do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
and triflingly talked with king Alexander the Great as if he had spoken to some simple burgesse of Athens And Calisthenes Plutarke in Alex. whom Alexander led with him in his voyage unto Asia to instruct him in good documents of wisedome who indeed was so austere hard and biting in all his remonstrances and reasonings as neither the king nor any others could take in good part any thing that he taught It is then very much expedient if a man mean to gather fruit and do good by his speech to use gentle and civile talke and persuasions especially if he have to doe with a Prince or great man which will not be gained by rigor or as they say by high wrastling but by mild and humble persuasions And above all men ought well to engrave in princes minds that notable answere which The difference of a friend and a flatterer captaine Phocion made unto the king Antipater who had required some thing of him which was not reasonable I would Sir doe for your service all that is possible for me but you cannot have me both for a friend and a flatterer as if he would say That they be two things farre different to be a friend and to be a flatterer as in truth they are For the true friend and servant of the prince orders and frames all his actions Plutarke de discri adul amici to the good of the prince and the flatterer tends and bends all his actions to his owne proper good the true friend loveth with a true love his prince and the flatterer loveth himself the true friend modestly sheweth his vices in his presence and praiseth his vertues in his absence but the flatterer alwaies exalts the prince in his presence rather for his vices than for his vertues and behind his backe he blameth and defameth him vaunting and saying that he governes him at his pleasure and that he possesseth him and makes him doe what hee will the true friend persevereth in the service of his prince as well in time of adversitie as prosperitie and the flatterer turnes his backe in time of adversitie the true friend serves for an healthfull medicine to his prince but the flatterer for a sweet poison the true friend conserveth his prince in his estate and greatnesse but the flatteter precipitateth him into ruine and destruction as we shall discourse the examples of al these things hereafter Moreover when we say that flatterers are pernicious to a prince that is not ment of all them which dedicate and give themselves to please the prince for there may well be Gentlemen of his owne age about him to accompany him in his honest pastimes as to ride hunt hawke to tourney to play at tennis to run and other like pastimes which doe not evill to give themselves to please him in such things but contrary it is right necessary and requisit that the prince have sometimes such companie For it should not be good nor comely in defect and for want of plaies and pastimes hee should to himselfe procure an habit of a Stoicall humour neither that he should get a complection too severe and melancholicke Hereof we read a very remarkable example above others in Alexander the great king of Macedon When he departed from his countrey to passe into Asia to make war upon that great Dominator king Darius he had with him most cheefe in his love amongst others Craterus and Hephaestion two gentlemen his especiallest friends and servants yet farre Plutarke in Alex. different the one from the other for Craterus was of an hard and sharpe wit severe stoicall and melancholicke who altogether gave himselfe unto affaires of Counsell and indeed was one of the kings cheefe Counsellors but Hephaestion was a young gentleman well complexioned and conditioned in his manners and behavior of a good and quicke wit yet free of all care but this to content and please the king in his sports and pastimes insomuch as men called Craterus the kings friend and Hephaestion the friend of Alexander as one that gave himselfe to maintaine the person of his prince in mirths and pastimes which were good to the maintenance of his health When Alexander had conquered Persia and Media he begun to apparrell himselfe after the Persian Median manner the rather to gaine the hearts of those nations newly conquered Hephaestion to please the king did the like leaving the Macedonike manner to apparrell himselfe as the Persians and Medes did for which the king liked him the better but Craterus kept alwaies his old fashions of Macedonie and much blamed that change of fashions in their apparrell and said it was but even to barbarize and begun to taunt and gibe at Hephestion for it This their contrarietie of manners was a cause that they entred farre into enmitie and quarrels insomuch as one day thēy came unto the drawing of swords one against another and streight assembled their friends on both sides wherby had falne out a great mutinie if the king himselfe had not come in good time hearing a great noise of people and seperated them presently openly rebuking Hephaestion calling him foole and mad man he tooke also privatly aside Craterus and told him he greatly marvelled that he being a wise man would so hate Hephaestion for so small a thing Afterward he agreed them publickely delared unto them that they were the two Gentlemen which most he loved in the world but if any more they fell to quarell again hee swore by Iupiter Amon that with his owne hands he would slay him that begun But after that they did nothing one against other Hereupon I say That it is necessary for a Prince to have such as Craterus for his counsell and it also becomes him well to have such as Hephaestion to keepe him companie in his honest pastimes But to the end men may better discerne such as are good friends and servants from flatterers I will now God willing discover the examples of many sorts of flatterers which for the most part have had in singular observation that Maxime of Machiavell namely To hold close from the Prince the truth of things and the better to distinguish them I will call them with such names as our auncestors have called them which are very proper and covenable unto them First there are a sort of flatterers which our auncient Frenchmen called janglers which signifieth as much Ianglers as a skoffer a trifler a man full of words or as we call them long tongues which by their jangling and babelings in rime or in prose such as do give themselves to please great men in praising and exalting them exceedingly rather for their vices than for their vertues These be they which by their fair language can make as one saith of a Devill an Angell but in the meane while they so enchant men and swell them up so with pride that in effect they make them become even Angelicall Devils This sort
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
founded upon reason and they accorded to the people of the third estate magistrates which were called Tribunes of the people These had the charge to defend the common people against great men with power to imprison all such as seemed good unto them and this magistrate proved very profitable whilest they used it well but as soone as they abused it it fell out to bee very pernitious so is it of all other offices To demonstrate that men cannot keepe a peace when thereby they are handled like slaves the example of the Saguntines is very notable admirable The Saguntines Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 3. a people of Spaine were besieged by Anniball of Carthage who held them so straightly in their city that they had no meane left to escape or resist They being reduced to this extremity Anniball sent them word by one of his nation called Alorcus to yeeld themselves to save their lives For courages said hee must needes bee vanquished when forces failed and Anniball would save their lives if they would yeeld to him and of his grace would deale well with them These poore people well considered the extreame danger wherein they were and that they had no meane to escape Anniball his hands but with yeelding unto him and to yeeld they should change their free into a servile condition which they feared so much as they loved better to lose their lives therefore resolved so to deale as neither their bodies nor their goods should ever come into the power of Anniball So they tooke choice of certaine young men of the towne which they caused to sweare to defend the gates of the towne even to the death that in the meane while the other townes-people might have leasure to execute their determination after this the cheefe of the towne resorted to the common market place and there caused to bee laid on a heape all the goods and treasures of the towne and about it to light a great fier within which many cast themselves and were burned lest they should fall into Anniballs hands others shut themselves up in their houses with their wives and children after putting fire thereunto burnt the said houses themselves and their goods and the said young men which were trusted with the gates made an end of fighting and living together Was not heere thinke you an admirable love of libertie for if they would but a while have lived under Anniball his yoake there had beene hope that the Romanes their allies would have delivered them but yet they rather tooke choice to lose their lives yea that by a most strange cruell death than to suffer for a small time a servile subjection under Anniball But as it is rare and unlikely that a servile peace should bee long and well observed so it is a very great fault to breake a peace when it is sufficiently commodious A tolerable peace ought not to be broken and tollerable This was the onely cause of the totall ruine of that great flourishing commonwealth of the Carthaginians for after they had many times broken the treatie of peace which they had with the Romanes and had beene many times vanquished in the end they were altogether destroyed and their townes rased and the cause that moved the Romanes thus to doe was for that they considered that the Carthaginians would never observe faith nor promise they made which alreadie so many times they had violated especially since they were not at any time bound to any hard condition of peace but onely hindered to rebell or waxe great Titus livi lib. 3. Dec. 4. and lib. 4. Dec. 5. Plutarch in P. Aemil. But the example of king Philip of Macedon and of Perseus his sonne is verie notable in this matter This king Philip about some light occasion enterprised warre against the Aetolians a people of Greece the Romanes allies The Aetolians called to their aid the Romanes sent an armie into Greece against Philip under the charge of captaine Sulpitius as well to succour the Aetolians as also the Athenians which Philip would have destroyed and lastly to revenge themselves of the king who covertly had aided with silver Anniball to make warre upon them after certaine conflicts this king fearing the forces and vertue of the Romanes did so much as hee wrought a peace with them after that they had made this peace hee observed it very well all the rest of his life and the better to keepe it from point to point hee had ordinarily in his hands the articles of that peace which hee ever read twise a day that hee might not breake any point of it When hee was dead Perseus his sonne succeeded him unto whom a Macedonian gentleman called Onesimus a faithfull friend and councellor of his father Philip gave this advice to have ever in his hands and often to reade the said treatise and articles of peace that as his father had done he might inviolablie observe them as the onely meane to maintaine him in his estate Perseus at the beginning did but despise the admonitions of that good seruant Onesimus but in the end hee had him in suspition and put him out of credit insomuch as the good person fearing worse unto himselfe fled to Rome After this Perseus gathering great store of money and esteeming himselfe strong enough to warre against the Romanes by little and little broke the articles of peace one after another altogether contrarying the contents of the articles in the mean time covertly prepared for warre finally the Romanes sent against him the consull Paulus Aemilius with a Roman armie which in lesse than a month seised upon all Macedonia and brought it into the Romane obedience and tooke prisoners the king Perseus and his sonne which hee carried to Rome in a triumph where they miserably dyed in a prison behold the evill haps of Perseus for not imitating the example of his father in the observation of the treatise of peace Verely the prince which well considereth the good that comes by living in peace will alwaies seeke to maintaine it but at the least within his owne domination for in peace all things do flourish and in warre all things are in ruine and devastation we reade that in the time of Antonius Pius all the Romane empire was in good peace and that by the same meanes all the provinces were rich and flourishing not onely Capitol in Antonio Pio. Plinius in epist ad Traianum in goods but in vertues and sciences for at that time good letters flourished al over and especially the civile law which was so well practised and in all places so good justice administred that the whole empire was a most excellent and admirable thing at that time Moreover that good emperour tooke a great delight to fabricate and build great works and common buildings as the Amphitheater which he builded at Nismes where hee was borne it is called at this day les Arenes the temple of Adrian
alive and hee shewed letters found in the house of Antistius written by Tarquin and sealed with his seale directed to Antistius which were found about him where Sextus had secretlie put them which he caused to be read before all the Gabinians as soone as they had heard them they were so angred and moved against good Antistius who knew not what to say of this thing he never thought that straight they stoned him and suffered Sextus himselfe to punish the compartners of Antistius Then Sextus having the bridle loose caused to be massacred in their houses all the greatest and noblest of the towne of Gabium and by that meanes he and his father proved masters of that poore desolate towne But this tyrannie and others they committed caused on the other side that they lost the kingdome and domination of Rome so that fishing for a frog they let goe out of their net a lamprey so happeneth it ordinarilie to such as will needes practise this detestable doctrine of Machiavell If wee looke into the manner of government practised by all great conquerors not such petie and tyrannous governours as Borgia and generous monarches which became the greatest and noblest of the world as Caesar Alexander the great Cyrus Charlemaine c. wee shall finde that they used most contrary meanes to Machiavells doctrine for they exercised no cruelties towards great or little as they made their conquests but so farre as the necessitie of warre carried them Yea they used conquered people with all kindnesse clemencie they embraced and entertained very well such as were great personages altered nothing in the publike state religion policie customes liberties but maintained them all contenting themselves onely with the soveraignite And this was the cause why many people desired not to resist them but to bee their subjects and they which resisted them yeelded againe easily without abiding any great batterie or assaults Therefore most generously and nobly dealt king Lewis to imitate the kindnes and gentlenes of those great Monarches when hee conquered Millan For although hee after againe lost it yet it followeth not that the fault proceeded heereof That hee would not bee so cruell as to exterminate the whole race of the Sforces but rather heere of proceeded that losse by the inconstancie of the Millanois and the machinations of pope Iulius the second with the Venetians which thought it not good to have so great a master so nigh them as the French and Italian hystories doe evidently demonstrate And whereas Machiavell maintaineth That it succeeds not well for a prince to imitate sometimes the vertuous actions of generous princes and that therefore he ought to follow the vicious actions of such as are of no account he shewed that he is together both wicked and ignorant for what more wicked doctrine can be given to a prince than to say he ought to imitate wicked actions because sometimes they succeed well This is as much as to say that we must by the high waies cut merchants throats and be theeves because theeves gaine therby But if Machiavell and all his favourites would judge of the successe of all things by their end as they ought to judge they should find that those glorious goodly successes that happen to the wicked are but meanes wherewith God serves himselfe to bring them into ruin and utter overthrow which they merited as amply I have otherwhere shewed by many examples And as for the examples he alledgeth he shewes himselfe by the application he makes a very beast It succeeded not well saith hee to Commodus Caracalla Spartian Dion in Severo Caracalla and Maximinus in that they would imitate and resemble Severus ô bravely applied and to good purpose spoken for Pertinax succeeded Commodus and Severus Pertinax so that Commodus did never see nor know Severus who in his time was yet unknowne being a simple waged souldier of a base and unknowne race how should Capitol in Maximino then Commodus propose him for an example to imitate and as for Caracalla his sonne and Maximin they were never imitators of Severus but in his vices namely in crueltie and therefore we need not mervaile if it succeded not well unto them Lamprid. in Alexan. Herod lib. 6. Capitol in Marco The emperour Severus had very good vertues for he was very well learned and advanced to estates learned people he maintained a very good policie in the Roman empire he made good and holy lawes which are yet in use hee caused good justice to bee administred to the people and kept barbarous nations in a new obedience Caracalla his sonne had none of those vertues although Machiavell being very ignorant of histories saith he was endued with excellent vertues for histories attribute no vertue unto him but that from his youth hee was accustomed to live a la Souldarde like a souldier that hee was not delicate but patient of labour but otherwise the most wicked man in the world in all things And as for Maximin he in all things resembled Caracalla but that he was issued from a vile and base race and a barbarous nation and Caracalla was an emperours sonne and as for that which Machiavell sayth That it succeeded not well to Pertinax Alexander Severus by their imitation of the emperour Antonius the philosopher hee still shewes more his beastlinesse and that he hath not read the hystories of their lives For hystories shew that Pertinax was slaine of his souldiers because he appeared to them more covetous than he should have been So likewise was Alexander slaine for the covetousnesse of Mammea his mother towards the souldiers But we never reade that Marcus Antonius was ever spotted with that vice of covetousnesse but contrary that he was a very liberall prince nothing holding lesse than a covetous mind and that herein as in all other vertues he was a true philosopher that is to say loving good and hating evill And therefore Machiavell knowes not what he saith when he saith it succeeded not well with Pertinax and Alexander Severus to have a mind to imitate Marcus Antonius he had better have spoken onely of the jeasts and matters written in the registers of Florence whereof he was Secretarie than so with a foolish interpretation to inquinate and corrupt hystories he knowes not 5. Maxime To be revenged of a citie or a countrey without striking any blow they must be filled with wicked manners VAnquished cities or provinces saith this Florentine doe mervellously Discourse lib. 1. cap. 35. lib. 2. cap. 19. vvell revenge themselves of the vanquishers in receiving them gently and filling them with wicked manners for so doe they easily prepare and dispose them to be vanquished by vvhomsoever assaulteth them as it happened to Annibals souldiers at Capua For having a long time soiourned there at their ease in all delights and pleasures they became all so effeminate that they vvere never after good for any thing This corruption of manners comes
ordinarily vvhen corrupted nations frequent amongst others for they infect them vvith evill manners And therefore it is that the Almaigne nation remaines so entire and constant in his manners because the Almaignes vvere never curious to trafficke vvith their neighbours nor to dwell in other countries nor to receive strangers into their countrey but alwayes have contented themselves vvith their owne goods nouriture manners and fashion of apparrell insomuch as shunning the frequentation of Spaniards French and Italians vvhich are the three nations of the vvorld most vicious they have not yet learned their customes and corruptions I Have not here set downe this Maxime to say it is not very true For besides the examples we reade in hystories we know it by experience and sight of eye seeing wee see at this day all Fraunce fashioned after the manners conditions and vices of strangers that governe it and have the principall charges and Estates and not onely many Frenchmen are such beasts to conforme themselves to strangers complections but also to gaggle their language and doe disdaine the French tongue as a thing too common and vulgar But if wee well consider this manner of vengeance taught by Machiavell in this Maxime we shall find it is a most detestable doctrine as well for them which practise it as for them against whom it is practised The example even of Capua which Machiavell alledgeth prooveth it For the Capuans in receiving into their towne Annibals armie corrupted Tit. Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. rupted and infected the souldiers of Anniball with all excesse and effeminate wantonnesse also by the same meanes they procured their owne ruine and entire destruction which soone after happened unto them The Persian lords which with their manners corrupted king Alexander the Great did nothing to their owne advauntage Plu. in Alex. For Alexander becomming vicious they got the evill will of the Macedonians which tooke displeasure to see their king corrupted and finally after the death of Alexander which came unto him by his dissolutenesse learned of the Persians these lords had part of the evill lucke whereof they were cause And generally we may see that the corrupters of princes and people take part alwayes in the evill whereof they are cause as in other places we have shewed by many examples of flatterers which have corrupted their princes We Frenchmen may yeeld good witnesse of what account the Italian and Neapolitane nation is by the frequentation wee had with them in the voyage which was made to Naples in the time of king Charles the eight for from thence brought they this disease which at this day is now called the French poxe and that we have ever since kept but yet so as the Italians and Neopolitanes are not exempt therefrom but both the one and the other have part of that corruption Breefely we ought to detest and hate this wicked doctrine of Machiavell and reject all vengeance and follow S. Paules lesson who commands us to converse with good people and of good manners because the conversation of the wicked not onely corrupteth good manners but also soweth those that are wicked And as for that which Machiavell saith of the Almaignes wee know and see the frequentation of the Almaignes in France and yet till this present we have not seene that they have yet gathered corruption of manners And whereas he sets downe the French nation amongst such as are most corrupted we cannot denie it but we may well say That the doctrine of Machiavell the frequentation of them of his nation are cause of the greatest and most detestable corruption which is at this day in Fraunce For of whome have the Frenchmen learned and knowne atheisme sodomie trecherie crueltie usurie and such other like vices but of Machiavell and of them of his nation So that they may brag that they are well revenged of the warres which our auncestors have made in Italie 6. Maxime It is folly to thinke that with princes and great lords new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences CAEsar Borgia saith Machiavel during the life of Pope Alexander Cap. 7. Of Princes Discourse lib. 3. cap. 4. the sixt his father usurped the domination of Romania which is a land belonging to the Church and vvas called duke de Valentinois In making those usurpations in favour of the Pope his father he offended many Cardinals and amongst others the Cardinall of Saint Peter ad vincula yet after he consented that hee should bee elected Pope after the death of Alexander his father vvhereof hee soone repented For this new Pope called Iulius the eleventh straight be took himselfe to armes to recover that vvhich Borgia had usurped although he had favoured him in his election vvhich hee should never have done nor suffered any election of a Pope vvhich vvas his enemie For saith he new pleasures never makes men forget old iniuries and offences and therefore Borgia which in all other things had governed vvell committed a foule fault in the creation of Iulius and himselfe delivered the mean of his finall destruction The same fault cōmitted Servius Tullius king of the Romanes in giving his two daughters in marriage to two Tarquins vvhich quarrelled for the crowne and vvhich thought that Tullius vvould usurpe it upon them For not only this alliance extinguished the envie and rancour vvhich they had to Servius but that which is more it caused one of the daughters to enterprise to sley her owne father IF seemeth that this which Machiavell telleth of Borgia boweth something from the truth of the hystorie For Sabellicus writeth That during the election of Pope Iulius the eleventh Borgia was shut up in the Popes tower to be safe and guarded by his enemies So there was no likelyhood that a man brought into such an extremitie as to hide himselfe and be shut up in prison for the great multitude of enemies which hee had procured should have such great credit in the Popes election But suppose it was true that Borgia helped Pope Iulius to the Popedome and that Pope Iulius was unthankfull for that benefit for the remembrance that he had of the old and ancient injuries that Borgia had sometimes done him what followes hereof That all great lords will alwayes doe the like will some Machiavelist answer and that therefore they ought not to bee trusted Is not here a goodly doctrine for a prince Breefely it is Machiavels mind to teach a prince to trust in no lord which hee hath once offended and againe that none which hath made a fault or offended him shall any more trust him whatsoever reconciliation peace concord amitie pleasure and good offices may happen since the offence Here behold a most wicked and detestable doctrine to say That an offence ought to take so deepe root in the heart of the offended that by no pleasures services or other meanes it can be rased out But Machiavell seemeth something excusable to maintaine this Maxime for according to
