery citizen or countriman of Pisa which within certaine time would returne to dwell in his house or possession in the countrie should haue free pardon for any thing that he had committed and should reenter vpon his goods The Florentines did this in hope to haue drawne many Pisans out of the towne by meane of this law by which meanes the towne would be weaker and worse defended but their hope failed them and al happened to the contrarie For that many which were vnprofitable for the wars by the consent and leaue of the rest went out of Pisa and the citie remained disburthened The Pisans loue better to subiect themselues to the Genouais their mortall enemies then to the Florentines their Lords neighbours and friends and in part discharged of the dearth which oppressed them and those which went forth no lesse obstinate then those which remained within for the defence of the citie with their reuenues did secretly succour and relieue those which remained within in such sort as that they which defended the citie would not yeeld but by force and those which were abroad by no meanes could be mollified abhorring nothing so much as the name of a FloreÌ„tine They resolued to yeeld themselues to the Genouais against whoÌ„ they had so often fought for the Seignorie rather then to yeeld to the Florentines And for this cause all that a man doth touching an obstinate
blinded with auarice or hatred they be depriued of the valour and prudence of such men and estrange themselues from them Alberigue de Barbian a man of great valour and reputation in the warres in his time committed this error hee hauing subdued the Bouloignois through the prowesse and valour of Braccio de Monton which he acknowledged with many signes of curtesie and good will commending him publikelie and increased his pay and his charge gaue him the armes and ensignes of his house and finallie the gouernment of the whole Armie After the warres of Boulogna were ended it happened that the Venetians made warres vpon the Lordes of Padoua to which the said Barbian was of kinne and allyed hee sent to their succours certaine Captaines of horse and foote and appoynted Braccio Lorens de Cotignola and Rosso de L'aigle for chiefe Commaunders of those troupes Lorens and Rosso did greatly malice the glorie of Braccio and by many detractions and slaunderous speeches bringing him in disgrace with Barbian brought it so to passe that he giuing credit to their backbitings slaunderous wordes and letters resolued with Lorens and Rosso to cause Braccio to be slaine Barbians Wife which deerelie loued the vertue of Braccio knowing how much her husband was bound vnto him and being acquainted with the purpose and deuises of Rosso and Lorens and with the resolution it selfe which they had taken to put him to death she aduertised Braccio thereof willing him speedilie to be gone for that her husband would cause him to bee slaine and tolde him the course which was to be held who they were which had perswaded him thereto Braccio hauing this aduertisement which he soone had being lodged but a league from thence because of the winter mounted on horsebacke with the greatest part of his best friends without saddles or stirrups and got him out of the confines of Barbians dominion and fled to the enemies Campe whither hee was very welcome When the flight of Braccio was made knowne the Souldiers began to mutin and raile against those which had brought him into disgrace with Barbian and to blame Barbian for his lightnes Wherefore Barbian being very sory but too late that he had giuen Braccio occasion to flie from him and grieued to be depriued of so valorous a Captaine wrote him a letter by which he desired to speake with him and yeelding himselfe culpable offered to giue him better pay and more honourable charge than euer hee had before But Braccio answering him with great grauitie would no more assure himselfe of him neither goe to serue a Prince The errour of Alberigue de Barbian Guicciardin lib. 12. who peraduenture another day carried away with the like lightnes might againe conspire his death So Barbian rashlie without thinking thereof giuing occasion to Braccio to forsake him and to goe to his enemies was the cause of the decay of the Padouan Brothers and the aduauncement of their enemies The Catholike King also committed this errour making shew lightlie to regard Peter de Nauarra a Captaine much esteemed and verie valiant in the wars for this King conceiued in his minde that the ouerthrow at Rauenna wherein Peter was taken prisoner happened for the most part through his fault and this Peter being prisoner in France The errour of Ferdmand king of Spaine and set at 20000 Duckats ransome the King continuing his displeasure would not harken to the paiment nor to deliuer him Wherfore Peter perceiuing that the King did little esteeme him and thinking that hee made more account of 20000 crownes then of him resolued to serue the French king Francis the first who loued him much and payde his ransome of 20000 crownes to the Marquesse of Rottelin The errour of Francis the first king of France to whom King Lewes the twelfth had giuen him and Peter to auoide all dishonour gaue the Catholike King to vnderstand that sith hee was abandoned by him and was constrained to leaue in the kingdome of Naples the estate which hee held by his gift being forced by necessitie hee turned to the King of France who hee knew would be his perpetuall enemie But King Francis the first did no lesse a fault to giue occasion to Andre Dorie to forsake his seruice and to serue another for Dorie hauing serued him verie faithfullie with his Gallies the space of fiue yeares continuallie thinking to haue deserued so well as to haue bin employed in all occasions for chiefe the King either for that he cared little for him eyther for that he was perswaded by the prayers and intreaties of the Princes of France which enuying the Italians loue not to see them grow great in the French Court made Admirall and Generall of the Sea in the enterprise of Naples Mounsieur de Barbesieux leauing Dorie as a priuate Captaine leader of his own Gallies onlie who thought that his deserts had bin such that if he had refused such a charge hee should haue beene instantlie intreated to haue accepted thereof Hee thought also that there was great wrong done him in that hee was not paid 20000 crownes due vnto him for his seruice without the which hee could not entertaine his gallies and because that the king was so earnest with him to haue the Marques de Guast and Ascaigno Colomna his prisoners notwithstanding that he promised to pay their ransome yet it seemed that hee would by force take them from him by his royall authoritie and besides that the king had deliuered the Prince of Orange his prisoner would not that hee should pay his ransome at 20000 crownes All these things then and many others whereby the King shewed the small account he made of him were the cause that Dorie forsooke his seruice and went to serue the Emperour Charles the fifth Guicciar li. 19 and the Spanish nation whereof hee had bin a mortall enemie Andrew Dori forsooke King Francis the first in hiâ— greatest neede And notwithstanding the King perceiuing his owne fault sent to Dorie making him many faire offers yet it was too late for hee would not accept thereof thinking that they were made by constraint and that the King had bin verie slow to shew him curtesie vntill that necessitie and not his owne will did induce him to doe it the King was liberall when it was too late of that which he ought to haue giuen him long before and receiued greater losse by losing this Captaine then if hee had lost the halfe of his armie by Sea as the successe of things which afterwards happened do make manifest Princes and common wealthes may learne by these examples to take heed that they lose not those men in whose vertue they may boldlie repose much trust hauing them on their side and not hauing them haue great occasion to stand in doubt and ought not vpon euery light occasion to neglect them vse them in such sort that they giue them cause to abandon them but ought to cherish them and
findeth after the common saying an ill Merchant which giueth him no contentment and he which sendeth is in danger to haue disgrace and peraduenture losse in those which he hath sent Wherefore it is better freely to deny than coldly to graunt and this is sayd for that there are some Princes which dare not absolutely to deny the succours required and yet will not giue such as may ease and deliuer their friend from trouble and so come to resolue vpon a mediocritie which consisteth in sending so small a number of men at armes that he which receiueth the succours is neuer the better for them but in shew and hee which sendeth sendeth as into a manifest daunger whereof ensueth dishonour to the sender and to recouer his honour and blot out this shame of force he must send new succours which may ease his friend deliuer him from trouble by meanes whereof a man wisely doth that in the end which he should with consideration and prudence haue done in the beginning It commeth also often to passe that they which receiue succours through the discontentmēt which they haue by reason of the small aide and forces thereof practise and by some meanes conclude a peace with the enemie without the knowledge of the confederate as it hath often happened in time past or else that by some stratagem or other meanes the succour sent commeth to an euill end to the end that the Prince which sent the same may haue cause to complaine of his losse receiued and to bee auenged thereof to send so great a number of men as may suffice to recouer his lost reputation and cleerely to free and deliuer his friend from trouble The like part was plaied with King Manfredi by the Gibelins of Florence which desiring his helpe against the Guelphes which had thrust them out of the towne he sent to them for succours onely one companie of Germane men at armes with his owne Ensigne or Cornet The Florentines which were fled to Sienna were discontent with this small succour and by the counsell of M. Farinata of the Vberti chiefe of this faction it was deuised that the Almaines should either win or lose the victorie alone or should remaine for pledges to the end that being ouercome dispatched out of the way K. Manfredi should send them some greater aide There was a faire banket made for them furnished with much good meate and excellent good wine and at the end of the feast when they were well filled vpon a sudden an alarme was giuen wherefore the Almaines no lesse warmed and chafed with the wine then the sound of the Drumme Leonar Arch. lib. 1. sallied out of Sienna and with great furie charging the enemie made a most faire proofe of themselues The Germanes were defeated by the Guelfes before Siena but in the end were all cut in peeces and the Kings Ensigne taken Wherfore K. Manfredi wroth and moued with this disgrace sent to the Gibelins such succors as they therewith ouercame their enemies and returned to their countrie which if King Manfredi had done in the beginning his Ensigne had not receiued that shame neither had his people bin ouerthrowne CHAP. 47. An Ambassadour ought not to care to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deale prouided that he satisfie his owne Prince in that which he desireth THe charge of an Ambassadour is full of great care and trouble and he which dischargeth the same with his honour may be placed in the ranke of honourable personages and worthie of reputation and this charge is by so much the greater by how much the more a man hath to handle and manage matters of importance or to negotiate with Princes which being obstinate in their opinions are not induced by the liuely reasons which are alleaged neither answere to the points and conditions which are propounded When a man then knoweth the nature of the Prince with whom hee hath to deale to be according to the common saying maried to his owne opinion it shall be good to attempt by some reasons to diuert him and to alleage many reasons vnto him to the end that it may appeare that the coldnes of the Ambassador hath not broken off the affaires But that the naturall inclination of the Prince An Ambassadour ought not to care for an ill word from the Prince with whom be hath to deale hath been the cause why the businesse hath not taken wished effect and when a man commeth to the point of that which he desireth if the Lord with whom he hath to deale wearied with his instance and importunitie shew himselfe in word displeased yet ought he not to be discontent for his Prince will take his importunate sollicitation for industrie and diligence although to the other it seeme to be too farre pressing and importunitie In the yeere 1513. the King of Spaine sent to the Emperour Maximilian for his Ambassadour Peter Diurea Guicci lib. 12. to perswade him to resigne Verona to the Venetians to the end that they should not ally themselues to the King of France and there went with him Iohn Baptista Spinello Earle of Carriati Ambassadour for the same King to Venice and there being a forbearance of armes betweene the Emperour and the Venetians these Ambassadours arriued in Germanic at the Emperours Court who had alreadie resolued with himselfe not to render Verona to the Venetians vpon any condition whatsoeuer because hee would not wholy dispossesse himselfe of one port to enter into Italie The Ambassadours began to treate of the restitution of the said towne shewing for a reason that by meanes of the money which the Lords of Venice would giue him recompence which amounted to a great summe and by meane of the Spanish armie which their King would giue him hee might make warre in Burgundie and with this reason they alleaged many other But Caesar continued still firme in his resolution and would not be turned what conditions soeuer were offered to his aduantage And because the Spanish Ambassadours were very earnest with him Caesar displeased with their replies and importunities and principally with those of Counte Carriati he said vnto him that by the meanes of his inclination to the Venetians A check giuen by Maximilian the Emperour to the Spanish Ambassadours hee ought rather to be called a Venetian than a Spanish Ambassadour The Earle cared not for that nip knowing that his Kings desire was that he should pursue the restitution and loued better to be accounted importune by Caesar then negligent by his Master CHAP. 48. VVhat manner men they ought to be which are sent Ambassadours and officers to other Princes PRinces ought to be very well aduised in making choise of such men as they will send abroad to other Princes vnder the name of Ambassadours or other title for when a Prince sendeth persons which carrie not with them a grauitie and reputation there is no great account made of the Prince which
