Charles Brandon by the Quene of Fraunce vvas married to the Marques of Dorset vvho after Charles Brandons death vvas made Duke of Suffolk in right of his vvife and vvas beheaded in Q Maries time for his conspiracie vvvth my L of Leycesters father And she had by this man three daughters that is Iane The issue of FrauÌ„cis eldest daughter to Charls BrandoÌ„ Duke of Suffolk that vvas married to my L. of Leycesters brother proclaimed Queene after king Edvvards death for vvhych both shee and her husbande vvere executed Katherine the second daughter vvho had tvvoe sonnes yet lyuyng by the Earle of Hartford Marie the third daughter vvhich left no children The other daughter of Charles Brandon by the Q. of FrauÌ„ce caled Elenor vvas married to George Clifford Earle of CumberlaÌ„d vvho left a daughter The issue of â—lenor seconde daughter to Charls BrandoÌ„ by her named Margaret married to the Earle of Darbye vvhich yet liueth hath issue And this is the title of al the house of Suffolk descended froÌ„ the second daughter of K. Henrie the seueÌ„th married as hath bene shevved to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk And by this you see also hovv manie their be vvhoe do thinck ther titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtons if either right Lavv reason or consideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or yf not yet you cannot but imagine hovv manie great Princes and potentates abrode are like to ioyne and buckle vvyth Huntingtons Line for the preeminence if once the matter fal againe to coÌ„tention by excluding the Line of K. Henry the 7. vvhich God forbid SCHOL Trulie Sir quoth I I vvel perceyue that my Lords turne is not so nighe as I had thought vvhether he exclude the Line of king Henrie or HuÌ„tiÌ„gâ—oÌ„ behinde manie other titles no. For if he exclude that then must he enter the Cumbat vvith forraine titlers of the house of Lancaster and if he exclude it not then in al apparence of reason in Lavve to as you haue said the succession of the tvvoe daughters of king Henrie the seuenth vvhich you distingvvishe by the tvvoe names of Scotland and Suffolke muste needes be as clearlie before him and his Line that descendeth onlie from Edvvard the fourth his brother as the Q. title that novv raigneth is before him For that both Scotland Suffolk and her Ma. do hold al by one foundation vvhich is the vnion of both houses and titles together in K. Henry the seuenth her Ma. Graundfather GENTL That is true quoth the Gentleman and euident enough in euery mans eye and therfore no doubt but that as much is meant against her Maiestie yf occasion serue as against the rest that holde by the same title Albeit her Maiesties state the Lorde be praysed be such at this tyme as it is not safitie to pretend so much against her as against the reste vvhat soeuer be meant And that in trueth more should be meante gainst her highnes then against all the rest ther is this reason for that her Maiestie by her present possession letteth more their desires then al the rest together vvyth ther future pretences But as I haue said it is not The pollicie of the Conspirators for the deceyuing of her Maiesty safitie for them nor yet good policie to declare openlie vvhat they meane against her maiestie It is the best vvay for the present to hevve dovvn the rest and to leaue her Maiestie for the laste blovve and vpshoote to their game For vvhich cause they vvill seeme to make great difference at this daye betvvene her Maiesties title and the rest that descende in likevvise from king Henrie the seuenth auovving the one and disalovving the other Albeit my Lord of Leycesters father preferred that of Suffolk vvhen tyme vvas before this of her Ma. and compelled the vvhole Realm to svveare therunto Such is the variable pollicy of men that serue the tyme or rather that serue them selues of al tymes for their purposes SCHOL I remember quoth I that tyme of the Duke vvas present my self at some of his proclamatioÌ„s for that purpose VVherin my L. his sonne that novv liueth being theÌ„ a doer as I can tel he vvas I meruaile hovv he can deale so contrarie novv Leycester variabilitie preferring not onlie her Ma. title before that of Suffolk vvherof I vvonder lesse because it is more gainful to him but also an other much furder of But you haue signified the cause in that the tymes are chauÌ„ged other bargaines are in haÌ„d of more importaunce for him VVherfore leauing this to be considered by others vvhoÌ„ it coÌ„cerneth I beseech you Sir for that I knovv your vvorship hath bene much conuersant amonge their friendes and fauourers to tel me vvhat are the barres and lettes vvhich they do aleadge vvhy the house of ScotlaÌ„d and Suffolk descending of K. Henrie the seueÌ„th his daughters should not succed in the Crovvn of England after her Ma. vvho endeth the Line of the same K. by his sonne for in my sight the matter appeareth verie plaine GENTL They vvant not pretences of barres and lettes against them al quoth the Gentleman vvhich I vvil lay dovvn in order as I haue heard theÌ„ aleaged Barres preteÌ„ded gainst the claime of Scotland Suffolk First in the Line of Scotland theire are thre persoÌ„s as you knovv that may pretende right that is the Quene and her sonne by the first mariage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first mariage I heare nothing affirmed but against the tvvoe personnes proceeding therof I heare them aleage three stops one for that they are strauÌ„gers Against the Queene of Scotland her sonne borne out of the land and consequentlie incapable of inheritaunce vvythin the same an other for that by a special testament of K. HeÌ„rie the eight authorized by tvvoe seueral Parliamentes they are excluded the third for that they are enimies to the religion novv receiued amonge vs therfore to be debarred Against the seconde mariage of Margaret Against Arbella vvyth Archibalde Douglas vvherof Arbella is descended they aleage that the said Archibalde had a former vvyfe at the tyme of that mariage vvhich liued loÌ„g after and so neither that marage lavvful nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they haue against al the house and Line of Suffolk for first they say that Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk had a knovven vvyfe a liue vvhen he married Marie Queene of Fraunce coÌ„sequentlie that neither the Ladie Fraunces nor Elenore borne of that mariage can be lavvfulie borne And thes is al I can heare them say against the succession Against Darbye of the CouÌ„tesse of Darby descended of Elenore But against my Lord of Hartfords children that come from FrauÌ„ces the eldest daughter I heare them aleage tvvo or three bastardies more besides Against the children of Harâ—ford this of the first mariage
kynge and could haue bene content by the help of vs in England to haue put hym dovvn and placed an other of theyr ovvn religion yet vvhen they savve vs once seazed of Nevvhauen and so like to proced to the recouerie of some parte of our states â—unce on that side the sea they quicklie ioined vvith ther ovvn Catholiques againe to expell vs. In Flaunders likevvise though MoÌ„sieur vvere called Flaunders thither by the protestantes especialie for defence of their religion against the Spaniard yet vve see hovv daintie diuers chief protestaÌ„tes of Antvvarpe Gaunt and Bruges vvere in admitting him hovv quick in expelling so soone as he put them in the least feare of subiection to the french And as for Portugal Portugall I haue heard some of the chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their kingdom that rather then they vvould suffer the Castilian to come in vpon them they vvould be coÌ„tent to admyt vvhatsoeuer aides of a contrarie religion to them selues to aduenture vvhatsoeuer alteration in religion or other incoÌ„uenience might befal them by that meanes rather then endaunger their subiection to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in diuers histories of the The old harred of east Grecians tovvardes the vvest Latins GreciaÌ„s at this day vvho do hate so