amongest the Gentiles were vsed holy Oratories as nowe is vsed amongst the Christians to which demaund I wil say what I haue read and that which presently I do remeÌ„ber The oracle of the Scicilians was Libeus the Oracle of the Rodes was Ceres the oracle of the Ephesians was the greate Diana the Oracle of the Palestines was Belus the Oracle of the Argiues was Delphos the oracle of the Numidians was Iuno the Oracle of the Romains was Berecinthia the oracle of the Thebans was Venus the oracle of the Spanyards was Proserpina whose temple stood in Cantabria which is now called Nauara That which the Christians do now call Hermitage the Gentils did name Oracle This Oracle stode always distant from the Cities and holden in very great veneration There was always in the Temple one priest alone it was well repaired well lockte and well indued and those that went thither on stations they might only kisse the walles also from the dores behold but within they might not enter except ordinarie priests and strange Embassadors Nere vnâ—â— the Oracle they plaÌ„ted trées within alwais oyle did burn the couering was all of lead to defende the raine at the doore there stoode an Idoll the which they did kisse they had there a certaine hollowe trunke where they did offer and an house buylded where they lodged Plutarch doth much praise the Emperor Alexander the great for that in all the kingdomes he conquered and in all the prouinces that he subdued he commaunded solemne Temples to bée made to praye in and Oracles farre distant to visite The king Antigonus that was page to the Emperour Alexander and father of king Demetrius althoughe they reprehend him to be absolute in gouernement and dissolute in maners the Historiographers do much praise him bicause euery wéeke he went once into the Temple and euery moneth did sleepe one night to the Oracle The Senate of Athens did muche more honour vnto the dinure Plato after his death than they did when he was liuing and the cause therof was for that the good Plato when he was wearie of reading and studying did withdraw himself to liue and also to dye neere vnto a certaine deuoute Oracle wherin he was afterwards buried and as God adorned Archidamas the Greeke that was sonne to Agesilaus after hée had gouerned the coÌ„mon wealth of Athens .22 yeares had ouercome by sea by land ten battailes he coÌ„maunded to he made in the most sharpe mountaines of Argos a most solemne oracle wherein Archidamas did ende his lyfe and also for himselfe did choose a sepulchre Amongst all the oratories that of olde they had in Asia the most famous was the Oracle of Delphos for to that place from all partes of the worlde they did concurre and thither did carye moste presentes and there made moste vowes and also from thence of their Goddes receyued most answeres When Camillus ouercame the Samnits the Romans made a vow to make an image of gold to send to the Oracle for which purpose the matrons of Rome gaue their cholers their rings their bracelets and their eare rings from their persons for which liberalitie they were greatly honored and largely priuiledged I haue sayd all this Father Abbotte to the end yâ—… shall vnderstand that it is no new thing in this world to haue amongst the people temples and hermitages The difference betwixt ours and theirs is that those Oracles men haue appoynted but our sanctuaries God doth choose whereof there followeth great vtilitie and no small securitie for that in the place that of God is chosen wée may praye withoute any scruple I doe remember I haue bene at oure Ladies of Lorito of Gadalupe del a penia de Francie del a Hoz de Segouia y de Balunera the which house and sanctuaries be all of much praier admiration but for my conteÌ„t my condition our Ladie of the craggy Rocke I finde it to be a buildyng of admiration a temple of prayer and a house of deuotion Father Abbot I assure you of a troth I did neuer sée my selfe amongst those sharpe crags amongst those high mountains amongst those cruell rocks amongst those thick woods that I did not purpose to be an other that I did not sorow for time past and that I did not abhorre libertie did loue to be alone I did neuer passe by craggie moone that forthwith I was not contrite that I was not repentant at great leysure that I did not celebrate with teares that I did not watche one nyghte that I gaue not to the poore aboue all that I did not fill my selfe with sighing and purpose to amend Or that it pleased the God of heauen that I were suche here and in my whole lyfe as I haue purposed to bee when I was there The more I goe laden with dayes the more dull I féele my selfe in vertues which is worst of al that in good desires I am a saint and in dooing good works I am a sinner preaching as I doe preach that heauen is full of good works hell is full of good thoughts I knowe not whether they be my frendes that doe counsel me parents that doth importune me enimies that do direct me businesse that doth hinder me Caesar that withoute ceasing commaundes me or the diuell that temptes me The more I doe purpose to parte from the worlde more and more I fynde my selfe sinkyng to the bottome thereof The trouth is that the lyfe of the Courte is verie pleasaunte for such as haue an appetite therto for there we suffer hunger colde thirste wearynesse pouertie sorrowe angers disfauours and persecutions all whyche be tollerable and verie easy to be suffered for there is none that dothe hynder oure libertie neyther taketh reckening of our ydlenesse Beléeue mée father Abbotte and be oute of doubte for the soule and also for the bodye your lyfe is muche better there at Craggye Mounte than this that wée leade héere at Courte for the Courte serueth better to heare newes thereof than to experimente the things that passeth therin In the Courte he that may doe little is soone forgotten and hée that hath somewhat is pursued In the court the poore hath not to care and the riche can not help himself In the Court they be few that liue contented and many that be abhorred In the Court all procure to be in fauour and authoritie and in the end one only doth commaunde In the Court none hath desire there to die notwithstanding we see not any that will departe from thence In the Court we see many doe what they 〈…〉 t but very fewe what is méete In the Courte all doe blaspheme the court notwithstanding all follow the court Finally I say and affirme that which I haue said and preached whiche is that the Court is not but for men that be priuate and in fauour that can gather the frute therof and for yong men that haue no feeling thereof It with these conditions
a wype To the Father Prior of Corta caeli I sende a riche palia for my sake I pray you to cōmaunde that it bée giuen him in my behalf to visit him bicause I lodged long time with him am much bound affectioned vnto him No more but that our Lord be your protector and kéepe you from an euill lemman and heale you of your goute From Madrid the thirde of Marche .1527 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora Sir Anthony of Acuna wherein he is sharply reprehended for that he was captain of the commons that rebelled in Spaine REuerent and seditious Prelate Zalobrena the sergeant of your bande gaue mée a Letter of yours whiche presently I coulde not vnderstand but after I had read returned againe to reade the same I did sée it was no letter but a bill that the Bishop of Zamora had sente wherein he dyd desie and threaten that he woulde kill me or commaunde mée to be chastized The cause of this defiaunce your Lordshippe declareth to procéede for that in Villa Braxima I withdrew Sir Peter Giron from your parcialitie and counselled hym to cease to followe you and retire to serue the king I my Lorde doe accept your defiance and hold my selfe defyed not that wée kill our selues but that we examin our selues not to the ende wée goe vnto the fielde but to incommende our selues to reason Which reason as a viewer of our factes shall declare whether of vs is moste culpable I in followyng and obeying the Kyng or you in altering and reuolting the kingdome I remēber me being as thē but yong in Trecenon a manour house of Gueuara I did sée my vncle Sir Ladron sir Beltram my father mourne in black for your father in verie trouth my lord Bishop seeing you as I did sée you in Villa Braxima compassed with artillery accōpanied with souldiours and armed at al points with more reason we might weare gréen bicause you liue than black for that your father died The diuine Plato of two thinges did not discerne which first to bewayle that is to wit the death of good men or the life of the wicked for it is a most great grief vnto the heart to sée the good so soon to die and the wicked so long time to liue A certain Greeke béeing demanded for what cause he shewed so great sorow in the death of Agesilaus He answered I wéepe not bicause Agesilaus died but for that Alcibiades remaineth liuing whose life offendeth the Goddes and escandalizeth the world A certain Gentleman of Medina who is named Iohn Cnaso reported that being appointed to haue the ouersight of your bringing vp he was driuen to change foure Nursses in six moneths for that in nursing you were fierce wayware and importune in suckyng It séemeth vnto mée my Lorde Bishop that since in your childhoode you were so paynfull and in your lyfe so sedicious it were great reason that in your olde yeares as you shoulde be quiet if not for your deseruing yet to repose you shoulde seeke quietnesse holding as you haue in youre possession thrée score yeare completed ▪ and shortely maye boaste youre selfe of thrée score and tenne accomplyshed it seemeth to mée no euyll counsayle that you offer if it lyke you the flower to God for that you bestowed so muche branne in the worlde Since your gardein is blasted your vinedage ended youre floure fallen your primetyme finished your youthe passed you olde age come it were muche more conueniente to take order for amendment of olde sinnes reformation of youre life