to vnderstand of this his proposition and that then they would gouerne themselues according to their answere The Fathers answered that they would in no case giue consent to such homicide for that it agreed not with the dignitie of their Common-wealth and thanking Bernard for his good will they commaunded him to giue ouer that enterprise and for as much as they knew him to be a man that would as soone doe it as speake it The Venetians vvould not suffer Bernard Contarini to execute his disseigne they commaunded him so expressely and forbad him so strictly that Contarini forbare to performe what he haâ— determined In this act the Venetians imitated the great Fabritius and the generositie of the Romanes who would not accept the offer of Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes his Phisitian who offered to make his Master to dye and shewed that the vertue and greatnes of an excellent and mightie Common-wealth consisteth in vanquishing and ouercomming their enemies by valour and prowesse and not through vice and treason as in the end they had done if Lewes had continued in vsing their Armie in that manner as an enemie A man may also consider by this doing of the Venetians that it is a dishonest thing to vse treason and to put to death noble Princes and honourable Captaines by vnlawfull and dishonest meanes And therefore Guicciardin with great grauitie doth reprehend the resolution taken by certaine Spanish Captaines in the yeare 1514. who hauing sent some of their souldiers to Padua The villanie of certaine Spanish Captaines who by treason world have cause 〈◊〉 Aluâ—an a Captain of the Venetians to haue been slaine vnder colour of fugitiues with commission to kill the Aluian hoping easily to haue this towne being in disorder and confusion through the death of so great a Captaine and said that the manner of the warres and Arte Militarie in these daies is farre different from the vertue of the auncients for they suborned no murtherers but if any one practised any treason they reuealed it to the enemie trusting to subdue them by their prowesse If the Venetians did not discouer to Lewes the danger wherein he was they shewed neuerthelesse a great bountie and vertue that they suffered him not to bee slaine as they might haue done Let Princes also consider and aduise themselues well that they abuse not or deale ill with those which haue beene their good friends and haue serued them faithfully for they are in daunger of their liues not onely in the open fields but euen in their chambers haue the poyniard at their bosome CHAP. 61. Jn time of warre it is not good to hold places which are ill and hard to be kept and to stop passages SEeing that at the comming of the French into Italie 〈◊〉 the yeere 1515. in the time of Francis the first King of France it manifestly appeared to what passe it came to hold difficill places ill to be kept and to stop passages it shall bee also good to consider as diuers writers haue done and whether it bee a sure way chiefly when the enemy is mightie knoweth that hee shall be troubled in his passage and that the passage is mountainous streight and hard to passe That this is no sure way a man may see by these reasons First that no man ought to put all his fortune in danger It is follie to commit to the will of a few the state of an Empire and not all his forces for to doe so is a manifest follie as when a man putteth all his estate to the triall of a combat of two or three which as arbitrators are to determine and decide the controuersie of that estate as the Romanes and the Albanians did by the combat of the Horatij and the Curatij where both the one and the other Empire put in daunger their whole fortune but not their whole forces Secondly because that the passages are streight and mountainous where many men of warre cannot accommodate themselues a man putteth in great danger the garrison which he sendeth thither for the enemie encreasing may force the place and by this meane part of the forces is lost and this losse how little soeuer it be cannot be but dangerous and preiudiciall seeing that in such places a man alwaies placeth valiant men Thirdly because that the enemies comming is incertaine and vnknowne and such mountainous places being barren cold and full of all vnrest the souldiers being sent thither vnable to stay there long as well for the dearth of victuall as for the difficultie to encampe and to lodge shall be constrained to abandon them and so you shal in vaine haue wearied and tired your souldiers to their great discommoditie In the fourth place for as much as the mountaines are great hauing diuers places to passe the enemie may leaue the passages which are guarded and passe by waies better knowne to the inhabitants then to those which hold the guards and come downe without that any know how or which way they came as it happened to those which trusting assuring themselues that the Swissers which were set and appointed to keepe the passage in the Alpes The Swissers were deceiued by the French in passing the Alpes and to stop the passage against the French knew that the Lieutenant Generall to the King of France had taken Prospero Colomna prisoner in Villa Francha before they knew that they were past the mountaines Wherefore the Swissers being deceiued in the passage of the French and the Princes astonished Guicci lib. 12. which had taken vpon them to defend Milan against them and perceiued that it had been much better to haue let them passe by the ordinarie way and at the descent from the mountaines to haue charged them then in keeping those passages in vaine to haue afterwards much trouble and paine before they can assemble themselues together with all their forces to trie al their fortune But it often commeth to passe that whereas they ought to haue left the passage which was guarded or losing it by some occasion there is such a feare and terror striken into the harts of the people and souldiers which trusted in that place that being vnable to make experience of their valour a man loseth or is in danger to lose the enterprise as at that time it came to passe for the Swissers would haue compounded with the King of France whom they so much hated Pope Leo and the Viceroy of Naples altered their opinions and all the estate of Milan was turned vpside downe For these reasons the Romanes neuer held nor guarded the passages against Hanniball but rather would that their armies should fight in an open place where they might ouercome him then to send them to the mountaines to be consumed with cold other discommodities of those places If a man could conduct to those passages and hard places all the forces and there maintaine them in such case this course were to be held for hee that
to hold himselfe equal with him which constrained him to be inferiour and inequall If he who hath been constrained to accept of some vnreasonable conditions may haue the better of him that forced him I say that seeing hee is out of his hands and power hee may resolue not to keepe any promise made vnto him nor obserue any Articles thereof And for this cause the Romanes would not maintaine nor obserue the promises which they had made vnto the Samnites and for the same reason the great King Francis the first Monarke of France Wherefore King Francis the first would not performe the articles of agreement made betweene him and Charles the fift would not maintaine to Charles the fift any thing that he had promised concerning Burgundie or any other matter when he was prisoner because that they then and he now being at liberty might at euen hand encounter their enemies and againe trie the fortune of the warres and win as it happened to the Romanes But when a man that is forced to agreement cannot possibly haue the vpper hand or to returne again equally to fight with him who hath constrained him he ought not to faile of his promise and he which doth otherwise committeth a great fault for he which seeth himselfe mockt fretteth against him to whom whilest he was in his hands hee granted and did some fauour and againe maketh warre against him doth wholy vndoe and ruinate him or bindeth him in such sort that he shall haue no more occasion to breake promise with him neither to assemble forces to resist or make head against him The Saguntines fell into this error when the first time that they were inuaded by Hanniball of Carthage Plutarch of noble women as Plutarch reciteth in the treatise of noble women and principally of the women of Sagunt for saith he before that Hanniball leuied armes to inuade Italie he went into Spaine to take the Citie of Sagunt and the siege thereof was so furious that the Saguntines vnable to withstand it came to a composition and promised Hanniball to doe what he would commaund them and sware that they would bee obedient and obserue their promises And among other conditions were these that Hanniball should raise his siege and depart and so soone as he should be out of the countrie and the Citie free and at libertie they should pay him three hundred talents of siluer which may amount to the summe of one hundred and foure score thousand French Crownes of gold and should deliuer vnto him three hundred gentlemen for hostages of all that they had couenanted and agreed vpon together After the siege was raised and Hanniball out of the countrie and land of Sagunt the Saguntines repenting them of the agreement would not obserue their promises made by force Wherewith Hanniball being moued returned to besiege the Citie in such sort Hannibal compelled the Saguntines to depart out of their Countrey with onely the clothes on their hackes that the Saguntines to saue their liues were content to accept of what the Carthaginians would and Hanniball commaunded them to lay downe their Armes and permitted the men to depart the Citie in their coates onely and would not suffer that the women should carrie any more then one sute of apparell vpon their backes onely and that they should goe so whither they would These were farre harder conditions then the first which they needed not to haue receiued if they had not failed of their first promises made perforce being vnable to master the enemie neither again to trie their fortune by Armes for being vnequall vnto him In the yeere of our saluation 1277. Ottacar King of Bohemia hauing first made some promises to the Emperour Rodulph the first and hauing sworne to them and done him homage in his Pauillion which he did perforce and for feare to lose the battaile which should presently haue beene fought for his Armie was by a great deale lesse in number then the Emperours and for this cause hee accepted perforce of any condition offered vnto him But after that Ottacar was returned into his kingdome Cunicunda his wife reproued and blamed him for his small courage and that he without one blow striken had accepted and receiued so great dishonour Wherefore wroth at his wiues words and for the remembrance which was yet fresh of the iniurie which Rodulph had done him when he made him to be seene of all his armie vpon his knees before him for his Pauillion was made in such sort that it fell iust then when hee vpon his knees did him homage which hee would not to haue happened he againe rebelled and held no part of his promise Wherfore putting themselues both in armes and the King of Bohemia willing againe to trie the fortune of the warre battaile was giuen wherein for this that Ottacar was of lesse force though equall in despite and choler he was ouercome and slaine which had not happened vnto him if he had considered that he could not fight with equall force against the Emperour and that he was then in the same necessitie which he was in before when he first compounded with him And if the Emperour had not been of so good a minde and conscience as hee was hee might haue seazed on his kingdome by the law of Armes The noble minde of the Emperour Rodulph the first but being content to haue ouercome hee gaue the kingdome of Bohemia to Vinceslaus sonne of King Ottacar deceased and withall gaue him his daughter in mariage Hee then which will not maintaine and keepe his promises made perforce let him first measure himselfe and his forces and see whether he be able to make his partie good against his enemie and then if he finde himselfe able to doe it he may resolue to faile of his promises But he that hath not forces to ouercome or equally to resist let him not put himselfe in danger for hee will euer finde himselfe deceiued CHAP. 72. VVhen a Generall or chiefe Commander too much doubteth his enemie and too much distrusteth his owne forces he shall neuer effect any laudable enterprises TO make account of an enemie as much as is needful is the part of a wise Captain but to haue such opinion and to make so great reckoning of him that it bereaueth you of courage to assaile him is rather a signe of base feare then of a wise doubt Wherefore when a Generall gouerneth himselfe with consideration and sheweth that hee so much esteemeth the enemies valour that he will not hazard rashly to assault him neither with shame and pusillanimitie to flie from him he doth well maketh himselfe knowne to bee wise and of iudgement But to the contrary when he sheweth to make such account of him to haue such distrust in his owne forces that he dareth not attempt to sound him hee shall neuer be able to doe any thing of worth and in vaine shall spend his time and the charge which he must be at