much the name and dominion of the Latines as they had rather to endure al the miseries vvhich dailie they suffer vnder the Turk for their religion and othervvise then by calling for aid froÌ„ the vvest to hazard their subiection to the said Latines So that by thes examples you see that feare horrour of external subiection may stay men in al states and consequentlie also both Papistes and Puritanes in the state of England from passing to the second kinde or degree of treason albeit they vvere neuer so deep in the first and had both abilitie time vvil and oportunitie for the other SCHOL Here I presumed to interrupt their speech said that this seemed to me most cleare and that novv I vnderstood vvhat the Lavvier meant before vvhen he affirmed that albeit the moste parte of Papistes in general might be said to deal against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestlie for the maintenaunce encrease of their religion and so to incurre some kinde of treason yet perhaps not so farfurth nor in so deep a degre of proper treason as in this boke is presumed or inforced though for my parte said I I do not se that the boke Not all Papistes properly traytors presumeth or inforceth al Papistes in general to be properlie traitors but onlie such as in particular are therin named or that are by lavv attainted coÌ„dempned or executed and vvhat vvil you say quoth I to those in particular LAVV. Surelie quoth he I must say of thes much after the maner vvhich I spak before that some here named in this boke are openlie knovven to haue bene in the second degre or kinde of treason as VVestmerland Norton Saunders and the like But diuers The Priestes and Seminaries that vvere executed others namelie the Priestes and Seminaries that of late haue suffred by so much as I could see deliuered and pleaded at their arraignments or heard protested by them at their deathes or gathered by reason and discourse of my self for that no forrain Prince or vvise councellor vvould euer commit so great maters of state to such instrumentes I cannot I say but think that to the vvise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason vvherin no doubt they vvere vvas sufficient to dispatch and make them avvay especialie in such suspitious times as thes are to the end that being hanged for the first they should neuer be in daunger to fal into the second nor yet to dravv other men to the same vvhich perhaps vvas moste of al misdoubted After the lavvyer had spoken this I held my peace to heare vvhat the geÌ„tlemaÌ„ vvoulde ansvvere vvho vvalked vp and dovvn tvvo vvhole turnes in the gallerie vvythout yeelding anie vvorde againe and then staying vpon the sudden cast his eyes sadlie vpon vs both and said GENTL My masters hovv so euer this be vvhich in dede apperteineth not to vs to iudge or discusse but rather to persvvade our selues that the state hath reason to do as it doeth and that it must often times asvvel preuent inconueniences as remedie the same vvhen they are happened yet for my ovvn parte I must confesse vnto you that vpon some considerations vvhich vse to come vnto my mynd I take no smal grief of these differences among vs vvhich you terme of diuers different religions for vvhich vve are driuen of necessitie to vse discipline tovvards diuers vvho possiblie othervvise vvould be no great malefactours I knovv the cause of this difference VVise coÌ„sideratioÌ„s is grounded vpoÌ„ a principle not easie to cure vvhich is the iudgemeÌ„t conscience of a man vvhervnto obeyeth at length his vvil and affection vvhat soeuer for a tyme he may othervvise dissemble outvvardlie I remember your speech before of the doubtful and daungerous inclination of such as lyue discontented in a state of a different religion especialie vvhen either indeed or in their ovvn conceipt they are hardlie dealt vvythal and vvher euerie mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the vvhole I am not ignorant hovv that misery procureth amitie and the opinion of calamitie moueth affection of mercie and compassion euen tovvardes the Miserie moueth mercie vvicked the better fortune alvvaies is subiect to enuie and he that suffereth is thought to haue the better cause my experience of the diuers raignes and procedinges of king Edvvard Q. Marie and of this our moste gratious soueraigne hath taught me not a litle touching the sequele of thes affaires And finalie my good friendes I must tel you plaine A good vvishe quoth he and this he spake vvyth great asseueration that I could vvysh vvyth al my hart that either thes differences vvere not amonge vs at al or els that they vvere so temperatlie on al partes pursued as the common state of our countrie the blessed raigne of her Ma. and the common cause of true religion vvere not endaungered therby But novv and ther he brak of and turned aside LAVV. The lavvier seing him holde his peace departe he stepped after him and taking him by the govvne said merylie Syr al men are not of your complexion some are of quicker and more stirring spirites and do loue to fishe in vvater that is troubled for that they do participate the Black moors humour that dvvel in Guinea vvherof I suppose you haue heard and seene also some in this land vvose excercise The nature and practize of the Guineans at home is as some vvrite the one to hunt catche and sell the other and alvvayes the stronger to make money of the vveaker for the
tyme. But novve yf in England vve should lyue in peace and vnytye of the state as they do in Germanie notvvithstanding their differences of religion and that the one should not praye vpon the other then should the great Favvcons for the field I mean the fauorites of the time faile vvheron to feed vvhich vvere an incoÌ„uenience as you knovv GENTL Truelie Sir said the gentleman I think you roue nearer the mark then you vveene for if I be not deceiued the verie ground of much of thes broiles vvherof vve talke is but a verie praye not in the mindes of the Prince or state vvhose intentions no doubt be moste iust and holie but in the greedie imagination and subtile conceipt of him vvho at this present in respect of our sinnes is petmitted by God to tyrannize both Prince and state The Tyraunt of englishe state and being him self of no religion feedeth notvvithstanding vpon our differences in religion to the fatting of him self ruine of the realm For vvheras by the common distinction novv receiued in speech there are thre notable differeÌ„ces of religion in the land the tvvo extreames vvherof are the Papist and the puritan and the religious Protestant Three differences of relâ—gion in EnglaÌ„d obteining the mean this felovv being of neither maketh his gaine of al as he seeketh a kingdom by the one extreeme and spoile by the other so he vseth the authoritie of the third to compas the first tvvo the countermine of eche one to the ouerthrovv of al three SCHOL To this I ansvvered In good sooth Sir I see novv vvher you are you are falen into the coÌ„mon place of al our ordinarie talke coÌ„ference in the vniuersitie The Erle of Leycester for I knovv that you mean my L. of Leicester vvho is the subiect of al pleasaunt discourses at this day throughout the realme GENTL Not so pleaseaunt as pitiful ansvvered the gentleman yf al maters and circumstances vvere vvel considered except anie man take pleasure to â—east at our ovvn miseries vvihch are like to be greater by his iniquitie yf God auert it not then by al the vvickednes of England besides he being the man that by al probabilitie is like to be the bane and fatal destynie of our state vvyth the euersion of true religion vvherof by indirect meanes he is thâ— greatest enimie that the land doth nourishe LAVV. Novv verilie quoth the lavvyer yf you saye thus much for the protestantes opinion of him vvhat shal I say for his merites tovvardes the Papistes vvho for as much as I can perceyue doe take them selues litle beholding vnto him albeit for his gaine he vvas some yeares their secret frieÌ„d against you vntil by his friendes he vvas persvvaded and chiefly by the L. North by vvaye