than to execute the office of Captaine ouer rebelling cōmoners If you will not followe Christe that made you yet folow sir Lewes of Acuna that begat you at whose gates many poore euery day did féede and at your gates we sée not but playing and blaspheming souldiours To make of souldiours priests it passeth but of priests to make souldiors is an acte moste scandalous whervnto I wil not say your Lordship consented but that you exactely haue perfourmed You broughte from Zamora to Tordissillas thrée hundreth Massing Priestes not to instructe the Kinges subiectes but to defend that Town against the King and to remoue your Lordship from euill toungs as also for the better saluation of their soules you brought them from Zamora in the beginning of Lent in such wise that like a good pastor an excellent Prelate you remoued thē from praying to fighting in the assault which the Gentlemē gaue at Tordessillas against your bande I saw with mine eyes one of your priests with an harquebuse ouerthrow eleuen men behinde a window the grace was that when he did leuell to shoote he blessed him selfe with his péece and killed them with the pellot I sawe also before the assaulte was ended the Souldiours of oure side that were without giue that good Prelate such a blow in the forehead with an arrow that the death of that caytise was so suddain as he had neither time to confesse his sinnes nor yet so muche as to blesse himselfe But nowe the soule of that Bishop that remoued that priest from his churche the soule of that priest that slew so many men what excuse can they haue before men and what accounte maye they make to God It were a sinne to take you from the warres but much greater to make you of the church since you be so offensiue in nothing scrupulous hereof we be most certain for that you make no account to fight to kill and also to be irregular I woulde gladly knowe in whether booke you haue read most which is to wit in Vegetius whiche entreateth of matters of warres or in S. Austine his booke of Christian doctrine and that whiche I durste auouche is I haue séene you many tymes handle a partisan but neuer anye booke and it séemeth vnto mée not a little gréeuous that to the souldioures that assaulted and fel at the taking of the fort of Impudia they say that you sayde So my sonnes vp fight and die beholde my soule for yours since you dye in so iust an enterprise and a demaunde so holye My Lorde Bishop you well knowe that the Souldiors that there were slayne were excommunicate for sacriledge traytours to the King robbers of churches théeues on high ways enemies of the common wealth and maintainers of ciuill warre It is most euident that the soule of that Bishop that speaketh suche blasphemie is not much scrupulous that desireth to die as a souldiour neither doe I maruell that he desireth to die like a desperate Souldiour that neuer made account of his estate as a Bishoppe If you had raysed this warre to reforme the common wealth or to haue made frée your countrey from some oppression and taxation it might séeme you had occasion although in déed no reason but your Lordship hath not risen against the king for the weale of the kingdom but to make exchange for a better Bishoprike
enter into the Senate and to procure the causes of the people and in such businesse as did not like him he had authoritie to stand for the poore and to resist the Senators And for that the office of Tribune was alwaies against the Senate and thereby passed his life in perill it was a law made and capitulate by the Lawyers and Senators that what soeuer man or woman did violently prease to his person or vnto his garment to offend him publikely they cut off his head And be it knowne to your Maiestie that many Romane Princes did procure to be chosen Tribune of the people not for the interest they receiued by that dignitie but for the securitie they had with the same bycause not only they might not kill them either in their clothes so much as touch them The first Tribune that was in Rome was a certaine Romane named Rusticius a man of a very sincere life and merueilous zealous of his common wealth This Rusticuis was and this dignity created betwixt the first and the second Punick battails in the time that Silla and Marius did leade great bands in Rome and did spoile the common wealth Thus much the letters of the stampe would say This is the good Consull Rusticius the which was the first Tribune that was in the Empire of Rome Your Maiestie amongst these hath many other stāpes the whiche being easie and facile to reade and cleare to vnderstand I shall not néede to spende the time too expound them A certaine relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lawes of the Philosopher Licurgus MOst high and serene Lady this Sunday past after I had preached before your highnesse the Sermon of the destruction of Ierusalem ye commaūded I should recite and also giue in writing who was that great Philosopher Licurgus whose life I praysed whose lawes I alledged In repayment of my trauell and to binde me the more vnto your seruice you commaunded I shoulde dine at your table and also gaue me a rich clocke for my studie For so small a matter as your highnesse doth commaund neither it needed ye should feast me either giue me so great rewards for that I attaine more honour and bountie in that ye commaund than your highnesse doth receiue seruice in the thing I shall accomplish To say the truth I had thought rather yée had slept in the sermon the curtains drawne but since ye cōmaund I shall recite that whiche I sayd of the Philosopher Licurgus it is a signe ye heard the whole Sermon and also noted the same And since it pleaseth your highnesse that the Ladies and dames that serue you and the gallants Courtiers that attend vpon you be present at this communicatiō that ye commaund them that they be not gibing either making of signes for they haue sworne to trouble me or to put me from my matter But cōming to the purpose it is to wit that in the first reignes of this world whē Sardanapalus reigned in Assiria Osias in Iury Tesplus in Macedonia Phocas amongst the Greekes Alchimus amongst the Latins Arthabanes amōgst the Aegyptians Licurgus was borne amōgst the Lacedemoniās This good Licurgus was iointly Philosopher and King King and Philosopher bicause in those Golden times either Philosophers did gouerne eyther else Gouernours did vse Philosophie Plutarche doth say of this Licurgus that he was low of stature pale of colour a friend of silence an enemie of vaine talke a man of small health of great vertue He was neuer noted of dishonestie he neuer troubled the common welth he did neuer reuēge iniury he did neuer thing against iustice either against any man did vse malicious wordes He was in féeding tēperate in drinking sober in giuing liberall in receiuing of consideration in sleeping short in his speache reposed in businesse affable in hearing patient prompt in expedition gentle in chastisement and benigne in pardoning Being a child was brought vp in Thebes being a yong mā he did studie in Athens and in the time of more yéeres he passed into the great India afterwards being old was king of the Lacedemonians which also were called Spartans which of nation were Greekes and of condicion very barbarous For excellencie it is recounted of him that they neuer saw him idle he neuer dranke wine neuer trauailed on horsebacke neuer chid with any man neuer did hurt to his enemies neither at any time was ingrate to his friends He himself wente to the temples he himself did offer the Sacrifices he himself did reade in scholes he himselfe did heare complaints he himself gaue sentēce in causes of the law he himself did cause to giue chastisement to offenders This Licurgus was of a valiant mind in warres of great deuise in time of perill certaine in things determined seuere with rebels in sodaine assaults of great readinesse affable with offenders a mortal enemie of vagabonds They say that this Philosopher did inuent the Olimpiades whiche were certaine playes vsed euery fourth yéere in the mountaine Olimpus to the ende that all shoulde giue themselues to studie or to learne some Art bicause in that assembly which there they vsed euery man made a proofe of his knowledge and the sprite that was giuen him Licurgus was the first that gaue lawes to the Spartans which afterwards were called Lacedemonians whiche is to vnderstand before Solon and Numa Pompilius And also it is written of him that he was the first that inuented in Greece to haue publique or cōmon houses founded at the charges of the common wealth also endewed where the sicke might be cured the poore refreshed Before the days of Licurgus the Lacedemonians were a people very absolute also dissolute for which cause the good Philosopher did passe immesurable trauels no lesse perils amongst thē before they would be gouerned by a King or liue vnder a law On a certaine day before al the people he tooke two little dogges new whelped the one of the which he fedde in his own house very faire fat the other he cōmanded to be brought vp in a countrey house with hunger to vse the fields These dogs being thus brought vp he cōmaunded thē to be brought to the market place in the presence of the whole multitude throwing before them a liue Hare a great péece of flesh presently the countrey dog ran after the Hare and the pampered dogge to the fleshe Then said Licurgus you are witnesses that these two dogges were whelpt in one day and in one howre in one place of one Syre Dam. And for that the one was brought vp in the field he ran after the Hare and the other that was brought vp in idlenesse ran to his meat Beléeue me ye Lacedemoniās be out of doubt that to proue good vertuous it importeth muche from the infancie to bée well gouerned and brought vp for we retaine much more of the customes wherwith we be bred