end they should giue money to be exempted from the warres and those which were decrepit vnfit and vnable to the end that they should doe the like Wherefore this Prouince reuolted and rebelled and Ciuilis which was a man of great courage and noblie descended making himselfe chiefe head of the rebellion did much hurt and dammage to the Romanes seeing that by his meanes this Prouince shooke off their obedience This auarice also which consisteth as a man might say in this pedlerie in sparing to spend when need requireth being found in the seruant of a Prince is the cause of the losse of an estate and was plainely seene in Siluius Passerin whom Pope Clement the seuenth had established in the gouernment of Florence to the end that in the house of Medicis should be conserued the dignitie of gouernment as tofore it had been This man when in the yeare 1527. the Citie rose against that noble familie after the newes of the sacke of Rome became so miserable that he would not spend a farthing of his owne for his Masters profit and being impossible to get any of the Popes treasure for many reasons he loued rather to depart from Florence with the Popes Nephewes and suffer those of that house to be driuen from thence then that he would put his hand to his purse to pay the Souldiers of Countie Peter de Noferi which he had there to guard the Citie The auarice of the seruants and Captaines of Lewes the 12. were cause of his ruine As for those which haue the managing of the warres it appeareth in the seruants and Captaines which had the handling of the money of Lewes the 12. King of France when he warred against the King of Spaine in Italie for the Kingdome of Naples This auarice besides many other disgraces and ill fortunes was the cause that the King who had prouided all things necessarie in great aboundance to his dishonour lost the enterprise Wherefore Princes must pray vnto God that it may please him to accompanie with their diligence and vertue Guicciar lib. 6 the bountie and fidelitie of their seruants and to vse the speeches of Guicciardin As for the sustaining of the bodie it sufficeth not that the head be well but it is also necessarie that all the other parts doe their dutie and office euen so it is not enough that the Prince be exempt from fault in his affaires if that vertue and diligence be not likewise found in his seruants As for the auarice of those which haue the guarde of Castles holds and fortresses it is very hurtfull and pernicious to the Prince who employeth them whereof there be so many memorable examples that it shall not neede to take the paines to recite them there are so many that we see by experience that with one handfull of golde a man may breake and beate into peeces a gate of yron Let Princes then take heede how they giue any charge vnto those which they knowe or haue heard reputed to be couetous for they will neuer be good seruants and will euer loue their owne profit better for it is their nature than their Masters CHAP. 74. Princes ought to suffer their seruants and familiars to grow rich so as it be not through dishonest meanes ALthough the common people may conceiue an ill opinion when they see some Minion or fauorite of the Prince to grow rich thinking that such riches are not gotten by iust and reasonable meanes yet neuerthelesse the Prince ought to giue time and meanes to his familiars and fauourites to enrich themselues and yet he ought not therefore to endure that vnder the shadow of the fauour which they haue they doe any thing against reason or presume to constraine him to doe the least iniustice of the world For the Prince and iustice being one and the same thing when a man taketh from the Prince any part of his dignitie a man cutteth away so much of the habit of his iustice and these two words can neuer agree together Prince and vniust Wherefore when he knoweth that any one of his fauorites or familiars vseth any vnlawfull and vnworthie meanes to enrich himselfe or when he knoweth that he sueth and intreateth for any thing that is vniust he doth a thing worthie of himselfe when he doth punish him speedely and holdeth him for a mortall enemie But when too great affection or some other respect withholdeth the Prince from punishing a fauorite who to enrich him required some vniust thing he should at the least correct him by gentle meanes and to make him to knowe that rather than he will doe iniustice at the instance and prayer or intreatie of another The liberalitie of Artaxerxes he will be readie to giue out of his own purse as did King Artaxerxes by a Groome of his chamber by whom he was prayed and entreated for a matter very inconuenient who in lieu of that which he desired gaue him thirtie talents and said vnto him This which I giue thee doth not make me lesse rich but if I should graunt that which thou demaundest I should be lesse iust which is not expedient either for thee or me because I should lose the title of a true Prince and thou shouldest purchase the dishonour to be a seruant to an vniust Prince Pope Leo the tenth Pope Leo the tenth his discourse to a Groome of his chamber a most liberall Prince being intreated by an household fauorite of his that it would please him to bestowe a benefice vpon a friend of his who knowing that the request was neither iust nor honest and that he should haue some good summe of money for the procuring hereof he smiling demanded what he had for this dispatch his seruant and fauourite freely answered that he had 200. Ducates the Pope merely gaue him 200. Ducates of his owne and said goe and deliuer thy friend his money againe and tell him that thou canst not obtaine this fauour for if I should graunt vnto thee that which thou demaundest I should during my life haue a remorse of conscience and should be reputed for an vnwise Prince To conclude then I say that when Princes giue meanes to their fauourites lawfully to enrich themselues then if they doe or would importune their Princes to doe any vnworthie thing they ought to be punished with seueritie or that their Princes let them knowe that they loue better to giue of their owne then to yeeld or be induced by their sute and intreatie to do any the least iniustice of the world CHAP. 75. Jt is very dangerous to let slip time and not to execute what is determined principally in the warres THose men seeme to me to be very wise who when they are to execute some enterprise of great importance first ripely consult with wise men who tell them their opinions without any passion of loue or hatred but when the affaires are ripelie debated and concluded that there resteth nothing but the execution when a
manner proofes would binde himselfe to manifest that which hee saith to bee true although that it were most false and malitiously forged let him then I say that is accused stand so on his guard that hee suffer not himselfe to bee brought to make such proofes and experiences as to vndertake the combat seeing that by the combat a man cannot come to the knowledge of the trueth but may remaine dishonoured being neuerthelesse most innocent and wrongfully accused And to the end that it may be the better vnderstood I will propound this example happened in the citie of Spoletta There was in that Citie a yong man who was robbed of a good summe of money and imagining and firmely beleeuing that another young man had robbed him began to accuse him and call him theefe and because he could not make proofe of his speeches he spread a report abroad that he would iustifie it with his sword in his hand seeing that there was no other meane that hee had robbed him and that that which he said was true The young man accused of the theft and innocent of the fact was aduertised of what the other reported of him and how that hee auouched that hee would prooue it vpon him with his sword that hee was a theefe beeing mooued with despite and with the interest and preiudice of his honour and reputation hee accepted to prooue his innocencie which hee held for most certaine in his owne conscience with his sword in his hand which was an vncertaine meane to make triall wherein a man might as soone lose as win Wherefore they came to blowes in their shirts with their rapiers and poyniards in their hands and in this combat the innocent man was slaine and dishonoured and the accuser remaining victorious was held to haue said the truth Some space after the trueth of the matter was discouered and the theefe was found so as it was knowne and did appeare that that man tooke a rash and an vnaduised resolution who would shew his innocencie by the triall of a combat for in such fights and combats is found neither reason nor iudgement seeing that choler valour fortune and wit haue therein the rule And I say that Ariosto if it be lawfull to mixe graue matters with fables hath very elegantly depainted this furious and rash iudgement in the person of Mandricard when hee vniustly accuseth King Gradasse to haue stolen Rolands sword Wherefore let euery man be well aduised how he too rashly put himselfe vpon vncertaine proofes where hee may as well receiue dishonour as discharge of the crime imputed vnto him For although that in his owne conscience hee be cleere and innocent yet with some men hee cannot escape without a blot who may beleeue what they list and as their phantasie leadeth them CHAP. 92. Jn ward familiars and Secretaries of Princes may commit many errors by meanes whereof they are in danger to lose their fauour or their owne liues THe great familiaritie and fauour of Princes in apparance is much esteemed and desired but whosoeuer shall ripely consider it shall finde that it is a golden shackle and a bitter sweete for it is conioyned with so many discommodities and daungers that most commonly a simple seruitour and ordinarie Courtier hath better daies and greater libertie then hee which with the Prince is most familiar The discommodities which such men finde are very many for those being insufficient which the wearisome life and miserable seruitude of the Court bring with them they must also experiment those which they by constraint must beare for the contentment and secret pleasure or fantasie of their Masters From hence proceed their long watchings their sudden iourneyes and voyages their broken sleepes the execution of affaires of importance and sometime little for honest credit and finally a man may call them rather honourable parrasites then vertuous gentlemen Afterwards they thrust themselues into infinit dangers principally when they become so familiar that their Princes impart vnto them the secrets of their thoughts for that the least suspition notwithstanding that it bee vaine and imagined a signe a discourse yea euen the least word may suffice to suppresse bring them wholy to ruine For this cause I cannot but much commend the resolution of the Poet Philippides The wittie answere of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus who being demaunded by King Lysimachus what great fauour hee might doe him to let him know how much he loued him who answered That you neuer impart vnto me any of your secrets But when that fortune hath aduanced them so farre forwards that they haue purchased their Lords fauour I say that I finde it expedient that they conserue and keepe it and that they be most vigilant and take heed that the ouer great familiaritie cause not contempt in them of the honor and profit of the Prince for as much as it would violate the faith which the Prince reposeth in his seruant and familiar which were a meane to no purpose to put their life in daunger and how much the more such familiars haue honourable places and charges in Court by so much the more they ought to be aduised for besides their paines which are most wearisome and tedious they are also the first tormented and the first suspected and sometimes their owne Masters put them to death for the doubt they haue of their fidelitie As it happened vnto Garcia Nicosio Secretarie to Alaim Sicilian Lord of Ficaire in the time of Peter of Arragon King of Sicilie for King Peter being called into Sicilie by the Sicilian Lords and Barons and King Charles being driuen out they repenting afterwards to haue called him by reason of his prosperitie against King Charles conspired against him and amongst the rest of the Lords was this Alaim who made his Secretarie to write certaine letters to K. Charles promising to render Sicilia into his hands if hee would send him twelue galleyes These letters were intercepted and deliuered vnto King Peter Wherefore Alaim fearing that his Secretarie would reueale the conspiracie hee slew him and threw his head into the sea and buried the bodie in his house I said here before Garsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition that such persons ought principally to be carefull and aduised that the ouer great familiaritie and fauour which they haue with their Princes breede not in them a contempt of their Lord so as they make no very great account to offend him in these foure things whereof a Prince is commonly very iealous which are his estate his honour his life and his loue for this is a most notable fault into the which in the yeere 1566. fell a gentleman of Perusa which I name not being one of the most priuate of the chamber of one of the most noble Princes of Italie which for honors sake I likewise name not This man being so familiar and fauoured of his Prince that hee could not imagine any greater securitie or libertie then