of pollicie as the said L. The L. Norths pollicie bosteth in hope of greater gaine to step ouer to the puritanes against vs both vvhom notvvythstanding it is probable that he loueth as much as he doth the rest GENTL You knovv the Beares loue said the gentleman vvhich is al for his ovvn paunche and so this Bear-vvhelp turneth al to his ovvn commoditie and for greedines therof vvil ouerturne al yf he be not stopped or mouzeled in tyme. And surelie vnto me it is a straunge speculation vvherof I cannot pick out the reason out onlie that I do atribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes A strange speculation that in so vvise vigilant a state as ours is and in a counrrie so vvel acquainted and beaten vvyth such daungers a man of such a spirit as he is knovven to be of so extreme ambition pride falshood and trecherie so borne so bred vp so nooseled in treason from his infancie descended of a tribe of traytors and fleshed in conspiracie against the Royal blood of K. Henries children in his tender years and exercised euer since in driftes against the same by the blood and ruyn of diuers others a man so vvel knovven to beare secret malice against her Ma. for causes irrecoÌ„cileable and moste deâ—dlie raÌ„cour against the best and vvisest Councellors of her highnes that such a one I say so hateful to God and man and so markeable to the simplest subiect of this land by thee publique ensygnes of his tyrannous purpose should be suffred so manie yeares vvythout check to aspire to tyrannie by moste manifest vvayes and to possesse him self as novv he hath done of Court Councell and countrie vvythout controlement so that nothing vvaÌ„teth to him but onlie his pleasure and the day alredie conceyued in his minde to dispose as he list both of Prince Crovvn Realm and religion SCHOL It is much truelie quoth I that you saye and it ministreth not a lytle maruail vnto manie vvherof your vvorship is not the first nor yet the tenth person of accompt vvhich I haue hearde discourse and complaine But vvhat shal vve say hereunto ther is no man that ascribeth not this vnto the singular The Q. Ma most excellent good nature benignitie and moste bountiful good nature of her Ma. vvho measuring other men by her ovvn Heroycal and Princelie sinceritie cannot easilie suspect a man so much bounden to her grace as he is nor remoue her confidence from the place vvher she hath heaped so infinite benefites GENTL No doubt said the gentleman but this gracious and svveet disposition of her Ma. is the true original cause therof vvhich Princelie disposition as in her highnes it deserueth al rare commendation so lyeth the same opeÌ„ to manie daungers often tymes vvhen so benigne a nature meeteth vvyth ingrate and ambitious persons vvhich obseruation perhapes caused her Ma moste noble GrauÌ„dfather and father tvvo renoumed vvise princes to vvithdravv somtyme vpon the sudden their great fauour from certaine subiectes of high estate And her Ma. may easilie vse her ovvn excellent vvisdom and memorie to recal to minde the manyfold examples of perilous happes fallen to diuers Princes by to much confideÌ„ce in obliged proditours vvith vvhom the name of a kingdom and one houers Feares that subiectes haue of my L of Leycester reigne vveyeth more then al the duetie obligation honestie or nature in the vvorld VVould God her Ma. could see the continual feares that be in her faythful subiectes hartes vvhiles that man is about her noble person so vvel able and likelie if the Lord auert it not to be the calamitie of her Princelie blood and name The talke vvil neuer out of manie mouâ—hes and mindes that diuers auncient men of this Realm Sir Fran-VValsing ham and once a vvise gentleman novv a Councellor had vvyth a certaine friend of his concerning the presage and deep impression vvhich her Ma. father had of the house of Sir Iohn Dudley to be the ruin K Hâ—n presage of the house of Dudleâ— in tyme of his Ma. Royal house and blood vvhich thing vvas like to haue bene fulfilled soone after as â—1 the vvorld knovveth vpon the
being left in Sir Iho. Hibboâ— the roome absence of an other to ê“cure frynds said in a place secretlie not far from Ludlovv that if the matter came to blovvs he vvould folovv his Mistres leaue his Master in the briars GENTL Marie Sir quoth the gentleman I trovv manâ—e more vvould haue folovved that example For albeit I knovv that the Papists vvere moste named and misdoubted of his parte in that cause for their open inclination tovvardes Monsieur and consequentlie for greater discredit of the thing it self it vvas giuen out euerie vvhere by this Champion of religion that her Ma. cause vvas the Papistes cause euen as his father had done in the like enterprise before him though al vpon dissimulation as apeared Leicester Father a trayteious Papist at his death vvhere he professed him self an earnest Papist yet vvas ther no man so simple in the Realm vvhich discried nor this Vizard at the first neither yet anie good subiect as I suppose vvho seing her Ma. on the one parte vvould not haue taken against the other parte vvhat so euer he had bene And much more the thing it self in controuersie I meane the mariage of her Royal Ma. vvyâ—h the brother and heire apparant of Fraunce being taken and iudged by the best vvysest and faythfulest protestantes of the realm to be both honorable The honour and commodities by the mariage vvith Fraunce conuenient profitable and needful VVherby onlie as by a moste soueraign and present remedie al our maladies both abrode and at home had at once bene cured al forreine enimies and domestical conspirators al differences al daungers al feares had ceased together Fraunce had bene ours moste assured Spaine vvould not a litle haue trembled Scotland had bene quiet our competitors in England vvould haue quaked and for the Pope he might haue put vp his pipes Our differences in religion at home had been either lesse or no greater then novv they are for that Monsieur being but a moderate Papist and nothing vehement in his opinions vvas content vvyth verie resonable conditions fot him self and his straungers onlie in vse of their conscience not vnliklie truelie but that in tyme he might by Gods grace and by the great Ethelbert Kinge of Kent coÌ„uerted An. Do. 603. vvysdom vertue of her Ma. haue bene brought also to embrace the gospell as king Ethelbert an heathen vvas by noble Q. Bertha his vvyfe the first Christian of our English Princes Vnto all vvhich felicitie if the Lord in mercie should haue added also some issue of ther royall bodies as vvas not impossible vvhen first this noble matche vvas mouued vve then doubtles had bene the moste fortunate people vnder heauen and might haue bene perhaps the meane to haue restored the Gospell throughout all Europe besides as our brethren of Fraunce vvel coÌ„sidered hoped Of al vvhich singular benefits both present to come both in RE and in SPE this Tyraunt for his ovvn priuate lucre fearing leste heerby his ambition might be restrayned his trecherie reueyled hath bereaued the realm done vvhat in him lieth besides to alienate for euer make our mortal enimie this great Prince vvho sought the loue of her Ma. vvyth so much honour confidence as neuer Prince the like putting tvvice his ovvn person to ieopardie of the sea to the peril of his malitious enuiours here in England for her Ma sake LAVV. VVhen you speake of MoÌ„sieur said the lavvyer I cannot but greatlie be mouued both for these considerations vvel touched by you as also for some other especialie one vvherin perhaps you vvill think me partiall but truelie I am not for that I speak it onlie in respect of the quiet good of my countrie and that is that by MoÌ„sieurs matche vvyth our noble Princesse besides the hope of issue vvhich vvas the principal ther vvanted not also probabilitie that some vnion or litle tolleration in religion betvvene you and vs might haue bene procured in this state as vve see that in some other countries is admitted to their great good VVhich thing no doubt vvould haue cut of quite Toleration in Religion