kil a man with Iron but to permit him to languish that is wicked to be a thing moste iust The disobedient sonne was chastised and afterwardes disenherited When any yong man did encounter with an old man if he were set he did rise salute him and if he were alone hée did accompany him and if he were negligent herein the Iudges did chasten him and the people did reprehend him Their communaltie and fraternitie was so great that the nature of their children the order of their seruants and the commaundement of their slaues were indifferēt It was permitted amongst them to vse theftes not that they had estimation therof but to yéeld vnto men skill aduise and pollicie For if by chaunce he were taken with the maner he was openly punished also the cause of the permission therof was to moue men to be carefull of their goods In their féeding and diet they were very sober and temperate taking refection only to liue and to sustaine life For it was Liourgus opinion that the fat gluttonous man was of grosse iudgement and of vnable and vnhealthy bodie They vsed to sing with great delight and no smal friends of musicall instruments for they held opinion that the swéetenesse of musicke did recreat the spirites and the heart did vndertake to loue They vsed no other songes but such as were inuented to the praise of glorious personages that finished their dayes in great noblenesse or els to the disprayse of the wicked They might not permit or endure in their musicke more than in the rest any newe inuention Therpandar in those dayes the most famous musitian for that he inuented to adde an other string to a certaine Instrument was banished and his instrument broken too shiuers To auoid the great superstitions that in aunciēt time were vsed in building of Sepulchers it was forbiddē to bury any more in the fieldes but neare vnto the Church It was not permitted vnto any person too raise vp any sumptuous Sepulcher but vnto such as in time of peace did gouerne the common wealth or valiantly had died in the warres The Lacedemonians were so great enemies to admit nouelties in their common wealth that they neither permitted straungers to enter or their people to wander into straunge countries doubting to bée entangled with new fashions and customes The father that gaue no learning vntoo his childe in his youthe did lose that succour that in his old age was due vnto him Three things were in great estimation among them whiche is to wit slaues too trauell Houndes to hunt and horse for the warres As touching thinges to be eaten I meane fruite herbes and rootes was common to all men to eat at full but not to cary to their houses Their apparell which they vsed too weare in the warres was died with the iuyce of Grapes to the end the bloud of the maimed should be no dismay to the rest The prayers they made vnto their Goddes was to entreat them to dissemble their iniuries and to remunerate their seruice they did vnto them When they went to the warres they did sacrifice a For vnto the God Mars and at the instant to giue battayle they did sacrifice an Oxe To giue the Captaine to vnderstand that they ought not onely to be strong as a Bull but also suttle wise and prouident as a Fox They painted their Goddes some with a blunt launce and other some with a naked sword to giue aduertisment that the Goddes did chastise some and but threaten others Their vsage was not to craue any thing of their Goddes that was not of importance affirming that al other smal matters were to be obtained by mās industrie Iustice was so much obserued amongst them that they vsed no lockes to their Coffers neither boltes to their doores It was not permitted amongst them that one man should vse many faculties or occupations And for that the Philosopher Chrisiphont reported in his Oration that in euery Art he knew somewhat they banished him affirming that he could not proue a perfect Philosopher that studied Sciences generall A letter vnto Sir Alonso Manrique Archbishop of Ciuile and to Sir Antonio Manrique Duke of Naiara for that they did chuse the Authour for Iudge in a contention A matter very notable MOst high mighty Princes sir Iohn Mārique gaue me ij-letters frō your honors signed sealed wherin you gaue me to vnderstād how you had chosē me for your cēsor iudge vpon a certain doubt wherin both haue doubted and sufficiently contended I my Lordes doe accept the same and doe declare my selfe for your Iudge in this behalfe vpon such cōdition that neither of you appeale from the sentence and further that yée paye the costes of the processe and the penaltie ye shall be condemned in But first I do note and blame your Honours and in a manner reprehend that suche contention shoulde rise betwixt you for that betwene so high personages conference is admitted but contention vtterly condemned Noblenesse and contētion did neuer accompanie in one generous personage which is not so in the ignorant contendor hauing betwéene themselues so great parentage It is conuenient to the Philosophers to proue to prosecute and to maintaine all that whiche they shall speake but to the good Knight it doth not appertaine to contend but to defend The Knight that is of a noble minde valiant and of courage his choler is neuer inflamed but in drawing of his sworde For he proueth very seldome valiant that is giuen to be a brabler But cōming to the purpose your Honours do write that all your contention hath risen for the verifying and the vnderstanding which of these two Cities hath bene Numantia that is to wit Ciquentia or else Monviedro Likewise you write you haue not onely contended but also haue waged a good Mule for him in whose fauour the sentence shall be giuen Speaking with such consideration as is due to so highe personages if the one do no better vnderstand to praye and the other to giue battell than ye vnderstand in Chronicles and auncient histories in vaine is the one Archbishop of Ciuile and the other Duke of Naiara Howe much distance is betwixte Helia and Thiro from Bizantio to Mephis from Rome to Carthage from Agripina to Gades so much is betwixt the citie of Numantia and Sagunto bicause the most auncient Numantia was founded in Castile and the generouse citie of Sagunto was situate néere to Valentia Numantia Sagunto were two most ancient famous Cities and very much renoumed and celebrate in Spaine in opinions contrary in kingdomes diuers in situations different in names discordant and also in conditions variable for Sagunto was founded of the Greekes and Numantia of the Romanes The Citie of Sagunto was alwayes friend and allied with the Romanes mortall enimie to the Carthagians But the Citie of Numantia neither was friend to the one or confederate with the other for they
great trauelles that vnprofitable friends bring with them is that they come not to seeke vs to the end to doe what we wil but to perswade vs to doe what they will. It is great perill to haue enemies and also it is greate trauell to suffer some kind of friendes for to giue the whole hart to one is not much but how much lesse when amongst many it is reparted neyther my condition may beare it either within the greatnes of your estate may it be cōtained that we should loue after such sort neither in such maner to behaue ourselues for that there is no loue in this worlde so perfect as that which holdeth no scruple of intereste Your Lordship saith in your letter that you write not vnto me for that I am rich or mighty but because I am learned and vertuous And you instantly desire me that I write vnto you with mine owne hand some thing that maybe worthy to be vnderstood and plesaunt to be read To that which you say that you hold me to be wise to this I aunswere as Socrates did whiche is too wit that hée knew not any thing more certaine but in perceyuing that he did know nothing Very great was the Philosophie that Socrates did inclose in the aunswere for as the deuine Plato doth say the lesser part that we vnderstand not is much more than al that we know In all this world there is not the like infamie as a man to bée imputed ignorant either the like kind of praise as to bée called wise bycause in the wise death is very euil imployed and in the foole life is much worse bestowed The tirant Epimethes séeing the Philosoher Demosthenes wéep immeasurable teares for the death of a Philosopher demaunded for what cause hée wept so muche since it was a straunge thing for Philosophers to wéepe To this Demosthenes answered O Epimethes I do not wéepe bycause the Philosopher died but for that thou liuest and if thou knowest not I will giue thée to vnderstand which is that in the scholes of Athens we do more wéepe bycause the euill doe liue than for the death of the good Also your honour doth saye that you doe iudge me to be a man solitarie and vertuous might it please the diuine clemencie that in al this and much more you speake the truth bycause in case for one to be or not to bée vertuous I dare venter to speake that how muche sure it is to be and not too séeme to be so daungerous it is to seeme to be and not to be in déede Man is naturally variable in his appetites profoūd in hart mutable in his thoughts incōstant in his purposes indeterminable in his conclusions wherof we maye well gather that man is easie to knowe and very difficile to vnderstand Your excellencie giues me more honour in calling me wise and vertuous than I giue to intitle you Duke of Sesa Marques of Bitonto Prince of Guilache and aboue all great captaine For to my vertue and wisedome warres can giue no impeachment but your potencie and greatnes is subiect vnto fortune Your honour writeth vnto me that I certifie you of my opinion in that the king our master doth commaund now of new that you passe once more into Italy by occasion of the battell that the Frenchmen of late haue ouercome at Rauenna whiche in the worldes to come shall be so famous as it was now bloudie Vnto this answering your honour I saye that you haue great reason to doubt and vpon the same too vse counsell for if you do not accomplishe what you be commaunded the Kyng takes displeasure and if you doe what they entreat you you contend with fortune Two times