the cause why a man is put in minde of a pleasure done vnto him commeth of the small consideration of the ingratefull heart of him which receiued the pleasure towards his benefactor which vsuallie so much moueth and offendeth a gentle heart that sometimes he is induced and yeeldeth to doe worse and more vnworthie things than the putting him in minde of a pleasure done him Ingratitude then can haue no excuse and by so much the lesse by how much the pleasure hath been great as that which the Sonne receiueth from the Father the Citizen or Patriot from his Countrey the Scholler from his Master and the Subiect from his Prince and when such kinde of people shall rise against their benefactors and doe support and serue their turnes against them with the benefits which they haue receiued from them they may iustlie bee called Mulets or young Mules as Plato called Aristotle who after that hee had learned art and knowledge of Plato was so vnthankfull and ingratefull for the pleasure receiued in hauing learned knowledge and science of him as to keepe open schoole in front and as in despite of his Master and as the young Mule after it hath filled it selfe with the dammes milke kicketh at her with the heeles euen so an ingratefull man after that he hath receiued a pleasure he turneth and beareth himselfe impudently against his benefactor In the time of our fathers and auncesters Pontanus was reputed vnthankfull who being nourished and brought vp by Ferdinand and Alfonso Kings of Naples and brought to that point to be so famous a great personage in learning and knowledge as he was and little acknowledging this good and ingratefull to his benefactors made an oration in dispraise of the King of Arragon to the praise and commendation of Charles the eight King of France vpon his Coronation day and shewed that he had forgotten the many pleasures which he had receiued by the house of Arragon and with good reason deserued to be reproued for vnthankefull it was iudged that Pontanus repenting to haue made this oration buried it in perpetuall darkenes and would not that it should come to light with his other workes as he which wisely iudged it to be expedient to cut from the world the testimonie of his ingratitude although that in one part he did not ill with praise to extoll the warlike King of France Behold gentle Reader these Considerations of the Lord Remy of Florence who purposed to haue proceeded if death had not preuented him FINIS A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS BOOKE A ABraham was miraculously deliuered from danger 244. h. Alcibiades an Athenian beloued of strangers 240. e. Agesilaus and Epaminōdas were euery where beloued 241. a Alexander Bon a gentleman of Venice punished for deceit 65. d Andronicus a Greeke slaine by the people 171. b Alexander the great poysoned by Thessalus his Phisition 58. g the subtill answer of the Duke of Florence to Don Diego de Mendoza gouernour of Siena 42. h Antonell and Bernardine Sanseuerin again rebelled against king Ferdinand vpon suspition 26. e Antony Maria Earle of Gaiazza accōpanied Lewes More Duke of Milan to prison in France with his troupe of horse 48. f Assurance and safegard giuen to a man by a Prince when it is to bee maintained and when not 80. h Alexander king of the Epirots slain by the Lucains being banished from their countrey whom hee sought to restore 85. c Alexander the great destroyed the Citie of Tyre 116. f An Ambassadour ought not to care for an ill worde from the Prince with whō he hath to deale 122. h A wittie answere of a gentleman of Florence 126. f Aprius King of Egypt caused the nose and eares of Papremitan to be cut off 137. c Aprius King of Egypt strangled by his subiects 137. d the answere of Pope Clement the seuenth to the Cardinall Pompey Columno 176. h the auarice of the seruants and Captaines of Lewes the 12. King of France were the cause of his ruine 187. b Andrew Dorie forsook king Francis the first in his greatest neede 195. c Affaires of importance are not to bee treated of in iest 199. d the answere of Alexander to Proteus who required securitie 202. e the answere of the King of Ethiopia to the Ambassadour of Cambyses 213. a the foolish answere of Sansedonio Ambassadour of Siena 200. f Astyages King of the Medes commaunded his nephew to be slaine 74. g B BEssus executed for murthering his father 171. a Braccio da Montone defeated and put to flight by Francis Sforce 127. d Brutus and Cassius against Octauius and Marcus Antonius 157. c Babylon strictlie besieged and the siege thereof 144. f Bernard Contarini purposed to haue slaine the Duke of Milan 153. b the Boulognois for doing outrage to the statue of Pope Iulius the second vndid almost wholy ruinated their whole countrie 113. d Bernardin Court ingratefull to Lewes Duke of Milan 173. d the Bitter iest of Ferdinand with Alfonse his father 17. a C COmbat betweene Cechino of Padua and Bennet Liberall 209. b the Cruelty of Iohn King of Spaine 211. a the Circumspection of Fuluius a Romane Captaine 104. e Comparison betweene the manner of proceeding of Peter de Medicis with the King of France and of Laurence de Medicis with Alfonso King of Naples 5. b Clearchus amiablie appeased the Greekes 231. d Charges of importance are most commonly giuen to vnworthie persons and such as haue no experience 48. g Caius Caesar against King Iuba 163. d Charges and gouernments of importance are not to bee giuen to men of the first impression 53. d Conspirators and suspected persons are not to be beleeued 56. h the Constancie of Iohn Anthonie Orsin Prince of Otranto 234. g Caesar slaine and massacred by Brutus and Cassius 59. a Cerbon a holy Bishop in the time of Totila 246. f Comparison betweene a louer and a Prince 65. b a Conspiracie in Rome against Nero 247. a a Captaine through boldnes and diligence oftentimes obtaineth that which by mildnes he should neuer attaine vnto 68. e Crassus against Spartacus 162. h a Captaine ought alwaies to bee in a readines and well aduised in his affaires and all actions 107. c Crueltie a great fault in a Prince 137. c Charles Duke of Burgundy seuerelie punished the Citie of Nants 114. f a Check giuen by the Emperor Maximilian to the Spanish Ambassadours 123. c a Combat betweene two souldiers 208. e the Cunning of Duke Valentine 139. b the Isle of Cypres taken by the Turkes forces in anno 1570. 118. h the Crueltie of Duke Valentine 139. c Cyrus was found by a shepheard 74. c Crassus a Generall for the Romanes ouerthrowne and slaine being betrayed by a fugitiue 143. d Couetous seruants and officers are the cause of the ruine of their Prince and rebellion of subiects 186. h a Combat wherein the innocent was slaine 227. a D DOn Diego de Mēdoza made no account
lib. 〈◊〉 because that Lewes mist of his way in going to the French armie Lewes answered him very subtilly It is true that one of vs was out of the way but you peraduenture will be found to be that one which strayed but the issue of their businesse did plainly shew that both the one and the other went amisse and held not the right way And as for scoffes and iests which passe between the principall and the inferiour and that in presence the greater is held for weake and simple to iest and scoffe at his inferiour who for the regard and respect of his authoritie durst not to speake a word which offendeth the hearers who iudge that he would not vse such speeches to his equall or to a man of courage This manner of iesting and scoffing with inferiours bringeth sometimes daunger therewith for that a man findeth some persons who although they be of low degree yet are of noble minde and will not endure the stinging of a flye neither will they be toucht in their honour and the broad iest bringing therewith alwaies a kinde of iniurie and so consequently a diminishing of reputation which they can neither tolerate nor endure and when the inferiour in degree but equall in valour and courage cannot answere him which girdeth him neither then presently bee reuenged hee will attend time and place for reuenge and sometimes valour and courage is found in such persons as a man would neuer haue thought or beleeued there had been any such matter who in time and place haue been auenged of those which by gibing scoffing iniuried them Scipio Nasica odious to the Romane people Scipio Nasica brake a iest vpon an Artificer of Rome asking him why his hands were so hard and whether he went vpon his hands as beasts doe vpon their feete the craftsman finding himselfe toucht and wronged complained to the common people and brought Scipio into such disgrace that when hee demaunded the Consulship the people withstood him and he could not obtaine what he desired Penander the Tyrant by one of his household Penander the Tyrant of Andracia too hautily scoffing at a young man which was of his household the young man was so enraged and wroth with the scoffe that it did so waken his spirits and courage that notstanding that he was bred vp in his house yet he bereaued him both of his life and estate A man ought not to vse to any man those broad iests which are as dog-bitings that is to say which nip and offend too much for that they are dangerous but when they are gracious and well beseemed so as you are not therewith disgraced or dishonoured they may be tolerated Meane men sometimes iest with great men and this likewise is not without great daunger especially when the iest doth touch to the quick for whether it be in word or writing the iniurie still remaineth which the superiour will not forget if he be a man of any stomack A condemned souldier being led towards the place of execution before King Antigonus who saw but with one eye and as those which led the souldier bad him to be of good cheere and to hope well for that when hee should come before the King he might easily obtaine pardon he with a iest answered pleasantly 〈◊〉 pleasant 〈…〉 Nay then I am well seeing that I may hope for grace when I come before the eyes of King Antigonus This iest of the souldier was reported to the King who tooke it in ill part and caused him to be executed Peter Aretin would needes iest at the Lord Peter Strozzi when hee gaue Marano to the Venetians and made him a song which began thus Meutre il gran Strozzi Arma virumque cano c. But the Lord Peter as a valiant and noble personage who could brooke no such iests made him to know that it were fitter for him to busie himselfe aobut other matters and that hee would make him to be slaine euen in his bed Wherefore poore Aretin knowing that the Lord Peter was a personage readier to strike then to speake was so amazed that hee shut himselfe vp in his house suffering no man to come in and being in continual feare to be poyniarded he led a most heauie and infortunate life for so long as the Lord Strozzi made his abode in the Venetians countrie he neuer durst to come forth at his doores A man might produce a number of examples of those which for iesting at great men haue been in ill taking It cannot be excused to say that a man may iest with his friends but herein the friend shall haue occasion to complaine for two causes to wit for the little regard whereupon the iest is grounded and for the friendship whereof pleasure and delight should arise and not sadnes of mind Those which feare no reuenge may well iest and scoffe with others as did Ferdinand King of Naples with his father Alphonso who was old and sicke hee nipt him extreamly so as a man might well say that that manner of iesting was such as men vse with those which are held for men of small courage Ferdinand after that the King of France was departed Italie 〈…〉 recouered the kingdome of Naples and being with his father Alphonso in Sicilie Alphonso was earnest with him to returne to Naples before hee died But Ferdinand displeased with the request of his father answered him with a subtill and bitter iest I am content but stay vntill I haue so assured the kingdome vnto you The bitter iest of Ferdinand with Alphonse his father that you neede not runne away from it any more Behold the end it is better for a man to hold his peace then to his danger and damage to shew the quicke sharpnes of his wit for friends are grieued Men of meane degree reuenge themselues as they may and Princes giue correction and it shall not be amisse to obserue and beare in mind this common Adage Play with me but hurt me not and iest with me but shame me not CHAP. 7. VVhich may be well considered by the doings of Lewes Sforce when he committed Valencia to the guard of Donat Raffignin MAns wit requireth that other mens doings should serue for example for vs to follow and that we seeing what hath happened vnto others may consider what may betide our selues Euery man without controlment confesseth that treason is the greatest mischiefe and offence that a man can commit and the greatest infamie and dishonour that can come to a man is to be poynted at with the finger for a Traytor Thence it commeth that the temporall lawe is more sharpe and seuere against Traytors than any other malefactors adiudging that no man can commit a greater and more heynous offence then treason and as a man cannot expresse words sufficient to blame it so can there not be torment sufficient to punish it Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan did not consider the treason of Donat Raffignin who