vvyth vnion in defence of our countrie al daungers and dealinges from forreine Princes and vvould haue stopped manie deuises and plotes vvythin the Realm vvheras novv by this breach vvyth FrauÌ„ce vve staÌ„d alone as me seemeth vvythout anie great vnition or friendship abrode and our differences at home grovve more vehement and sharp then euer before Vpon vvhich tvvoe heades as also vpon infinit other causes purposes driftes and pretences ther do ensue daylie more deep daungerous and desperat practizes euerie man vsing either the commoditie or necessitie of the tyme and state for his ovvn purpose Especialie novv vvhen all men presume that her Ma. by the contynual thvvartinges vvhich haue bene vsed against al her mariages is not like to leaue vnto the realm that pretious Ievvell so much and long desired of al English hartes I mean the Royall heires of her ovvn bodie GENTL Thvvartinges cal you the defeating of all her Ma. moste honorable offers of mariage said the other trulie in my opinion you should haue vsed an other vvorde to expresse the nature of so vviked a facte vvherby alone if theit vvere no other this vnfortunat man hath done more hurt to his common vvealth theÌ„ if he had murdered manie thovvsandes of her subiectes or betrayed vvhole armies to the professed enimie I can remeÌ„ber vvâ—l my self fovver treatises to this purpose vndermined by his Diuers mariages of her Ma. defeated meanes The first vvyth the Svveâ—hen king the secoÌ„d vvith the Archduke of Austria the third vvith Henrie K. of Fraunce that novv reigneth and the fourth vvyth the brother heire of the said kingdoÌ„ For I let passe manie other secret motions made by great Potentats to her Ma. for the same purpose but thes fovver are openlie knovven therfore I name them VVhich fovver are as vvel knovven to haue bene al disturbed by this DAVVS as they vvere earnestly pursued by the other Leicester de 〈…〉 to d 〈…〉 avvay all 〈◊〉 her Ma. And for the first thre Suters he droue theÌ„ avvaye by protesting and svvearing that him self vvas coÌ„tracted vnto her Ma. vvherof her highnesse vvas fufficieÌ„tlie aduertised by Cardinal Chatâ—lian in the first treatie for fraunce the Cardinal soone after punished as is thoughâ— by this maÌ„ vvyth poyson But yet this speech he gaue out then euerie vvhere among his frieÌ„des both strâ—ungers other that he forsooth vvas assured to her Ma. consequeÌ„tlie that al other Princes must giue ouer their sutes for him VVherunto notvvythstaÌ„ding vvheÌ„ the Svvâ—â— then vvould hardlie giue eare this man conferred vvyth his Priuado to make a moste vnseemelie disloyal proofe therof for the others satisfaction vvhich thing I am enforced by duetie to passe ouer vvyth silence for honour to the parttes vvho are touched therin as also I am to coÌ„ceale his said
yonger adding also to thes the couÌ„saile of his Doctor Baylie a man also not a litle studied as he seemeth in this arte For I heard him once my self in a publique acte in Oxeford and that in preseÌ„ce of my Lord of Leycester if I be not deceyued maintein that poyson might so be tempered and giuen as it should not apeare presentlie and yet should kill the partie aftervvard at vvhat time should be appoiâ—tâ—d VVhich argument belike pleased vvel his Lordship and therfore vvas chosen to be discussed in his audience yf I be not deceyued of his being that daye present So though one dye of a Flux an other of a Catarre yet this importeth litle to the mater but shevveth rather the great cunning and skill of the Artificer So Cardinal Chatilian as I haue said before hauing Death of Cardinal ChatiliaÌ„ accused my L. of Leycester to the Q. Ma. and after that passing from London tovvardes Fraunce about the mariage died by the vvay at Canturburie of a burning Feuer so proued D. Bailies assertion true that poyson may be giuen to kill at a day SCHOL At this the Lavvyer cast vp his eyes to heauen I stood somvvhat musing thinking of that vvhich had bene spokeÌ„ of the Erle of Essex vvhose case indeed moued me more then al the rest for that he vvas a very noble Gentleman a great aduauncer of true religion a Patron to many preachers and studentes and tovvardes me and some of my friendes in particular he had bene in some thinges very beneficial therfore I said that it grieued me extremlie to heare or thinck of so vnvvorthie a death coÌ„triued by such meanes to so vvorthie a Peere And so much the more for that it vvas my chaunce to come to the vnderstanding of diuers particulars coÌ„cerning that thing both from one Lea an Iris he-man Robyn Honnies and other that vvere present Lea. Honnies at Penteneis the marchants house in Deueling vpon the kay vvher the murder vvas committed The mater vvas vvrought especialie by Crompton yeomaÌ„ of the bottels by the procuremeÌ„t of L Loyde as you haue noted before and ther vvas poysoned at the same tyme and vvithe the same cuppe as gyuen of curtesie by the Earle one Misteris Ales Draykot a goodlie GeÌ„tlevvoman vvhom the Erle affectioned much vvho departing theÌ„ce tovvardes Mesteris Draykot poisoned vvith the Earle of Essex her ovvn house vvhich vvas 18. miles of the forsaid Lea accompagning her and vvayting vpon her she began to fall syck very grieuouslie vpon the vvaye coÌ„tinevved vvyth increase of paynes excessiue tormeÌ„tes by vomiting vntill she dyed vvhich vvas the Sunday before the Erles death ensevvinge the fryday after vvhen she vvas dead her body vvas svvolen vnto a monstrous bygnes and deformitie vvherof the good Erle hearing the day folovvinge lamented the case greatly said in the presence of his seruants Ah poore Ales the cuppe vvas not prepared for the albeit it vvere thy hard destinie to taste therof Yong HoÌ„nies also vvhose father is Master of the children of her Ma. Chappel being at that tyme Page to the said Erle and accustomed to take the taste of his drink thoughe synce enterteyned also among other by my L. of Leycester for better couering of matter by his taste that he then toke of the compovvnde cuppe thoughe in verie smal quaÌ„titie as you knovv the fashion is yet vvas he like to haue lost his lyfe but escaped in the ende being yong vvyth the losse only of his heare vvhich the Erle perceyuing and taking coÌ„passion of the youth called for a cuppe of drynk a lytle before his death and dronk to Honnies saying I drynk to the my Robin and be not a feard for this The Erle of Essex speech to his Page Robyn Honnies is a better cuppe of drynk then that vvherof thovv tokest the taste vvhen vve vvere both poysoned vvherby thou haste lost thy heare I must leese my lyfe This hath yong Honnies reported openlie in diuers places and before diuers GeÌ„tlemen of vvorship sythence his comming into England the forsaid Lea Irisheman at his passage this vvaye tovvardes Fraunce after he had bene present at the fornamed Misteris Draykots death vvyth some other of the Erles seruaunts haue do most constantlie reporte the same vvhere they maye do it vvithout the terrour of my L. of Leycesters reuenge VVherfore in this matter ther is no doubt at all thoughe most extreme vile and intollerable indignitie that such a man should be so openlie murdered vvithout punishment VVhat noble man vvithin the Realm may be safe if this be suffered or vvhat vvorthie personage vvil aduenture his life in her Ma. seruice if this shal be his revvarde But Sir I. pray you pardon me for I am somevvhat perhaps to vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble peere of our Realm And therfore I beseeche you to goe forvvarde in your talk vvheras you lefe GENTL I vvas recounting vnto you others said the Gentleman made avvay by my L. of Leicester vvyth lyke arte and the next in order I think vvas Sir Nicolas Death of Siâ— Nicholas Throgmarton Throgmarton vvho vvas a man vvhom my L. of Leycester vsed a great vvhile as all the vvorld knovveth to ouer-thvvart and crosse the doinges of my L. Treasurer then Sir VVill. Cicill a maÌ„ specialie misliked alvvayes of Leycester both in respect Sir VVil. Cycyll novv L. Treasurer of his olde master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great