your honour hath passed into Italy and twice woon the kyngdome of Naples in which two iorneyes you ouercame the battell of Garrellano and the battell of Chirinola and slewe the best people of the house of Fraunce And that which is most of all you brought to passe that the Spanish nation of all the world were feared and obtained vnto your selfe renoume of immortall memory This being true as it is it were no wisedome either suretie once more to returne thither to tempt fortune which with none doth shew hir self so malicious and double as with such as spend long time in the warres Hanniball a Prince of the Carthaginians not contented too haue ouercome the Romanes in those great and famous battailes of Trene Trasmene and Canna but as hée would alway force and wrestle with fortune he came to be ouercome of those which he many times had ouercome Those that haue to deale with fortune must entreate hir but not force hir they must heare hir but not beleue hir they must hope in hir but haue no confidence in hir they must serue hir but not anger hir they muste bée conuersant with hir but not tempt hir For that fortune is of so euill a condition that when shee fauneth she biteth when she is angred she woundeth In this iourney that they commaund your honour neither do I perswade you that you go either diswade you to tary Onely I say and affirme with this third passage into Italy you returne to put your life in perill and your fame in ballance In the two first conquests you obtaine honour with them that be present fame for the worldes to come riches for your children an estate for your successours reputation amongst straungers credit amongst your owne gladnes for your friends and grief vnto your enemies Finally you haue gotten for excellencie this renoume of great Captaine not only for these our times but also for the world to come Consider well what you leaue and what you take in hand for that it may rather be imputed for rashnes than for wisedome that in keping your house where al doth enuie you should depart where al men should be reuenged You ouercame the Turkes in Paflonia the Mores in Granada the Frenchmen in Chirinola the Picardes in Italy the Lombardes in Garellano I holde it to be doubted that as fortune hath not more nations to giue you to ouercome she will now leade you where you shall be ouercome The Dukes the Princes the Captaines and vnder Captaines against whom you haue fought eyther they be deade or else gone In suche sort that nowe against an other kinde of people you must deale and fyght I sayd it for that it may chaunce that fortune which then did fauour you now maye fauour them To accepte warres to gather people to order them and to giue battaile it belongeth vnto men but to giue victorie appertaineth only to god Titus Liuius saith that many times with greate ignomie the Romaines were ouercome at Furcas Caudinas in the ende by the counsell of the Consull Aemilius they changed that Cōsul which had the charge of that army where they were before that time ouercome were frō thence forward conquerours of their enimies Of
health and the grief you séemed to haue of my infirmitie Beleue me Sir and be out of doubt that at that present I had more abilitie to drink than to read for I would haue giuen all my Librarie for one only ewer of water Your Lordship writeth vnto me that you also haue béen ill that you thinke all your sicknesse to be well employed as well for that you féele your selfe recouered as also that you finde your selfe affected with a holy purpose to departe from sin and to abstaine from excesse in eating My Lord I am sory with all my heart that you haue ben sicke and it pleaseth me very much that you stand vppon so good a purpose although it be very true that I wold more reioyce to sée you performe than to heare you promise for hell is full of good desires and heauen is full of good workes But be it as be may to my iudgemeÌ„t there is not any thing wherin we may soner discerne a man to be wise or foolish than to sée in what maner he behaueth him selfe in aduersitie how he reapeth profite by sicknesse There is no such foolishnes as to employe our health to euill purpose either is there any such wisedome as to drawe fruite or commoditie out of sickenesse Cum infirmor iuncfortior sum the Apostle said that wheÌ„ he was sicke then was he most strong this he said bycause the sicke man doth neither swel by pride or fornication doth make him coÌ„bat or auarice doth ouerthrow or enuie doth molest or ire doth alter or gluttony doth bring vnder or slouthfulnesse doth make negligent either ouerwatch him selfe with ambition My Lord Duke pleaseth it the Lord that wée were suche being whole as we promise to be when we be sicke All the care of the euill Christian when he is sicke is to desire to bée whole onely to liue and enioye more of this world but the desire of the good Christian wheÌ„ he is diseased is to be whole not so much to liue as to reform his life In the time of sickenesse there is none that doth remember himselfe of affection or passion of friendes or enemies of riches or pouertie of honour or dishonour of solace or trauell of laying vp treasure or growing poore coÌ„maunding or obeying but to be deliuered of one grief of the dead would giue all that he had gotten all the daies of his life In sicknes ther is no true pleasure in health all trauel is tollerable what wants he that lackes not health What is it worthe that he possesseth that enioyeth not his health What doth it profite to haue a very good bed if he cannot sléepe What benefite hath he that hath old wine of fragrant fauour if the phisitian do commaund that he drinke sod water What auayleth to haue good meat wheÌ„ only the fight thereof moueth belkes and makes the stomacke wamble What commoditie ariseth vnto him that hath much money if the more part hée spend vpon Phisitians and Poticaries Health is so great a thing that to kéepe it and to conserue it wée ought not only to watche but ouerwatche The whiche surely séemes not so since we neuer haue regard thereof vntil we haue lost it Plutarch Plini Nigidius Aristicus Dioscorus Plotinus Necephalus with them many others haue written great Bookes and treatises how infirmities are to be cured and how health is to be conserued And so God saue me if they affirmed a troth in some things in many other things they did but gesse and other things not a few they dreamed Béeleue me my Lord Duke and bée out of doubt for my part I doe fully béeleue and also I haue experimented that to cure diseases and to conserue healths there is no better thing than to auoyd anger and to eate of few meates How great weale should it be for the body and also for the souls if we might passe our life without eating and without anger For meates do corrupt the humors and anger doth contâ—â—ne the bones If men did not eat and would not be angrie there shoulde be no cause to be sicke and muche lesse of whom to complaine For the whips that doe most scourge our miserable life are ordinary excesse and profound sadnesse Experience teacheth vs euery daye that the men that bée doltishe and ignorant for the more part are alwayes strong lustie and in good healthe and this is the reason for that suche as they are neither doe weary them selues to obtaine honour eyther doe féele what is shame reproch or dispite the contrary of all this doth happen to men that be wise discrete quicke witted and of sharpe deuise euerye one of which be not only grieued of that which is spoken vnto them but also they growe sorowfull for that they imagine what others do thinke Ther be men that be so sharpe and so ouersharpe or refined that it séemeth little vnto them to interprete wordes but also they holde it for an office to diuine thoughts and their repaiment is that by them selues always they goe discomforted and with others euill lyked I durst affirme and in a maner sweare that to bréed a sickenesse and to daunger a mannes lyfe there is no poyson of so daungerous infection as is a profounde and déepe sorrow for the miserable hart when he is sad doth reioyce in weping and takes ease in sighing Let euery man speake what he thinketh good for amoÌ„gst such as be discrete and no fooles without comparison they be more that grow sicke by anger they receyue than of the meates they féede on All day long wée sée no other thing but that those men whiche be merrie and glad be always fat whole and well coloured and those that be sadde and melancholike alwayes go heauie sorowful swollen and of an euill colour In these writings I confesse vnto you my Lorde Duke that the Ague that now I haue was not of any meate that I had eaten but of a certayne anger I had taken Your Lordship doth write that by sléeping vpon the grouÌ„d you haue taken a pestilente reume I verily thynke the greafe heate of this moneth of Auguste hath bin the cause therof whiche in myne opinion you ought not to vse or counsell any other therevnto For it is lesse euill to sweate with heate than to cough with colde To the rest which I vnderstand by your letter in desiring I should write some newes it is sufficient for this tyme that of this our Courte there bée few things to be trusted in paper much to be said in a maÌ„s eare The thinges that appertaine vnto Princes and lordes of high estate wée haue permission to conceyue them and no licence to speake them In the Courte and out of Courte I haue séene many aduaunced by secrecie and many shamed by want of silence Your Lordship pardon for this tyme my pen and when wée shall méete together my toung shall supplie this present want No more but that