his sonne For how durst he punish that vice that hee had learned him therefore this example of Severus serveth little or nothing to maintaine the doctrine of Machiavell neither is one example so considerable against a million of others contrary for men must make a law of that which happeneth most often and in many examples not of that which seldome happeneth When Anniball began to execute evill his businesses in Italie and that the Romanes having taken courage began to follow him neere and to hould him short he tooke a cruell counsell which much advanced his ruine For the townes and fortresses which hee could not guard hee ruinated and destroyed that his enemies after him might not draw any commoditie from them nor make any use of them This was a cause that their courages which tooke part with him were alienated from him for saith Titus Livius Example toucheth men more than doth callamitie and losse It was a great crueltie in the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne when hee durst so much enterprise as to cause to bee slaine the duke of Orleance the kings onely brother Monst lib. 1 cap. 38. 39. 112. which crueltie cost many heads and was cause of infinit evils in the kingdome of France and finallie was the cause that the duke himselfe was massacred on the same manner that hee had caused to massacre the duke of Orleans But yet it is a thing more strange that this duke durst maintaine that he had great neede to commit that massacre Yea he found a doctor in Theologie called master Iohn Petit who durst affirme in tearmes of Theologie that that act was goodly praiseable and worthie of remuneration True it is that in the time wherein wee are there are found many such doctors of the bottle patrons defenders of sinnes and vices such as this Iohn Petit but as in the end hee was knowne to bee a lyer and a slanderer and his propositions condemned hereticall so God will cause his imitators of this time in the end to bee found like him but that the asse may appeare by his eares I have briefely set downe his oration The duke of Bourgoigne having made himselfe the stronger in armes within Paris hee tooke order that there should be held a Counsell and an assembly therein to propose his justifications In which Counsell assisted Monssier le Daulphin the king of Sicile the cardinall of Bar the dukes of Berry of Bretaigne of Lorraine and many contes barons and many other great lordes and the rector of the Vniversitie of Paris accompanied with many doctors clearkes and bourgesses There was brought in by an usher master Iohn Petit a doctor in Theologie before all those nobles to justifie the act of the duke of Bourgoigne After then they had given him audience with both his hands hee tooke off his great square doctorall bonnet from off his head and began to speake in this manner My most redoubted lordes Monseignior the duke of Bourgiogne contie of Flanders and Arthois twise peere of France An oration of a doctor in Divinity and deane of Peares is come before the most noble most high Majestie royall as to his soveraigne lord to doe him reverence in all obedience as he is bound by foure obligations which commonly are set downe by doctors in Theologie and of the cannon civile law Of which bonds the first is of neighbour to his neighbour the second of parent towards his parent the third of vassaile towards his lord and the fourth will bee that the subject not onely offend not his lord but also revenge such offences as are done against him There are yet other obligations that is That the king hath done much good honour to my lord of Bourgoigne For it pleased him that Monseignior le Daulphin should espouse his daughter that the son of my said lord of Bourgoigne should marry madame Michelle daughter to his royall majesty and as S. Gregorie saith Cum crescunt dona crescunt rationes donorum that is when gifts encrease so doe their obligations also All these obligations are cause that my lord of Bourgoigne hath caused to slay the duke of Orleance lately dead which act was perpetrated for the very great good of the kings person of his children and of all the realme as I shall so sufficiently shew as every man shall bee satisfied For the said Monseignior of Bourgoigne hath charged me by expresse commandement to propose his justification which thing I durst not denie for two causes The first because I am bound to serve him by an oth taken of mee three yeeres agoe The second because hee hath given mee a good and great portion every yeere to keepe mee at schole because hee considered I was smally benificed which pension did mee great good towards my expences and yet will so doe mee long if it please God and my said lord of Bourgoigne But when I consider the great matter I have taken in hand to handle before this noble companie great feare troubleth my heart for I know I am of small sense feeble of spirit and of a poore memorie so that my tongue and memory flieth away and that small sence I was wont to have hath now altogether left mee so that I see no other remedie but to commend mee to my God and creator and to his glorious mother to Monseigneur S. Iohn the Evangelist prince of Theologians And therefore I humbly beseech you my most redoubted lords all this companie if I say any thing which is not well said to attribute it to my simplenesse and ignorance that I may say with the Apostle Ignorans feci ideoque miserecordiam consecutus sum that is I did it of ignorance and therefore am I pardoned But some may here make a question saying It appertaineth not to a Theologian to make the said justification but rather to a jurist I answer That then it belongeth nothing to me which am neither the one nor the other but a poore ignorant man as I have sayd whose sence and memorie faileth yet a man may say and maintaine it That it well belongeth to a doctor in Theologie to defend his master and to say and preach the truth Men need not then be abashed if I lend my pore tongue to my lord and maister who hath nourished me For it is now in his great need that I lend him my tongue they that love me the lesse for it I thinke they commit a great sinne and hereof every man of reason will excuse me Then to begin this Iustification I take my theame upon that which S. Paul saith Radix omnium malorū cupidit as quam quidam appetentes erraverunt à fide These words are in the first to Timothie the sixt chapter and are thus englished Ladie Covetousnesse of all evils is the root which makes men disloyall Some may object to me that pride is the first of all sinnes because Lucifer by his pride fell from Paradice into hell and also
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
dead man makes no warre But if a man reply upon them that a dead man yet may because of warre although he can make no warre what would they answere Dare they denie so apparent a thing as we see with our eyes and whereof hystories furnish us with infinit examples Lewis duke of Orleance king Charles the sixt his brother after the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne had caused him to be slaine made no warre indeed but yet was the cause of a civile warre in Fraunce which endured more than sixtie yeares Pompeius after he was slaine made no more warre but his death was the cause of a great and long civile warre in the Romane empire The violating and Iudges 19 20. death of a Levites wife was it not the cause of a warre wherein there died more than sixtie thousand men They which were slaine at Vassi Anno 1562 drew not they on a civile warre which endured too long They also which were slaine in Anno 1572 in the moneth of August by the great townes of Fraunce but especially Paris were not they cause of great warres It is therefore a foule and an inconsiderate saying to alledge that a dead man makes no warre thereupon to found their massacres and slaughters without considering the consequences thereof Hereupon is very memorable the speech that Geta the yong prince made to the emperour Severus his Spar. in Geta father Severus having vanquished Albinus and Niger his competitors to the empire begun to make a great slaughter of the greatest lords and gentlemen of Rome which had taken part with Albinus or Niger because they were of a more noble house than Severus As then day by day he was committing his slaughter he one day said unto Bassianus Geta his children as men spoke of that fact I shall by this meanes ease you of all your enemies Hereupon Geta his sonne demanded of him My lord and father them which you meane to put to death are they a great number Yea answered Severus and told him the number All they replied he have they neither parents allies nor friends Yea they have many said Severus You then said Geta will leave us more enemies than you take from us This wise speech of this young prince touched so well the heart of Severus although he was cruell that hee would needs cease from his slaughter but that Plautianus and other courtiers which attended the enriching of themselves by confiscations incited him to continue Let murderers then hold themselves assured that for one they have slaine they stirre up tenne enemies And yet is not this all for all the rest of their life they have soules and consciences tormented with the remembrance of such as they have most wickedly murdered and the shadowes and remembrances of them shall alwayes bee before their eyes as a feare and terror unto them O how the shadow of that great Admirall shall strangely torment these great enterprisers of massacres it will never leave them at rest but shall bee a burning flame which shall agast and fearefully accompanie them even to their sepulchres Let them then hearken unto the menace and threatening he makes in his tombe against them Although the soule from bodie mine cold death hath ravished Virgil Aene. lib. 4. Yet absent I will follow thee yea with a flame full blacke My shaddow alwaies shall appeare about thee as one dead Which shall revenge on thee my blood thou who no ill doest lacke I thought good by the way to touch what warre the dead makes or what cause of war they are to refute that saying of the Machiavellians That a dead man makes no warre Let us now come where we left Of subtilties which wee say ought not to bee practised in the government of the affaires of State and that thereby none may cover any perfidie When Anniball had gotten the battaile of Cannas against the Romanes hee toke a great number of prisoners and because he more loved money for their ransome than to hold them hee sent a certaine number of them to Rome to practise and worke their redemption but hee made them sweare and promise that they would returne to him and so did let them goe upon their Faith But one advised himselfe of a subtile device when hee came at Rome to returne no more yet none should say hee broke his Faith For having passed a good piece of his way towards Rome hee suddenly returned backe againe to Anniball fayning hee had forgotten something after againe followed his companions and so they all came to Rome But their affaires comming to bee debated in the Senate none would yeeld to redeeme the prisoners insomuch as they all which came to Rome for that purpose returned very sad to Anniballs campe except hee which returned by the way who with these came not to the campe but remained in his house thinking hee was well discharged of his Faith and othe But when the Senate heard tell of the fallacious and deceitfull returne of the said souldier so unworthy and unseemely for a Romane they commanded him to bee drawne out of his house and by force to bee led unto Anniball Heereby you may see then that no wise people of good judgement such as were the ancient Romanes can approve such subtile palliations and covertures of an infraction and breach of Faith such as Machiavell persuadeth to a prince A like deceit was in the king of France Phillip the sixt of that name for having Froisart lib. 1. cap. 10. made an oth as almost all his ancestors kings of France had done never to run over or attempt to besiege or take any thing belonging to the empire yet desiring the castle of Tin the Bishops nigh to Cambray which troubled him much caused his sonne the duke of Normandie as the chiefe generall of the armie to besiege it and himselfe went thither also as a simple souldier without any command at all By which subtiltie the king Phillip could not save his oth for hee that doth any thing by a mediator is as much as if hee had done it himselfe neither did the deceit succeede well unto him for both the duke of Normandie was constrained to raise his siege from before the castle and not long after the king lost the battaile at Cressy The emperour Valentinian in his time was cruell in his actions and dealings Amm. Marel lib. 28. and had many officers like himselfe Amongst other such there was a criminall judge called Maximus who as hee examined certaine criminall persons promised them if they would confesse the truth they should suffer no punishment either of sword or fire These poore accused persons as often men doe confessed things they had never perpretated trusting upon his Faith and promise But this wicked judge caused them to bee beaten downe and slaine with leaden hammers thinking by this cavillation to save his oth God would that for a recompence hee should after be hanged and strangled under the emperour Gratianus
a gentle and kind prince For it often happeneth that such cruell judges which have bestowed great paines to make their dâ—lligence allowed of the cruell princes have beene after paid their wages and received their due recompence of some good prince succeeding Nabis was a tyrant who without right or title got soveraigne possession of the commonwealth of the Lacedaemonians and there committed many cruelties and Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 4. indignities The Aetolians a furious and cruell kinde of people esteemed that it would bee a great glorie and honour unto them if they could slay this tyrant any way and that all Greece especially the Lacedaemonians would thank them So they enterprised to joyne themselves unto him under a pretext and shew of Faith and socieâ—â—e the better to overthrow him Alexamenes was deputed captaine and conductor of the Aetolian forces to effect that enterprise who did so much as hee entered into league and confederation with Nabis who at that time greatly feared the Romanes This league being past Alexamenes persuaded Nabis that both together they must often exercise their souldiers by bringing them into the fields to wrastle leape skirmish and practise other millitarie exercises to shun idlenesse and to make them good souldiers Nabis beleeved him insomuch as one day beeing in the field together Alexamenes came behinde him and threw him cleane over his horse with a blow hee gave him and then presently caused him to be slaine and massacred This being done Alexamenes his people returning towards the towne of Sparta from whence they departed thinking to seize upon the castle to guard themselves from all assaults of the tirants frinds but they could not obtaine it For the Lacedaemonians so disdained greeved at that most perfiidious villanus part of the Aetolians against their king Nabis although they desired no more than his death that they furiously rushed upon the Aetolians which were dispersed through the towne and looked not for their paines to be so recompensed that they slew them almost all and amongst them Alexamenes himselfe such as escaped the sword were taken prisoners and sould For the last example of this matter I will set downe that of Ioab David nephew 2. Samuel 2. 3. 20. 1 Kings 2. and constable unto whom hee did good and great services Yet David commanded Salomon his sonne that hee should put to death Ioab his cosin germane as hee did because of his perfidie for hee had slaine Abner and Amasa two other great captaines traiterously under the coulour of amitie Ioab seemed to have great causes to justifie his fact For Abner had slaine Asahel Ioabs brother and therefore Ioab could not but receive just sorrow and feeling thereof Moreover Abner had followed the contrary part to David standing for the house of Saul Amasa was a rebell and a seditious person against David and had followed Absalons part so it was evident if Ioab had had our Machivellists judges of his fact they would not onely have adjudged him innocent but for a remuneration they would have made him some great amendes with the goods of Abner and Amasa but the judgement of David which hee made at his death against his sisters sonne who had done him infinit good and great services shewed well how execrable and detestable Ioabs perfidie was to him And heereby princes have to learne to imitate this holy and wise king by whose mouth God teacheth them that they ought to observe their Faith and promise yea to their domage a doctrine fully contrary to the doctrine of this filthie and wicked Machiavell To conclude Perfidie is so detestable a thing both to God and the world that God never leaveth perfidious and Faith-breaking persons unpunished Oftentimes hee waits not to punish them in the other world but plagnes them in this yea often strangely and rigorously by exterminating as it were in a moment all their rase wives and children as the Poet Homer although a Panim hath wisely taught us saying Though straight the God of heaven lay not his punishment divine Homer Ili 4 At all times on the perfidious for his great periurie Yet neither hee himselfe nor child can skape his ire in fine No nor his wife but all destroyed by hand of his shall bee 22. Maxime Faith Clemencie and Liberalitie are vertues very domageable to a prince but it is good that of them hee have onely some similitude and likenesse THere is no necessitie saith our Florentine that a prince Cap. 18. Of the prince should bee garnished with all these vertues but it is requisit that hee have an appearance of them For I dare well say this that having and observing them in all places they will fall out mervelous domageable unto him And contrarie the maske and semblance of them is very profitable and indeede wee see each day by experience that a prince is often constrained to goe from his Faith and from all charitie humanitie and religion to conserve and defend his owne vvhich verely hee shall incontinent lose if exactly hee will observe all points which make men to bee esteemed vertuous MAchiavell sets heere downe three vertues Faith Clemencie and Liberalitie which hee reproveth in a prince as domageable and pernitious effectuallie to use them But whosoever can recover the maskes and similitudes of them as they are naturallie portraied hee shall doe well to adorne and decke himselfe with them as whores and courtizans doe which apparell themselves like women of honour to make men beleeve that they are honest and good women But I will not stand heere upon invectives to confute or cause men to detest such a filthie doctrine For what man is so brutall or ignorant that seeth not with his eie how Machiavell delights to mock play with the most excellent vertues amongst men As for the Faith which is and ought to bee amongest men for Machiavell speakes not of the Faith which is towards God wee have discoursed upon it in the former Maxime And as for Liberalitie wee shall speake upon it in another place Heere wee will speake of Clemencie and examine Machiavells doctrine whether this doctrine can bee domageable to a prince or no To shew that Clemencie cannot bee domageable but profitable to him unto Clemencie profitable honourable to such as are clement whom God imparteth that grace to bee indued therewith an argument drawne from the contrary concludes well and evidently for this purpose For if crueltie which is directly contrary to Clemencie bee pernitious and domageable to him that is infected therewith as wee have above shewed It followeth that clemencie and gentlenesse is both profitable and honourable to him that is indued and adorned therewith And indeede it is a vertue both agreeable and amiable with everie man which bringeth to whatsoever person it dwelleth in favour grace amitie honour and good will of every man to doe him pleasure All which are affections that can never bee idle nor without some operation