vvisdom zeale and singular fidelitie to the Realm vvas like to hinder much this mans designemeÌ„tes vvherfore vnderstanding after a certaine tyme that thes tvvoe knightes vvere secretlie made friendes and that Sir Nicholas vvas like to detect his doinges as he imagined vvhich might turn to some preiudice of his purposes hauing conceiued also a secret grudge grief against hym for that he had vvriteÌ„ to her Ma. at his being Embassador in Fraunce that he heard reported at Duke MemoraÌ„ces table that the Q. of EnglaÌ„d had a meaning to marrye her hors keeper he inuiâ—ed the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in LoÌ„don and at supper tyme departed to the Court being called for as he said vpon the sudden by her Ma. and so perforce vvould needes haue Sir Nicolas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therin to be serued as he vvas and soone after by a surfeit their taken he died of a sttaunge and incurable vomit But the day before his death he declared to a The poysoning of Sir Nicholas iâ— a Salaâ—e deare friend of his al the circumstance cause of his disease vvhich he affirmed plainlie to be of poyson giuen him in a Salate at supper inueyhing moste earnestlie against the Erles crueltie blood die dispositioÌ„ affirming him to be the vvickedest moste perilous and perfidious man vnder heauen But vvhat auailed this vvhen he had novv receyued the bayte This then is to
but rather to leaue that to the discretion of the murderer Secondlie it is not also vnliklie that he prescribed The second reason vnto Sir Rich. Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kil her by poyson yf that toke not place then by anie other vvay to dispatch her hovv soeuer This I proue by the report of olde Doctor Baylye vvho then liued in Oxeforde an Doctor Baylye the elder other maner of man then he vvho novv lyueth about my Lord of the same name vvas professor of the Phisick Lecture in the same vniuersitie This learned graue man reported for moste certaine that ther vvas a practize in Cumner among the conspiratours to haue poysoned the poore Ladie a litle before she vvas killed vvhich vvas attempted in this order They seing the good Ladie sad and heauy as one that vvel knevv by her other handling that her death vvas not far of began to persvvade her that her disease vvas abundance of Melancholie and other humours therfore vvoulde needes counsaile her to take some potion vvhich she absolutlie refusing to do as suspecting stil the vvorst they A practise for poysoning the la Dudlei sent one daye vnavvares to her for Doctor Baylie and desired him to petsvvade her to take some litle Potion at his handes and they vvould send to fetch the same at Oxeforde vpon his prescription meaning to haue added also somvvhat of their ovvn for her comfort as the Doctor vpon iuste causes suspected seeing their great importunitie and the smal need vvhich the good Ladie had of Phisike therfor he flatlie denied their request misdoubting as he after reported least yf they had poisoned her vnder the name of his Potion he might after haue bene hanged for a couer of their sinne Marie the said Doctor remayned vvel assured that this vvay taking no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And the thing vvas so beaten into the heades of the principal mē of the vniuersitie of Oxeford by thes and other meanes as for that she vvas found murdered as al men said by the Crovvners inquest and for that she being hastelie and obscurelie buried at Cumner vvhich vvas condemned aboue as not aduisedlie done my good Lord to make plane to the vvorld the great loue he bare to her in her lyfe and vvhat a gryef the losse of so vertuous a Lady vvas to his tēder hart vvould needes haue her taken vp againe and reburied in the vniuersitie church at Oxeford vvyth great Pomp and solemnitie That Doctor Babington my L. chaplaine making the publique Doctor Babingtō funeral Sermon at her second buryall tript once or tvvice in his speach by recommending to ther memories that vertuous Ladie so pittefullie murdered in stead of so pittifullie slaine A third cause of this maner of the Ladies death A Third reason may be the dispositiō of my Lordes nature vvhich is bold and violent vvher it feareth no resistaunce as all covvardly natures are by kinde and vvhere anie difficultie or daunger apeareth ther more redie to attempt al by arte subtiltie treason and trecherie And so for that he doubted no great resistaūce in the poore Ladie to vvythstand the handes of them vvhich should offer to breake her necke he durst the bolder attempt the same openlie But in the men vvhom he poysoned for that they vvere such valiaunt knightes the moste parte of them as he durst as soone haue eaten his scabard as dravve his svvorde in publique against them he vvas inforced as al vvretched ireful and dastardlie creatures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens handes As also at other tymes he hath sought to do vnto diuers other noble and valiaunt personages vvhen he vvas a feard to meet them in the field as a knight should haue done His treacheries tovvardes the noble late Earle of Sussex in their manie breaches is notorious to al England As also the bloodie practizes against diuers others But as among manie none vvere more odious misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a straunger Ambassador vvhom first he practised to haue poysoned as hath bene touched The intēded murder of Mōsieur Simiers by sundrye meanes before vvhen that deuise toke not place thē he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after vpon his ale bench he confessed should haue slaine him at the blacke friars at Grenevvich as he vvent furth at the garden gate but missing also of that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better prouided and guarded then he expected he delt vvyth certaine Flusshyners and other Pyrates to sinke him at sea vvyth the Englishe Gentlemen his fauourers that accompanied him at his returne into Fraunce And though they missed of this practize also as not daring to set vpon him for feare of some of her Ma. shippes vvho to break of this designement attended by special commaundement to vvafte him ouer in safitie yet the foresaid English Gentlemen vvere holden fovver hovvers in chace at their comming backe as M. Ravvley vvel knovveth being then present and tvvo of the Chacers named Clark and Hatris confessed aftervvard the vvhole designement The Earle of Ormond in like vvyse hath often declared and vvill auovvch it to my Lord The intēded murder of the Earle of Ormond of Leycesters face vvhen so euer he shal be called to the same that at such tyme as this man had a quarell vvyth him and therby vvas likelie to be enforcede to the fielde vvhiche he trembled to thinke of he first soughte by all meanes to get him made avvay by secret murder offeringe fiue hundreth poundes for the doing therof and secondlie vvhen that deuise toke no place he appointed vvyth him the fielde but Secretlie suborning his seruaunte VVyllm Killegre VVyllm Killegre to lye in the vvaye vvhere Ormonde shoulde passe and so to massaker him vvyth a Calliuer before he came to the place appointed VVhich murder thoughe it toke no effecte for that the matter vvas taken vp before the day of meetinge yet vvas Killigre placed aftervvarde in her Ma. Priuie Chamber by Leycester for shevving his redie minde to do for his master so faythful a seruice SCHOL So faithfull a seruice quoth I truelie in my opinion it vvas but an vnfit preferment for so facinorous a facte And as I vvoulde be lothe that manie of his Italians or other of that arte shoulde come nighe aboute her Ma. kitchen so muche lesse vvould I that manie suche his bloodie Champions shoulde be placed by him in her highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particulare it may be that vvyth chaunge of his place in seruice he hath chaunged also his minde and affection and receyued better instruction in the feare of the Lorde But yet in generall I muste needes say that it cannot be but preiudicial exceeding daungerous vnto our noble Prince and Realm that anie one mā vvhatsoeuer especialie such a one as the