to renewe your Iudges chaunge your Iustices make proclamations and to remoue your seruice to other persons vnknown Consider very well if they attempte the same to the ende that you shall not erre or else to amend their owne estate For it was a lawe amongst the Athenians that he shoulde haue no voyce in the common wealth that pretended to haue interest in that which he counselled Now at the beginning you haue muche cause to consider in whom to trust and with whom to take counsell for if the counseller be such as hopeth thereby to gather any gaine to that end he will direct his counsell where his affection is enclined In suche sorte that if he be couetous he will séeke to rob and if he be malicious or matched with enimies how to be reuenged And also such things as you shall finde in your house to be reformed and your common welth to be chastised It is not my opinion that you amend or reforme all things in hast that is amisse For it is not iust neither yet sure that ancient customes of the cōmon people be taken away sodeynly being brought in by little and little The customes that touch not the faith neither offende the Churche eyther offende the Common wealth take them not away neither alter thē the which if you will not for their cause yet for your owne cause disfauor the same for if I be not deceiued in the house where dwelleth nouelties there lodgeth want of iudgement Also my Lord I counsell you that you in suche wise measure your goods that they liue not with you but that your lordship liue with them I say it bicause there be many noble men of your estate that kéepe a great house with other mens goodes he that hath much spendes little they call him a nigarde he that hath little spendes muche they hold him for a foole for which cause men ought to liue in such sorte that they bée not noted mizers for their kéeping either prodigal for their spēding My Lord Earle be none of those that haue two quentes of rent foure of follies which alwayes go taking by lone dealing by exchāge taking rent aforehand and selling their patrimonie In such maner as all their trauel doth cōsist not in mainteyning house but in sustayning follies Many other things I might say vnto youre Lordship in this matter the which my pen doth leaue to write to remit them vnto your prudencie No more but the Lorde be your protector From Valiodolid the thirde of Nouember A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Fadrique Enriques wherin is declared that olde men haue to beware of the yeare three score and three MOste renoumed Lorde and great Admirall I assure you I maye firmely aduouche vnto your honour that at the instant there was not anye thyng farther oute of my mynde than was your letter when I sawe it enter into my Cell and incontinente I imagined with my selfe that you wrote vnto mée some iest or sent vnto me to declare some doubt To the very like purpose the diuine Plato did say that such is the excellencie of the heart aboue all the other membres of man that many tymes the eyes be deceiued in the things they sée and the hart doth not erre in that it doth imagin The Consul Silla when he sawe Iulius Caesar being a yong man euill trussed and worse girt for whiche cause many did iudge him to be negligent and also doltish sayd vnto all those of his band beware of that il girt youth that although he appeareth to be such yet this is he that shall tirannise the Citie of Rome and be the ruine of my house Plutarch in the life of Marcus Antonius recounteth of a certaine Gréeke named Ptolomeus which being demaunded wherefore he did not talke or was conuersant with any man in all Athens but with the yong man Alcibiades answered bycause my hart giueth me that this yong man shall set Greece on fire and defame all Asia The good Emperour Traiane sayd that he was neuer deceyued in choosing fréends and in knowing of enemies for presently his hart did aduertise him to whome he shoulde repaire and of whome he should beware And if we well consider the foresayd neither the hart of Silla was deceyued in that he propbesied of Iulius Caesar neyther the Art of Ptolomeus did erre in that he diuined of Alcibiades bycause the one depriued Rome of hir libertie and the other darkned the glory of Greece Thus much I thought to saye vnto youre Lordship to the ende you might sée how my hart was not deceiued in diuining what you had written and also what you craued I may very well say that sometimes your Lordship writeth me some iests that makes me mery and sometimes you demaund questiōs that makes me watch for your Lordship hath your iudgement so cleare your memorie so readye the Scripture so prompt the time so disposed and aboue all great swiftnesse in writing and much vse in reading that you doe me great gréefe to importunate me so often to declare that which you vnderstande not and to séeke out that whiche you may not finde to expound as I did the verses of Homer too declare the life of Antigonus to search you the historie of Methiados the Thebane to relate you the Ceruatica of Sertorius you haue iudged to be don in maner without trauel but I sweare by the law of an honest man I was ouer watched in séeking spent in disposing and tried in writing it Many other Lords of this kingdome and also out of the same do write vnto mée and craue that I declare them some doutes and send thē some histories which doutes and demaundes be all plaine and easie and at thrée turnes I finde them amongst my writings but your Lordship is such a frend of nouelties as always you aske me histories so straunge and peregrine that my wittes may not in any wise but néedes go on pilgrimage My Lord comming to the purpose you say that the Earle of Miranda did write vnto you that eleuen dayes before the good Constable Sir Ynnigo of Velasco died he hard me say and certifie that he shoulde die the whiche as I then spake so afterwards it came to passe but I would not declare vnto him by what meane I vnderstood it Youre Lordships pleasure is that I shoulde write vntoo you whether I did speake it in earnest or in iest or if I sawe in the sickeman any prognostication or if I knewe in thys matter any great secret the which I will discouer vnto you if you promise me to kéepe it secret and that vnto me thereof you be not ingrate The truth is I sayd it to the Earle of Miranda and also to the Doctour Carthagna neyther did I know it by reuelation as a Prophet either did I obtayne it in Circle as a Nigromanticke either did I finde it in Ptolomeus as an Astronomer nor vnderstand by the pulse as a
they will rather amēd God than correct themselues Let houses fal the vines be blasted the stormes spoile corne the flocks die and rent gatherers run away if we giue thanks to God for that he leaueth vs if we do not murmur for that he taketh away if we grow not dul to serue him he will neuer grow negligent to giue vs prouision They say vnto me that your Lordship is vexed sorowfull and also vntractable these are priuileges of olde menne but not of wise olde men for it shoulde be a muche greater losse to haue the wit blasted thā the Corne destroied Vncle you know very well that in all the the markets of Vilada Palencia we shal find bread to be sold but in none of the faires of Medina shal we find wisdome to be bought For which cause men ought to giue more thanks vnto God for that hée did create them wise than for that he made them rich It is a more sounde welthinesse for a man to estéeme himselfe wise than to presume to be of great wealth for with wisdom they obtaine to haue but with hauing they come to lose thēselues The office of humanitie is to féele trauells and the office of reason is to dissemble them For when sodaine assaultes come vpon vs and infortunes knocke at our gates if the hart should receiue them all and of euery one complaine and bewayle he should euer haue wherof to recount and neuer want wherfore to lament Prometheus that gaue laws to the Aegiptians said that the Philosopher should not wepe for any thing but for the losse of his friend for all other things are contained in our chestes onely the friend dwelleth in the hart If Prometheus did not permit to shew any griefe but for a friende it is not credible that he would wéepe for the corne in the field wherin he had greate reason for notwithstandyng that the losse of temporall good is wherewith we be moste grieued yet on the other part it is that wherein our losse is least Séeing the incertayntie of this lyfe and the continuall chaunges that be in the same as little suretie men haue thereof that be in their houses as the corne that is in the field I dare say that wée haue very little wherin to trust and many things wherof to be afrayd It is not vnknowen to your Lordship that in this lyfe there is nothyng sure since wée sée the corne blasted trées striken downe floures fall woodde wormeaten cloath deuoured with moathes cattell doe ende and menne doe dye and that all thynges well marked in the ende all thyngs haue an ende Men that haue passed thrée score yeares haue for their priuiledge to sée in their houses great misfortunes whiche is to witte absence of friendes deathe of children losse of goodes infirmities in their persones pestilences in the common wealth and manye nouelties in Fortune and for thys cause Plinie durste saye that men ought not to bée borne if that he being borne foorthwith should die Oh howe well sayde the diuine Plato that men oughte not to be carefull to liue long but to lyue well I thought good thus muche to write vnto you to the ende you shoulde vnderstande to profite your selfe by olde age since you had skil to enioye the dayes of youth for in the age of fourescore yeares it is a tyme to make small accounte of lyfe and to vse great skill and no small reckening of death All these thinges I haue written vnto your Lordshippe and my good vncle not for that you haue néede but bicause you shall haue wherein to reade and also to the ende you shall vnderstande that although I go bescattered and wandring in thys Court I doe not leaue to reknowledge the good No more but that our Lorde be your protectour From Madrid the eleuenth of Marche 1533. A letter vnto Master Gonsalis Gil in which is expounded that which is sayd in the Psalmist Inclinaui cor meum ad faciendas iustificationes tuas in aeternum RIght reuerend and eloquent Doctor ad ea quae mihi scripsisti quid tibi sim respōsurus ignoro although I saye that to so many things I know not to