certaine rules and precepts which this author giueth in diuers places it shall be seene that they failed not in doing as they did First I remember to haue read in one of his discourses wherein he sheweth that the Romanes neuer had two warres together at one time although they had many one after another but not two at any one time together standing vpon this ground I would aske the author how the Romanes would haue behaued themselues and maintained their greatnes if after the ouerthrow of Cannas by Hanniball they had had to deale with foure Hannibals togethers at one instant all conspired to their ouerthrow and ruine I am of opinion that being oppressed by their ill fortune they would hardly haue retained the hautie courage which they shewed hauing to deale but with one Wherefore if the Venetians after their ouerthrow at Vaila had had to deale but with the King of France alone as the Romanes with Hanniball alone this halfe ouerthrow of Adda had not made them so much discouraged yea they would not haue taken any great care with the rest of the armie which was saued with the Earle of Patiglian and one of their Pouruours amounting to the number of 25000. men and with many others which were gathered and ioyned togethers but would haue resisted the King and retained their former courage and peraduenture surmounted their aduersarie But being to fight not onely against one enemie but against fiue or sixe at once vnited and coniured together who had concluded in the Castle of Cambray and resolued to ruinate them and to make warre against them all at one instant and euery one apart it is not to bee wondred at though they could not shew the vertue that was within them by their exteriour forces seeing that according to the common Prouerbe men say Ne Hercules contra duos that Hercules himselfe is not sufficient to fight against two at once one onely Common-wealth then could worse resist and make head against Pope Iulius the second the Emperour the kings of Fraunce and of Spaine besides other pettie Princes which altogether rose and made warre against them in diuers places as the Duke of Ferrara the Marques of Mantoua and the Frangipani Infrioli So as it could not be said that the Lords of Venice had not one only warre as the Romanes had but foure together and each of them with great Princes each of which was sufficiently able to wage warre with them alone for this cause the Common-wealth of Venice did not deserue to be reckoned in the nomber of the weake Common-wealths neither was there any comparison betweene the disgraces happened to Rome and that which befell the Venetians And moreouer seeing that the Venetian Common-wealth by the Authour of these discourses is placed in rancke with weake Common-wealthes he ought rather for pitie to haue excused the weakenesse and debilitie thereof then to haue charged it with cowardize and to be basely discouraged for a weake person shewing weakenesse and debilitie deserueth not to be blamed for it but rather to be pitied Furthermore a man may say that the Venetians lost not the vertue of their courage but concealed and hid it for a time so as it plainely appeareth that so soone as there was but one haire of fortunes periwig presented vnto them that there began to shine but one little sun-beame of hope but presently they tooke hold thereof and then manifesting the vertue which for a time lay hidden they boldly reentred into their enterprises and mocking at the leagues and forces of their enemies vnited against them they recouered and in short space reconquered all that which they had rather let goe astray then lost in Lombardy To the rest the same Authour in the eleuenth discourse of his third booke ☞ giueth a rule and aduertisement that when many that are puissant and mightie are ioyned and vnited togethers against one other that is mightie although that they all being vnited be farre mightier then hee a man ought neuerthelesse to hope better of him alone which is the weaker then in all them although in number they be most mightie for this that he alone vsing a little industrie may disunite and separate them asunder prouided alwayes that he be so valorous as that hee may be able to resist the first brūts of their assaults temporizing and attending occasion Heare what this Authour saith and after addeth and alleadgeth the example of the Venetians when in the yeere 1484. they had all Italie banded against them by which meanes they were wholy ouerthrowne and vndone and could not keepe the field with their armie through an agreement made with Lewes More gouernour of Milan and a practise and deuice they deliuered themselues of that trouble recouered the countrie which they had lost and vsurped part of the Dutchie of Ferrara This aduertisement being founded vpon the example of the Venetians I know not wherefore a man should impute that to their basenes now which was then accounted for good industrie and I know not wherefore a man should say of them that in the yeere 1484. they were wise men and that in the yeere 1508. they were ill aduised There were many which were puissant vnited against one that was puissant they which were vnited and conioyned togethers were more mightie than this alone how could the Venetian Lords then hope to haue the better and to disunite the Princes vnited and combined in league togethers to their ruine but to serue their turnes by industrie to grant vnto the Pope that which he instantly demaunded to giue to the King of Spaine those Ports which hee desired and to demonstrate vnto the Emperour that they would doe that which he required wherefore should that be accompted basenes which afterwards shewed it selfe to be wisedome And if the Venetians were not so valorous as to resist and support the first force and assault they found neuerthelesse the meanes to temporize vntil they might be able to disunite the other Princes from the King of France against whom was the principall quarrell and by whom they were ouercome and put to flight and for this cause they gaue especiall charge to Anthony Iustinian their Ambassadour with the Emperour to conclude a peace with him vpon what condition soeuer They sent no Ambassadours to the French King who had ouercome and defeated them neither to raunsome their prisoners neither did they make any shew to stand in any doubt of him alone Wherefore the resolution of these Lords was to haue warres onely with him as the Romanes had with Hanniball alone and therefore they vsed all meanes to bring it to passe that he might remaine alone for that they doubted not so to vnite and reinforce their troupes to fight with him and to ouercome him if possiblie And whosoeuer shall with iudgement reade Guicciardin shall see that the Venetian Lords did very wisely to vse this expedition to disunite the Princes for they were no lesse to feare some ciuill tumult within
Spanish Armie did yeeld to any of their demands without the performance of all that which they had required But the ambition of the Gonfalonier the deceitfull hope of the people and the desire of glory in him which gouerned put the State in great hazard So shall it euer come to those which grounded vpon the vanitie of their conceits loue better foolishly to follow the deceitfull hope of better fortune then to embrace and wisely accept of good and reasonable offers for a good composition can neuer be so base but that it is some honour to him which accepteth thereof and a man ought by so much the more to consider of this point by how much more the enemie with whom he is to deale is mightie and puissant CHAP. 45. Jt is a great fault when confederats are slow in helping one another in time of daunger and the losse and dammage that riseth thereof WHen a Prince or Common-wealth desireth league or confederacy to offend or defend this groweth not but through the consideration of his owne forces for an estate which would offend or defend it selfe from the force and violence of another and knoweth that their owne forces are not sufficient to resist or offend hath recourse to the ayde or succours neere or farre off according as it best fitteth his purpose though the succours which a man requireth from farre off be for the most part and to say the truth in a manner alwaies vnprofitable and hurtfull ☞ for a towne which cannot defend it selfe by their owne forces and desireth succours from farre off resembleth a man which falleth sicke of some dangerous disease in some village farre from the Citie in such sort that hee must send to the Citie for the Phisition through the farre distance whereof either the sicke man dyeth or the comming of the Phisition serueth to no purpose for that the disease hath taken so great hold on him that it is growne incurable and so when the aide and succour is farre off of force the Citie so assailed must fall into the enemies hands A man may see an example in Sagunt the which being besieged by the Carthaginians attended succours from Rome and Sienna being besieged by the Emperours armie hoped of succours from France in the yeere 1554. And finally the Isle of Cypres being assailed in the yeere 1570. by the Turkes forces had hope of succours though farre off from the Lords of Venice The leagues and confederacies are then much better which are made with neighbours neere at hand and those which may be easily called and may easily helpe But those which are bound in a league and required to giue succour and neuerthelesse deferre the giuing thereof or are cold in sending put their friends in daunger purchase blame to themselues and the name and report to be cold friends and little friendly and by this coldnesse they marre all the busines which might haue brought honour and profit to all for those which demaunde ayde are hot in their attempts and if they which are called be cold mixing this with that it maketh a luke-warmenes which is nothing worth and this is the reason why leagues for the most part come to no good effect And for this cause when two or three or more haue power to ioyne themselues together a man ought not then to be slowe in assembling and vniting his forces and to send them speedely where neede requireth because oftentimes they come too late The Carthagenians had a desire to sease and make themselues Masters of Sicilia and besiege Selinonte and the Selinontins which saw that their forces were not sufficient to endure a long siege neither to resist two or three hot assaults demaunded succours of the Siracusians their friends and allies which willingly promised them ayde but they were very flowe in the perfourmance for if the Siracusians had sent succours when the Silenontines demaunded the same Silenonte had neuer been taken and if it had been taken Silenonte was taken by the Carthagonians for that it was not in time relieued by the Siracusians the Silenontines had had no occasion to haue complained of their confederates and the Siracusians had not purchased the euill report which they did For notwithstanding that the Siracusians knewe that the Silenontines were besieged yet neuerthelesse they foreflowed the relieuing of them and notwithstanding that they were often solicited thereunto by the Ambassadours of Silenonte yet they went slowlie to worke in sending the ayde which at last was sent but the long stay gaue oportunitie to the Carthagenians so to force Silenonte that they tooke it by assault and sacked it and the Siracusians which were vpon the way being aduertised of the taking of it returned with repentance to haue too long deferred the sending of reliefe Lewes the 12. King of France fell into the like error being confederate with the King of Nauarre The King of Castile being enemie to King Lewes of France would haue passed into France with his Armie but the King of Nauarre for that he would not fayle his friend and allie denied and stopt his passage in such sort that the King of Nauarre procured to himselfe the warre and being vnable to resist the Spanish King had recourse to the ayde of France But King Lewes thinking that the King of Nauarre had been able for a time to haue defended himselfe from the forces of the Spaniard slacked to send him succours and this delay was the cause why the King of Nauarre was ouercome and forced to flie and abandon his Kingdome A man might produce many other examples of latter time but these may suffice for the present I will onely say that the Leagues are of this nature that they are hot in the beginning and cold in the end and he which demaundeth being hot and he which is required cold of force there must follow as I haue said before a lukewarmenes which marreth all in the one heat diminishing to see succours failing him and in the other cold encreasing to see how great difference there is betweene thinking and doing CHAP. 46. VVhen succours sent to a friend or confederate are insufficient to put him out of daunger and trouble through being too weake they bring daunger of losse and dishonour THere is no doubt but that he which demaundeth succours of a Prince or Common-wealth sheweth weakenes of strength because that he which is assaulted or which would assaile another knowing that he hath not forces fit thereto which may be sufficient either for the one or the other hath recourse to the ayde of his friend to the end that being vnited with others he may be able to doe that which of himselfe he could not doe alone But when the Prince requested whether by vertue of confederacie or alliance or by any other bond of friendship resolueth to send the succours demaunded he ought to send such as his friend or confederate may serue his turne therewith for that otherwise hee which receiueth