is much better composed more quiet and better governed For when men are given to that vertue they will withall addict themselves to Iustice Temperance Charitie Pietie and all other vertues which doe ordinarily accompanie Clemencie from whence cannot but arise the estate of a most perfect common-wealth Therefore we reade That in the time of the aforesaid emperour Marcus Antonine the world Capit. in Marcel was commonly well reformed in good manners for every man studied to imitate him in his vertues and especially in his moderation and gentlenes insomuch saith Capitolinus as he made many good men of such as were very bad before and such as were good he made them better This is also the cause why debonaire and gentle princes are alwaies so praised and esteemed not onely by men of their time but also by all Hystoriographers and all posteritie because they are ordinarily cause of many goods to all their subjects as by contrarie cruell princes are alwaies diffamed during their lives and after their deaths because of great mischeefes whereof they are cause authors and executors This is well painted out by Homer when he saith A wicked man full of fierce crueltie Behind his backe of all accurst shall be Odys lib. 19. Both during life and after death also Defame on him in every place shall go But contrarie the good and sincere man Will grave in mind his praise all that hee can How all men in each place set forth his praise To borders even of nations strange alwaies But I doe well know that hereupon the Machiavellists will say and replie That if a A princes Clemencie is not the cause of evill prince will be so facile to pardon and to practise Clemencie he will thereby incite men to take experience of that his vertue and by consequent provoke them to commit evill and excesse under the hope of impunitie hereunto I answere in a tripartite sort First I say That if a prince use Clemencie without derogating from his justice as above we have said he ought to doe there will follow no impunitie of a punishable crime nor by consequent any provocation to commit any excesse punishable for justice shall alwayes have her course although by Clemencie it may bee moderated Secondly suppose that the Clemencie of a prince might bee a meanes or occasion unto men to take more license to doe evill yet could not this take place but in persons of evill nature for men of good natures and disposition will rather be incited by a princes clemencie to be good like him by following his vertues than to bee wicked and ungodly thereby The prince also which shall bee endowed with Clemencie will love and follow other vertues and hate vices and by consequent will honour and advance vertuous people and hate and recoile from him such as are vicious This will cause the wicked which are enclined to vices to guard themselves from committing punishable faults for although they promise to themselves an easinesse to entreat pardon for their faults by the princes Clemencie yet can they not promise to themselves to be beloved and entertained of him but rather evill liked and unadvanced Thirdly although Clemencie cannot but draw with it some iniquitie and injustice as verily a prince cannot so evenly poise and weigh his affaires in the practise of Clemencie but there will be alwaies found within them some injustice yet that evill which followeth Clemencie is not so great that we ought therfore altogether to take away Clemencie from a prince from whence proceeds infinit goods profitable and commodious as well to the prince himselfe and his estate as to his subjects the whole commonwealth as may easily be collected out of that which hath been already said and shall be spoken hereafter The auncient Romanes doe confesse that their facilitie to pardon hath many Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 4. times brought warres upon them as also revoltments of their allies and confederats But what then Left they therefore alwayes to shew themselves prompt and voluntarie to use Clemencie towards such as offended them nay rather it was the vertue whereof they made greatest estimation and which they most practised knowing well that Clemencie was the true foundation of the greatnesse and estate of the commonwealth And this is it which the embassadour of the Romanes spake in an assembly of the Aetolians a people of Greece which were sollicited rather to allie themselves with king Philip of Macedonie against the Romanes than with them to renew their alliance Our auncestors saith he have often experimented and we also have seene that because ever wee have beene easie to pardon wee have occasioned many to experiment our Clemencie yet were wee never so discouraged as we would not at all times use equalitie to such as have broken their Faiths unto us and such as holily observed them as also reason wills that such as are loyall and faithfull be better beloved favoured and respected than others Have wee nor warred upon the Samnites by the space of seaventie yeeres and during this time how many times have they broken their Faiths how many times have they risen up against us yet have wee alwaies received them for our allies after by marriages have wee come to an affinitie with them and finally wee have received them for concitizens into the the towne of Rome The Capuans revoulted from us to allie themselves with Anniball but after wee had besieged them there were more in the towne which slew themselves pressed with an evill conscience than wee caused to dye after we had taken the towne by force and left them their towne whole and their goods Having also vanquished Anniball and the Carthaginians which had done us so many mischiefes and so often broken their Faiths yet left wee them in peace and liberty Briefely ô Aetolians said hee you should know and beleeve that the Romane people will alwaies have Clemencie in most singular recommendation and you shall doe farre more for your selves to replant your selves into our amitie and alliance unles you love better to perish with Phillip than to vanquish and prosper with the Romanes Vnto this remonstrance of the Romane embassadors the Aetolians States would deliver no answere but amongst themselves resolved secretly neither to be on the one side nor the other and that at the end of the warre they would joyne themselves to the strongest which in the end was their bane yet found they refuge in the Romanes Clemencie And verely Clemency is such a vertue as a prince may never dispoyle himselfe of although sometimes it seeme hee get harme thereby For Clemencie is not cause of any evill but onely the malice of men doth abuse it yet it doth not therefore follow that it is to bee rejected because a man may abuse it no more than to cast away all wine as a pernitious thing because therewith many are drunke But let us now come to the other effect of Clemencie Besides the
so that if it please you my lord to use benefits and liberalitie towards such as you esteeme your enemies and towards such as feare you will doe them wrong you shall easily gaine them and others from henceforth for your friends This remonstrance of Livia was the cause that Augustus let loose and set at liberrie all them which were accused to have enterprised any thing against him satisfying himself with the admonishments he gave them and besides gave great goods and benefits unto some of them so that as well those as other of his enemies became his friends and good subjects Behold heere what good came to Augustus by his beneficence and liberalitie The emperour Marcus Antonine feared nothing more than the reputation of an hard and covetous man and alwayes wished and desired that such a spot of infamie Dion in Marco might never bee imposed upon him And indeede all his carriage and actions were such that none could impute unto him any spot of Covetousnesse but al Liberalitie worthie of a good prince for first hee established publicke professours of all sciences in the towne of Athens unto which he gave great wages which prooved a most profitable act to the commonweale woorthie of such a prince and this was partly the cause that in his time there was so great store of learned people in all manner of sciences insomuch as the time of his kingdome was and hath ben since called the golden world In our time king Francis the first of happie memorie did imitate the example of this great and wise emperour establishing publicke lectures at great wages in the Vniversitie of Paris a thing wherof his memorie hath ben and shall be more celebrated through the world than for so many great warres as hee valiantly sustained and demeaned during his raigne Secondly the emperour Antonine forgave the people all the fiscall debts and arrerages which they ought him by scedules obligations or otherwise for fiftie yeares before which was an huge and unspeakable liberalitie But he did this to take away all meanes matter from all officers and fiscall procurators of molesting and troubling his subjects afterward with researches and calling on of old debts Thirdly hee never laid impost or extraordinarie exaction upon his people but handled them in all kindnesse and generositie He never made profuse and superfluous expences but held an estate both at home and in the court sober and full of frugalitie And finally to shew how he delighted in liberalitie he caused a temple to be builded to Beneficence Behold here a true patterne after which princes should conforme themselves to know how to practise that goodly vertue Liberalitie And very notable is that point that that good emperour Antonine held the estate of his house ruled by frugalitie and sobrietie and farre from the straunge profusions of those monsters Caligula Nero and Vitellius for he considered that it were much better to employ for the publicke wealth of his empire the revenues and money therof than in riotousnesse and vanities and that such unmeasurable profusion constraineth a prince to fall to rapines and to deale evill with their subjects because as the common proverb saith Vnmeasurable largesse hath no bottome Therefore did that great emperour Traian Dion in Traiano Lampr. in Alex. Spar in Andria also hould his estate soberly governed and hee maintained no unprofitable persons in his service No more did the emperour Severus who would not suffer in any offices any persons to be placed which were not necessarie They had also good sallaries and rewards of him yea he would often rebuke them for not demaunding gifts of him And wherefore saith he wilt thou that I should be thy debter seeing thou askest me nothing Adrian also had this propertie that hee gave great gifts unto his good friends and servants and made them rich before they demaunded any thing And above all hee was liberall towards professors of letters and learned men which he enriched but he much hated such as by evill meanes became rich and generally all good emperours were adorned with the vertues of liberalitie and munificence which they practised with such moderation and prudence that they were never spotted neither with Machiavels Covetousnesse nor his Prodigalitie And therefore they flourished and prospered during their raignes and left after them a perpetuall memorie to posteritie of their vertues and praises Our kings of Fraunce as Clovis Charlemaigne Lewis the piteous his sonne Robert Henry the first Lewis le Gros Lewis the eight S. Lewis and many others were very liberall but they exercised their liberalitie and principalitie upon the Church and Churchmen which they but too much enriched Yet wee reade that Charlemaigne was also very liberall towards learned men and that he spent much in founding and maintaining the Vniversitie of Paris And a man may generally marke in our kings of Fraunce a Christian liberalitie which they have alwayes had that is That they have been great Almoniers exercising their liberalitie upon poore people which is an exercise of that vertue exceeding woorthie of a Christian prince which he should never forget By this abovesaid I hope the Maxime of Machiavell is sufficiently confuted and that it evidently appeareth by our examples and reasons That Covetousnesse is domageable and dishonourable to a prince as also is his contrarie profusion and that Liberalitie is profitable and honourable unto him And as for the reasons which Machiavell alledgeth they are foolish and false as his Maxime For to say That a rich prince shall be esteemed puissant because he hath great treasures that reason dooth evill conclude King Perseus of Macedonie of whome wee have spoken had The power of a prince lieth not in treasures great treasures yet left he not to be esteemed a king pusillanimous and of small valour and such was his reputation in his owne countrey and amongst his owne subjects Crassus also was knowne to be more richer than Pompeius but he was not esteemed so valiant nor so good a man neither in his life had hee the tenth part of Pompeies honours Mauricius and Phocas Romane emperours by their covetousnesse heaped up great treasures but were they therefore esteemed puissant and valiant nay contrarie they were esteemed cowards and in the catalogue of such emperours as held the most abject and infamous places But I pray you let us come to the reason When a prince hath the fame to bee a great treasurer doth he not give his neighbours occasion to seeke meanes to enterprise upon him to obtain those treasures Wherfore is it that the Venetians which if they list might bee the greatest treasurers of the world have made a law amongst De Con. l. b. 2. cap. 21. them to have no treasure in their commonwealth other than of armes It is because they know well as they be wise that if they heape up treasures in money they shall but prepare a bait to draw rheir neighbours on to make warre upon them
wee come to alledge For they said That men must not stay upon fishing for froggs but men must catch in their nets the great Salmons that one Salmons head was more worth than tenne thousand froggs and that when they had slaine the cheefetaines of pretended rebels that they should easily overthrow the rude and rascally multitude which without heads could enterprise nothing These venerable enterprisers should have considered that which here their Doctor Machiavell saith which also since they have seen by experience That a people cannot want heads which will alwayes rise up yea even those heads which bee slaine If they had so well noted practised this place of Machiavell as they do others so much blood would never have ben shed their tyrannie it may be had longer endured than it hath done For the great effusion of blood which they have made hath incontinent cried for vengeance to God who according to his accustomed justice hath heard the voice of that blood and for the crie of the orphant and widdow hath laid the axe to the root of all tyrannie and alreadie hath cut away many braunches thereof and if it please him will not tarry long to lay all on the ground and so establish Fraunce in his auncient government As for Fortresses in frontiers of countries they have been long time practised and are profitable to guard from incursions and invasions of enemies and to the end such as dwell upon the borders may the more peaceably enjoy their goods Wee reade That the emperour Alexander Severus gave his Fortresses upon frontiers to Lamprid. in Alex. Pomp. Laetus in Constant Magno good and approoved captaines with all the lands and revenewes belonging unto them to enjoy during their lives to the end saith Lampridius that they might be more vigilant and carefull to defend their owne And afterward the emperour Constantine the Great ordained That the said Fortresses with their grounds and revenewes should passe to the heires of the said captaines which held them as other manner of goods and heritages And hereupon some say have come such as the civile law call Feudi 34. Maxime A Prince ought to commit to another those affaires which are subiect to hatred and envie and reserve to himselfe such as depend upon his grace and favour A Prince vvhich vvill exercise some cruell and rigorous act saith cap. 7. 14. of a prince M. Nicholas he ought to give the commission thereof unto some other to the end he may not acquire evill vvill and enmitie by it And yet if he feare that such a delegation cannot bee vvholly exempted from blame to have consented to the execution which was made by his Commissarie he may cause the Commissarie to be slaine to shew that he consented not to his crueltie as did Caesar Borgia and Messire Remiro Dorco THis Maxime is a dependancie of that goodly doctrine which Machiavell learned of Caesar Borgia which although it was very cruell yet meaning to appeare soft and gentle following therein the Maxime which enjoyneth dissimulation committeth the execution of his crueltie to Messire Remiro Dorco as at large before wee have discoursed that hystorie And because we have fully shewed that all dissimulation and feignednesse is unworthie of a prince we will stay no longer upon this Maxime Well will I confesse that many things there be which seeme to be rigorous in execution although they be most equall and just which it is good a prince doe commit to others to give judgement and execution by justice as the case meriteth For as the emperour Marcus Antonine said It seemeth to the world that that which the prince doth hee doth it by his absolute authoritie and power rather than of his civile and reasonable power Therefore to shun that blame and suspition it is good that the prince delegate and set over such matters to Iudges which are good men not suspected nor passionate not doing as the emperour Valentinian did who would never heare nor receive accusations against Iudges and Magistrates which hee had established but constrained the recusators or refusers to end their cause before those Iudges only Whereby he was much blamed and his honor impeached and disgraced For truly the cheefe point which is required to cause good Passionate Iudges cannot judge well justice to be administred is That Iudges be not suspected nor passionat because the passions of the soule and heart doe obfuscate and trouble the judgement of the understanding and cause them to step aside and stray out of the way It is also a thing of very evill example when a prince with an appetite of revenge or to please the passions of revengefull great men dooth elect Iudges and Commissaries that bee passionate and which have their consciences at the command of such as employ them As was done in the time of king Lewis Hutin in the judgement of Messire Enguerrant de Marigni great master of Fraunce and in the time of king Charles the sixt in the judgement of the criminall processe of Messire Iean de Marests the kings Advocate in the parliament of Paris And a man may put to them the judgements given in our time against Amie du Bourg the kings Counsellor in the said parliament and against captaine Briquemand and M. Arnand de Cavagnes master of the Requests of the kings houshold and against the countie de Montgomerie and many others For the executions to death which followed manifested well That the Iudges were passionate men their consciences being at the command of strangers which governed them 35. Maxime To administer good Iustice a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges TO have prompt and quicke expedition of good Iustice saith Machiavell many Iudges must be established for few can dispatch Discourse lib. 1. cap. 7. few causes and a small number is more easie to gaine and be corrupted than a great number And vvithall a great number is strong and firme in Iustice against all men EXperience hath made us wise in France that this Maxime of Machiavell is not true For since they multiplied the Officers of Iustice Multiplicitie of Officers cause of the corruption of â—ustice in Fraunce in the kingdome by the encrease of Counsellours in parliaments by erection of Presidents seats by creation of new or alternative Officers we have processes and law causes more multiplied longer and worse dispatched than before insomuch as by good right and by good reason the last Estates generall held at Orleance complained to king Charles the ninth of that multiplication and multitude of Officers which served not as it doth not yet but to multiplie law causes to ruinate and eat up the people and yet no better expedition of Iustice than before but rather worse and notoriously more long and of greater charges to the parties Vpon which complaint it was holily ordained That offices of Iustice which became vacant by death should bee suppressed and that none should come in their
they understood how they should administer as a captaine Niger lieutenant of the warre for the emperor Marcus Antonine complained to him But that incommoditie was much more supportable in that time than Spart in Nigro at this day it can bee in Fraunce for the Romane magistrates seldome decided private and particular causes but in Fraunce magistrates must deale in all causes After that the prince hath well established his justice as well by publication of A Prince ought himself to minister Iustice good lawes as by institution of good magistrates yet is he not discharged For he ought himselfe also to deale therin And this is another point of the Counsell which Iethro gave to Moses For after he had counselled him what magistrates hee should establish under him he added more That Moses ought to reserve unto himselfe the knowledge and decision of great affaires which are of consequence And assuredly this is a point very necessarie and which a prince ought not to leave behind for hee is debtor of Iustice to his subjects and ought to give them audience in things wherof he is to have necessarie knowledge for all things are not proper to bee handled before magistrates established by the prince but there are many things wherof the knowledge ought to appertaine to the prince alone as when a meane man wil complaine against some great lord or magistrat or against Publicans and exactors of the princes money or when a man labours for a pardon gift recompence and many other like The prince then ought himselfe either alone or in his Counsell to give often audience unto his subjects For we reade that by the primitive creation of kings Dionis Halic â—ib 1. 5. and monarchs the authoritie which was attributed unto them by the people consisted in three very notable points whereof the first was To minister good justice unto their subjects by causing them to observe the lawes and customes of the countrey and to take knowledge themselves of the injuries which are great and of consequence amongst their subjects The second point was To convocat an assembly of a Senat to handle the affaires of the commonwealth And the third To be the cheefetaine and soveraigne of the warre And for as much as the first dutie of kings consisteth to do good justice unto their subjects the auncient Grecians even Homer calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Distributers of justice This is it wherefore almost all good princes have had their ordinary daies of Audience wherin they took knowledge of the complaints and grievances of their subjects and administred right and justice unto them Iulius Caesar tooke great paine and travaile to heare causes and to administer justice and to cause them to observe lawes which concerned Suet. in Caesar cap. 43. in Aug. cap. 3 in Claud. cap. 15. in Galba cap. 7. 8 9. Domitiano cap 8. the commonwealth as especially the law Sumptuariam which would permit no excesse in bankets nor dissolutnesse in apparell Augustus Caesar likewise kept an ordinarie Audience which he continued untill night yea being evill at ease he in a litter would be carried to the pallace or hold Audience in his house The emperour Claudius also although hee were of an heavie and dull spirit yet held hee his Audience and administred right to parties So did Domitian who how wicked soever he was in other deportments with great industrie and diligence administred good justice unto parties and often revoked decrees from the Centumvirat seat which for favor were given and spared not to punish corrupted Iudges The emperour Galba likewise although he was of the age of threescore and twelve yeares when he came to the empire yet dealt with audience of parties and administred justice So did Traian Adrian the Antonines Severus Alexander and many other Romane emperors give Audience to their subjects and administred justice unto them And very memorable is that which is written of the emperor Adrian namely That one day as hee went into the fields he was required by a poore woman who had watched to speake with him to doe her justice upon a certaine complaint she made unto him The emperour very Dion in Adrian kindly said unto her That that was no place where she should require justice and sent her away till another time The woman replied upon him Sir said she if you wil not doe me justice wherefore deale you to be emperour Adrian was never moved hereat but staied still heard her did her justice If we read the hystories of France wee shall find that it hath yet beene more ordinarie and common with our auncient kings to hold Audiences which men called Lict de Iustice The Bed of Iustice than with the Romane emperours Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour besides Annal. upoÌ„ Anno 809 814 1215. that he tooke great care that Stewards Bayliffes and their deputies should walk upright without abusing their Offices would also that they should reserve unto him all great causes or such as were amongst great lords Then caused hee the parties to appeare before him he heard them patiently and agreed them amiably if he could by any means and so he gave his sentence and good and prompt justice King Lewis the first of that name surnamed le Debonaire because of his good and holy conditions following the traces of Charlemaigne his father held a publicke Audience in his pallace three times in the weeke and heard the grievances and complaints of every one executing to all quicke and right justice But what good came there hereof Even this saith the hystorie that the publicke good in this good kings time was so well governed and administred that there was almost no man found amongst his subjects which complained that any man did him wrong or injurie but al men lived in great peace and prosperitie one not daring to offend another for the feare they had of the kings good justice which he would administer himselfe and so cause his ministers to doe after his example So much could that royall vertue of Iustice doe for the maintenance of peace and prosperitie in a kingdome King Philip Augustus surnamed the Conquerour for his great prowesses and conquests was also a good Iusticer and willingly heard the complaints of his subjects insomuch as one day understanding that Guy Counte de Auverne used greatly to pill and violently to spoile his subjects and neighbours exacting upon them great summes of money against their wils and without the kings consent their soveraigne and having found him culpable hereof condemned him by the advice of the barons of the realme to lose his land and seignorie of Auverne which from that time was united to the crown We may also place here the good justice of the kings Charles le Sage Charles the seventh Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and of many other kings of France Annal. upon Anno 1255 1269 Gaguin in the liâ—e of S.