answer I should haue sayd better that I dare not to wright For the affaires of our common wealth are come to that estate that though we be bound to féele them we haue no licence to reporte them It is too gréeuous in our humanitie to suffer iniuries but it is much more gréeuouse vnto the hart to kéepe them secret and not to vtter them for the remedie of the sorowfull hart is to discouer his poyson and to vnburden where he loueth He deserueth much and can do very much that hathe a hart to féele things as a man and dissembleth them as discret For he is of a greater courage that forgettes the sorowe that once entreth into the hart than he which reuengeth it If my memorie should reueale what it doth retaine my tong speake what it doth knowe and my pen write what me listeth I am sure those that be present would maruell and suche as be absent would growe offended for nowe burneth the pearcher without tallow and at randon all goeth to the bottom The armie of gentlemen be here in Medina del ryo secco and they of the communaltie in Villa Braxima in suche wise that too the one we desire victory and of the other we haue compassion For the one be our good Lords and the others our good friēds I desire that the part of the gentlemen may ouercome and it grieueth me to sée the deathe and fall of the poore chiefly for that they know not what they aske either vnderstand what they do If the trauell of the warre and the perill of the battel might light vpō their shoulders that were inuenters therof and that haue altered the people it shoulde be tollerable too sée and iust to suffer but alas the sorow they fight in safetie and chase the bull in great suretie wée haue the monasterie full of souldiors and the Celles occupied with knights wherin there is no place for a man to withdrawe eyther a quiet houre to studie In such wyse that if my Bookes be scattred also my wits be wandring What quietnesse or contentation will you that I haue séeing the king is oute of his kingdome the commons rebell the counsell fled the Gentlemen persecuted the townes men altered the gouernours astonied and the people sacked euery houre entreth men of warre euery houre they make alarums euery houre they sound to battell euery houre they ordeine ambushes euery hour there is skirmishes euery houre they intende repayres and also euery houre I sée them bring men wounded The Cardinal and the gouernours commaunde me to preache and instructe them in the affaires of peace that which I can say is euery thirde day I goe from one campe to an other and they of the cōmonaltie will not beléeue me neither will be conuerted in suche wise that
and the Phisition betwixt them made bargayne the one to cure and the other to pay and if by chaunce he did not cure according to his promise and band in such a case the law commanded that the Phisition shoulde lose the trauell of his cure and also pay the Apoticary I assure you Master Doctor that if this lawe of the Gothes were obserued in these oure dayes that you and your companions would giue your selues more to study and would be better aduised in the things you shuld take in hand but for that you be very well payd whether the pacient be cured or not cured and if ye happen to performe the cure you attribute the glory vnto your selues but if not you lay all the fault in the poore pacient This appeareth most cleare for coÌ„monly you charge the pacient that either he is a glutton drinketh much water eateth much frute sléepes at noone doth not receyue that he is commaunded takes too much ayre or doth not endure to sweate in such wise that the sorowfull pacient which they cannot cure they do not forget to defame It séemeth not a little gracious vnto me that which your Ipochras affirmeth whiche is that the Phisition is not to be estéemed that of himselfe is not well fortunate whereof we may inferre that all our lift and health doth depende not in your medcines that you minister vnto vs but in the fortune good or bad that the Phisition holdeth He séemeth to haue small confidence in Phisicke that durst publish such a sentence for if we stay our selues by this rule of Ipochras we must flie the wise Phisition that is ill fortunate and séeke to be cured with him that is vnwise and fortunate In the yere of xviij I being sick in Osoruillo whiche is neare vnto your house of Melgar comming to visite me you sayd that I had to consider for that you had killed Sir Ladron mine Vncle Sir Beltram my Father Sir Iames my cosyn and the Lady Ynes my Sister and that if I had a mind to enter into that brotherhood you would rather vndertake to kill me than to cure me although Master Doctor you spake it in iest yet in déede it was most true for whiche cause since I heard you speake it and read that rule of Ipochras I determined in my heart neuer more to offer my pulse neither incommend my health vnto your counsell bycause in my linage of Gueuara your medcine is vnfortunate Of many famous phisitioÌ„s I haue séene performed diuers famous cures and of many foolish Phisitions I haue séene brought to passe many and great doltish follies I speak it for this cause master Doctor for in the hands of the Miller we lose but our meale in the Ferrar but our Mule in the Lawyer but our goodes in the Tayler but our garment but in the hands of the PhisitioÌ„ we lose our liues Oh how great necessitie ought he to haue how conuenient it is for him first to coÌ„sider that at his mouth hath to receyue a purgation or to consente that in his armes they let him bloud for many times it doth hapen that the sick would giue all that he hath to be deliuered of his purgation or to recouer his bloud into his arme In this whole world there be no men of more healthe than such as be of good gouernment and reck not to follow phisick for our nature craueth to be well ruled and very little to vnderstand with Phisicke The Emperour Aurelius died of the age of thréescore and sixe yeares in al which time he was neuer purged or let bloud neyther did vse Phisicke but euery yeare he entred the Bath euery moneth he did vomit euery wéeke he did forbeare to eate one day euery day dyd walke one hour The Emperour Adrian for that in his youth he was gréedy in féeding and disordered in drinking he came to bée in his age much gréeued and sickly of the goute with greate paine in the head whereby he went euer laden with Phisitions and of great experience of many medcines If any man be desirous to know the profit he found by phisick and the remedies be receyued of Phisitions he may easely vnderstand in that at the houre of his death he commaunded these words to be ingrauen vppon his tombe per â—… turba medicorum as if hée should speake more cleare mine enemies hauing no power to kill me am come to die by the hands of Phisitions They report a certain thing of the Emperour Galienus of a troth worthy to be noted and gracious in hearing whiche is that the Prince being sicke and very euill of a Sciatica a certayne famous Phisition had the cure of him which had vsed a thousaÌ„d experimeÌ„ts without any ease or profit on a certayn day the Emperour called and said vnto him take Fabatus two thousande sexter 〈◊〉 and also vnderstande that if I giue them it is not bycause it 〈…〉 hast cured me but for that thou shalte neuer more hereafter cure me To how many Phisitions might we say 〈…〉 those dayes as the Emperour Gabenus sayd vnto hys Phisition 〈◊〉 which although there be not named Fabates with greate reason we mighte tear me them Bobates for they neyther knowethe him 〈…〉 that offendeth the disease eyther 〈…〉 apply a necessary or conuenient medcine As God saiâ—… and master Doctor for my part I do firmely beléeue that it shuld be sounder counsel for vs for no cause to pay the ignorant Phisitions to the ende they shall not cure vs than for that they shoulde minister vnto vs for we â—…earely sée with our owne eyes that they kill more with their receipts froÌ„ the Apoticaries than their predecessors haue slayn fighting in the warres But this shall be the conclusion of my letter that I do accept approue praise and blesse medcine and on the other side I do curse reproue and condemne the Phisition that knoweth not to vse the same For according to that whiche youre Plinie sayeth speaking of medcine non rem antiqui damnabant sed artem As if Plinie should speake more cleare the auncient wise men and suche as banished Phisitions out of their common wealthes did not condempne medcine but the art of curing that men had inuented in the same for nature hauing layde vp the remedy of diseases in simple medcines they haue framed and shut it vp in things compound in suche wise that manye times it is lesse painefull to suffer the disease than to abyde the remedie No more but that our Lorde be youre protector and giue me grace to serue him From Madrid the xxvij of December 1525. A letter vnto Mosen Puche of Valentia wherein is touched at large how the husband with the wife and the wife with the husband ought to liue A letter for the new married YOng and new married GeÌ„tleman Mosen Puche to be married vnto the Lady Mary Gralla and the Lady Mary Gralla to be married with Mosen Puche from hence I