sendeth them and hee to whom they are sent is either displeased with them or scoffeth them whereas to the contrarie when the seruant or officer hath the port of a man of reputation the Prince which sendeth him purchaseth the praise and renowne of a discreete and well aduised Prince and he to whom hee is sent thinketh himselfe much honoured seeing that to negotiate with him there are sent men of honour and of reputation This kinde of men sent in affaires manage them with dignitie maintaine the friendship betweene the Lords if there be any if there bee none they practise to make it and briefly they carrie themselues in such sort that he which sent them holdeth himselfe for well serued and he to whom they are sent is well pleased But the officers or Ambassadours which haue no credit nor reputation in place of good will purchase hatred and the Prince is no lesse blamed then his seruant or officer and except great necessitie require there will be no conclusion of any matter of importance I remember that I read in Muzio Iustinopolitan an example of an officer of small account Mutius Iustinopol in his treatise of a Prince I know not whether it bee fained or true He reporteth of the inconsideration of a Prince whom hee knew who chose a seruant vnfit for the affaires which he should manage and consequently of small reputation and saith I knew a Prince which had to manage and treate of a matter of importance with the Pope of his time to whom he sent for Ambassadour the chiefe groome of his chamber to whom hauing caused his Secretaries to giue instruction according to the custome of all that whereof hee was to treate with his holines he learned by heart his whole instruction word by word euen as the Secretaries had giuen it vnto him and being come into the Popes presence hee very well recited it word by word euen as it was giuen to him in writing At the beginning the Pope began to laugh at this Ambassadour and after waxed angrie thinking that they had mocked him but being afterwards aduertised of the ignorance of this Ambassadour he mocked as well at the Prince which sent him as at the seruant which had shewed such blockish grossenes Wherefore a man may well beleeue that when hee should desire the Popes answere to his gentle ambassade one should bid him returne to his Master and to tell him that he had well repeated that which he had learned If this be true the Prince committed a great error to chuse a groome of his chamber to treate of matters of estate and of consequence seeing that his office was to waite in the chamber as the office of the steward to haue care for the table and other prouisions for the house When there is question of sending an Ambassadour to another Prince to carrie letters of displeasure or of ioy or other such like matters which are not of importance then the Prince may send any bodie whom he please But when it is needfull to manage matters of waight and of consequence he ought to send seruants which are men of experience of grauitie and of reputation if he will haue good successe in his busines For this cause Alfonse the first of Arragon King of Naples being to send an Ambassadour to Gaietta which obstinately defended it selfe against him chose Anthony Panormitan whom he knew to be a man fit to perswade and disswade Gaietta he sent not thither a groome of his chamber neither the master of his household neither a Captaine which wanted eloquence requisit in such a case to perswade the Gaiettanes to yeeld and not to trie his choler and last displeasure against them Notwithstanding that Panormitan obtained nothing yet it cannot bee said but that the Kings iudgement was good to chuse a man who had more force in his tongue then a Captaine in his hands CHAP. 49. A man ought euer to esteeme of his enemie for whosoeuer doth despise him doth commonly despise him to his owne hurt and dammage I Haue euer marueiled at some which are accustomed to a certaine manner of liuing different from that of other men which make no account of any man and in al matters and actions euery man must giue them place and giue them the honor to be superiours in euery thing and these men haue such a perswasion of themselues that they account not any for their equals and in all occurrences despise all persons If they bee in councell to make their opinions better then all the rest they mocke at the aduice of others and a man must take their authoritie in paiment in lieu of reason they mocke at euery man be he neuer so wise or well aduised If they haue any charge either Ciuill or Militarie their directions must be followed and put in execution be they neuer so grosse and witlesse and oftentimes daungerous If they haue an enemie they hold such opinion of themselues that they imagine that their lookes should be as so many Musquet shot and despising him they make account that hee ought to tremble in hearing but their name onely and are so blinded in their presumption that they perceiue not the daunger which for despising an enemie hangeth ouer their owne heads and such manner of men are easie to be ouercome and brought to ruine For such contempts are very dangerous as well in particular as publike enimities And as for the particular a man may hourely haue a thousand examples of men who because they make no reckoning of their enemie going vnprouided are slaine Wherefore a gentleman of Florence hauing a quarrell with another went armed was commended for the wise answere which he gaue to one which asked him whether hee went armed because hee was afeard or no A wittie answere of a gentleman of Florence hee said that hee went so armed because he would not bee afeard and spake wisely for a man cannot better despise his enemie then in fearing him to the end that he may alwaies finde vs readie when he shall assault vs and that hee be either deceiued or grieued As for publike quarrels to wit when armies which are enemies follow and seeke to oppresse and ouercome the one the other then to account little of an enemie is most daungerous and causeth many honourable enterprises to be lost which may bee proued by many examples as well ancient as moderne but not to be tedious I will recite a few Tigranes the most mightie King of Armenia being to fight against Lucullus Generall of the Romanes and seeing the small number of the Romane souldiers he despising and mocking them said If they came to fight they were too few but if they came for Ambassadours they were too many But the issue of the battell shewed that a man ought alwayes to make account of his enemies for Tigranes was vanquished by a few valiant men Tigranes the king of Armenia put to flight by Lucullus a Captaine of the
alienate from him straungers and enemies but also his subiects and greatest friends because that the Prince being by nature vnfaithfull and accustomed to shed humane blood is not to spare either friends or parents and much lesse his emulators corriuals competitors or enemies but with all dissimulation fraud and deceit hee will seeke to oppresse those by whose ruine hee may hope to encrease his forces and his owne estate or in any sort to establish the same For this cause a man ought not in any case to trust such Princes neither for promises for prayers neither for safegard or assurance giuen whatsoeuer and those men which commit their persons into the hands of such men which are ambitious disloyall cruell and accustomed to shed blood commit a most grosse fault for vpon the least occasion that may happen they shall be sure to be most cruelly despoyled of their estates and therewith lose their liues The Cardinall Vrsin Vitellozo Vitelli Guicciaâ— lib. â— Pagolo Orsino Iohn Pagolo Baglioni Liuorato da Fermo and Iohn Bentiuogli and some other pettie Lords of Italie seeing the little faith the great ambition and euill nature of Duke Valentin allied themselues together notwithstanding that they had been his Captaines and Generals in the warres to oppose themselues against the forces of the said Duke who sometime bereaued one Lord and sometime another of his estate and their forces being vnited all together The cunning of Duke Valentin were such that Valentin could not annoy them Valentin had recourse to his subtilty and dissimulation and seeing that he could not resist the forces of the confederates by force he sought by all meanes to disunite the mindes of these Lords and to make the one to suspect the other imagining that hee might easily ouercome them being disunited Cagli The confederates might haue put him in great daunger and disorder for that that they once had put him to flight neere the citie of Cagli if they had followed the victorie Valentin had not had the leisure so soone to raise himself againe But he continuing stiffe and resolute to conclude the agreement which was alreadie begun humbling himselfe and promising to his enemies all that which they could demaund brought the matter so wel about that of most mortall enemies that they were vnto him they became his Leaders Captaines and Souldiers as in former time they had been and serued him with their Infantrie and men at armes against the Duke of Vrbin which was a most grosse and foule fault And Valentin hauing taken by their meanes the estate of Vrbin The crueltie and treason of Duke Valentin and still remembring the hatred conceiued against them he caused them to be apprehended in Sinigaglia and there to be hanged and strangled by the hands of a hangman and taught them to know that it was not lawfull for Captaines to dallie and iest with Dukes and their Superiours to make an oth and to breake it as a man will and afterwards to trust to a cruell tyrant who to encrease his estate turned al things vpside downe And if any man would excuse them and say that they for feare of the forces of the King of France who had alreadie sent succours to Valentin made this agreement I answere them that hauing taken armes against him for the preseruation of their estates and liues it had beene better to haue left all to the incertaine hazard and lot of the warre then to giue credit to the words of one who had neuer maintained his faith agreement nor promise with any man whom they themselues held for a Prince faithlesse treacherous cruell and disloyall CHAP. 55. Jt is a pernicious thing for a Prince to haue two Generals in the warres which striue for preheminence or betweene whom is enuie and emulation IF the error of a Prince or Common-wealth be great which hauing any warre either ciuill or forrain admitteth into his holds and townes any garrison and other men at armes who after they haue ouercome the enemie may also subdue him or them which set them at work and in whose pay they haue made the warre that Prince or Common-wealth shall commit a most great fault who hauing or being to make warre against puissant and politike enemies shall hire and take into his seruice sundrie principall Commanders in the warre which doe enuie one another for glorie or are small friends hauing equall power and almost the same authoritie the second error bringeth peraduenture no lesse euill and preiudice that is to wit to haue two Generals which may warre for the preheminence or which are emulators enuying the one the other The first fault to establish settle within the countrie and as a man might say in the house a succour and garrison of men of warre which after the victorie obtained against the enemies turne and band themselues against the Conquerour by dexteritie may easily be auoided by not trusting wholy thereto but as for the other if the euill be secret and far off a man shall hardly foresee and take order for it â—ycurgus his 〈◊〉 For this cause Lycurgus the most wise lawmaker ordained in his lawes that the Kings of Sparta in their ciuill gouernment should not doe any thing but in the companie of the Magistrate but in time of warres in the field with the armie he would that they should haue supreame power and authoritie that they alone should commaund that all should depend of their will and that the regall authoritie should no way be restrained ioyning certaine counsellors vnto him to consult with them of the affaires of the warre which Lycurgus did with great iudgement because that knowing and foreseeing well that when the armies are opposit the one before the other ready to giue battaile the least stay or slacknes sufficeth to let slip a most happie successe and noble victorie from the one and to giue it to his enemie for then is no time to be busied about the aduice and opinion of many and it is a dangerous matter when souldiers are commanded by many heads who for enuie or hatred raigning betweene them or for their obstinacie or temeritie for the most part agree not together and for this cause hauing confirmed and vnited all the power and authoritie in one man alone and hauing cut off all concurrence and enuie which maketh them equall in discord he willed that he alone should gouerne all and that all the armie should readily obey him As for the first fault wee haue infinit examples in histories both ancient and moderne but this for the present shall suffice Fazel in the uinth booke of the first Decade of the history of Sicilie recited by Fazel in the ninth book of the first Decade of Sicilie to shew how dangerous a thing it is for a Prince to haue to his aide and succour a mightie garrison which afterwards he shall not be able to resist The Reginos a people of Sicilie were once diuided into two