and end as he list he that selleth his fauour vvith the Prince both abrode in forreine countries and at home and setteth the price therof vvhat him self vvil demaund he that hath doth al this besids Presentes this hath infinit presents dailie brought vnto him of great valevv both in Ievvels Plate al kinde of Furniture redie Coyne this man I say may easelie beare his ovvn expeÌ„ces yet lay vp sufficientlie also to vverie his Prince vvheÌ„ needes shal require LAVV. You haue said much Sir quoth the Lavvyer and such mater as toucheth neerlie both her Ma. the coÌ„mon vvealth and yet in my conscience if I vvere to plead at the barre for my Lord I could not tel vvhich of al these members to denie But for that Leycester home-gaine by her Ma. fauour vvhich you meÌ„tion in the last parte of his gaining by her Ma. fauour both at home abrode Tovvching his home gaine it is euident seing al that he hath is goteÌ„ onlie by the opinioÌ„ of her Ma. fauour tovvardes him and many meÌ„ do repaire vnto him vvith fatte presentes rather for that they suppose he may by his fauour do them hurt if he feele not their revvarde then for that they hope he vvil labour anie thing in their affaires You remeÌ„ber I doubt not the storie of him that A pretye story offred his Prince a great yearelie rent to haue but this fauour only that he myght come euerie day in open audience and say in his eare God saue your Ma. assuring him self that by the opinion of confidence and secret fauour vvhich hereby the people vvould coÌ„ceiue to be in the Prince tovvardes him he should easilie get vp his rent againe double told VVherfore my L. of Leycester receiuing dailie from her Ma. greater tokens of grace and fauour then this and him self being no euil marchaunt to make his ovvn bargain for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine excedinglie at home by his fauour And for his Lucre abroode vpon the same cause Leycester forraine gayne by her Ma. fauour I leaue to other men to conceiue vvhat it may be sithence the beginning of her Ma. raigne the times vvherof and condition of al Christendom hath bene such as al the Princes and Potentates round about vs haue bene constreyned at one tyme or other to sue to her highnesse for ayde grace or fauour in al vvhich sutes men vse not to forget as yovv knovve the parties moste able by their credit to furder or let the same In particular onlye this I caÌ„ say that I haue heard of sundrie frenche men that at such tyme as the treatie vvas betvvene Fraunce and England for the redeliuerie of Callis vnto vs againe in the first yeare of her Ma. raigne that novv is vvheÌ„ the freÌ„ch meÌ„ vvere in great distresse misery K. Philippe refused absolutelie to make peace vvith them except Callis vvere restored to England vvhether for that purpose he had novv deliuered the french hostages Leycester bribe for betrayiÌ„g of Callis the french men do reporte I say that my L. of Leycester stoode them in great steade at that necessitie for his revvard vvhich you may vvel imagine vvas not smal for a thing of such importaÌ„ce becaÌ„ a suter that peace might be coÌ„cluded vvith the release of Callis to the freÌ„che vvhich vvas one of the most impious factes to saye the trueth that euer could be deuised against his coÌ„mon vvealth GENTL A smal mater in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Ievves that they filled vp the measure of their fathers sinnes And so if you reade the storie of K. Edvvardes tyme you shal finde it moste euident that this maÌ„s father before him solde Bullogne to the french by Leycester father solde Bullogne like trecherie For it vvas deliuered vp vpon coÌ„position vvith out necessity or reason the. 25. of April in the fourth yeare of K. Edvvard the sixt vvheÌ„ he I mean duke Dudley had novv put in the Tovver the L. Protector thrust out of the Councel vvhoÌ„ Erles of Arundel and SouchamptoÌ„ put out of the Councell by D. Dudley he listed as namly the Erles of Arundel SouthaÌ„pton so inuaded the vvhole gouernmeÌ„t him self to sel spoile dispose at his pleasur VVherfore this is but natural to my L. of Leycester by discent to make marchandize of the state for his GraÌ„dfather Edmund also vvas such a kinde of Copesman LAVV. An euil rase of marchauntes for the common vvealth quoth the Lavvyer but yet Sir I pray you said he expouÌ„d vnto me somvvhat more at large the nature of these licences vvhiche you named as also the chaunging of landes vvyth her Ma. yf you can set it dovvn anie playner for they seeme to be thinges of excessiue gaine especialie his vvay of gayning by offending her Ma. or by her hyghenes offence tovvardes him for it seemeth to be a deuice aboue all skill or reason Not so Leycester gayne by fallinge out vvith her Ma. quoth the Gentleman for you knovv that euery falling out must haue an attonement againe vvherof he being sure by the many puisaunt meanes of his fryendes in Court as I haue shevved before vvho shall not gyue her Ma. rest vntil it be donne then for this attonement and in perfect reconciliation on her Ma. parte she must graunte my Lorde some sute or other vvhich he vvil haue alvvayes redie prouided for that purpose and this sute shal be vvell able to revvarde his friendes that laboured for his recoÌ„cilement and leaue also a good remaynder for him selfe And this is novv so ordinarie a practize vvith him as all the Realm obserueth the same and disdaigneth that her Ma. should be so vnvvorthelie abused For yf her hyghnesse fall not out vvith him as often as he desireth to gayne this vvaye then he picketh some quarrell or other to shevv him selfe discontended vvith her so that one vvaye or other this gaynful reconciliation must be made and that often for his commoditie The like arte he excerciseth in inuiting her Ma. to his baÌ„quettes and to his houses vvher if she come she must graunt him in sutes ten tymes so much as the charges of al amount vnto so that Robin plaieth the broker iÌ„ al his affaires maketh the vttermost peÌ„ny of her Ma. euery vvay GENTL Novv for his chaunge of landes I think I haue bene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfactioÌ„ you shal vnderstand his further dealing therin to be in this sorte Besides the good landes of auncient possession to the Crovvn procured at her Ma. hand and vsed as before vvas declared he vseth the same trick for his vvurst landes that he possesseth any vvaie vvhether they come to him by extort meanes plaine oppressioÌ„ or through maiÌ„tenaunce broken tiltes or by cosinage of simple Leycester frauduleÌ„t chaunge of landes vvith her Maieâ—tâ—e vvherby he
ioyned vvyth the house of Suffolk and made him self a principal of that faction by mariage But yet for that he vvas potent and protested euerie vvhere by al occasions his great loue devvtie and special care aboue al others that he bare tovvardes his Prince couÌ„trie no man durste accuse him openlie vntil it vvas to late to vvythstand his povver as commonlie it falleth out in such affaires and the like is euident in my L. of Leycesters actions novv albeit to her Ma. I doubt not but that he vvil pretend and protest as his father did to her brother especialy novv after his open association vvith the faction of HuÌ„tington vvhich no lesse impugneth vnder this mans protection the vvhole line of Henrie the 7. for right of the Crovvn then the house of Suffolk did vnder his father the particular progenie of K. Henry the eighte GENTL Nay rather much more quoth the gentleman for that I do not reade in K. Edvvards reign whe the mater vvas in plotting notvvytstanding that The boldnes of the titlers of Clarence the house of Suffolk durst euer make open clayme to the next succession But novv the house of Hastinges is become so confident vpon the strength and fauour of their fautors as they dare both plot practize and pretend al at once and feare not to set out their title in euerie place vvher as they come LAVV. And do they not feare the statute said