another booke apart by it selfe this Prince during the tyme that he made warres against the Parthians as Eusebius and Orosius do declare endeuored his power to persecute the Christians which remayned in Europe and Asia where Lucus Varus was gouernour This was the fourth persecution of the Church myllitant so that it followeth that God suffered this general pestilence to raigne amongst them and a thousande other callamities to happen vnto them enduring the gouernment of this Prince as wee haue largely declared in his Cronicle The fift persecution of the Church was during the raigne of Septimus Seuerus the Emperour the which by the instigation of the deuil made a great butcherie of the faithful Christiās This fift persecutiō was the cause as fayth Osorius the God dyd not permit this Prince to lyue in peace for one of his Captaines rebelled against him named Albinius the which made all Brittany to reuolt from him calling him selfe Emperour during the time of his life The sixt persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperour Maximius the cursed Prince being offended that Alexander Seuerus had supported the Christians by expresse ordinaunce commission made a great and blooddye spoyle of the Christians principallie of the ministers of those which executed any aucthoritie amōgst the Christiā people This was the sixt persecutiō as saith Eusebius Orosius in the which this Prince vsed many vnacustomed tormēts and caused diuers cruell punishmentes to be inuented whereby the poore Christians might be miserablye handled who had such an opinion and presumptuous pride of himselfe his power that he estéemed that no person might once hurt him and that it were impossible to wounde or to kyll him In which opinion he most deuillishlie pursued all his cruelties and tormentes The seuenth persecution was in the rule of the Emperor Decius This Prince although otherwise he were of good naturall disposition was notwithstanding in religion an Infidell and in that respect sought the vexation of the millitant Church so that no such crueltye were before tyme vsed as nowe in his tyme towardes the afflicted Christians The which is affirmed that he onely dyd in despite of his prodecessour Phillip who had before béene Christened And so this seuenth persecution was in the time of this Decius The eyght persecution was enduring the raigne of the Emperour Valerian who as Eusebius doth report was so fauourable to the Christians in the beginning of his raigne that he would not permitte that any personne dyd them any wrong or violence for he bare such affection and honour vnto them that his pallace was a true colledge and sanctuarie for the Christians but towardes the ende of his raigne he suffred him selfe to be seduced by a Magicien of Egipt who was a deadlye enemie to the Christian religion because the same dyd impugne the deceiptes and Sorceries of the Magicians In such sort that he dyd not all onely chaunge his opinion towardes the Christians but also persecuted them with great slaughter This was the eyght persecution of which Orosius doth liberally discourse but such was the iustice of God for his cruell excesse that such euyll fortune followed Valerian after this déede that he was taken prisoner and fell into the handes of Sapor King of Percia which dyd intreate and handle him most cruelly The ninth persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperour Aurelian who hauing most louinglie vsed the Christians in the first sixe yeares of his raigne as appeareth by the writing of Eusebius and Orosius in the ende by the prouocation of the Deuill and other most wicked persons he persecuted the Christians generally throughout all the confines of his Empire And this was the ninth persecution of the faithfull Now it happened that as this Prince was readie to signe a commission which he was to dispatche to the gouernors of the Princes of the Empire against the Christians an arrow fell from Heauen so neare vnto him that those which were present thought that it had kylled the Emperour But besides this signe and aduertisement God suffered the effect to followe that is to saye the death of the aforesayd Prince for he was miserablye slaine by his owne men and seruauntes and by the same receyued the guerdone and payment of his desartes and offences The tenth persecution was in the time of the Emperour Diodesian This Prince being in quiet rest from all his affaires styrred by Belzebub and his ministers he being a Painim and norished in the supersticions of the Idolatrye of the Gentiles beganne to persecute and pursue the Catholike church which was the tenth generall persecution of the Christians to accoumpt from the same of Nero and this was the most cruell longest of continuaunce of al others the which endured by the space of ten continuall yeares Now the Christiās had long time liued in rest quiet since the persecution which was in the gouernment of the Emperor Aurelian in such sort that the Christian religion was now become of great force in all churches And all the Cities and Towns as well within the dominions of the Emperour as without the limmits of the same and the Christians were excéedinglie multiplied in nomber and had great assemblies in their Churches But as sayth Eusebius this rest and libertie which they enioyed was cause that the pollicie and maner of lyuing of the Christians began to bee corrupted so that many iniquities wickednesse dyd grow presently the old former sanctimony began to deminishe and such disorders discentions began to be moued amongst the Bishops and the Prelats that as the sayd Eusebius witnesseth God permitted this persecution to serue in place of reuenge and chastisement of his Church This persecution was so great so cruell and so blooddy that it is impossible for any pen to write the vnnatural slaughters which the Paynims vsed neither is there any tongue that is able to pronoūce them The which Eusebius doth well declare being a present witnesse beholding the same with his eies as done in his owne sight for he sayth that he cannot discribe nor speake that which he saw executed before his face To whom Orosius doth condiscend wryting in the same sort that there was not any heart so harde that would not be moued to compassion reading the cruelties of this persecution Which amaseth me to consider of the constancie of the Martyrs which endured such tormentes so valiantlye and of the cruelty of those which murdered and tormented them so maliciouslye And to the entent that you and all other shoulde know what punishments this butcherlie Prince ministred vnto the Christians I haue wyllinglie recited some notable partes of the same which be these Fyrst this Prince dyd ruinate and sacke al the Churches of the Christians and forbid them to make any assembles for the seruice of God in any part be commaunded all the bookes of the holy Scriptures to be burned which they might finde Also he ordayned that all Christians
band in Spayne in time past A right notable rule A necessary rule for these our dayes A rule for modestie of apparell A rule for erection of curtesie and good maner Rules for the obseruyng of peace Rules for the obseruing of peace Rules for the exercise of armes They should assaile each other The nobleminde of the maker of this rule is to be noted Things to be noted A gracious confession of Cicero A notable example to be imbraced Hastie counsell breedeth repentance Worthy to be admitted a counsellour Short newes from the court The conditions of Italy A plaine aduertisement Notable conditions in a Iudge May descend but not fall Excellent graces in a iudge A friēdly perswasion Skilful eloquence Why the kings of Castile be called Catholiques The ouer-names of renoumed kings The yere the day the month and hour that Spaine was lost Spaine lost in eight months and hardly recouered in eight hundred yeares To the end cold in winter neither heate in somer shold hinder residents The first inuētiō of the title Catholike Contrary salutations in respect of his birth and maners A sufficiente cause to forget olde acquaintance Assured notes of old acquaintance The issue of vnhonest loue The conditions of men apt for loue A louer in possession of threescore and three yeares A chief cause of courtizans loue The authors of remedies for loue and the frute they reaped therof The beginners of quarels do sometyme catche a wipe Contrarye congratulations in respect of his functiō and maners The lykelyhode of a notable combat A lewde office for an old bishop Prelates for the bodie Doubtfull to be answered A Bishoppe vtterly voyde of a scrupulous conscience A bishop fighting for a bishoprike An Abbot fighting for a bishoprike The prelate lost his Catelina A tinage is an earthen can vsed in Spain of no litle syse to holde their wine Repugnancie in respect of estate and maners The conditiō of tyrants The office of a Bishop A Bishop practiseth his houshold not to pray but to skirmish Armour vsed to wrong purpose A wrong meane to obtayne fame A sclaunderous fraternitie Difficult to content Vaine promises A quent of Maruedis which be 6. for a penny amount 2500 Dukats Repugnancie of speech in respect of noble bloud and want of iudgement A friuolous deuise Notable qualities euill imployed In rebellon vse to pardon the poore and to behead the Captaines Perswasions of a perfect friend An eloquence rarely vsed Rebelles of Spayne Euill guydes not to be followed An eloquent persuasion The wordes of a very frende Repugnancie in speeche in respect of birth and maners A famous speache of an heathen prince A magnificēt answere of a pagan king An exceeding humanitie of a generall to a poore souldior An excellente counsell to make enimies tender and to conserue frendes The couetous man defendeth his goodes from himselfe The liberall and noble minded is Lorde of his neighbour The vile conditions of the couetous Slaues to their owne goodes Wāting that which he possesseth Two kayes to his cofer but two C. in his hart The whole life of the niggard is spent in penance The fruites of couetousnesse Notable conditions of the captain Narsetes I cruell commandement A sharpe answere His penne is constrained to make combat Loyaltie and treason fight not with wordes but with swordes Famouse women Vngodly sciences A religiu◠theft An eloquent perswasion The auhors of Rebellion Hard shiftes An vntoward change A miserable state A wrong deuise to maintaine a common wealth Mischiefe for a medicine Large offers Pithyly perswaded A sharp reprehension A friendly aduise Cruell prayers The authors of Phisicke A tale tolde in iest beleued in earnest Great trauailes that physik hath past Phisick hath wandred many countreys Phisicke vtterly decayed the space four hūdred yeres Rules to be noted The place whereas Ipochras was borne and other famous men The diligence of Ipochras Phisitions banished out of all