with tokens of thankfulnes to shew themselues kinde and gracious vnto them both while they are liuing and also after they are dead In this respect the Florentines shewed themselues verie gratefull when they erected publike Statues vnto Iohn Acute an Englishman and the Lords of Venice deserue great praise who haue neuer vsed to estrange from them the harts of those which haue well serued them but their charges being brought to an end they haue returned them verie honourablie and if they died in their seruice in token of thankfulnes good will they haue relieued their children giuing them the charges of their Fathers and the yearelie pensions which their fathers had in their life time and haue erected vnto Captains being dead for the perpetual honourable remembrance of them statues of brasse and marble on horsebacke as a man may see in Gatta Mallata and in Bartelmy de Bergamo and many others in the citie of Venice and the Seignorie therof all which are things fit and proper to incite the hearts of Captaines to vertue loue and fidelitie wherewith a man ought to serue great Princes and honourable common wealths CHAP. 77. A priuate Captaine seruing a Prince or a Generall ought not to receiue any present or gift from the Prince or Generall which is enemie to his Lord and Master AS to gaine the reputation of wise and vertuous One onely foolish act maketh a man to be reputed a foole and one act of infidelitie maketh a man to be for euer hâ—ld for disloyall many vertuous and wise acts are required but for a man to make himselfe to be esteemed for a foole one onely foolish act sufficieth so to bee esteemed faithfull many proofes of fidelitie are necessarie and to acquire the name of vnfaithfull and disloyall one act of disloyaltie and fault of dutie is sufficient principally in time of warres and suspitions wherein the least suspition that a man sheweth of himselfe and doubt that hee hath some intelligence with the enemie may doe a man great hurt which appeareth when a man vseth to talke often in secret with the enemie or when a man sendeth or receiueth letters when a man receiueth gifts and presents or such like for this is properly to shew a will and inclination to serue him and so consequently a signe of running away or to vse some other meane which may be to the notable losse and dammage of the Lord whom he serueth Tartaglia a valiant souldier and renowned Captaine of his time made warres with Sforce in the behalfe of Lewes of Aniou against Alfonso King of Arragon This Tartaglia by reason of his valour was much beloued by Sforce and seemed to be much respected and esteemed by Braccio de Monton perpetuall enemie to Sforce It happened that in the time of these warres Fazio in his second booke of the act of Alfonso King of Arragon King Alfonso gaue for a present vnto Tartaglia certaine faire horses and there appeared many other signes of Braccio his loue vnto him wherefore Sforce entring into some suspition of euill through Tartaglia his behauiour caused hands to be laid on him and to be apprehended and being conuict of secret practise and intelligence with the enemie hee made his head to be striken off Which may serue for an example to other Captaines which put themselues in great Lords seruice to take heed and beware how they bring their faith and credit in question and suspition for there is no assurance nor securitie to receiue entertainment of two Masters at once which are enemies so as without causing great distrust of himselfe a man cannot make warre for the one and shew himselfe friendly vnto the other CHAP. 78. VVhen an Ambassadour speaketh otherwise then as his Master he deserueth to be had in derision THe office of an Ambassadour Lieger for his Master with some Prince or Common-wealth or which is sent sometime to one place sometime to another about affaires of importance ought alwaies to preserue and maintaine the honour and reputation of his Prince defend his actions exalt his vertues and so to carie himselfe that they with whom he doth negotiate may retaine alwaies a good opinion of him and if he seeth that his Prince committeth an error or takes some course which seemeth vnfit his dutie is to excuse him shewing either the necessitie or the strange and sudden accidents and the sound reasons which might moue him to take this resolution making that to seeme to be wittie and requisit which is vnwittie and an error For an Ambassadour which proceedeth in this manner sheweth that he is a man of spirit and of discretion and hath no neede of a prompter to put it into his braines But when an Ambassadour affirmeth any thing of his Prince which is certainly knowne to be to the contrarie and he saith in one manner and his Prince doth in another it followeth of necessitie seeing the words of the one haue no correspondence with the deeds and actions of the other that that Ambassadour must make himselfe worthie to be mocked or shew himselfe ignorant of the common aduertisements and while as hee thinketh foolishly enough to mock others he himselfe is mocked Which happeneth by so much the more when he will affirme that to be true which is manifestly knowne to the contrarie to bee a lye and cannot be couered King Francis the first of France sent for his Ambassadour Mounsieur de Tarbe then when there was a treatie of peace betweene the Emperour Charles the fift and this King to perswade the Venetians the Duke of Milan the Florentines the Duke of Ferrara confederates allies with the king against the Emperor that they should not thinke that any peace should be concluded and so farre as to aduise them that they should not disunite themselues and to promise and assure them for certaine that if the Emperour came into Italie the King of France would come thither also with great forces and he had also charge from the King to mannage with those of the League the affaires concerning the warre and the conseruation of the said League In this meane season the peace was concluded ratified and published betweene these two Princes with all vsuall solemnitie and for this cause the King of France being ashamed of his doings for certaine daies would not speake with the Ambassadours of the League But the Lord of Tarbe which was in Italie being gone to Venice to Florence to the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara where the conclusion of the peace was alreadie knowne and that the King of France as a man might say had abandoned Italie to the Emperour he gaue them to vnderstand by a ridiculous lye the great preparation for the warres as well on the behalfe of his King as of the King of England and exhorted the said Princes to doe the like when as it was certainly knowne that neither the one nor the other did any thing of that which he reported Wherefore while as
giue blowes for they both were couragious and valiant it happened that Amy receiued a thrust in the forehead but little hurt whereby neuerthelesse the blood running downe his face and into his eyes he was therewith much troubled so as he could not handle his sword as he would haue done To whom Iohn de Turin then said Amy stay rest thee and binde vp thy wound and so giuing backe he gaue his enemie leasure to binde vp his wound with a handkercher and to rest himselfe Afterwards the fight being begun againe and vsing their hands very gallantly Amy gaue so great a blow that he smote Iohn de Turin his sword out of his hand and therewith said to Iohn stay rest thee and take vp thy sword againe and after that they had rested they began the third assault but the other Souldiers which stoode to behold the combat seeing the great courage and courtesie betweene these two men ran to the Lord de Medicis reciting vnto him all the successe of the combat praying him that hee would not suffer that either of them both should be slaine and so their Lord entring into the chamber found that through the much blood which they had lost they were so weake and faint that they were both fallen to the ground and scarcely able to speake and so hauing caused them to be taken vp and the controuersie to be referred to him he made them agree and their wounds to be bound vp with all diligence and they liued many yeares after the death of their Lord. I would now know whether the courtesie which these men shewed in the very middest and heate of their fight did deserue blame or no for which occasion I haue euer found them much esteemed and worthie to be named and mentioned as men which fought with generositie of heart and as valiant men and not as sauage beasts as now adaies most doe which hold not for their but and end an honorable victorie but the blood and life of their enemie nothing caring that the world know whether the course which they haue held in killing him be honourable or vituperable and worthie of shame And it were a faire question to be asked and disputed whether of these two vsed the greatest coutesie either hee which suffered his enemie to binde vp his wound and stop the blood which ran into his eyes and hindred his sight or he which suffered his enemie to take vp his sword againe which was fallen out of his hand The Lord Iohn Baptista Posseuin produceth another example at the end of the fift booke of his dialogues of the honour of Cechino de Padoua Iohn Baptista Posteum lib. 5 who fighting at Mantoua with Benedict Liberal who with a stroke with his sword brake his aduersaries sword A combat betweene Cechino of Padua and Bennet Liberal and Cechino retiring himselfe bad Benedict to take another sword if he would fight but the Duke of Mantoua presently tooke vp the matter and brought them to agreement Cechino deserued great praise for this courtesie who noblie would preuaile by his owne vertue and valour and not by the fauour of Fortune and would not kill his enemie being disarmed or fallen as most men now a daies would doe and as many in time past haue done who would haue for the prize and reward of their victorie the blood and life of their enemie slaine by them in any manner howsoeuer CHAP. 84. Jt is a very dangerous matter to tell Princes of their faults and imperfections not withstanding that at sometimes it be very necessarie so to doe FOrasmuch as Princes in their gouernments may sometimes erre and swarue from the right line which is required in a principalitie it would do wel freely to tell them wherein they erre and to see if it might be possible to bring them to a right and good gouernment No man would be too freely reprehended but because it might bee displeasing vnto them for as much as there is no man that willingly giueth eare to him which doth freely and liberally reprehend him and they which should vndertake to do it should peraduenture incurre the danger to displease the Prince the euill gouernment would euer proceede and the abuses and vices take footing in the estate and here hence it commeth that Princes doe not amend and correct their faults and offences And it is not fit that euery man put himselfe forwards to vse this reprehension for it is not in euery man to know how to doe it and therefore hemust so frame his speeches that the Prince may perceiue no lesse loue towards him then a will to discouer vnto him his fault and no lesse reuerence then desire of amendment Wherein is so great difficultie that he which well considereth thereof may loue better to haue patience and to leaue the Prince to liue after his owne phantasie then by aduertising him to put himselfe in daunger to discontent him The subtile discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to king Ptolomy incurre his displeasure and bring his attempt to an euill end Demetrius Phalerius knew well this difficultie and for this cause when hee would aduertise King Ptolomy of his faults and errours which he committed he did not liberally discouer them vnto him but he counselled him to reade those bookes which did treate of the gouernment of Princes because that those dead men would tell him those things which liuing men durst not so as without any shame or danger to any he might know what were conuenient for him to doe and to auoide the committing of faults in the gouernment of his estate That it is a dangerous matter to tell Princes their imperfections an infinit number of examples both ancient and moderne do beare record but this onely shall suffice which Matthew Villani wrote of a King of Spaine Matthew Villani which raigning in the yeere 1358. was extreamely in loue with a yong woman his concubine for the which he became so incensed that he would haue all the Cities subiect to his Crowne to doe her homage and sweare vnto her fealtie so that to satisfie her hee committed things vnworthie of a King and became to be so outragious and cruell that hee respected not with his owne hands to kill some of his owne parentage The gentlemen of Siuill did much marueile at his commaundement to make them sweare fealtie to the Kings concubine and hauing confulted together they named twelue gentlemen to goe as Ambassadours to the King and gaue them charge with modestie to reproue him of those things which he did and to assay by all submission and humilitie to withdraw him from that humour to doe homage to his Minion saying that being bound by oth to the ancient Queene they could not giue it to any other except they were first abfolued and exempt from their former oth The Ambassadours of Siuill went to the King and with due reuerence declared vnto him their charge and amiably reproued him of his fault The King