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of
happie memorie For during his raigne and before the kingdome was governed after the meere French manner that is to say following the traces and documents of our French auncestors But since it hath governed by the rules of Machiavell the Florentine as shall bee seene heereafter Insomuch that since that time untill this present the name of Machiavell hath beene celebrated and esteemed as of the wisest person of the world and most cunning in the affaires of Estate and his bookes held dearest and most precious by our Italian and Italionized courtiers as if they were the bookes of Sibilla whereunto the Paynims had their recourse when they would deliberate upon any great affaire concerning the common wealth or as the Turkes hould deare and precious their Mahumets Alcaron as wee have said above And wee neede not bee abashed if they of Machiavells nation which hould the principall estates in the government of France have forsaken the ancient manner of our French ancestors government to introduct and bring France in use with a new forme of managing ruling their countrie taught by Machiavell For on the one side every man esteemeth and priseth alwaies the manners fashions customes other things of his owne countrey more than them of an others On the other side Machiavell their great doctor Cap. 3. De Princ. Discourse lib. 2. cap. 30. lib. 3. cap. 43. Machiavells slanders against the kings and the people of France describes so well France and the goverment thereof in his time blaming and reprehending the Frenchmens conduction of affaires of Estate that it might easily persuade his disciples to change the manner of French government into the Italian For Machiavell vaunteth that being once at Nantes and talking with the Cardinall of Amboise which was a very wise man in the time of king Lewis the twelfth of publike State affaires hee plainly tould him that the Frenchmen had no knowledge in affaires of Estate And in many places speaking of French causes hee reprehendeth the government of our abovenamed kings Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth yea hee hath beene so impudent speaking of that good king Lewis rebuking him for giving succours unto Pope Alexander the sixt that hee gives him the plaine lie saying hee belyes himselfe having passed Italie at the Venetians request yet succoured the Pope against his intention And in other places hee calls our kings Tributaries of the Suisses and of the English men And often when hee speaketh of the Frenchmen hee calleth them Barbarous and saith they are full of covetousnesse and disloyaltie So also hee taxeth the Almaignes of the same vices Now I beseech you is it not good reason to make so great account of Machiavell in France who so doth defame reproove the honour of our good kings of all our whole nation calling them Ignorant of the affaires of Estate Barbarous Covetous Disloyall But all this might bee borne withall and passed away in silence if there were not another evill But when we see that Machiavell by his doctrine and documents hath changed the good and ancient government of France into a kind of Florentine government whereupon we see with our eies the totall ruine of all France It infallibly followeth if God by his grace doe not remedie it soone that now it should be time if ever to lay hand to the work to remit and bring France againe unto the government of our ancestors Hereupon I humbly pray the Princes and great lords of France to consider what is their duties in this case Seemeth it most Ilustrious Lords seeing at this time poore France which is your countrey and mother so desolate and torne in sunder by strangers that you ought to suffer it to be lost and ruinated Ought you to permit them to sowe Atheisme and Impietie in your countrey and to set up schooles thereof Seeing your France hath alwaies been so Zealous in the Christian Religion as our ancient kings by their pietie and iustice have obtained that so honourable a title and name of Most Christian Thinke you that God hath caused you to be borne into this world to help to ruinate your countrie or coldly to stand still and suffer your mother to be contaminated and defiled with the contempt of God with perfidie with sodomie tyrannie crueltie thefts strange usuries and other detestable vices which strangers sowe heere But rather contrarie God hath given you life power and authoritie to take away such infamies and corruptions and if you do it not you must make account for it you can looke for but a greevous iust punishment If it be true as the Civilian lawiers say That he is a murderer and culpable of death which suffereth to die with hunger the person unto whom he oweth nourishment And shall not you be culpable before God of so many massacres murders and desolations of your poore France if you give it not succours seeing you have the meanes and that you are obliged thereunto by right of nature Shall you not be condemned and attainted of impietie Athisme and tyrannie if you drive not out of France Machiavell and his government Heere if any man will inquire how it appeareth that France is at this day governed by the doctrine of Machiavell the resolution heereof is easie and cleere For the effects which France governed by the doctrine of Machiavell we see with our eies and the provisions and executions of the affaires which are put in practise may easily bring us to the causes and Maximes as we have abovesaid which is one way to know things by ascending from effects and consequences to the knowledge of causes Maximes And whosoever also shall reade the Maximes of Machiavell which we shall handle heereafter and discend from thence into the particularities of the French government hee shall see that the precepts and Maximes of Machiavell are for the most part at this day practised and put in effect and execution from point to point Insomuch that by both the two wayes from the Maximes to the effects and from the effects to the Maximes men may clearely know that France is at this day governed by the doctrine of Machiavell For are they not Machiavelists Italians or Italianized which doe handle and deale with the seales of the kindgome of France Is it not they also which draw out and stampe Edicts Which dispatch all things within and without the realme Which hould the goodliest governments and fermes belonging unto the Crowne Tea if a man will at this day obtaine or get any thing in the Court for to have a good and quicke dispatch thereof hee must learne to speake the Messereske language because these Messers will most willingly heare them in their owne tongue and they understand not the French no not the tearmes of iustice and Royall ordinances Whereupon every man may coniecture and imagine how they can well observe or cause to be observed the lawes of France the tearmes whereof they
understand not Moreover plains ynough it is That within these fifteene yeares Machiavels books were as familiar and ordinarie in the hands of the Courtiers as the Breviaries are in the hands of Curates of parishes And as for the diversitie of auncient government which was ruled in following the traces fashions and customes of our auncestors from the moderne and present government which is founded upon the doctrine of Machiavell it is easily and apparently seene by the fruites and effects which doth proceed therefrom For by the ancient French government the kingdome was maintained and governed in peace and tranquilitie under the observation of auncient lawes without any domesticke or civile warre flourishing and enioyning a free trafficke and subiects were maintained in the possessing and enioying of their goods estates franchises and liberties But now by the Italian government of this time the good and auncient lawes of the realme are abolished and suppressed cruell warres and dissentions are maintained in France peace alwayes broken the people destroyed and eaten and trafficke decayed subiects are deprived of their auncient liberties and franchises yea and brought into such confusion and disorder that none knowes well what is his owne and what is not but one plougheth and soweth and another moweth and reapeth the same And although this be so true and manifest that it shall not bee needfull to shew more amply that the manner of our auncestors government was otherwise and better than the moderne which at this present is in use yet for all that I pretend hereafter upon every Maxime clearely to demonstrate and by good examples that our auncient Frenchmen guided and governed themselves by good reason and wisedome cleane contrarie from the way of Machiavels precepts Yet I meane not to authorise my sayings by the allegation of examples of small potentates Frō whence these discourses are taken and tyrannizers borne in one night like toad-stooles as Machiavell dooth but by the allegations of gallant and notable examples of our kings of France confirmed and fortified yea by other examples of good and auncient emperours princes and Romane captaines and of the Senat of Rome For I have chosen those two Monarchies the Romane and the French as the fairest and most excellent from whence to draw true and good examples which are worthie for a prince to imitate borrowing but few from other precedent Monarchies as Medes Assyrians and Grecians as lesse known unto us concerning the management and governement of their affaires as too farre from our time and from our manners and customes I have lastly chosen the best and most authenticke Hystoriographers and especially them which have written those things which were and fell out in their owne time and of those affaires the most part of which they were spectators and actors Of this sort and order of mine owne countrey Hystoriographers were Froissart Monstrelet de Comines du Bellay and of Romanes Salustius Tacitus Suetonius Dion Herodian Lamptidius Capitolinus Iosephus and certaine which shall be alledged hereafter in their places I also have drawne out some part of my allegations out of our Annales of France out of Paulus Aemylius Thucidides Xenophon and many other authours all which are both authenticke and approoved and that also by prescript of auncient time and long continuance have gained that praise and reputation to bee good witnesses and that without reproch or diffamation And for as much as Machiavell dare say That the Frenchmen have no understanding or knowledge in matters or causes of Estate I hope it shall appeare cleane contrarie not onely by the good government which I shall shew to have been kept and observed by our auncestors in publicke causes but also by the onely places and examples which I shall bring foorth and alledge out of M. Philip de Comines Knight and Chamberlaine of king Lewis the eleventh who lived even in Machiavels time who also understood better how the affaires of a kingdome or Commonwealth should be ruled or governed than ever Machiavell knew how to guide and rule a simple towne Yet I cannot but confesse that for the governing and guiding of a tyrannous Estate Machiavell hath more cunning than any other of whom I have read hee so well knewe all the points and precepts which were meete and convenient for the establishing of it as hereafter shall bee seene in the handling of his Maximes Moreover if in certaine places where the matter doth require it I speake a little Answers to the slanders of Machiavell too hardly of Machiavels Italian nation I hope that the good men of that countrey cannot finde it evill as well because Machiavell gives mee iust occasion having villanously and opprobriously slaundered in many sorts our French nation but also for that I intend not any thing to blame or reproove the good Italian people And I will not denie but that amongst the Italian and Florentine nation there are diverse vertuous people which are nothing lesse than meere Machiavelists and that detest and abhorre his wicked doctrine For there is not so bad a ground which amongst diverse and sundrie evill plants bringeth not out some good Yet will I give a particular praise and commendation unto such Italians as bee vertuous which better appertaineth unto them than unto the vertuous and goodly men of other nations namely that as precious stones and some other drougs and spices are esteemed to be most singular as they are most rare so the good and vertuous Italians are so much the more to be praised and commended because they are rare and for that it is no triviall and common thing in Italie to be a vertuous and good man There is also another point which excuseth mee that is That the force of the truth hath drawne and expressed this confession of Machiavell even that hee sayth That there is no nation or people in Christendome that is more vicious and corrupted than the Italian nation and that there is no province nor kingdome where there is lesse care of God and of all Religion than in Italie Although as to this last point of Religion Machiavell which in all his bookes sheweth himselfe a very Atheist and a contemner of all pietie and godlinesse meant not to taxe nor blame them of his nation of impietie nor of Atheisme but onely hereof that they are not like the Paynims which so scrupulously observe their superstitions and ceremonies as wee shall more at large set downe in the second part of this Discourse But from whence comes this impudencie unto Machiavell to taxe and blame the Frenchmen of disloyaltie and perfidie seeing that hee himselfe also teacheth That a Prince ought not to keepe and hould his faith but for his profit and commoditie and that the observation of faith is pernitious and hurtfull I will not denie but that at this present time many Italianized Frenchmen are disloyall and faith-breakers having so learned by Machiavels doctrine but I denie that in the time of Machiavell during the
the Senat yet had they no power over the whole body of the Senat for they might well punish with death one Senator but they had no superioritie over the body of the Senat. So the body of the Senat and the body of the People were as it were alike and equall And as much authoritie had the lawes of the Senat which they called Senatus consulta as the lawes of the People which they called Plebiscita And therefore the emperours which by the Law Roiall succeeded in the place of the People only for the Senat did never despoile themselves of their authoritie to invest the emperour therewith had never power to decay the Senat neyther durst they ever enterprise it although some had a will thereunto as Nero Caligula and their like But as for the good emperours besides that they had no power to abolish the Senat they never had any desire thereof but maintained and conserved it and governed themselves by it and by it were they better obeied For we need not doubt but a people will more willingly obey a Law or Decree which shall have been sifted and examined in a great wise and notable an assembly such as was the Senate and will like it better and rather judge the Law to be founded upon reason and equitie than when it onely passeth through the braine of one sole man or of some small number Therefore the Emperour Alexander Severus never made Lamp in Alexand. law nor edict but he had on his Counsell twentie great and excellent Lawyers and fiftie other great excellent persons wise and well experienced And yet to the end that they might give their opinions more assuredly he first made them understand the matter upon which they must give their advise and after give time to consider thereof that their opinions might bee better digested resolved Therfore also the Emperour Theodosius ordained that no law should be availeable unlesse it were first L. humanum C. de Leg. concluded and determined with good and assured resolution of all the princes Consistorie and afterward received and approved by the Senat of Rome For saith he we know well that the ordinance of good Lawes and Edicts concluded with good Counsell and deliberation is the establishment of the assurednesse and glory of our Empire Therefore was it also that that great and wise Emperour Augustus Caesar did so communicate all the affaires of his Commonwealth with the Romane Senate Dion in August that as Dion saith he made a sweet and pleasant mingled harmonie of the Monarchicall estate with the estate of the Commonwealth And he not onely contented not himselfe to conferre with the Senate all affaires of importance and to take their advise but yet he would that the Senate should give him every yeare twentie Counsellors to be nigh him of his privie Councell in which Counsell he had alwaies many men very wise courteous and very modest such as the Lawyer Trebatius and that good and prudent Agrippa his sonne in law with that so learned and good a piller of learned men Mecoenas Therefore also Tiberius the Emperour the successor of Augustus although he was a Prince more abundant in vices than in vertues not daring wholly to stray out of his predecessors traces that good Augustus made nor ordained any thing of weight without the Counsell and advise of the Senate For this cause also breefely all the good Emperors as Vespatian Titus Traian Adrian the Antonines and others like communicated alwaies with the Senate upon all the great affaires of the Commonwealth and they bore themselves not like maisters but like Presidents of the Senat also they did not attribute unto themselves any title of honour nor enterprised to make any triumphs but such as was decreed and ordained by the Senate And by the contrarie the Emperours which were of no account such as Caligula Nero Comodus Bassianus Maximinus Heliogabalus and other like hated extreamely the Senate esteeming of it as their pedegoge and corrector and have caused many Senators to die thinking the more easily to command as they would having no controulers to withstand their wicked actions But the end was alwayes this that such as despised and would have annihilated the Senate have ever had an unluckie end and reigned not long time but have all been massacred and slaine young and have left unto their posteritie an infamie and most wicked memorie of them Herein is shewed a continuall successe of the just judgements of God against them which despised wise Counsell and contrary a felicitie and divine prosperitie in other Emperours which governed themselves by the good Counsell of the Senate and of the wise men of their privie Counsell For they raigned and held the Empire happily replenished with all goods honour and glorie and their subjects under them enjoyed good handling and good repose and tranquilitie And we need not doubt that such felicitie comming to good Princes the evill haps unto wicked Princes doe not proceed from God for as the wise man saith Good Counsell commeth from God and he that despiseth the gift of God Prov. 18. Eccle. 37. certaine it is that in the end he shall be well chastised Our kings of France of old used the same course that these good Emperors did For they often convocated the three Estates of the kingdome to have their advise and Counsell in affaires of great consequence which touched the interest of the Commonwealth And it is seene by our Hystories that the generall assembly of the Estates was commonly done for three causes One when there was a question In old time the general Estates wer held for three causes to provide for the kingdome a Governour or Regent as when kings were young or had not the use of their understandings by some accident or were captives or prisoners For in these cases the three Estates assembled to obtaine a Governour for the Realme Againe when there was cause to reforme the kingdome to correct the abuses of Officers and Magistrates and to bring things unto their ancient and first institution and integritie For kings caused the Estates to assemble because that many being assembled from all parts of the kingdome they might better be informed of all abuses and evill behaviours committed therein and might also better worke the means to remedie them because commonly There is no better Physician than he that knoweth well the disease and the causes therof The third cause why there was made an assembly of the Estates was when there was a necessary cause to lay a Tribute or Impost upon the people For then in a full assembly some shewed to them which were there which represented all the people the necessitie of the kings and the kingdomes affaires who graciously and courteously entreated the people to aid and helpe the king but with so much money as they themselves thought to be sufficient and necessarie And for this cause that which the Estates accorded to the king was
let him alone with the charge of his affaires Commodus was glad thereof and to plunge him into all lubricitie and wantonnesse Perennis provided for him three hundred concubines and harlots and as many slaves Having cast him into this gulfe and destruction hee tooke upon him the affaires of the empire and begun to make stay and confiscate the goods of all such as he bore no good will unto and unto such as contradicted his doings and sold justice for money So in a little time made he himselfe very rich but this endured not long For in a warre which the Romanes had against the Englishmen hee cashiered the Senatorian captaines to bring into their places simple knights which all the Romane armie much disdained insomuch that they cut Perennis in peeces as an enemie of the commonwealth Cleander was another Marmoset who succeeded in his place who at the beginning made some shew that hee would doe better but incontinent he did worse for practising many cruelties he sold the estates and governments of provinces to them which would offer most There happened at Rome a great famine and a pestilence withall The people which alwaies lay the cause of publicke calamitie upon the Governors bruted abroad that Cleander was the cause of this plague and famine and that therefore there was cause hee should die Cleander to stop this brute and fame to cause the people to hold their peace caused all the emperours horsemen to be armed and in both the suburbes towne to rush through the people slaying and wounding innumerable But the people begun to take houses and fight from the windowes so well that the said horsemen were constrained to retire Fadilla the Emperour Commodus his sister seeing this civile warre commensed and raised by Cleander within the town went to find her brother whom shee found in the brothelhouse amongst his harlots where he tooke his pastimes and all bewept she fell on her knees before him saying Sir my brother you are here taking your pleasures and know not the things that passe nor the danger wherein you are for both yours and our blood is in perill to bee altogether extermined by the warre and civile stirre which Cleander hath raised in the towne He hath armed your forces and hath made them rush against the people and hath brought them unto a slaughter more than barbarous filling the streets with Roman blood If you doe not soone put to death the author of this evill the people will fall upon you and us and rive us in peeces Saying these words she tore her garments and was very sad yea as it were desperate many also which were present encreased the feare of Commodus by their persuasions insomuch that he fearing greatly some great danger to himselfe sent in hast for Cleander who knew nothing of this complaint As soone as he was arrived he caused his head to be cut off which he caused to be carried on a pikes point through the towne in such sort that the sight of that head did appease the stirre of the people After this execution Commodus who had acquired infinit enemies by the meanes of his Marmosets determined with himselfe at once to cause a goodly execution to be made because hee would not often returne thereunto which is one of Machiavels precepts whereof wee shall speake in his place and for that purpose made two rowles of the names of such as he would cause to die one of which was entituled La dagne the dagger and the other L'espee the sword These two rowles by hap fell into the hands of Laetus who was one of his Marmosets and of Martia one of his courtizans which found themselves first in a rowle They then seeing the danger nigh and evident wherin they both were conferred together resolved rather to slay than be slaine Martia tooke the charge to poyson him which she did but Commodus who had eaten drunken too much was provoked to vomit and with all that cast up his poyson which Laetus and Martia seeing caused him to be strangled in his bed Behold here the end wherunto Perennis Cleander and other Marmosets brought their masters and the end they made themselves and the great evils and slaughters of good people whereof they were the cause Thinke you not that this is a goodly example to all kings princes to keepe them from suffering themselves to be governed by reporters and flatterers The emperour Commodus was one of the most noble and illustrious rase in the world a goodly and personable prince as was possible who was neither subtill nor malicious of his nature the sonne of the best prince that ever was who brought him well up and left him a great number of wise and prudent men well to govern him and towards him had gotten the favour and good will of all the world Yet these Marmosets and flatterers brought him to a miserable end and raigned but a while and died young The emperour Severus had on his Counsell one Vetronius Turinus whome hee Lampri in Alex. judged to be a good man but he prooved to be a very Marmoset for before the emperour he dissembled well and knew well how to carrie hie countenaunce and behaviour but behind his backe he vaunted that he governed Alexander Severus at his pleasure that he caused in the Counsell-chamber such resolutions as he thought good of The solicitors of the court which had businesses in the princes consistory understanding that Turinus said he had there so great credit failed not to wait upon him to recommend unto him their affairs What dooth he then he marchandiseth with all the parties contending and every one promiseth a good summe upon condition to make him obtain that which he seeketh for as he promiseth to al yet none knoweth any thing one of another Turinus notwithstanding never speakes for the one nor the other but only giveth his voice in the Counsell as others doe which be there but alwaies it came to passe that the one or the other obtained the cause so that he payd him the summe that he had promised him and as for the other partie he let go finding some excuse why he got not his demaund After that Turinus had a certaine time used this occupation To sell the hopes and decrees of the princes privie Counsell his dealings were discovered Alexander incontinently sent him to prison caused his processe or indictment to be made which found against him hee was condemned as a seller of smoke to be tied to a piller and there to be stifled with the stench and smoke of dung and karion heaped up kindled nigh the said piller Behold the reward that this Marmoset Turinus received for the false reports hee made against the princes honour and his Counsels Enough is spoken of the Marmosets of the Romane emperors let us now speake of our French Marmosets In the time of king Charls the sixt le bien aime by Marmosets Annal. upō