Greece Another hundred yeares phisick banished out of Greece An exceeding reward The first phisition that cured for mony Phisick banisht another C. yeares In foure hūdreth yeares Rome reserued no Phisitions Nero brought from Greece vices and phisitiōs Phisitions banished by Titus the Emperour Cato an enemy of Phisitions Nota The causes of praise of phisicke The rule and Lordship of the Phisition A law amōgst the Gothes A sentence of Ipochras The Emperour Adrians opinion of Phisitions A notable reward in the place of punishment Valiant phisitions The authors opinion of Phisicke Anciēt lawes for the maried The conditions of the hapily maried A note for the maried A graue sentence of Plato The trauels of the maried man. Equalitie betwixt the maried very necessary Housholde enimies A caueat for Parents A knitting of harts before striking of handes Loue cometh rūning and retorneth flying In old tyme the fathers blessing preferred before hope of inheritance Want of shamefastnes in womē most hurtfull The safetie of womens reputation The cause of domesticall Combatts Suspition no small enimy to womens liues The honoure of the husbād dependeth on the wife A notorious example of a Greeke A furio◅ woman is compared to the hill Ethna An euill kind a measuring Malice finds many faultes Commodities following a pacient wife The dwelling rather of foles than friends A time for the husbande to seeke hys wittes Forget not to make choyce to harboure such guests Causes rather of pitie than of enuy To be noted Good counsel Aduertisements worth the folowing To be cōsidered An euill maner of cōferēce The wiues complaynt Froward out of measure A counsell to be imbraced The office of the husband and of the wife Rather trotting than spinning Causes of spitefull patience No small offence to God. The wife and sword must not be lent A foolish fashion to take vp dust Necessary exercises for the maried wife Idlenesse and chastitie are greatenimies The workes of an huswife A friendly warning to al mothers A Mareuedy is the sixt part of a peny The originall of the Turks The first Saracyns This Mahomet was borne in Arabia issued of the line of Ismaell and of a base place he being an Orphant was sold to a great Marchant his master dyed he married his wydow he was instructed in false doctrine by a Moonke named Sergius a fugitiue from Constantinople he afterwards chalenged and the people attributed certaine deuine veneration vnto him whych the vnlearned Barbarians were prompt to beleeue so as whē by force of the falling sicknesse he fel he feyned to the people that he could not endure the brightnesse of the Angell Gabriell whome he affirmed to celebrate with him the secrets of the highest with many suche abhominable errours and such like abuses he abused the people Othoman Orchanees Amurathes Solyman and Baiazeth Mahomet sonne to Amurathes Mahomet first of the race of Othomās that tooke on him the name of Greate Turke and Emperor To this Baiazeth succeded Selim which poysoned his father bicause he liued ouerlong and to Selim succeded Soliman
which wanne Belgra HuÌ„garia Buda and Rhodes Semiramis Queene of Babylon set this Epitaph vp in the name of hir husbaÌ„d Ninus The Epitaph of Cata MaÌ„lia that was buried liuing The Epitaph of Athaolphus king of the Gothes The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spaine or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spayne or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The Moores being Lordes of all Spaine except Biscay the Mountaines which is Astiria Cantabria diuided it into kingdomes as Cordubia Carthage suche like A necessarie consideration betwixt will and necessitie A harde comfort An accompte to be made not what wee liue but howe we liue A counsell of Horace the Poet. Errors of mans life A superfluous care A sound couÌ„sell A smal boast of Anchises S 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 thi 〈…〉 Th 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 thei 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 eni 〈…〉 ceas 〈…〉 amoÌ„ 〈…〉 A straunge Sepulture A violence without all reason An art most barbarous An vse of the Chibirins most inhumayne The foure notable Sepultures in Rome A commendable manner of drunkennesse An amplification vpon a small cause An exposition of the .25 chapiter of Exodus A necessary maner to expounde the Scriptures A description of the Tabernacle A question An imperfection of all estates A note for the Pope and papistes An example not to be forgotten No smal part of iustificatioÌ„ to confesse our sinnes And yet vnperfect without correctioÌ„ Contempt of amendement yeldeth vtter confusion A chaunge of fashion The vnderstaÌ„ding of the snuffers of most pure and fine golde The snuffers of leade or yron to bee noted Notable qualities of a magistrate A notable example of king Dauid To be incommended to the memory of Princes A note for Iudges An excellent expoâ—â—tion An example to be imbraced For that God pardoneth sinners it is conuenient that sinners do pardon eche other To rowe agaynste the streame and fishe agaynste the winde The notes of Vertue The garmeÌ„ts wherewith a foole is clad An extreme excesse coÌ„mitted of Christ Thirste ceasseth not to coÌ„mit excesse Loue of effect more than of affection Wante of power but not of will is accepted Loue hath his maintenance by good workes Weake causes to obtayne the loue of God. Agaynst the heare of mundaine loue A diuine loue not vsed among men A most soueraine vnremouable loue Christ extended an ardent loue vnto vs before we had being A great cause of hope A loue neuer hard of An euerlasting loue The manner and frute of life in the Court of Spayne The commodities of the Court of Spayne A good rule for a Byshop A matter without remission The Gaditains be those of Caliz A possession and a secret commission to be noted A description of the situation of Carthage A most vnfortunate report of a neighbor A duble fute of a vertuous Lady An answer of a noble vertuous minde A chiefe point of Ladies of chast renowne A spectacle for yong Captaynes Scipio of singular continencie A rendred raunsome giuen to the mariage of an enemie A recompence for curtesie receyued Newes To be obstinate and opiniatiue expresseth enimitie to the troth The wise is knowen by the manner modestie of his talke The Inis dispute with their fists Psalme 63. King Dauid did Prophesie the errours and false interpretation of the Inis The GeÌ„tiles be excused of false interpretation of the scripture The Turks Moores and Sarasins were not acused by the prophesy of King Dauid to be false interpreters The Christians be defended of false interpretation of the Scriptures A manifest proofe that the Prophet only chargeth the Iewes of false interpretation Ieremy 31. A comfort vnto Christians The weale of the Christian is faith Many be saued without reading but not one person without beleeuing Loue is the law of Christians Chapter .49 A report as true as miserable An heauy destenie Nothing left but lies Nothing left but dregs Nothing but lies Nothing but dregges Nothing but lyes The beginning and ending of the Hebrew tong described The Iewes lost both the forme of their life and the maner of their speeche A maruelous desolation How where when and by whom the scriptures were falsifyed Aliama a troup or company A prohibitioÌ„ amongst the Iewes to reade the scriptures The Iewes doctors aleaged A most wicked exchange The apostles accused by the Iewes and defended by Christ A cause of error in the scripture CoÌ„gregatioÌ„s or Common wealthes The three cursed sectes Asees Saduces and Pharises The auctor knoweth the secretes of the Iewes The Iewes began to conuert Christians The Iewes coÌ„demne and dury the traÌ„slation of Abemiziel doubting the conuersion of the Iewes to Christ The firste traslatioÌ„ after the incarnation of Christ The seconde translation The thirde translation The fourth translation allowed in the Christian Churche A fifth traÌ„slatioÌ„ by Origen after Christ One of the great manifest causes of the false beleefe of the Iewes A Cruell suggestion of the Diuell Vanities affirmed by the Iewishe doctors This prophecie of Dauid verified vpon the Iewes This prophecie of Esay verified vpon the Christians Psal. 2. Psal. 30. Psal. 119. Psal. 20. ¶ The Table of the familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Gueuara AN Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon at the triumphes vvhen the french king vvas taken fol. 1 An Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon on the daye of kinges vvherein is declared hovv the name of kinges vvas inuented fol. 4. A discourse or conference vvith the Emperour vpon certaine and most auncient stampes in metalles 12 A relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lavves of the philosopher Licurgus 20 A letter vnto Sir Alonso Manrique Archbishop of Ciuile and Sir antony Manrique Duke of Nauara for the iudgemeÌ„t of a matter in coÌ„tentioÌ„ 21 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynnigo of velasco vvherin the Author doth persvvade in the taking of Founterabie to make profe first of his vvisdome before he experiment his fortune 38 A letter vnto sir Antony of cuninga Prior of saint Iohn in vvhich is saide that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended there ought not to be cause of reproch 41 A letter to the Earle of Miranda vvherin is expounded that text of Christ vvhich saith My yoke is svveete 45 A letter vnto sir Peter Giron vvherin the Author doth toutch the manner of auncient vvriting 53 A letter vnto sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile vvherein th' author doth teach the breifnes of vvriting in old time 59 A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara vvherein the Author doth note vvhat a captaine ought to be in the vvarres 66 A letter vnto sir Allonso Albornos vvherein in is touched that it is a poynt of euill manner not to aunsvvere to a letter vvritten vnto him 72 A letter vnto sir