the Lavvyer so rigorous in this point as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles GENTL No they need not quoth the Gentleman seing The abuse of the statute for sileÌ„ce in the true succession their partie is so strong and terrible as no man dare accuse them seing also they vvel knovv that the procurement of that statute vvas onely to endaunger or stoppe the mouthes of the true successors vvhiles them selues in the meane space vveÌ„t about vnder-hand to establish their ovvn ambushment LAVV. VVel quoth the Lavver for the pretence of my L. of Huntington to the Crovvn I vvil not stand vvyth yovv for that yt ys a matter sufficientlye knovveÌ„ sene throughout the Realm As also that my L. of Leicester is at this day a principal fauourer and patron of that cause albeit some years past he vvere an earnest aduersarie and enimie to the same But yet I haue heard some friendes of his in reasoning of these matters deny stoutly a point or tvvo vvhich you haue touched here and do seeme to belieue the same And that is first that hovv soeuer my Lord of Tvvo excuses alleaged by Leycester friendes Leycester do meane to help his friend vvhen tyme shal serue yet preteÌ„deth he nothing to the Crovvn him self The seconde is that vvhat soeuer may be ment for the title or compassing the Crovvn after her Ma. death yet nothyng is intended duryng her raigne And of both these pointes they alleage reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is verie vvel knovven to haue no title to the Crovvn him self either by discent in blood alliaunce or othervvayes For the second that his L. hath no cause to be a Mal-CoÌ„tent in the present gouernement not hope for more preferment if my L. of Huntington vveare king to morovve next then he receaueth novv at her Ma. handes hauing al the Realm as hath bene shevved at his ovvn disposition GENTL For the first quoth the Gentleman vvhether he meane the Crovvn for him selfe or for his frieÌ„d it importeth not much seing both vvayes it is euident VVhether Leycester meane the Crovva sincerelie for Huntington or for him selfe that he meaneth to haue al at his ovvn disposition And albeit novv for the auoiding of enuie he giue it out as a craftye fox that he meaneth not but to runne vvith other men and to hunt vvith Huntington and other houndes in the same chase yet is it not vnlike but that he vvil plâ—ie the Beare vvhen he commeth to deuiding of the praye and vvil snatch the best parte to him selfe Yea these self same persons of his traine and faction vvhom you cal his friendes though in publique to excuse his doinges to couer the vvhole plot they vvil must denie the matters to be so meaÌ„t yet othervvise they both think hope knovv the coÌ„trary and vvil not stick in secret to speak it and among them selues it is their talke of consolation The vvoordes of the Lord Northe to M. Poolie The vvordes of his special Councellour the Lord Northe are knovveÌ„ vvhich he vttred to his rrustie Poolie vpon the receipt of a letrer from Court of her Ma. displeasure tovvardes him for his being a vvitnesse at Leycesters second mariage vvith Dame Lettice although I knovv he vvas not ignorant of the first at VVanstead of vvhich displeasure this Lord making fat lesse accompt then in reason he should of the iust offence of his soueraigne said that for his ovvn parte he vvas resolued to sink or svvimme vvith my L. of Leycester vvho saith he Poolie tolde this to Syr Robert Iermine if once the Cardes may come to shuffliÌ„g I vvil vse but his verie ovvn vvordes I make no doubt but he alone shal beare avvay the bucklers The vvordes also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir The vvordes of â—n Thomas Layton brother in Lavve to my Lord. Henrie Neuile vvalking vpon the. Tarresse at VVindsore are knovven vvho tolde him after loÌ„g discourse of their happie conceiued kingdom that he doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in VVindsore of my L. of Leicester vvhiche novv my L. did hold of the Quene Meaning therby the goodlie office of Constableship vvythal Royalties and honours beloÌ„ging to the same vvhich novv the said Sir Henrie exerciseth onelie as deputie to the Earle VVhich vvas plainly to signifie that he douted not but to see my L. of Leycester one day king or els his other hope could neuer possiblie take effect or come to passe To the same point teÌ„ded the vvordes of Mistres The vvordes of Mistres Anne VVest Sister vnto this holie Countesse Anne VVest Dame Lettice sister vnto the Ladie Anne Askevve in the great Chamber vpon a day vvhen her brother Robert Knovvles had daunsed disgratiouslie skornefulie before the Q. in presence of the FreÌ„che VVhich thing for that her Ma. took to proceed of vvil in him as for dislik of the straungers in presence for the quarel of his sister Essex it pleased her highnesse to check him for the same vvith addition of a reprochful vvord or tvvo ful vvel deserued as though done for dispite of the forced absence from that place of honour of the good olde GeÌ„tlevvomaÌ„ I mitigate the vvords his sister VVhich vvordes the other yonger tvvigge receiuing in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her fornamed companion and said that she nothing doubted but that one day she should see her sister vpon vvhom the Q rayled novv so much for so it pleased
of châ—ef rule vnder other pretences and after to deuise vpoÌ„ the title at his leysure But novv to come to the third argument I saie The 3. argument The nature of the cause it self more and aboue al this that the nature and staâ—e of the matter it self permitteth not that my L. of Leycester should meane sincerelie the Crovvn for Huntington especialie seing ther hath passed betvven them so many yeares of dislike and enimity vvhich albeit for the time present commodity be couered and pressed dovvn yet by reason and experience vve knovv that aftervvard vvhen they shal deale together againe in matters of importaunce and vvhen ielousie shal be ioyned to other circumstaunces of their actioÌ„s it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in far higher degre then euer before As vve savve in the examples of the reconciliation The nature of olde reconciled enimyty made betvvixt this mans father and Edvvard Duke of Somerset bearing rule vnder king Edvv. the sixt and betvven Richard of York Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of king Henry the 6. Both vvhich Dukes of Somerset after reconciliatioÌ„ vvyth their olde craftie ambitious enimies vvere brought by the same to their destruction soone after VVherof I doubt not but my L. of Leycester vvil take good heed in ioyning by reconciliation vvyth Huntington after so long a breach and vvil not be so improuident as to make him his soueraign vvho novv is but his dependeÌ„t He remembreth to vvel the successe of the L. StaÌ„ley vvho helped K. HeÌ„rie the 7. to the Crovvn of the Duke of Buckingham vvho did â—he same for Richard the 3. of the Earle of VVarvvick vvho set vp K. Edvvard the 4. and of â—he three Percies vvho aduauÌ„ced to the Scepter K. Henry â—he 4. Al vvhich noble men vpon occasions that after fel out vvere revvarded vvyth death by the self same Princes vvhom they had preferred And that not vvythout reason as Siegnior Machauel The reason of Machauel my L. Councellor affirmeth For that such Princes aftervvard can neuer giue sufficient satisfaction to such friendes for so great a benefit receiued And consequentlie least vpon discontentmeÌ„t they may â—haunce do as much for others against them as they haue done for them against others the surest vvay is to recompence them vvyth such a revvarde as they shal neuer after be able to complaine of VVherfore I can neuer think that my L. of Leycester vvil put him self in daunger of the Like successe at Huntingtons haÌ„des but rather vvil folovv The meaninge of the Duke of Nortâ—umber vvyth Suffolk the plot of his ovvn father vvyth â—he Duke of Suffolk vvhom no doubt but he meant onelie to vse for a pretext and help vvherby to place him self in supreame dignitie and aftervvardes vvhat