king of France is our sovereign lord and the dutchie of Bretaigne holdeth also of the crowne of Fraunce Wee pray you to despoile and rid your selfe of that affection which you have to the Englishmen and shew your selfe a good Frenchman such as you ought to be for we come to declare unto you that if you doe it not wee will abandon and leave you to serve the king of Fraunce who is our sovereigne lord The duke hereat was much troubled and could not so much cover his courage but he sayd That the king of Fraunce did wrong the king of England to despoile him of Aquitaine Certaine time after distrusting his subjects he sent into England to have Englishmen for his service and to give them captainships and governments of towns and castles of Bretaigne The king of England sent him people but the gentlemen of Bretaigne thinking much that their duke distrusted them and would prefer Englishmen before them themselves seazed the fortresses and towns of the countrie before the arivall of the Englishmen Insomuch that the duke seeing himselfe brought into a great extremitie abandoned his countrey and saved himselfe in England This came unto him for loving strangers more than his owne subjects and for that he desired to give them the charges and estates of the countrey The king Charles the eight in the voyage of Naples which he made in his owne Comines lib. 1. cap. 20. person conquered the realme of Naples almost without stroke striking and was received of all the people and of the most part of the Nobilitie of that countrey as a Messias sent of God to deliver them from the cruell and barbarous tyrannie wherein they were before and had now long time beene under their kings Alphonsus and Ferrand of Arragon usurpers of that kingdome upon the house of Anjou whereunto Charles succeeded Every one may judge if it had not beene easie for the king if he had enjoyed a good Counsell to have kept that goodly kingdome in his perpetuall obedience For when a people hath been tyrannized by an usurper and that he comes to recover his naturall prince which deales with them like a good prince there is nothing to induce the people to denie him obeisance or to revolt Because on the one side they acknowledge that after God and reason they ought to obey him which is the true and lawfull prince unto whom alwayes there is more amitie borne than unto another and on the other side they see themselves discharged and unburdened of that heavie waight of tyrannie and of an usurper But what came there unto king Charles Thus having conquered that kingdome hee gave all the estates and offices of the country unto Frenchmen which he had with him in that voyage whereof the gentlemen of the countrey and especially such as had alwaies either secretly or openly held to the part of the house of Anjou were so discontented and spighted that they straight cast off all amitie good affection to the king and incontinent entred into practises and complots to make all the countrey to revolt which they straight did and so made void that voyage and for nothing the king lost both his people and his money who assuredly might have well kept the kingdome of Naples if he had given the offices thereof to them of the countrey and sought meanes to have maintained them in voluntarie obedience By the aforesaid example it appeares That the Frenchmen gained nothing by getting into their hands all the offices and estates of the kingdome of Naples yet gained they much lesse in the fact I come now to speake of seeking to take away the honour of the warre from the Spaniards in Spaine at the battaile of Iuberoth You Froiss lib. 3. cap. 12 31 14 15 16. must then understand that the king Iohn of Castile being an allie with the king of Fraunce demaunded succours of him and aid to make warre against king Denis of Portingale The king of Fraunce sent him gallant succours as well of footmen as horsemen Our Frenchmen arriving there were very well entertained of king Iohn of Castile our French desired the point of the battaile to shew both what they could doe in warre as also their good affection to doe him service The Castilians contradicted this beeing greeved and envious against the French that so vaunted preferred themselves before them Notwithstanding all that the Spaniards could doe the king graunted them their request where of they were very glad and the Castilians as sad What did the Castilians Vpon despight and envie they complotted together to suffer the French to pursue the enemie without following or seconding them but onely to make a shew that they would follow them to the end that all the glorie might remaine to the French if they vanquished or all to them if after the overthrowing of the French they were victors Vpon which resolution it is well to note how envie and hatred blindeth judgement For if they had not been very passionate they might well judge That forces devided might easily be vanquished one after another as it happened to their ruine and dishonour and to the ruine of the French but being joyned together they might much sooner have beene victorious Finally the battaile was given against the Portugals which were valiantly encountred by the French but beeing unseconded by the Castilians which held the arreregard they were found the more feeble insomuch that they were all slaine or taken And which was a thing very lamentable Of those there were a thousand gentlemen taken prisoners amongst which there were nineteene great lords all which also were thus slaine For as the Portugals a while after the defeating of the avantgard of the French perceived to arrive the arreregard of the Castilians they resolved to slay their prisoners and did so lest they either should make warre upon them behind or els escape So having slaine all their said prisoners they marched valiantly against the Castilians whom they likewise discomfited If we Frenchmen had not been so ambitious and covetous of glorie as to seeke glorie in a strangers countrey above them of that countrey they had not falne into this mischeefe Ochozias king of Iuda was son of Athalia a woman stranger daughter of a king 2. Kings cap. 10. 2. Chron. cap. 22. of Samaria This king governed himselfe by Samaritans which were much hated of the people of Iuda unto whom he gave the principall charges and offices of his kingdome at the persuasion of his mother a Samaritane also despising and casting behind the wisest and most vertuous of his kingdom by which he should haue beene governed after the example of his predecessors This was the cause of that kings destruction for as Iehu was in destroying the house of Achab brother of Athalia he slue also Ochozias and extermined almost all his race as a partner and friend which maintained Achab. If Ochozias had governed himselfe rather by people of his owne kingdome than
doctrine doth How then dare that filthie Machiavell say That men become wicked like unchained slaves when Oracles failed where found he this where ever read hee that men were worse and more evill conditioned in the time when Oracles failed than before Rather contrarie we reade That when Oracles failed which was in the time of the primitive Church men which gave themselves to the Christian Religion were of an holy life and conversation they which gave not themselves to that Religion but persevered in their Paynisme did yet alwayes learne of the Christians that which made them better and of more account Let any reade the workes of Seneca Plutarke Pliny the Second and of many In the primitive Church the Paynims learned of the Christians other Paynim authors which were in the time of the primitive Church and he shal find infinit godly and Christian sentences which the Paynims learned of the Christians of their time as may be necessarily supposed For such sentences were never borrowed of Plato Aristotle or of other Philosophers which were before the comming of Iesus Christ As for example when Plutarke disputerh of the tranquilitie of the soule to flie anger to shun usurie of the profit that a man may draw from an enemie of such as God punisheth slowly and of many other points hee uttereth many sentences which are truly Christian and doe hold nothing of the Philosophers doctrine which were before Christ our Saviour And all the workes of Seneca are full of Christian sentences insomuch that many have esteemed That Seneca himselfe was a Christian yea that he was well knowne of S. Paule which it may be was not unworthie to be beleeved For Seneca who was in the time of Nero and was a learned man and a lover of the learned might well have heard Paule speake who at the said time was a prisoner at Rome for the doctrine which hee preached and might well have beene so curious as to talke with him to understand what was that doctrine whereof all the world spoke But whatsoever it was none can denie that the writings of Seneca in many places doe not demonstrate that hee learned many things of the Christians Wee may then conclude That in the time when Oracles failed and that Christian doctrine began to bee published and divulged through the world men became better and not more wicked like unchained slaves as this mocker Machiavell saith For although even in that time there were found certaine Atheists like himselfe men must not therefore inferre that all the world or the most part thereof became wicked Neither hath Machiavell uttered this opinion as having read it in any good author but only thereby to blame the Christian Religion as the cause of the corruption of manners But he impudently lieth like a shamelesse slaunderer which dare bee so bold as to deliver such talke without any proofe and the contrarie whereof is alreadie clearely proved 6. Maxime The Romane Church is cause of all the calamities in Italie THe Romane Church saith Machiavell is cause that Italie which of old vvas the most flourishing province of the Romane empire is at this day dismembred and cut into pettie Seignories as is seene By the meanes wherof she that vvas vvont to subiugate vanquish other provinces is now exposed as a prey for all strange kings vvhich vvill attempt it vvith a strong arme And although of all Christianitie it be nighest unto the Roman Church yet hath it of all other least Religion because therein that most holy Court doth little els but sow partialities and disorders And he that vvill proove vvhether such evils proceed from the Romane Church let them procure that she may remove her seat such as it is for a small time unto the countrey of the Switzers vvhere men live in great rest and unitie For there should you shortly see it fill the vvhole countrey vvith disorder and confusion ALthough the Romane Church be contaminated with many The papall seat doâ—h evill rather far off than nigh vices yet doth Machiavell shew himselfe here a notable slanderer against it for experience hath made us long time know That it rather doth mischeefe far off than nigh hand and that she ordinarily enricheth the place where shee abideth Wee reade That she hath held her seat at Avignon by the space of seventie yeares so that by the affluence plentie of gold and silver which ordinarily arrived there the towne became so opulent rich that it yet tasts thereof and gladly desireth it might bee alwayes there As for the Suiffes of whome Machiavell speaketh I am assured that there are they who would it cost them much money that the seat of the Romane Church were amongst them and if it were there the Pope should not lacke people for his guard for they would furnish him of as many as he would and his Cardinals also for their pay And I am also of that mind for their entertainement they would also accord them letters to be denizons and free burgesses in all their townes though it bee contrarie to their customes to receive strangers For so will they bee glad that there shall every day arrive in their countrey plentie of silver which they cannot but love better than either the Popes benedictions or pardons yet would they also be glad to reape their pardons at a low price And notwithstanding Machiavell saith That if the Romane seat were there placed there would be no good peace for sowing divisions amongst the Suisses that is not likely no more than it so did in Avignon or the countries about it For whereas Machiavell saith It soweth divisions and partialities in Italie that rather happeneth by the humor of that countrey people which are naturally subject to nourish divisions and partialities amongst both themselves and other nations where they have credit as experience is in Fraunce Moreover the Romanes themselves are not of Machiavels opinion neither doe they complaine that the Romane seat brings them any domage At the beginning of that great schisme of Popes they shewed well how greatly they feared to loose their seat For so much were they afraid that the Cardinals should againe have a French Pope which might againe dwell at Avignon where the said seat had so long before remained that they constrained the Cardinals by force cries and popularie violence to elect a Pope of their owne nation insomuch that all through the towne of Rome and before the place where the Cardinals were assembled to make their election all the people in a mutinie cried with an high voice Wee will have a Romane or at the least Froiss lib 2. cap. 12. an Italian This was the cause that the Cardinals gave them a Romane whereof the Romane inhabitants were so joyous that they tooke him on their shoulders to honour him the more and so long and so farre carried him through Rome that they stifled him and smothered him with the great prease amongst their armes When
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
a new evill deed and in your prosperitie handle not as enemies them which in your adversitie you elected for friends The people saith Titus Livius were much moved by the ancient merit of the Caerites rather to forget the new fault than the old benefit and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence peace and remission of their offences was accorded unto them The same moderation of minde used Francis the first of that name of good memorie towards the inhabitants of Rochell in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie against certaine of the kings officers about the impost of Salt but acknowledging Du Bello lib 9. of his Coment their fault they humbled themselves before that good king demanding pardon which hee granted in an oration with a grave and discreet admonishment very worthie such a king and Christian prince in these words My good subjects and friends for such may I well call you since you acknowledge your faults the office and dutie of subjects is so great towards their prince that they which faile in that dutie commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater nor more punishable for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow For every estate of The publick estate lieth in wel commanding wel obeying a well instituted monarch and commonweale consisteth in two points namely in the just commandement of the prince or superiors and in the loyall obedience of subiects If either of these want it is as much as in thelife of a man the separation of the bodie and of the soule for in man life can no longer endure than the soule desisteth to command and governe the body and that the body desisteth from obeying the soule God grant mee grace that I may not faile in the commandement which hee hath given mee over you which I doe acknowledge to hold of him as a thing whereof I must make account unto him and although according to that command I have over you I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince to prefer mercy and clemencie before the rigour of justice but especially towards such as repent and demand pardon I pardon you with a good heart seeing likewise that I know you are children of good fathers whose fidelitie hath beene many times experimented by my predecessors I had rather forget your new misdeede than your ancient merits I hope also that from henceforth you will as willingly bee enclined to obey mee as my naturall inclination is to pardon you I will not doe to you as the emperour did to them of Gaunt which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadell defiled his hands with their bloud My hands thanks bee to God are Crueltie takes love from subjects to their princes cleare from the bloud of my subjects and indeede hee lost the hearts and amitie of his subjects by shedding their bloud but I hope that my mercie and clemency shall confirme your hearts love towards me your king who kindly handleth you as a good father and that if you and your predecessors have beene in times past good and faithfull subjects you will bee much better heereafter I pray you forget this offence which is happened and for my part I will not remember it at any time of my life I pray you also bee as good subjects as you have heeretofore beene and I hope God will give mee grace to bee better towards you than I have beene God our Lord and creatour pardon you and I doe heartely forgive you all you have done without excepting any thing At this word proceeding from so magnificall and generous a king all the Rochelois began to weepe for joy and crying Vive le Roy they prayed God to conserve in all prosperitie so good a king so kind and mercifull Then upon the kings commandement all the bells of Rochell were rung all their gunnes were shot off and bonefires made in signe of great rejoycing And so much there wants that good princes have beene enclined to vengeance that contrary the principallitie it selfe makes them forget all affection of vengeance Spartian in Adrian that they had before as wee reade of the emperour Adrian who being come to the empire forgot all his former enmities insomuch as one day soone after he Ascending unto honor is descending from vengeance came to the empire encountring a capitall enemie of his hee said unto him Thou art escaped King Lewis the twelfth before hee was king being but duke of Orleance had many troubles For in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor his enemies Annales upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner but hee saved himselfe in Bretaigne whither hee was persecuted with an army and battaile was given him and the duke of Bretaigne who tooke his part at S. Aubin where the kings armie got the victorie and the said duke of Orleance were taken prisoners led to the castle Luzignen and from thence brought to the great towre of Bourges After all this there was a concorde amongst them and the said duke came to the crowne Being king they which followed him into Bretaigne and to other places during his adversitie persuaded him to bee revenged of such as had made warre upon him at the kings command and they shewed unto him that the cause of his then persecution came not by king Charles his motion who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governours such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille and others But that good king Lewis shaped them this answere worthie of so gentle and christian a king that could command his choler and passions Nay saith hee a king of France may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleance King Phillip the hardie a gentle prince a lover of peace and very easie to graunt Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon The countie de Foix in his time rebelled but at the request of a sonne in law of the countie this good king pardoned him his fault and gave him againe certaine land which hee caused to bee seized and moreover made him knight and at Court retained him into his service This is far from nourishing enemies and perpetuall vengeance as Machiavell teacheth But heere might I accumulate and heape up many other examples of Caesar Augustus Traian Marcus Antonius Constantine Charlemaine S. Lewis Charles le sage Alexander the great of Sirus and generally of all the good princes which ever have beene all which were endowed with that excellent vertue of clemencie and were farre from all vengeance But these I have recited I hope may serve sufficientlie to shew by good reasons and notable examples that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance is unseemely and unworthie a good prince And as for the examples wherewith Machiavell serves himselfe they bee but examples of tyrants and such as were of no account and of
first belongeth to the Counsell properly yet the Pope beareth them both in his armes without the key of knowledge they say the other is not to bee accounted of neither can in any sort open the gate of Paradice for the doubtfull crookes and bendings of the inward parts of the locke and the hidden bolts thereof which cannot be opened but by the key of knowledge insomuch as seeing the Counsell holdeth the principall key it followeth that it is greater master than the Pope These are in summe the cheefe arguments of these doctors that I remember at this present But besides these arguments there is also a practise held in that cause as well by all princes as universities which have ordinarily judged and practised that the Counsell is above the Pope As in the time of king Philip le bel the fourth of that name Pope Boniface the eight Annal. upon Anno 12â—6 Monst lib. 1. cap. 67. made a Decretall whereby he generally forbad all emperours kings and princes of Christendome to levie any tribute upon the cleargie upon paine of a present excommunication without any other commissance or declaration The king because this was against his priviledges by the advice of his Counsell the prelates of his countrey and the facultie of Theologie of Paris appealed from the Pope as inferior to the first future Counsell as superior Likewise in the time of Pope Alexander the fift who would needs levie tenthes upon the French cleargie it was resolved by all the universitie of Paris likewise to appeale from him and his bull to the first generall Counsell And to be short appellations have been common from the Pope as inferior to the Counsell as superior And indeed the doctors in Theologie hold all determinately this Theorique That the Counsell is greater than the Pope yea some Theologians have gone so farre as to say that men may well be without the Pope By the abovesaid discourse is seene that our masters of Theologie have desired to circumscribe the infinite plenitude of the Popes power by giving him a master and a superior namely the Counsell to keepe him within his limits But I finde his power cut much shorter by other means and first upon this generall rule The Pope 1. Limit of the Popes power may doe all they adde a condition and moderation thus Clave non errante Provided that the key doe not erre This is a moderation right pleasant which comprehendeth as much or more than the rule it selfe For if you will search the bulls ordinances and dispositions of the Pope you shall not find one which containeth not some derogation from law and right which derogation repugnancie from right the Pope doth by vertue of his power and because it so pleaseth him So that according to the said condition laid downe by the divines we may well say such bulls are of no value because they containe an error in law against which the Pope hath no strength according to that saying Clave non errante Likewise by the same moderation and restriction it may be said that a great part of the Cannons and Decretals are nothing worth because they are derogatorie from the divine law or equitie and naturall reason or els because by these Cannons and Decretals there is added to the holy Scripture which God hath forbidden The key then of Popes beeing thus falsified in so many sorts and manners as every day it is there can little good remain in any thing the Pope hath ever done or yet doth but all or the most part shal be nothing for want of power which is the greatest nullitie that is There is yet another restriction or exception from the foresaid rule which Saint 2. Limitation Thomas de Aquin maintaineth firmly stoutly that is He saith That the Pope may do all things but except that he can make no new articles of the Faith This is an exception which stretcheth far and wide much diminisheth the infinit power of the Pope For if it be true that he can make no new articles of faith it followeth that we ought not to beleeve nor give credit to any thing the Pope hath invented himselfe and so we ought simply to hold our selfe to the word of God and not to looke to any additions subtractions nor multiplications of the Pope Wherefore by Thomas his limitation what precepts soever are added to the Decalogue as this Dominicis diebus missas audito On Sundaies heare Masses and such like are utterly to be rejected And generally all that the Popes have ordained which is contrarie or in any manner repugnant from any place of holy Scripture must be cast off as a new article of the faith For we must as well in deed as with the mouth confesse and beleeve all that is contained in the old and new Testament and all the verses generally of the whole Bible ought to bee unto us so many articles of the Faith although there are some more principall and necessarie than others insomuch as all the Popes doctrine which repugneth the least verse of the Scripture is to be rejected as a new article of the faith by the said exception of S. Thomas Besides the two foresaid limitations there is yet another very common amongst 3. Limitation the Theologians and Cannonists For herein do they agree That an hereticke Pope hath no power nor ought to have any obedience yeelded unto him This hath often served for a meane to cut off and to limit the Popes power For ever when he waxed too wild furious and troublesome to the world then would they cast him this bone to knaw on to say Thou art an hereticke and so was hee often abandoned so that none made any account of him as it happened to Pope Benedict of Avignon successor of Clement the sixt For this Benedict sent buls to the king of France whereby he flatly excommunicated the king and all his realme because the king would not suffer silver to goe out of France into Avignon The abovesaid king had his recourse to the Vniversitie of Paris and especially to our masters of the facultie of Theologie which straight concluded and resolved That Pope Benedict was an heretick unworthie the name of a Pope and that men ought not to obey him his bulls being of no value as granted by one without all power and therefore according to that resolution the said buls were rent and torne in pieces and all obedience denied the Pope You may demaund why this Pope was called an hereticke I answere that I know not for our hystorians have not set downe in what articles of the Faith he erred And it may be that of purpose they imposed the name of an hereticke and not because he was so for he knew nothing of the Scriptures neither knew he what the name of an hereticke meant yet for such was hee accounted and pronounced although he knew no Theologie nor had ever seene any thing of the Bible but onely