of the Duke of Florence when hee gaue him to vnderstand of the Rebellion and reuolt of Siena 2. f a Daungerous tumult happened in Florence 236. g the subtill Discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to King Ptolomie 210. f Dionysius the Tyrant made his Barber to be slaine 166. g Donat Raffignin by treason yeeldeth the fortresse of Valence to the French 18. e Demaratus lost the kingdome of the Lacedemonians for speaking one word vnaduisedly 166. h the Demaunds of Charles the eight King of France 32. h Dionysius put a gentleman to death for speaking of a word 166. g It is dishonorable for a man to abandon his friend in time of need for any occasion whatsoeuer 79. c Duke Valentine caused Ranire de Orco a Spaniard his Lieutenant to be slaine in Romania for doing iniustice 135. b In chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. f E ENterprises ought to be considered in cold blood and executed in hot blood 190. e the Emperour Maximilian distrusted the Swissers 52. g the Emperour Vitellius was ouerthrowne by Vespasian the Emperour 141. d the error of Alberigue of Barbian 194. f the errour of Ferdinand King of Spaine 194. g the error of Francis the first King of France 194. h there is double errour committed in chusing of Captaines 46. g the Egyptians punished those children which were ingratefull to their parents 250. e Empoli taken by the Prince of Orange 206. g of an Enemie what account is to bee made 183. c. d F FInizan sacked by the French 4. e Francis Sforce of his owne authority concluded a peace between the Venetians and Duke Phillip of Milan 37. a Francis Sforce maketh warre against Phillip his father in law 39. e the Fault of Lewes Poggio in departing from Milan 41. a Fabius Maximus opposed himselfe against Titus Ottacilius who maried his sisters daughter and would haue been Consul 49. c Fuluius a wise Captaine of the Romanes 104. a the Florentines by distrusting the King of France and the Lord Beaumont his Generall lost a most fit oportunitie to recouer the Citie of Pisa 72. f Ferdinand and Don Iulius conspire against Alfonse Duke of Ferrara 88. e Francis Guicciardin deliuered the Citie of Florence from great danger 130. e the Florentines murmured against Guicciardin 130. g Federick of Sicilie caused Remond il Blanco to be beheaded for treason 171. d the Follie and obstinacie of Cambyses 213. c the French ouerthrowne by the Swissers 151. c wherefore Francis the first would not performe the articles of agreement made betweene him and Charles the fift 181. b Francis Sforce Duke of Milan renounced the safeconduct of the Emperor Charles the fift 218. f Foure things principally to bee held inuiolable 222. g the Florentines were seuerely punished for breaking certaine statues 114. e G GArsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition 229. c God reuealeth sinne early or late and the punishment followeth 170. e the Greedines of souldiers and Captaines hath been the losse of many faire enterprises 19. b Gabades a Captaine of the Persians sacked the Citie of Amide 220. h the Greedines of English souldiers 19. d the Greedines of Italian souldiers 21. c the Greedines of the Stradiots 21. d Galeas Sanseuerin fled from Alexandria and left it in pray to the enemie 47. d the Greatnes of courage of the Romane Common-wealth 93. b the Germanes were defeated by the Guelphes before Siena 121. d in chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. g the Gabaonites punished for abusing a stranger 246. e a Gentlewoman of Cesena much praised 102. g H HAnnibal preserued by a gentleman of Capua 246. g Hanniball compelled the Saguntines to depart their countrey with the cloathes on their backes onely 182. e Harpagus tooke pitie of Cyrus being an innocent infant 74. c Harpagus Generall for Astyages reuolted from him ouercame and slew him 75. a Henry the 5. Emperour made warre in Sicilie against King Roger. 54. e He that is employed ought to haue an eye to his Princes qualities and conditions 36. e the Hopes of banished men are more measured with desire then with reason 86. h Hippolito de Medicis much fauoured of the Hungars 240. g Herod made a promise to his daughter in law without any consideration 179. d Hierom Sauonarola lost his credit in Florence 28. e Hippolita Cardinall of Ferrara made the eyes of Iulius de Esté to be pluckt out and set in againe 87. d Hospitalitie is a vertue worthie of a gentleman a Christian 244. e Hugo de Moncado slaine in a battaile by Sea against Phillippin de Doria 191. a I IT is notable folly to giue much credit to iudiciall Astrologie 57. c It is not possible to foresee or preuent al the mishaps disgraces which may happen to Princes neither to resist or redresse them when they happen 51. f It is follie to commit the state of an Empire to the will of a few 154. e Iohn Bentiuogli and Hermes his sonne in one night murthered almost all those which were of the house of Marescotti or depending thereof through suspition 64. g Iaques Caldor noted of inconstancie 233. a Imbault Generall of the French armie mocked the Florentines 72. g Iohn Rata Earle of Caserta put his Lord Manfredi King of Sicilie in extreame danger 78. e the Insolence of the Spanish souldiers 132. g the Imeresians seaze vpon Reggio 141. c Ioy cannot be hidden 99. c the Issue and end of an enterprise manifesteth the wisedom of the counsell giuen 178. e be which doth an Iniurie doth more shame and dishonour to himselfe then to him to whom the wrong is done 73. c to deface an Image or statue is a poore reuenge 113. a Inconstancie and lightnes of wit is greatly to be reproued principally in a Captaine 233. b L LAwes ordained by Valerius Coruinus and Tiberius Gracchus 221. b Laurence de Medicis reconciled to Alfonse King of Naples 6. h Let not him which is not of power sufficient attēpt enterprises which he cannot maintaine 11. b Lewes More out of countenance and mocked by the Florentine Ambassadours 24. h the Law of Appeal introduced by Sauonarola 27. c the Lord of Tremouille with absolute power concluded a peace with the Swissers notwithstanding that it was vpon very vnworthie conditions 34. g Light beleefe in euery thing sheweth a light wit and weak braines 53. b it is Lost labour to goe about to perswade obstinate persons by reason for the more they are counselled the more stifly they persist in their opinion 60. g Lautrech through his obstinacie was the cause of the totall ruine of the French Army before Naples and was the occasion of his owne death 61. a Liuius Salinator exposed the Romane Armie to manifest danger 27. a the
Laurentines in reuenge of the iniurie done to their Ambassadours slew Tatius king of the Romanes 89. b Lewes More Gouernour of Milan caused himselfe to bee called the sonne of Fortune 99. d Lewes Duke of Milan betrayed by the Swissers 52. e Lycurgus his law 140. h the liberalitie of Artaxerxes 188. h the liberalitie of Cosmo de Medicis Duke of Florence 203. a M MOre praise and commendation is purchased by pardoning then by taking reuenge 102. f a Man wrongeth himself in speaking ill of his superiours 211. b no Man would be too freely reprehended 209. d a Man ought to bee well aduised how he promise any thing 179. b a Man may in two manners haue knowledge of his enemies purposes 156. h a Man cannot retaine that greatnes in aduersitie which he shewed in the beginning of his prosperitie 91. b no Man is absolutely nor altogether wicked 82. h Men happen oftentimes to haue need of those men which in former time they despised 69. d no Man can serue two masters 232. h a Man ought by his wisedome to eschue ouercome the euils threatned against him by his constellation 59. d Manfredi by a wile deliuered himselfe frō the siege of Nocerra and seazed on the kingdome of Sicilie 56. f no Mans friendship is to be despised whatsoeuer when it is offred 45. c one Mans doings ought not to serue for a generall rule for all mē 42. g Manlius Torquatus caused his own sonne to be slaine 63. e the Meanes of Duke Valentine to make himselfe great 29. d N NIcholas Campo Bachio an Italian Earle to be reuenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundie and withdrew himselfe to Lewes King of France 78. h a Notable ouerthrow of the English 21. a the Noblenes of a man is to be considered according to his valour and vertue and not according to and after his descent 46. g a Notable reuenge vpon Panioni Sciotte by Hermotine of Pedase 76. f a Noble act of the Emperour Maximilian 103. e Nicias a Captaine of the Athenians through his temeritie was ouercome slain by Gilippus 127. b the Noble mind of the Emperor Rodulph the first 183. a Nicholas Franco was hanged at Rome for railing 224. g Narses wroth with the Emperour of Constantinople 235. d O ONe foolish act maketh a man to bee reputed a foole and one act of infidelitie maketh a mā for euer to be held for disloyall 196. g the Opinion of the Marquesse of Pescara 161. a the Ouerthrow of the Florentines before Pisa through the policie of Mutolo a Pisan Captaine 105. b Obstinacie maketh men cruell both against themselues others 61. c an Obstinate man loueth rather to dye then to shew euen the least signe of humilitie 62. g the Ouerthrowe of the French at Guinguast in Picardie 22. f the Ouersight of Peter de Medicis 7. b P PEace betweene Charles the fift and Francis the first King of France 238. e Peter de Medicis chased from his countrey 4. h Penander the tyrant slaine by one of his household 15. d the Pleasant dangerous iest of a souldier 16. e Peter de Medicis driuen from Florence 33. a Paulo Vitellio condemned to die by the Florentines 34. e the People of Milan reiected by Lewes King of France 45. b the Pisans loued better to subiect themselues to the Genoays their mortall enemies than to the Florentines their Lords neighbours and friends 63. b Peter Candian Prince of Venice for his euill behauiour was slaine by the common people 77. d Princes haue neede of many things and of the seruice of many persons 86. h Pausanias murthered Phillip king of Macedonia his soueraigne Lord 87. c more Praise is purchased by pardoning than by taking reuenge 102. f Petilius Coreal Generall for the Romanes through his negligence was put to flight 106. g Prospero Columna through his owne fault was taken prisoner by the Lord of Palisse a Commaunder of the French 108. e Prato sacked by the Spaniards 117. b Publike persons hauing charge incur many errors if they bee not endued with wisdome 149. b Pope Leo the tenth his discourse to a Groome of his Chamber 189. a a Prince ought to consider what he speaketh in choler when he speaketh any thing of any particular subiect 211. d the Prudence of the Senate of Siracusa 215. d Particular persons preserued by God 244. g Peace between the Emperor Charles the fift and Francis the first king of France 238. e Peter Brunor betraied Francis Sforce 234. e a Prince ought to consider of the qualitie of euill speeches 223. c Prospero and Fabritio Columna returne to the seruice of Ferdinand king of Naples 9. c the common People is insatiable euer coueteth new things and is neuer content 44. g a Prince ought to haue many Spies and one not to know the other 160. f the Prudence of king Francis the first in the battaile against the Swissers at Marignan 158. e Proude men are hardly appeased by humilitie 98. e R ROger the second king of Sicilie taken prisoner by the Emperour Henry the fift at Palermo with his three sisters and had his eyes and stones pluckt out and dyed in prison 54. f more Reckoning is made of one pleasure to come than of a hundred alreadie receiued 29. d a publike Rumor is not to be contemned because it seemeth that what is in euery mans mouth is to be held for a diuine oracle 58. f Rome abandoned by the Romanes for feare of the Gaules 104. h Robert K. of Sicilie taken prisoner and afterwards deliuered by his brother Roger. 180. f S SPies may doe harme by their reports to Princes 160. e a Scoffe vsed by an Agent for Charles the fift 200. g certaine Spanish Captaines conuict of treason and made to passe the Pikes 168. f to Speake to no purpose is hurtfull 165. d the Subtiltie of Gonsaluo Fernandes the great Captaine 161. c Spyes ought not by a Prince to be aduaunced to honours and publike charges 160. g the Swissers were deceiued by the French in passing the Alpes 155. c Subiects ought not to be put in dispaire by maintaining of Gouernours 132. e Silenonte was taken by the Carthagenians for that it was not in time relieued by the Siracusans 119. c Sundrie opinions whether a man ought to containe himselfe within the bonds of his Commission 35. c a Small matter breaketh friendship but much is required to restore it 25. d Scipio Nasica odious to the Romane people 15. d a Spirit appeared to Iaques a Chirurgion in the likenes of Ferdinand king of Naples 12. g Spirits are of two kindes 12. h a Spirit appeared to Saul in the likenes of Samuel 13. a Spirits appeare in diuers formes 13. b to what kind of men they appeare eadem a Subiect ought to dissemble his discontentment when he is reiected by his Prince 203. e T TErentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians 151. c Things which may be or not be and depend on the will of Fortune ought not constantly to be affirmed before they be perfourmed 149. d Tygranes king of Armenia put to flight by Lucullus a Captaine of the Romanes 122. g They which doe wrong and shew crueltie to the dead are worthie of eternall shame and dishonour 113. b To knowe what may breede feare in an enemie is the beginning of good successe 111. c Themistocles poysoned himselfe 85. d There are fiue things which induce a man which hath been disloyall to his first friend to be faithfull to the second 42. g V VIrginio Vrsin sent his sonne to serue the French 8. h that Vertue is knowne in time of trouble which in peace is not esteemed 49. a Vital Michael Prince of Venice in disgrace with the people 55. b Valentine cunningly entrapped by Gonsaluo Fernandes sent into Spaine prisoner and there kept in the Castle at Medina del Campo 81. d that is a perfect Victorie which assureth a man in his estate and deliuereth him from the feare of his enemies 109. a an imperfect Victorie is the seede roote and originall of another warre 109. c Victorie is oftentimes the cause of vices 109. d the Venetians would not suffer Bernard Contarini to kill the Duke of Milan 133. c the Villanie of certaine Spanish Captaines who by treason would haue caused the Aluain a Captaine of the Venetians to haue been slaine 154. h that Vertue is known in time of trouble which in peace is not esteemed 149. a W WIlliam the first king of Sicilie would neuer beleeue that Maion a fauorite of his would haue slaine him 59. b William king of Sicilie caused a certaine Iudge to be fleyed because he did not execute Iustice in his charge 134. f the Wittie speech of Marius and Fabius Maximus 219. b the Wise answer of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus 228. h X XEnophon giueth his Souldiers to vnderstand that hee had not robbed thē of their pay 217. d Z ZOphir by fraude put the Citie of Babilon into the hands of king Darius 144. h FINIS