great care to see himselfe in reputation to be cruell so that thereby he maintaine his people in a faithfull union and obedience For the cruell and rigorous executions of a prince doe but privately hurt certaine particulars which ought not to be feared and the two great lenitie of a pitifull prince is the cause of infinit evils which grow up and engender in their kingdomes as murderes thefts and other like Insomuch as a man may well say that a pitifull prince is cause of more evills than a cruell prince The example of the emperour Severus may serve vs for proofe heereof for hee was very cruell and by his crueltie overcame Albinus Niger the most part of their friends so wrought himselfe a peaceable empire which hee long time held beeing well obeyed and reverenced of all the world I Have heeretofore shewed how Caesar Borgia by his crueltie obtained for enemies almost all the potentates of Italie and thereby so well assured his estate that incontinent as his father was dead he was invironed with enemies destitute of friends despoiled of the lands he had usurped and constrained to hide himselfe to save his life This tragicall issue accordeth not very well with that which Machiavell heere maintaineth saying Bâ—rgia was erected by the credit of his father not by his crueltie That the crueltie of Borgia was the cause that hee got the peaceable domination of Romania For to say truth it was not his crueltie which easilie might have beene resisted Borgia of himselfe beeing without power but it was the favour and feare of the pope his father who commanded the French powers and made himselfe feared of all christian princes For at that time men feared more the popes simple buls than at this day they feare either the keies of S. Peter or the sword of S. Paul which hee said hee had or all his fulminations excommunications agravations reagravations interdicts anathematizations or all the forces and meanes hee can make And who would make account of all those at this day seeing even the Romanes themselves make but a mocke of them But in the time of Alexander Borgia yea in the time of Pope Iulius the eleaventh his successor all that the Pope would and ordained was held of christian princes for an ordinance as from the mouth of God yea even when the Pope ordained things manifestly wicked as when Iulius delivered as a prey the whole kingdome of France and the lands of the kings allies For the king of England of Arragon and the emperour Maximilian beleeved all that it was a sufficient cause to set upon the king and his allies and that it was even as an expresse commandement of God The world then and even princes being then overtaken with that beastly superstition and follie wee neede not bee abashed that Caesar Borgia had the meanes to possesse Romania under the shadow and favour of the Pope his father that with the aide of the king of France and it was plainly seene that that good hap to subjugate Romania proceeded from favour and not from crueltie as Machiavell saith because as soone as that favour ceased all his case was overthrowne and it was straight seene that his utter ruine arived as is said I doe then maintaine cleane contrary from the Maxime of Machiavell and say That crueltie is a vice which ordinarily bringeth â—o princes the ruine of them their estates and that clemencie and gentlenes is the true meanes to maintaine and establish a prince firme and assured in his estate For proofe heereof reasons are cleare and manifest for wee call crueltie all executions which are committed upon men their lands and goods without any forme of justice or against all right and equitie heereupon it followeth that as violence is directly contrarie to right and equitie so also is crueltie and that crueltie is no other thing but manifest violence But according to the Maximes even of philosophers No violent thing can endure So it followeth that an estate founded upon cruelty cannot long endure Moreover crueltie is alwaies hated of every one for although it bee not practised upon all particulars but upon some onely yet they upon whom it is not exercised cease not to feare when they see it executed upon their parents friends allies and neighbours But the feare of paine and punishment engendreth hatred for one can never love that whereof hee feares to receive evill especiallie when there is a feare of life losse of goods and honours which are the things wee hold most precious and of that which wee hate wee by the same meanes desire the losse and entier ruine and search out procure and advance it with all our power But it is impossible when all a people shooteth at one same marke that a tyrant or cruell prince for all is one can long endure or that hee can doe so much as there shall not arive unto him some disastre or evill fortune And if sometimes it please God to suffer him to live long it is to cause him to take the higher leap that in the end hee may have the sorer fall As wee see it well painted in poets tragoedies where many tyrants are seene which enduring long time have done no other thing during the space of their life but knit cordes fasten gallowes in some imminent places whet swords and daggers temper poisons for afterward to drinke the poison to stab the dagger in their bosomes or hang themselves on the gibet in the sight of all the world which laughing and mocking them say it is well employed we must not say that such tragoe dies are but poeticall fictions for hystories are full of such tragicall ends of tyrants which have delighted to shed their subjects bloud and to handle them cruellie Cruell people are commonly cowards This vice of crueltie proceeding from the weaknesse of such as can not command their choller and passions of vengeance and suffer themselves to bee governed by them never happened in a generous and valiant heart but rather alwaies in cowardly and fearefull hearts Therfore when one day one advertised the emperour Mauricius that the captaine Phocas entended and wrought evill against him and another maintained that he was but a coward and too fearefull to bring any thing to passe the emperour Mauricius answered So much the more ought I to take heed for those cowardly and fearefull people when they enterprise a crueltie and that they have advantage they can never hold any measure therein And this vice of crueltie saith Marcellinus may be called the ulcer of the soule proceeding of Amian Mar. lib. 27. feeblenesse of the mind and cowardise of the heart And therefore sicke and diseased people are more chollericke than they that are in health and miserable and desperate men more than they which are at their ease and contented And hereupon saith Marcellinus that the cause why Valentinian was a cruell man came because of the choller which
from that which is good And heere that manner of electing friends which Augustus Caesar observed is worthie observation for hee did not easily retaine every man in his friendship and familiaritie but ever tooke time to proove and finde their Sueton. in Aug. lib. 66. vertues fidelitie and loyaltie Such as hee knew to bee vertuous people and which would freely tell him the truth of all things as did that good and wise Maecenas and which would not flatter him but would employ their good wills sincerely in the charges he gave them after he had well prooved them then would he acknowledge them his friends but as hee was long and difficile to receive men into familiar amitie so they which hee had once retained for friends hee would never forsake them but alwaies continued constantly his friendship towards them Adversitie also is a true touchstone to proove who are fained or true friends For when a man feeleth laborinthes of troubles fall on him dissembling friends depart from him and such as are good abide with him as saith Euripides Adversitie the best and certain'st friends doth get Prosperitie both good and evill alike doth fit 11. Maxime A prince which would have any man to dye hee must seeke out some apparent colour thereof and then hee shall not bee blamed if so bee that hee leave his inheritance and goods to his children WHen a prince saith master Nicholas will pursue the death Cap. 17. Of the prince of any man he ought to colour it with some iust colour and when hee puts him to death hee must abstaine from the confiscation of his goods for his children which abide behinde will sooner forget the death of their father than the losse of their patrimonie And withall let him know That nothing makes a prince so much hated as when hee comes to touch the goods and wives of his subiects THis is also another tyrannicall precept like to the former For it Corne. Taci Annales lib. 1 and 4. is a custome with tyrants to impose false accusations and blames against such as they will cause to die sometime before the execution sometimes after Wee have shewed before an example of Domitian who for light and no causes tooke occasion to make many great Romane lords to dye which were of him suspected as to tyrants all good and vertuous men are ordinarily which are better than themselves The emperour Tiberius saith Tacitus at the beginning of his raigne hated men of eminent vertue and such also as were extreamely vicious suspecting the vertue of some and fearing to be dishonoured and despised by the vicious But after he came to the fulnesse of all vices and loved most such as were most vicious hee practised too much this principle of Machiavell against many vertuous and honourable men for hee caused to dye a learned and most excellent man called Cremutius Cordus because hee writ an hystorie wherein hee praised Cassius and Brutus He slew also Aemylius Scaurus for writing a tragoedie which pleased him not and many other like railors whereby hee sought to cover his tyrannie Nero likewise after hee had slaine his mother writ lies to the Senat to bee published all over how he had discovered a great conspiration that his mother had intended against him to cause his death and that hee was constrained to sley her to prevent her In like sort Caracalla after hee had slaine Geta his brother caused a fame to bee spred all over that hee himselfe escaped faire for his brorher would have slaine him Briefely all tyrants use to doe so practising their cruelties and vengeances ever under some pretext or false coulour as Machiavell teacheth And there are none at this day which cannot examplifie this position with many late and fresh examples in our time For the massacres of Paris executed on S. Bartholomewes day and the execution after made of captaine Briquemand of Maistre Arnand of Carignes of contie Mongomery and of the lord of Monbrum and other like were all coloured with false imputations by these Messers Machiavellists and by wicked judges their slaves as every one knoweth And as for that which Machiavell saith That the children of such as are unjustly caused to die take no care if so bee their goods bee not taken from them Dion in Neroue and in Aâ—to Carac I beleeve few men will accord with him in this point for every one which hath a good mans hart will sooner make account of honour and life than of goods But certaine it is if the successor his sonne or other kinsman despise and make no account to pursue by lawfull meanes that justice bee done for the unjust death of the slaine men whom hee succeedeth that he leeseth his honour and by the civile lawes is culpable and unworthie of the succession Moreover the injurie done in the person of the father is reputed done to the sonne himselfe and the contrarie As also every man esteemes himselfe to suffer injurie when any of his parents or friends doe suffer it Insomuch as such violent executions are without doubt more intollerable than the losse of goods and do much more stronglie wound the hearts of men which are not destitute of naturall love towards their bloud and such as have their honour in any recommendation than all other losses and damages that they can suffer and although the Machiavellists hold for a Maxime That a dead man biteth not or makes no warre yet the death of a man oftentimes is the cause of many deaths and of great effusion of blood as more at large shall be said in another place 12. Maxime A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lyon and of the Fox not of the one without the other YOu must understand saith this Florentine that men fight in two manners the one with lawes when matters Cap. 18. 19. Of the prince are handled by reason the other with force The first is proper to men which have the use of reason The second appertaineth to beasts which have neither reason nor intelligence But because the first is not sufficient to keepe men and to maintaine them in inioying of things belonging unto them they must needes oftentimes have recourse to the second which is force Wherefore it is needefull that a prince can well play the beast and the man together as our elders have taught when they writ that Chiron the Centaure halfe a man and halfe a beast was given as an instructor for the prince Achilles For heereby hee gave to understand that a prince ought to shew himselfe a man and a beast together A prince then beeing constrained well to know hovv to counterfet the beast hee ought amongst all beasts to chuse the complexion of the Fox and of the Lyon together and not of the one without the other for the Fox is subtill to keepe himselfe from snares yet he is too weake to guard himselfe from vvolves and the Lyon is strong enough to guard himselfe from vvolves
in this world yet assuredly in the other Yea will some say but who will informe against them or dare stand before God for that purpose I answere that the complaints teares and clamours of the people will bee informers and shall complaine before God against princes the dolorous and sorrowfull lamentations of orphants and widowes whose fathers and husbands they have caused to die shall stand as complainants before God and generally all they which they have afflicted and persecuted in their persons or in their goods shall present themselves before our lord the true judge with pittious teares and doloures and shall serve for witnesses and accusors and God who is a just judge shall punish such princes as doe not feare him and it may bee will not attend to punish them in the other world but in this world But let them know that when it pleaseth God to punish princes as they are greater than simple people so hee will bring them to a greater fall and a true token that God beginneth to ruinate a prince is when hee so diminisheth his sences that he makes him flie the counsell of the wise and elevateth into Signes of a princes ruine credit with him new people violent unreasonable and foolish slothfull and flatterers which doe and speake all things to please them for when wee see this happen to a prince wee may well say that God prepareth his ruine Behold in somme in his proper tearmes the opinion of that wise knight Messire Phillip de Comines of the cause why God raiseth enemies unto princes which opinion truely is very christian and proceeding from a man of a wise judgement and well experimented in affaires of State wherin the said Comines was exercised by the space of thirtie yeeres in the time of king Lewis the eleaventh and Charles the eight his sonne in embassages and other great and honourable charges Hee was no such pettie burnepaper as Machiavell who dealt in nothing but in registring and writing of the small broiles and troubles of one house of the towne of Florence and comming out of no better aschoole dare deale to give lessons and documents to princes and mightie kings to teach them how they should governe or rather how they should become tyrants But contrary he that will reade the hystorie of Comines shall finde many good precepts which that good knight hath marked by experience in his time which indeede are good and proper as well to informe and instruct a good prince as they of Machiavell are to informe a most wicked tyrant Vpon this speach above alledged of Comines that God diminisheth the sences of such princes as hee will ruinat I will adde for a confirmation the saying of an ancient wise man alledged by the poet Sophocles Agreeing well to veritie The saying of the wise man is Sophocl in Aulig That which most evill you do trie Most good it seemes to you iwis Thus when wee stir up God to ire Hee plagues us much for our desire 18. Maxime A prince ought not to feare to bee periured to deceive and dissemble for the deceiver alwates findes some which are fit to bee deceived THe prince saith master Nicholas which will become great Discourse lib. 2. cap. 13. cap. 18. of the prince and make great conquests it is necessarie that hee learne well the occupation and art of deceiving as John Galeace did who by that art tooke the dutchie of Millan from Messire Bernard his uncle The Romanes also under that name of allies and confederates so deceived the Latine people and many others that they reduced them into a servitude and subiection yet they never espied it untill the end True it is in this art of trompery deceit men must needes use great fainednesse dissimulations and periuries and the prince which shall bee heereunto as it were made by nature and art shall alwaies obtaine prosperous successe in his affaires For men are commonly so simple and doe so soone bend to present necessities that the deceiver alwaies finds some which will suffer themselves to be deceived Heereupon we may alledge infinit examples of peace truce and promises which have beene broken by princes yet have had good event And heereof wee may alledge one example of fresh memorie of Pope Alexander the sixt who never did other thing but made an art of abusing men neither ever applied his minde to other studie neither ever was there found man that would confirme his promises with more horrible othes nor that lesse kept and observed them Yet his tromperies and periuries succeeded all well unto him for hee knew vvell enough therein how all sorts of men must be handled IN this Maxime is an amplification of that which hath beene before set downe by Machiavell when hee said That a prince ought to know how to play the Fox for now explicating what it is to play the Fox hee saith it is to know how to deceive to dissemble and to bee perjured and that a prince ought to bee adorned with these goodly vertues of trompery dissimulation and perjurie But as for trompery which men call subtiltie wee have of it above sufficientlie spoken And as for perfidie and perjurie wee shall afward speake in another Maxime and therefore heereupon wee will make no long discourse because wee will not often repeate one same thing And withall that there is no man in the world of so small a judgement who doth not well see that this Maxime containeth a detestable doctrine altogether unworthie not onely of a prince but of every man of what condition so ever hee bee And I doe not beleeve that the Bohemians who goe from countrey to countrey telling good fortunes juglers or rather runnagate roagues which make an occupation of deceits and abusing of the world will not condemne this Maxime as wicked and abhominable if they bee made judges And as for that which Machiavell saith That the deceiver will alwayes find some that will suffer themselves to bee deceived I confesse there will bee ever found some idiot fooles and sots that he may deceive yea that sometimes he may deceive sharp witted and wise men yet notwithstanding it is as certaine that there is not so great a deceiver but he is sometimes deceived For as soone as a deceiver is discovered to be one every man takes heed to negotiate and traffique with him or if they bee forced to have to do with him for feare to be deceived they will do their best to deceive The deceiver is often deceived him And herein the most part of the world make no conscience but thinke it not onely lawfull but praise-worthie to deceive a deceiver insomuch as he which hath once a name to be a cousener and deceiver all men will dispence with themselves to deceive him if thēy can and by that meanes the deceiver having cause to take heed of many sundry persons it is impossible but he should be often deceived and be often catched in
his owne nets Therefore Machiavell his reason That the deceiver shall alwayes find them which will be deceived doth not so well conclude as it seemeth For if the deceiver find alwaies some to deceive he shall also find some which will deceive him and it may be sometimes for one that he deceiveth hee may find sixe which will deceive him because none can bee so perfect in the art of trompery which art Machiavell so much recommendeth to a prince but also hee shall alwaies finde others which know more than himselfe in some points and many together doe know more than one alone in all points of that art one in one point and another in another So that in the end hee himselfe shall see alwaies according to the common proverbe the deceiver shall bee deceived As it happened even to Pope Alexander the sixt whose example Machiavell heere alledgeth for the end of all his tromperies and perjuries was to make his bastard Caesar Borgia lord king of all Italie and after of all christendome if he could But the issue of his desseignes and purposes was a tragicall act as wee have before discoursed in another place Moreover the cause why that many times this Pope deceived christian princes and even the king of France Lewis the twelfth was For that in that time men so greatlie feared the Popes bulls and interdictions and that they beleeved him to bee a true lieutenant of God on earth so that they durst not discredit any thing hee did but rather beleeved all his wordes as oracles but at this day children would mocke at his actions and few men will bee baited with his allurements But for whereas Machiavell saith That the ancient Romanes under the deceit of The Romanes allies subjects were not slaves those names Allies and confederats brought into their subjection and servitude the Latin people their neighbours is a plaine and pure lie For they subjugated all men by warre at divers times as wee reade in hystories True it is that after once they vanquished and brought them under they then made treaties of peace and confederations which were not greatly to the advantage of such as were overcome as in reason they might For if by the right of nations such as are vanquished by warres may be bondslaves of the vanquishers by a stronger reason may the vanquishers reserve to themselves some preheminence over the vanquished But the preheminences which commonly the Romanes reserved to themselves in all their treaties were that the allies and confederats should not make warre upon any without their consent and that they should contribute unto their souldiers in their warres Moreover they left to all people their franchises liberties goods religion magistrates and all other things without altering any thing and without imposing upon them tributes of mony or such like This cannot bee called a servitude as Machiavell calls it or if it bee a servitude there are no people in christendome whether they be subjects of princes or common wealthes which are not in a double and quadruple servitude And whereas Machiavell saith That a prince ought to know the art of trompery and deceit some will aske to take heede of it which are the precepts of the art Wherunto I answere for Machiavell that no man can give precepts practicale or singular which may bee applied to every busines to avoide deceit and fraude But the generall precepts of art which the philosophers call Axiomes in philosophie are these Bouldly to forsweare themselves Subtilly to dissemble to infinuate into mens minds and to prove them To breake faith and promise and such like as heeretofore wee have handled and shall doe heereafter But heere we must note one thing which is That one well experienced in the art of trompery will not alwaies practise that principle To breake faith for if he ordinarilie doe it hee shall offend against another principle which commands To dissemble subtilly For by every where and ever breaking of faith hee shall discover himselfe to bee a manifest deceiver whereas hee ought to dissemble and to make an outward countenance not to bee so but rather to bee a good and an honest man And therefore to observe all the principles of that art together without breaking one in observing another hee shall in small matters keepe his faith to breake it in great things and in matters of consequence Heereof Fabius Maximus admonisheth Scipio to take heede Thou desirest Scipio Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 3. saith hee to make warre upon the Carthaginians in Affricke under an hope thou hast to have the favour of king Siphax and of the Numidians which have promised thee aide and succours But take good advice how thou trustest in the barbarous nations which commonly make no account to breake their faith to deceive True it is in small matters they will keepe their faith with thee well to assure thee in their promise and loyaltie that they may afterward breake it to their great profit and advantage as soone as they see they have meanes and occasion in their hands altogether to ruinate thee This was the admonition which that wise Fabius gave to Scipio then a yong captaine What then should a man doe to guard himselfe from such deceitfull faith of deceivers which appeeres and shewes it selfe in little things and is defective in great matters A man must doe that which Scipio answered to Fabius I know well lord Fabius saith hee how a man must leane upon the evill assured faith of Syphax and the Numidians I thinke so much to leane and rest my selfe upon them as may serve my turne so that yet alwaies I hold my selfe upon my guardes to warrant my selfe from all perfidie and treacherie Moreover there is yet another remedie against such deceivers and dissemblers which promise much and in their hearts have no other intention then in no thing to keepe their promises that is to shun and flie from them as from hell and from more than capitall enemies as Homer teacheth us Hee that one thing in heart another in mouth doth beare Fly him an enemie thine and as hell-fire him feare Homer Iliad lib. 9. 20. Maxime A prince who as it were constrained useth Clemencie and Lenitie advanceth his owne destruction IN an hundred times saith Machiavell it vvill scant happen Discourse lib. 1. cap. 32. once that the good and comfort vvhich a prince doth to his subiects vvhen he seeth himselfe as it vvere forced to doe it by feare of rebellion or otherwise is gratefully received of them For commonly the people for benefits so granted by their prince are not thankefull but rather thinkes themselves beholden to such as draw their prince unto the bestowing of such benefits upon necessitie and constraint And this is often the cause that the people seeketh occasions and meanes to draw the prince into that necessitie And therfore a prince ought never to attend that extreame necessitie to shew himselfe kind and liberall for
there is like to be so little helpe therein as it vvill rather advance his ruine IT should bee best and more expedient for a prince to prevent all his subjects with good and courteous dealings than to attend till hee see himselfe constrained to diminish his rigour and as the common proverbe saith to bend or breake Notwithstanding the counsell here given by Machiavell is altogether wicked and cannot but bring into ruin a prince and his estate for in summe his counsell is To hold hard against his subjects nothing to abate his rigour nor to use any kindnesse or graciousnesse then and when he sees himselfe to doe it constrained and pressed thereunto If a prince then will stand stiffe alwayes rigorously to handle his subjects and to oppresse them The rigour of a prince is the cause of deniall of obedience without abating any thing thereof although he heare of their grievances and complaints and that hee see them prepared to rebellion and to denie their obedience what other thing can there follow but the entire ruine of him and his estate For wherein consisteth the estate of a prince but that his subjects agree together for to yeeld him obedience If then by his obstinate rigour and evill dealing hee so doe as he brings his subjects into that necessitie to denie him obedience will not that be the ruine of him and his estate There is no man of good judgement but he knows this Therefore said the poet Sophocles Even as hard steele in fire we see In pieces breake most easilie So minds too hard and fierce which bee Most oft with fall on ground doth lie Wherefore this precept whereby Machiavell would make a prince stiffe and inflexible against his subjects can bring to him but his owne ruine as it happened to Roboam the king who when his people humbly desired an ease and mitigation of their tributes he obstinately and proudly denied them For this king following such counsell as Machiavell giveth here made answere to his subjects that so much there wanted that he had any intent to abate any thing of his former dealing with them that contrarie he determined to augment rather his rigour towards them And for this cause did the greatest part of his kingdome cut themselves from his rule and obedience And to say that the people are unthankfull to their prince for benefits accorded Constrained graunts are not without profit as it were by constraint this is false and experience shewes us the contrarie For the people is not so speculative that they will cause to seeke out and examine the impulsive cause which moved the prince to commit or ordain any thing but holds themselves contented with the good and profit which redounds to them by that ordinance and the enjoying of the good they receive bringeth unto them such a pleasure and contentment as it moves them to thanke their prince for that good and to praise and blesse him yea to pray unto God for his conservation and prosperitie In all the peace that was made in Fraunce since the civile warres there hath alwayes been seene an experience thereof For a man may well say that the king accorded peace to the Protestants as it were by constraint which indeede is contained in the edicts of peace for the king himselfe so declared it in other edicts which hee made when the warre was renued as he declared by an edict in the yeare 1568 wherein hee saith That hee had alwayes had in his heart to abolish the religion of the said Protestants and the cause of his before suffering it had been as by constraint and to accommodate himselfe to the time The Courtiers also have alwayes called it the Suffered Religion and the Catholicke Romane the authorised Religion Although then that those goodly edicts of peace were accorded by the king against his heart yet ceased not the people to be thankfull unto the king yea to praise and exalt him as a lover of the good and repose of his poore people and to blesse and praise God for him both publickely and privately But put the case that were true which Machiavell saith That the subjects of a prince cannot be thankfull for a benefit accorded by constraint it followeth not therefore that such a benefit and a better handling must needs be unprofitable and without fruit For certaine it is that alwaies this will make cease the complaints of the people and cause them to desist from all rebellions and whatsoever enterprises are intended machinated against him Titus Livius sheweth us by many examples this to have many times happened at Rome where the commons entered into seditions and rebellions against the Patricij and such as were great men in authoritie but they were appeased incontinent as soone as the great men graunted that which they desired And yet wee find not that the great Patricians and nobles of Rome did almost at any time accord unto the commons but as constrained and against their wills There was amongst them men of as good wits and judgement as Machiavell such as Coriolanus Appius Caeso Fabius and other like which cried that they must not accord to common people under the pretext of their seditions and rebellions what they demand because it is an evill example and as it were to give occasion to the people ever to rebell and be seditious causing their faults to turne to their profit but notwithstanding all these reasons the most part of their wise Senators found it more expedient to bow and give place to the tumultuous people than to resist them There hath beene many times seene in Fraunce rebellions and stirres of the people for new imposts which straight were stayed by taking them away And indeed naturall reason sheweth well that it ought so to be For in all things of what sort soever they bee as soone as the cause is taken away men also take away the effect thereof Moreover I will not denie but this is of very evill consequence that a profit should come of a rebellion and sedition but upon this point it is worth noting that seldome or never people arise without some great just and urgent occasion therefore if the prince have not done his dutie to cut off that occasion before but that thereby there arise rebellion sedition he may not find it strange nor evill to remedie it rather late than never and so to purge his negligence A prince in stead to harden his heart against his subjects as Machiavell teacheth shall doe better not to bee so obstinate but to plie and bow his courage when the good of the commonweale and his owne requireth it following the admonition which that wise knight Phenix gave to the prince Achilles his disciple Appease thy selfe Achilles strong thy hardened heart abate A mortall man it not becomes implacable to bee Hom. Iliad 9. Though power most and honour eke on gods attend and wait To prayers of us mortall men yet yeeld they we
world which that hideous monster Perfidie hath not engendred Assuredly it is an Alecto an infernall furie excited and called lately from hell to the vexation and Perfidie an infernal furie Subtill palliations are not profitable Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. utter overthrow of this poore world And as for that which Machiavell sayth That a man may finde reasons and covertures to cloake and colour the breach of Faith this hath no place amongst good men which respect their honour which also repute palliations but trumperies and frauds and doe make mens perfidies but the worse and more damnable The Carthaginians after the first Punick warre made a treatie of peace with Caius Luctatius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie upon which treatie Luctatius made this reservation Vnder the good pleasure of the Senate and Romane people This treatie pleased not the Romanes and therfore as soone as they were advertised therof they certified the Carthaginians that they would not ratifie it Not long after Asdruball lieutenant generall of the Carthaginian armie made another treatie with the Romanes wherin they comprehended the Saguntines This treatie a long time was observed on both sides yet the Carthaginians never expresly only secretly approved and ratified it At the end of which time the Carthaginians sent Anniball to besiege Saguntum which they tooke and ruinated The Romans after this sent embassadors to Carthage to know wherefore the Carthaginians had done contrary to the treatie of peace made with Asdruball wherein expressely the Saguntines were comprehended The Carthaginians in their Senate would have cloaked and coloured this fact according to Machiavels counsell with certaine fond subtilties saying that they never ratified the treatie made by Asdruball and that it was as well lawfull for them to disavow that which Asdruball had done therein as the Romans had abrogated the truce of Luctatius This colour seemed to have some appearance in it but being more narrowly entred into nothing will be discovered but deceit and fallacie For there must a greater estimation be made of a ratification by Deed than by Word as the assurance of Deeds is far greater than that of Words so that the Carthaginians which by the space of many yeares had approoved effectually the treatie of Asdruball could by no meanes afterward reprove it as also because in that truce there was no reservation contained as there was in the treatie of Luctatius The Romane embassadours then espying the palliation and quarrelling deceit of the Carthaginians vouchsased not otherwise to replie but to present to their choise either peace or warre The Carthaginians left that choise to the Romans which chused warre by which the Carthaginians lost themselves and their countrey And this came of their deceitfulnesse and breach of Faith Not unworthie the rehearsall are the subtile distinctions of king Antiochus his Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. embassadour unto Titus Quintius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie then resident in Greece to defend the Greeke townes in their liberties against that barbarous king This king perceiving his affaires could not well succeed against the powers of the Romans which by the Grecians themselves were drawn into Greece purposed to seeke peace without any further hazard Quintius made Menippus and Hegesianax the kings embassadors to understand that the only meane of peace was that their king should avoid Europe and leave Greece at libertie Hereunto Menippus replied by goodly distinctions well trussed together whereby hee shewed that there are three kinds of confederations and treaties of peace one with such as are vanquished by warre unto whom the vanquishers may give law the second kind when two enemies equall in forces doe make peace without battaile in which kind as they are like in force so ought the compacts and conditions of peace to be alike and egall and the third is when they which never were enemies before are reduced to amitie and confederation in which kind neither of them ought to give law to the other adding to this distinction that the king their master was of this third kind and that therefore they were abashed that Quintius would give him a law saying That he must needs avoid Europe Quintius who was nothing expert in making distinctions unlesse it were with the sword although otherwise of good naturall sence Well said he you have made me a distinction and I will make you another There are two kinds of warres the one may be made in Asia the other may be made in Europe Touching the last kind the Romans have just cause to enterprise wars against your master for the guard of the townes of Greece least they should fall into the hands of Antiochus according as they have preserved them from the hands of Philip king of Macedonie and as for the first kind the Romanes are content not to deale at all and if king Antiochus your master will make warre in Asia let him doe it we will not hinder him The said embassadors which accounted to have brought much to passe by their subtill distinction were much astonished when they heard this contradistinction of Quintius for they could not replie one word And in the end ther was no remedie but Antiochus must passe by the distinction of Quintius to avoid Europe Hereby is seene that such subtilties and palliations in treaties of peace and observation of Faith are but ridiculous things For the affaires of the world ought to be governed by a common sence and solid judgement and not by subtilties of distinctions which should bee sent unto Sophisters and Logicians to maintaine their arguments in schooles The Grecians have alwaies been great masters in subtilties as their writings Thusi lib. 1 de bello Peâ—o shew yea too much for often it hath happened that determining to governe the affaires of their commonweales rather by subtill reasons than by arguments founded upon good judgement they have overthrowne themselves into utter ruines and confusions Hereof there is a very memorable example in the Peloponesiake warre described by Thucydides which endured eight and twentie yeares and well nigh ruinated all Greece from top to toe as wee say for it was founded upon a subtiltie of small importance This was the matter Two of the greatest commonweales of all Greece were the commonweales of the Athenians of the Lacedaemonians for all the rest were small in comparison of them and were in a conjunction by a association either with the one or the other except some few as that of the Corcyrians which neither associated with the Athenians nor with the Lacedaemonians These two great commonweales had a treatie of confederacie together wherein amongst other articles there was one which said That if any of the cities of Greece which were not then leagued with either the one or the other of the commonweales would associate themselves either to one or the other they lawfully might But so it happened that the Corcyrians had warre against the Corinthians which were associated with the
clemencie yea your own and let none die that be culpable let no Senator be punished nor noble blood bee shed let such as are banished be called againe and let their consiscated goods be yeelded unto them againe and would to God that I could revoke and call again to life such as are dead For there was never found that a prince committed a good vengeance of his owne greefe but it was alwayes thought too rigorous and sharpe though never so just I would have you then to pardon Cassius his children his sonne in law and his wife How should I not say pardon since they have done nothing let them live in all assurance and so know that they live under the empire of Marcus Let them enjoy their fathers patrimonie his gold his silver and other their goods that they may be rich assured free and let them be examples of our pietie and clemencie also of yours in the mouth of al the world Neither ô ye Conscript Fathers is it any great clemencie to pardon the children and wives of such as are banished and condemned since I demand and pray for pardon even of the culpable themselves whether they be Senators or knights that you may deliver them from death from confiscations from infamie from feare from envie from all injuries and that you will do this whilest we raigne that they which were slaine in the tumult for enterprising against us bee not defamed After this missive was read in the Senate house all the Senators with an honorable acclamation begun to crie The gods conserve Antonine the clement Antonine most pittifull Antonine most mercifull The gods perpetuate thy empire into thy race We wish all good to thy Wisedome to thy Clemencie to thy Doctrine to thy Nobilitie and to thy Innocencie This acclamation declareth well how amiable acceptable Clemencie makes a prince for there is nothing in the world that better gains the hearts of men nor that brings to a prince more reverence and love than this gentlenesse and lenitie of heart And indeed this good emperour by his Clemencie got thus much that after his death all Rome made a certaine account that he was ascended into heaven as to the place of his originall Because said they it was impossible that so good a soule endowed with so excellent vertues shold come from any other place than from heaven either returne againe to any other place The very name of Antonine was also so reverenced and loved of all the world from father to sonne in many yeares and generations after him that many emperours his successors caused themselves to bee called Antonines that the rather they might be beloved of the people though that name belonged not unto them nor were of the race or familie of Marcus Antonine as did Diadumenus the emperour Macrinus his sonne and his companion in the empire and as also did Bassianus and Geta Severus his children and Heliogabalus they were all surnamed Antonines But as this name appertained not unto them so held they nothing of the vertues of that good emperour with whose name they decked themselves Yet many reprehended in Marcus Antonine this his great Clemencie whereby he so easily pardoned such as had conspired against him saying That he provided evill for the safetie of himself and his children to suffer conspirators to live This was but a meanes to emboulden wicked people to enterprise conspiracies and amongst others the empresse Faustine his wife found it evill and of bad consequence that he punished not rigorously the partakers of Cassius whereupon he writ a very memorable letter to this effect Very religiously dost thou ô Faustine my deare companion to have care of the assurance of us and our children but whereas thou admonishest me to punish the complices of Avidius Cassius I do advertise thee that I had rather pardon them for nothing more recommendeth a Romane emperour amongst all nations than Clemencie That was it which placed Iulius Caesar in the number of the gods which hath consecrated Augustus which gave that most honourable title of Pius that is gentle and godly to thy father Finally Cassius himselfe had not beene slaine if my advice had been demanded in the slaying of him I pray thee therefore my deare companion be not afraid but hold thy selfe assured under the protection of the gods who no doubt will guard us because pietie and Clemencie are so pleasant and agreeable unto them For a resolution then certaine it is that nothing can so become or is so worthy of a prince to practise as Clemencie by pardoning such as offend him and even them which have committed some fault that may bee excused by some equitable reason and by mitigating the punishments of the law to such as upon custome commit no excesse and which otherwise are vertuous and valorous people and their offence not exceeding great and hainous for if otherwise a prince use his Clemencie without having these considerations before his eyes his fact will rather hold of crueltie and injustice than of clemencie but for a man to practise it with a counterpoise and equall ballance of equitie justice can be nothing interressed but rather shall bee reduced and applied to his true rule But assuredly as a princes Clemencie bringeth to his subjects the fruit of a good equitie so doth it also acquire unto himselfe this inestimable good to be beloved of every one as was Marcus Antonine the emperour The like happened to Vespasian Sueto Vesp Pas cap. 14. 15. in â—iâ—o cap. 1. 9. the emperour who was greatly beloved for his great Clemencie and gentlenesse for he was so gentle kind and clement that he easily forgot offences committed against him yea he would doe good to his enemies As when he maried and endowed very richly and honourably the daughter of Vitellius his enemie which warred upon him Moreover hee would never suffer that any were punished who did not well deserve it Likewise his sonne Titus was so good and clement that hee was never blamed for bearing evill will to any man often he had this word in his mouth That he had rather perish himselfe than lose any He was of the people surnamed The delights of mankind for his kindnesse and Clemencie In like sort Traian Adrian Pius Tacitus and many other Romane emperours were so beloved and reverenced of their subjects for their naturall humanitie and Clemencie that they are placed after their deaths in the rowle of their gods Moreover whensoever a prince shall be soft and clement there is no doubt but Clemencie cause of good works his subjects will imitate him therein for it is the peoples nature to conforme themselves unto their princes manners as the Proverbe saith The example of the princes life in all things commonly The subiect seekes to imitate with all his possibilitie But whensoever subjects doe imitate that most excellent vertue of Debonairetie and Clemencie certaine also it is that the whole bodie of the commonwealth
effects whereof wee have above discoursed which are to temper the rigour of justice to make the prince beloved reverenced and praised of all the world and to fill his subjects with good manners there are yet three other effects worthie of note in a princes Clemencie that thereby hee may bee better obeyed more assured in his estate and may augment his domination And to touch those three points in order one after an other I will presuppose for the first point That a prince makes himselfe easily and well obeyed when the wils of his subjects are of themselves A clement prince better obeyed well disposed to yeeld obedience But it is certaine when a prince is debonaire and clement that his subjects will bee alwaies well disposed to obey him for two reasons The one because he shal be beloved the amitie which his subjects beare him shall incite and stirre them more willinglie to obey him The other reason because being soft and gentle his commands also are sweet and gratious founded upon reason and equitie and this will cause them easily to yeeld obedience because there is nothing that more enduceth a subject to render his prince obedience and to obey his command than when themselves do see and judge that the commandement is both reasonable equall for equitie is the sinew of the commandement of the law which makes it forcible and brings it into action and without this equitie the law cannot endure nor long bee observed Therefore the lawes and ordinances which the Romanes gave to the Macedonians Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 5. after they had brought Macedonie under their obedience endured very long before they were in any thing chaunged or corrected For they were so upright and convenient for that nation as the usage it selfe saith Titus Livius which is the true corrector of lawes found nothing to reprehend or correct by the experience of many yeeres Very memorable also is the manner of the Romanes use to make How to make good lawes lawes and especially those which they gave to the Macedonians For they were not contented to handle and deale with them in their Senate to cut and stretch them after their fancies as some doe at this day which make lawes in their chambers with such as themselves but elected ten delegates or deputies wise and honourable men which went all over Macedonie to inquire and bee informed of the manners and conditions of the countrie people and of their antient customes and liberties and to have their peoples aduice of such lawes as were fittest for them By this meanes they made very covenable lawes for the nation of the Macedonians which they found good holy and equall and they willingly obeyed and observed them with good hearts without any constraint And assuredly this is the best meane when men makes new lawes and ordinances that is to have the aduice of such as are to have obey them to know of them the discommodities that by them may fall out which they must needes know better than any other And for this reason the antient kings of France made their lawes and ordinances by the advice of the States generall or at the least by the assemblie of a great number of barons prelates and wise people of each great towne of the kingdome which assembly they called the kings great Counsell And the Romane emperours made their lawes by their Senates advice as wee have in another place said And indeed it is a rash presumption of one man alone or a few men to thinke they can make lawes of themselves and covenable ordinances for a people and a nation without having the advice of them of that nation yea of many of divers countries The ancient Romanes were of a better judgement than such presumptuous persons and they never received law till it was well tossed and handled and till every one were hard speake that would either persuade or disuadethe law which was to be enacted Therefore saith Titus Livius it came often to passe that the Tribunes whose office it was to cause the law to bee received or rejected by the people desisted from the receit of a law being moved so to doe by the reasons and remonstrations of such as disuaded it and often times also opposing themselves against the reception of a law they departed from their opposition being moved thereunto by the reasons of such as persuaded and truely if the lawes and ordinances which are made for the government of a kingdome or other principallitie were so well examined before they were concluded and that everie man were heard in a generall assembly of States to persuade or disuade them so many absurd and weake lawes would not bee made as are neither by consequent would they bee so evill observed as they are For they should be made equall commodious for such as should obey them and so would each man obey them with good will because as is said Equitie is that which holdeth law in action observation Moreover none neede to doubt but when he that hath authoritie to command Dion in Pompeio Plutarch in Lucul is beloved that by that meanes he shall not bee better obeyed Lucullus was a valiant and wise captaine who executed great matters against Mithridates Tigranes two of the greatest kings of Levant and of all Asia but in the end not being able to obtaine the love of his souldiers hee was in hazard by their disobedience to have overthrowne all the glory and honour which hee had acquired This disobedience of his army was the cause that the Romanes called him from Levant before hee had altogether ended the subjugating of those two kings and sent in his place Pompeius who did nothing else but as I may say gathered the fruit that Lucullus had sowne and carried away the honour and triumph of his paines and travels For the necessitie was such that Pompeius must necessarilie bee sent in Lucullus his place for that Lucullus was nothing obeyed of his people of warre because they loved him not he was so sterne and uncourteous and as soone as they had obtained Pompeius for their captaine generall they greatly obeyed him because hee was unto them gentle clement and affable insomuch as he did with them what hee would and by their forces and valloures hee brought all the East under the Romanes obedience This then was a great evill hap for Lucullus who otherwise was endowed with excellent vertues that hee could not use softnesse clemencie and kindnesse towards his souldiers and have gotten love and to have contained them in his obedience but so to lose the fruit of his travailes and victories not wholy finishing that whereof hee had taken charge But yet greater evill lucke happened unto Appius Claudius who was so exceeding Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 1. rigorous and imperious that hee caused his souldiers rather to hate than love him Hee being Consull and captaine generall of the Romane army against the
remaineth to shew That Liberalitie is profitable and necessarie for a prince when he applieth it to good uses When Alexander the Great departed from Macedonie to goe to the conquest Plutarch in Alexand. of Asia hee caused all the captaines of his armie to appeare before him At their comming he distributed unto them almost all the revenue of his kingdome insomuch as he left to himselfe almost nothing Amongst them one of the said captaines called Perdicas said unto him What then will you Sir keepe for your selfe Even Hope answered Alexander We then shall have our part thereof replied Perdicas since we goe with you Thus Perdicas and certaine other also refused the gifts which their king offered them and were as thankfull as if they had accepted them So that they accompanied him in his voyage of Asia full of good will to serve him as they did For he was so well served of these valiant Macedonians his subjects that with them he conquered almost al Asia so the Liberalitie of Alexander was very profitable unto him The ancient Romanes had this custome ordinarily to encrease the seignories and Titus Livius lib 7. Dec. 4. Plutarch in Caton dominations of the kings their allies as they did to Massinissa king of Numidia unto whom they gave a great part of the kingdome of Syphax his neighbor and some part of the countrey of the Carthaginians after they had vanquished Syphax and the Carthaginians as also they did to Eumenes king of Pergamus in Asia unto whom they gave all they conquered upon king Antiochus from beyond the mount Taurus which came to more than foure times so much as all Eumenes his kingdome They also practised great Liberalities towards Ptolomeus king of Cyprus towards Attalus another king of Pergamus towards Hiero king of Sicilie and many others And what profit got they by all this even this that in the end all the countries and kingdomes fell into the Romans hands either by succession and testamentarie ordinance of those kings or by the will of the people or otherwise And this reputation of Liberalitie which the Romans acquired was the cause that the kings and potentates of the world affected and so greatly desired their amitie and alliance Silla Marius his lieutenant making warre upon king Iugurtha persuaded Bocchus king of Salust de bello Mauritania to take part with the Romanes against Iugurtha because saith hee the Romanes are never wearie with vanquishing by beneficence but doe alwaies enrich their friends and allies The king Cotis of Thrace having promised the Romanes that he would proove their good and faithfull friend and to that effect having delivered them hostages notwithstanding they aided king Perseus of Macedonie against the Romanes when after by warre king Perseus was vanquished wherin Bitis the said king Cotis his sonne was taken prisoner this king would have ransomed his sonne and withall made certaine frivolous excuses The Senate made him this worthie answere That the Romanes knew very certainely that hee had preferred the good grace and favour of Perseus before their amitie but that therefore they would not cease to give him his sonne and his hostages because the benefits of the Romane people are free insomuch as they better love to leave the price and the recompence within the hearts of such as receive their said benefits than to be readie to receive prompt and quicke satisfaction Augustus Caesar seeing himselfe have many enemies which he had gotten by civile Dion in August warres he knew not whether he should put them all to death or what hee should doe For he on the one side considered that if he caused all to die then the world would thinke that either he was entring into the butcherie of a civile warre or els to usurpe a tyrannie and on the other side he feared that some mischeefe would happen unto him if he suffered them to live The abovesaid Livia his wife which was a good and sage ladie shewed him that he ought to gaine his enemies which he feared by liberalitie and beneficence Hee followed this counsell and begun with one Cornelius the nephew of Pompeius whom hee advaunced into the office of Consull and in like sort to others which he tooke to be his enemies he practised beneficence and bountifulnesse in such sort as he gained all their hearts But because the remonstrance which Livia made to Augustus is very memorable I will here summarily recite it I am very sorrowfull my most deare lord and spouse to see you thus greeved and tormented in your spirit so that your sleepe is taken from you I am not ignorant that you have great occasions because of many enemies which you will have still feeling in themselves the deaths of their friends and parents which you have caused to die during those civill wars withall that a prince cannot so well governe but there will be alwaies mailcontents and complainers There is this moreover that this change of estate which you have brought into the commonweale by reducing it into a monarchie makes that a man cannot well assure himselfe of such as they esteeme to be their friends yet I beseech you my good lord to excuse me if I a simple woman take that hardinesse to tel you my advice upon this matter which is that I thinke there is nothing impossible to represse by soft and gentle meanes for the natures of such as are enclined to do evill are sooner subdued and corrected by using clemencie and beneficence towards them than severitie For princes which are courteous and mercifull make themselves not onely agreeable and honourable to them upon whom they bestow mercie but also towards all others And by contrary such as are inexorable and will abate nothing of their rigour are hated and blamed not only of them towards whom he shewes himselfe such but of all others also See you not my good lord that either never or very selde physicians come to cut the sicke members of the bodie but onely seeke to heale them by soft and gentle mendicaments in like sort are maladies of the spirit to be healed And the gentle medicaments of the spirit may these well be called Affabilitie and Soft words of princes towards every one his Clemencie and placabilitie his Mercie and debonairetie not towards wicked and bad persons which make an occupation to do evill but towards such as have offended by youth imprudencie ignorance by chance by constraint or which have some just excuse It is also a very requisit thing in a prince not only to do no wrong to any person but also to be reputed such a man as will never do wrong to any man because that is the meane to have the amitie and benevolence of men which a prince can never obtaine unlesse he doe persuade them that he will do well to the good and that hee will doe wrong to none For feare may well bee acquired with force but amitie cannot bee obtained but by persuasion
and that by nature violent things cannot endure as also that God sets in foot and exerciseth his justice upon them yet for all that is there not a better nor more expedient meane to establish a tyrannie than to place and plant a Partialitie amongst the people And this is the marke and end whereat Machiavell shooteth to establish a tyrannie as we have before shewed in many places It may be Machiavell learned this Maxime of Claudius Appius who was a man of courage and very tyrannicall towards the Romane people and if all other Senatours had been of his humor assuredly the Senate had usurped a tyrannie in the citie and changed the Aristocraticall estate into an Oligarchie but most commonly he remained alone in his opinion But wee must understand that at Rome there was tenne Tribunes of the people which were magistrates established to conserve the liberties and franchises of the meane people against the tyrannicall enterprises of the great men of the citie which had power to oppose themselves against all novelties as new lawes new burthens and imposts and after a firme opposition none might passe any further They also had power to propose and pursue the reception of new lawes as they knew it was requisit and profitable for all the people whereby it often came to passe that the Tribunes sought to make passe and to receive lawes to the great dislike of the Patricians and Senatours and to the utilitie of the meane people The abovesaid Claudius Appius alwaies gave the Senate advice to sow a Partialitie Titus Livius Dec. Dionis Halic lib. 9. amongst the said tenne Tribunes and by the practise of that same amongst them they might oppose themselves against laws which others would have to passe For said he by this meanes the Tribunes power shall ruinate it selfe without that we shall seeme any way to meddle therein and without that the people shall know that any of our action is in it This counsell of Appius was many times followed but in the end they found it did them no good For after the Tribunes were partialized one against another and that thereby nothing could passe nor be concluded by way of deliberation and accustomed suffrages then fell they to armes and seditions So that in the end the people were constrained by force to plucke from the Patricians that which they would not permit to bee handled and disputed by the accustomed way of good deliberation and conclusion by pluralitie of voices Thus oftentimes the Patricians were constrained to appease the people to grant them things which by reason they might have persuaded them to leave for it is the nature of men to desire alwayes that which is denied them as the Poet Horace sayth very well expressing that which happeneth ordinarily in the world That which denied is most commonly Desired is of us most ardently Moreover it often came to passe that the Patricians desired to make passe to the people by meanes of the Tribunes some law which seemed unto them profitable for the commonwealth but they could not come to their pretences because they had fashioned the Tribunes to a contradiction one of another And of those Tribunarie partialities arose at Rome great insurrections of the people and great murthers and effusion of blood as there did when the two brethren Graccht were slain And therefore that goodly counsell of Appius whereupon Machiavell hath made his Maxime was cause of great evils and calamities as surely it is easie to judge That all Partialities and divisions are cause of ruine and desolation amongst a people whereof we are also advertised by him who is truth it selfe our Lord Iesus Christ who saith That every kingdome divided in it selfe shall be desolate And if there be any Machiavelist so grosse headed as hee cannot comprehend this in his spirit yet may he see this by experience in Fraunce if he be not altogether blind and if hee be French he cannot but palpably touch it in the losse of his goods and in the death of his parents and friends unlesse he be a lazer or without sence For all the late ruines of Fraunce from whence have they proceeded but from the partialities of Papists and Hugenots which strangers sowed and maintained thereof It is solly to say that the diversitie of Religion was cause thereof For if men had handled all controversies of Religion by preachings disputes and conferences as at the beginning they did they had never falne into any Partialitie but since men came to armes and massacres and that by constraint they will force men to beleeve partialities sprung up which was the onely marke whereat all strangers shot that thereby they might plant in Fraunce the government of Machiavell The Chalcedonians were well advised not to beleeve the counsell of the Aetolians which resembled this doctrine of Machiavell and the counsell of Appius for when the warre was open betwixt the Romanes and the king Antiochus the Chalcedonians allies and friends of the Romanes caused to be assembled the States of their countries to resolve upon that which Antiochus made them understand That his onely comming into Greece was to deliver the countrey from the subjection and servitude of the Romanes and therefore required them to allie and conjoyne themselves with him The Aetolians which were very unconstant and mutable people with each wind as are the Machiavelists chanced to be in that assembly and persuaded the Chalcedonians that it was certaine that the king Antiochus had passed from Asia into Europe to deliver Greece from the Romanes servitude and that they thought it best that all the cities of Greece ought to allie and contract amitie with both the two parties the Antiochs and the Romanes For said they if wee allie our selves with both parties when the one would offend us the other will revenge us The Chalcedonians not finding good this counsell of the Aetolians knowing well that as none can serve two contrary masters so neither can they allie themselves with two nations enemies and that they which will entertaine two contrarie parties shall often fall into the malegrace of both And therefore Mixtion one of the principals amongst the Chalcedonians made to the Aetolians a very wise and notable answere Wee see not masters Aetolians say they that the Romanes have seized upon any towne in Greece neither that therein they have placed any Romane garison nor that any payeth them tribute neither know we any unto whome they have given any law or any thing changed their estate And therefore we do not acknowledge our selves entangled in any servitude but that we alwaies are in the same libertie which we have alwayes been Being therefore free we stand in no need of a deliverer and the comming of the king Antiochus into Greece cannot but hurt us who can performe no greater good unto us than to withdraw himselfe farre from our countrey And as for us we are resolved to receive none within our townes but by the authority of
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
elected for their cheefetaine the said Giles governour of a great part of Gaule which the Romane emperor then held This Giles called Guiemand to be about him as one of his Counsell because he was reputed a wise man Guiemand dissembled the best he could by the space of nine yeares all which time he was about this Giles yet never forgetting the amitie and fidelitie which hee bore to his king But amongst other things which hee counselled this governour this was one that hee gave him to understand that the Frenchmens natures is to be rudely handled in great subjection and to take great heed they doe not enrich themselves for they are farre better poore than rich and when they are rich and at their ease then doe they incontinent rebell against their prince Breefely by this goodly counsell whereof he desired such issue as after happened hee put in that Romane governours head to lay great imposts and exactions upon the French people and withall to practise cruelties This was the cause that the Frenchmen by the advice and secret handling of Guiemand himselfe called againe their king Chilperick unto whom Guiemand sent the halfering which he had The king returning the French gentlemen met him even at Bar where they dealt with him most honorably The king also forgave them all new tributes and imposts and from thence forward governed himselfe wisely and of a Sardanapalus which he had been before his flight he became after his returne a noble and valiant prince and chased the Romanes from a good part of Gaule which they held and greatly enlarged the limits of the realme of Fraunce Therefore is it evidently seene that the Maxime of Machiavell or the counsell which Guiemand gave to Giles which is one same doctrine is not very good and that the issue thereof cannot be but evill And to argue this point by reason I thinke every man will confesse unto me that The force of a prince coÌ„sisteth in the riches of his countrey it is more expedient for a prince to bee king and lord of a rich and plentifull countrey than of a barren and poore countrey for a withered and poore country cannot nourish any great people Moreover a poore and barren countrey cannot produce and bring forth things necessarie to the tuition thereof as abundance of corn wine fodder money and other things Finally to make a kingdome strong and puissant as well to maintaine it as to augment it there is a necessitie that it bee copious and rich of all things And although Machiavell in a certaine place where he speaketh of warre maintaineth that the common saying is false That money are the sinewes of warre this hindereth not but that which we say may be true For suppose it bee true as Machiavell by his foolish subtiltie maintaines that it is the good soldiors which are the sinewes of the warre and not money yet these sinewes cannot stirre nor bee brought to any great actions without clapping upon the cataplasme of money So that if money be not the sinewes of warre after the foolish subtiltie of Machiavell because they have not of themselves either motion or operation yet at the least are they the meanes which causeth the sinewes to moove and without which souldiors can doe nothing or at least without paiment in equipolent kinds to mony as victuals apparrell and armour And if it be objected unto me that there are some poore nations which notwithstanding are puissant and warlicke as were the Macedonians in the time of Alexander the Great and these were poore in regard of the Greeks Persians and Medes and as at this day are the Tartarians and Scythians and as the Suisses were within this hundred yeares Hereunto I doe many wayes answer That first I will not denie that the nations or poore countries cannot bee but naturally good warriors as commonly all Northernly nations are of which number are the Macedonians Scythians and Tartarians yea the Suisses also the Almaignes hold now of the North But this their martiall vertue proceeds not from their povertie For in Affricke America and in many other places of Asia and in many Islands there are many poore nations yet nothing warlicke But if poore nations which are naturally warlicke become rich in their countrey they will not therefore leese their warlicke vertue As the Suisses at this day are very opulent and rich yet are they nothing lesse valiant in warre than they were in the time of the battaile of Morat about a hundred yeares since which they got against the duke of Bourgoigne in which time they were so poore that many of them could not discerne vessels of silver from peuter as M. de Comines saith The Macedonians also became very rich after that under the conduct of Alexander they had conquered Asia yet remained they alwayes generous and valiant The Romanes also in time of the foundation of Rome were very poore but within a small time they became very rich yet therefore lost not their valour and generositie It is not then the povertie of the country which makes a warlicke people but rather the nature and inclination of the heaven which likewise is much aided when the countrey may become rich If there be opposed unto me also That we see many princes and private persons Riches is more requisit for a generall than particulars which doe evill abuse their riches as Caligula did 67 millions of gold which Tiberius left him and as Caesar did the great treasures which hee heaped up in Gaule and as many others did Hereunto I doe two wayes answere First I say it followeth not that râ—ches and treasures are evill because some abuse them no more than wine is to be condemned because many are drunke therewith And although there bee some princes and other persons which have abused their riches there are also many which use them well I moreover say that the consequence is not good in this case from the particular to the generall For I confesse well that it should be better and more profitable for the commonwealth that in a countrey there were many houses meanly rich than some little number excessively rich because oftenest that excesse proves very pernitious to him that enjoyeth it who is thereby sometimes incited to stray out of the limits of lawes and temperance But suppose it true that great riches is most commonly domageable to particulars it therefore followeth not that they are not nor may bee in a countrey in generall but the more rich a countrey is so much more is it strong and puissant if so be that it be so well governed as the particulars abuse not their richesse which they will not doe especially being under the yoke of good laws and good magistrates if every man have not too great abundance therof but in a mediocritie according to their qualities and degrees for such a meane seemes very requisit and profitable because they are meanes and aids to come unto vertue and to bee
rather to discharge him of his Office than constraine him to doe a thing against his conscience The prince then which will make a good election of magistrates ought to take care to chuse persons which like Cato will not winke at vices and which will patiently heare parties and judge equally as did Quintius which will be diligent well to draw out the truth of the fact before he give judgement upon any as did Sulpitius which may be such persons as feare to offend their consciences like Helpidius And briefly that they be fearers of God lovers of truth not covetous according to Iethro his counsell Thus doing hee need not feare to have his justice well ruled and holily administred He must take heed he doe not like the emperour Tiberius who gave his Offices to great drinkers and gourmandizers taking pleasure to see a man tunne up much wine and viands into his bellie Neither ought hee to imitate the example of Suet. in Tib. cap. 42. Aâ— Marcel lib. 23 27. the emperour Iulian the Apostata who for a Iudge one time gave to the towne of Alexandria in Aegypt a most cruell and turbulent man And when it was told him that this Iudge was a man very unwoorthie of such an Office I know nor sayth hee how unworthie he is but because the Alexandrians be turbulent and covetous persons I will give them a like Iudge which may deale with them after their merits This was a very inconsiderate part of this emperour to give a wicked magistrate to a corrupted people for their amendment for that is as if one should give unto a diseased person a wicked physician to heale him There was the like fact committed in our time by the Machiavelists but no marvaile if Atheists follow the traces of an Apostata for the one is as good as the other Neither ought the prince also to doe as the emperor Valentinian who constrained the parties to subject themselves to the judgment of suspected Iudges to bee their enemies For all these said emperours were greatly blamed by authors of their time and are yet by all hystories for their so evill choise of unworthie men in Offices which rather they ought to have recoiled and dejected as many other emperors did which for farre lesse causes have cassierd and dispatched them out of their Offices as some have written That Augustus Caesar cassierd a magistrate as ignorant and incapable because hee writ Ixi in place of Ipsi And Vespasian cassierd another because he perfumed himselfe smelled of muske saying he would have loved him better if he had smelled of Garlicke And Domitian cassierd another because he delighted in dauncing and puppet playes for Domitian although otherwise very wicked had this good in him that he caused wel to be chastised all such as our Machiavelists are at this day Likewise also Fabricius Censor cassierd out of the Senate Cornelius Rufinus Senator because hee had vessels of silver weighing tenne marks which at this time comes to 40 crownes But I leave you to thinke if they would not then have rigorously punished such as doe spoile and eate the people which sell Iustice or which commit like abuses which at this day are manifestly tollerated in France since they cassierd men out of their Offices for farre lighter causes as to faile in the orthographie of a word to smell of a perfume to daunce to have plate of the value of tenne pound for these things seeme not to be great faults but at this time men do rather make vertues of them But it is not ynough that a prince make good election of his Officers and Magistrates by the consideration of each mans particular vertues but also in seats where he must needs establish many Iudges together hee ought to take good advisement well â—o compose the bodie of that assembly by considering the qualities required to give a good harmonie and temperature to all the bodie And for this purpose hee ought to compose and temper it of persons of divers estates and divers countries as for example A parliament and judgement seat which ought to bee composed of many ought not to be made of men all of the Nobilitie or of the Clergie or of the third estate but some of every estate Likewise it ought not to be composed of men all of one towne but they ought to bee taken from divers jurisdictions or diocesses And those two points have aunciently been observed in France according to royall ordinances so enjoyning But in the time wherein we are wee may adde by the like reason That in a parliament or the like seat they ought not all to be Catholike Romanes and none of the Reformed Religion For if the estate of the Clergie for the conservation of her priviledges hath well obtained that in all such places there be magistrates of the Clergie although they bee of the same religion in all points with the Catholike Lay-men why should they denie it to men of the profession of the Gospell To this purpose we reade That at Rome there was a time wherein there was many more knights in the assembly of Iudges soveraigne of causes than of Senators insomuch as by soveraigne judgement Publius Rutilius who was a good and sincere man was condemned to banishment because hee had repressed the excessive and undue exactions of Publicans in Asia being evill beloved of the knights which were the greater number of the assembly The Senatours disdaining and grieving at this wicked judgement stirred up Livius Drusus Tribune of the people at whose pursute there was a law made That from thence forward the Senatours and knights should be of a like number in the judgements of causes Which law was found good and profitable to the commonweale as by the contrary they found not good that law which before Caius Gracchus who also was a Tribune of the people would have caused to passe wherby he sought to these that in the judgement of causes there might be two knights against one Senator For herein there is no equalitie nor equitie and therefore by good reason that law was rejected yea and to the ruine of Gracchus who was slaine in the too earnest pursute of that law Iosaphat also king of Iudea after he had established good magistrates through the townes of his kingdome and expressely enjoyned them to execute good justice Paral. lib. 2. cap. 1410. Antiq. lib. 9. cap. 2. to every man without having any regard but to the feare of God and not to the riches nor the dignitie of persons finally established a seat like a parliament in the towne of Ierusalem composed of persons elected from all the lines and families of his kingdome as Iudges holding the degree of supreame jurisdiction unto which men might only appeale from the sentences of inferior Iudges The same temperature kept also the ancient Romanes in all sorts of their magistrates For they not only had of their nobilitie but also of their knights and of
the third estate to the contentment of every one and that magistrates being so temperated they so might be suspected neither to great nor little This is it which was said of Marcus Valerius that Dionis Halic lib. 7. valiant and wise Senatour and great captaine of warre persuading the Senate to receive the people to Offices and into the administration of the commonweale Masters said he all they which will well establish a publicke estate ought to consider not only that which is present but also that which may come But certainly if the whole administration of the commonweale remained alwaies in the hands of such as are rich and puissant it might so come to passe in succession of time that some small number of them would usurpe a tyrannous domination over the people But when some of the people shall be mixed amongst such as are rich and puissant they dare enterprise no tyrannie fearing to be punished by the lawes whereof the magistrats of the people may pursue against them the observation Finally so much the greater terror and feare we propose before the eyes of transgressors of lawes and corrupters of manners by putting against proud and covetous men many observers and watchers in their heads so much the better shall the estate of our commonwealth bee established and assured A Prince having by good election well ordained the magistrates of his Iustice A Prince ought to punish evill Iudges and to reward good men hee ought after to consider how hee may maintaine them in their dutie to walke upright and to keepe themselves from corruption To doe this hee must observe two things To cassier them which deale evill in their charge yea that hee punish them according to the greatnes of their faults and that he recompence remunerat them which deale well in their charges Wee have above set downe some examples of certaine emperours which chastised their vicious magistrates which examples doe merit well to be drawne into a consequence at the least for great faults of magistrats But above all a prince ought alwayes to have before his eyes the example of the king S. Lewis who of his kingdome sent often Commissaries throgh his provinces to get information of the abuses of magistrates that he might doe justice thereof For this example meriteth well to be practised in the time wherein we are Moreover the emperour Alexander Severus practised very well these two points wherof now I speake Lamprid. in Alex. touching the punishing of evill magistrates and remunerating the good For on the one side he so hated wicked magistrats which abused their Offices that one day there comming to his Court one Arabinus who was reported to have committed thefts in the administration of his Office he begun in a great choller O gods immortall Arabinus not onely liveth but dare appeare in the Senate and before mee On the other side Alexander would remunerate and bountifully reward such magistrates as were good and well acquited themselves in their charges For said hee good magistrates which are good men must be bought and enriched but wicked men of no value must be impoverished and driven away Wee may also alledge the example of the most part of our ancient kings of France which stipended well their Officers of Iustice For although it seeme that the wages which they take at this present is little yet at the time when their wages were first constiuted and set downe unto them they were great and sufficient ynough to maintaine them unto whome they were given And there is no doubt but a man might as well and honourably maintaine himselfe some 60 years agoe with 300 pound a year as now for 1000 for truly since that time all things have proved foure times dearer Whereupon it followeth since expences are quadruple and that the wages of magistrates are not raised that it were requisite they were augmented the rather to encourage them to doe their duties and to take from them all occasion and excuse of abuses Hereupon some have thought that to shun abuses corruptions of magistrats it were good and expedient to make them temporall as for two or three yeares or els Magistrates in Fraunce ought neither to bee temporall nor ambulatorie to make them ambulatorie by remooving of them from time to time from one province to another This opinion hath been held by a great person of our time which seemeth to be founded upon many good reasons For if magistrates were temporall by consequent they should be subject to the Syndiks and to give account of their administration and if they were ambulatorie they should not know the persons submitted to their jurisdictions neither could they contract with them any inward familiaritie and love which often doe cause Iudges to stray out of the right way do draw the curtaine from the eies of Iustice And both by the laws of the Romans and the ordinances of king Lewis and many other kings his successors the magistrates of Provinces could neither be perpetuall nor might they be magistrates in the provinces where they were borne Yet if we consider that France is composed of divers provinces which have every one their courses of law different wee shall find that it were impossible to find magistrates fit to administer justice in every severall province for want of knowledge of the different stiles customes and manners of every severall countrey which are not well learned but by use and practise And also old men and many persons very capable to exercise offices of magistracie neither can nor wil subject themselves to an uncertaine removing from one province to another for the affaires of their familie could not well beare it yet every man must have care of his familie We see also that men advanced to Offices although men learned capable yet at the first have not had the dexteritie well to applie their knowledge to use for it is obtained by the handling of matters experience Wherupon it followeth that if magistrats were temporall they should be at the end of their time even then when they begun to understand how they ought to handle their Offices by appointing deputies in their places the like would come to them and so would it come to passe that in Offices there would be placed more often new men than well experienced a thing neither good nor profitable to the commonweale And for this cause we read that the emperour Antonius Pius continued alwaies in his time his magistrats which Capit. in Pio. in their Offices acquited themselves well And in the time of Severus and other emperors after him it was practised that to the Office of the Praetorian praefecture they should alwayes provide some one of them which before had served as an Assessor and knew therefore how he should handle that Office And certainly in the Romans time there was this incommoditie in the matter of magistrates that often they were at the end of their time before