so euer had befallen of the state the others head could neuer haue come to other end theÌ„ it enioyed For yf Q. Marie had not cut it of K. Iohn of NorthuÌ„berland vvould haue done the same in tyme and so al men do vvel knovv that vvere priuie to anie of his cunning dealinges And vvhat Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notvvythstanding this ovvtvvarde shevv of depeÌ„dence â—t vvas my chauÌ„ce to learne from the South hovvse mouth of a special man of that Hastie king vvhoe vvas his ledger or agent in London and at a tyme faling in talke of his masters title declared that he had heard him diuers tymes in secret complaine to his Ladie Leycesters sister as greatlie fearing that in the end he vvould offer him vvrong and pretend some title for him selfe LAVV. VVel quoth the Lavvyer it seemeth by this last point that thes tvvo Lords are cunning practisioners in the arte of dissimulation but for the former vvherof you spake in truth I haue hearde men of good dicourse affyrme that the Duke of The meaniâ—g of the D. of Noâ—thuÌ„ tovvards the D of Suffolk Northumberland had straunge deuises in his head for deceauing of Suffolk vvho vvas nothing so fine as him self and for bringing the Crovvn to his ovvn familie And among other deuises it is thought that he had most certaine intention to marrie the Ladie Marie him self after once he had brought her into his ovvn handes and to haue bestovved her Ma. that novv is vpon some one of his children yf it should haue bene thought best to giue her lyfe so coÌ„sequentlie to haue shaken of Suffolk and his pedegre vvyth condigne punishment for his bolde behauiour in that behalf SCHOL Verilie quoth I this had bene an excellent Stratageme yf it had taken place But I pray you Sir hovv could him self haue taken the Ladie Matie to vvyfe seing he vvas at that tyme married to an other GENTL Oh quoth the Gentlemen you question like a Scholar As though my L. of Leycester had not a vvyfe a liue vvhen he first began to pretend mariahe to the Q. Ma. Doe not you remember the storie of K Richard the third vvho at such tyme as he thought best for the establishing of his title The practise of K. Richard for dispatching his vvyfe to marrie his ovvn nepce that aftervvard vvas married to king Henrie the seueÌ„th hovv he caused secretlie to be giuen abroode that his ovvn vvyfe vvas dead vvhom al the vvorld knevv to be then a liue and in good health but yet soone aftervvard she vvas sene dead indeed Thes great personages in matters of such vveight as is a kingdom haue priuileges to dispose of vvomens bodies mariages liues and deathes as shal be thought for the tyme moste conuenient And vvhat do you think I pray you of this nevv A nevv Triumuirate betvveÌ„ Ley. Talbot the CouÌ„tesse of Shreâ—sbury TRIVMVIRAT so latelie concluded about Arbella for so I must cal the same though one of the three persons be no Vir but Virago I meane of the mariage betvvene yong DeÌ„bigh the litle daughter of Lenox vvherby the father in lavve the Grandmother the vncle of the nevv designed Queene haue conceyued to them selues a singular tryumphant reigne But vvhat doe you think may ensue hereof is ther nothing of the olde plot of duke Iohn of Northumberland in this LAVV. Marie Sir quoth the Lavvyer yf this be so I dare assure you ther is sequele enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but ther goeth a deep drift by the vvife and sonne against olde Abraham the husband and father vvith the vvel lyned large poutch And secondlie a far deeper by trustie Robert against his best Mistres but dâ—â—pest of â—l by the vvhole Cravv against the designememes of the Hastie Earle vvho thirsteth a kingdome Huntington vvith great intemperaunce and seemeth yf there vvere plaine dealing to hope by thes good people to quenshe shortlie his drought But either parte in truth seeketh to deceyue other and therfore it his hard to saye vvher the game in fine vvil reste GENTL VVel hovv so euer that be quoth
the GeÌ„tleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester vvyl vse both this practize and manie moe for bringing the scepter finalie to his ovvn head that he vvil The sleightes of Leâ— for bâ—inging al to him self not onlie imploy Huntington to defeat Scotland and Arbella to defeaâ— Huntington but also vvould vse the mariage of the Q. imprisoned to defeat them both yf she vvere in his hand and anie one of al three to dispossesse her Ma. that novv is as also the authoritie of al fovver to bring it to him self vvyth mainie other fetches flinges friscoes besides vvhich simple men as yet do not conceiue And hovv so euer thes tvvo conioyned Earles ScaÌ„bling betvven Ley. and Huntington at the vpshot do seeme for the tyme to dravv together and to playe bootie yet am I of opinion that th' one vvill beguile th' other at the vpshopt And HastiÌ„gs for ought I see vvhen he commeth to the scambling is like to haue no better luck by the Beare then his auncestor had once by the Boare VVho vsing his help first in murdering the sonne heire of K. Henrie the sixt and after in destroying the Richard of Glocester An 1. Edvv. 5. faithful friendes and kinsmen of K. Edvvatd the fift for his easier vvay to vsurpation made an ende of him also in the Tovver at the verie same day houre that the other vvere by his couÌ„sail destroied in Pontfract Castle So that vvhere the Goale and price of the game is a kingdom ther is neither faith neither good fellovvship nor faire playe amoÌ„g the Gamesters And this shal be enough for the first point viz. vvhat good my L. of Leycester meaneth to him self in respect of Huntington Tovvching the second vvhether the attempt be 2. That the conpirators meane in her Ma. dayes purposed in her Ma. dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtful to him that knovveth or can imagine vvhat a tormeÌ„t the delaye of a kingdome is to such a one as suffreth hungar therof and feareth that euerie houre may breed some alteration to the preiudice of his conceyued hope VVe see often tymes that the chylde is impatient in this matter to expect the natural ende of his parentes lyfe VVhom notvvythstanding by nature he is enforced to loue and vvho also by nature is like long to leaue this vvorlde before him and after Fovver considerations vvhos discease he is assured to obteine his desire but most certaine of daÌ„gerous euent yf he attempt to get it vvhile yet his pareÌ„t liueth VVhich fovver considerations are no doubt of great force to conteine a childe in duetie and bridle his desire albeit some tymes not sufficient to vvhythstand the greedie appetit of reigning But vvhat shal vve think vvhere none of thes fovver coÌ„sideratioÌ„s do restreine vvhere the present possessor is no parent VVher she is like by nature to out-liue the expector vvhos death must needes bring infinit difficulties to the enterprise and in vvhos lyfe tyme the matter is moste easie to be atchiued vnder coulour and authoritie of the present possessor shal vve think that in such a case the ambitious maÌ„ vvil ouerrule his ovvn passion and leese his commoditie As for that vvhich is alleaged before for my L. in the reason of his defenders that his present state is so prosperous as he cannot expect better in the next chaunge vvhat soeuer should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head A thing vvorthye to be noted in ambitious men vvhos eye and hart is alvvayes vpon that vvhich he hopeth for and enioyeth not and not vpon that vvhich alredie he possesseth be it neuer so good Especialie in matters of honour and authoritie it is an infalible rule that one degre desired not obteyned afflicteth more then fiue degrees alredie possessed can giue consolation the storie of Duke Aman confirmeth this euidenly vvho being the greatest subiect in the vvorld vnder kinge Assuerus Hest 5. after he had reconed vp all his poÌ„pe riches glory felicity to his frieÌ„des yet he sayed that al this vvas nothing vnto hiÌ„ vntil he could obteine the reuenge vvhich he desyred vpon Mardoâ—haeus his enimy hereby it coÌ„meth ordinarily to passe that amoÌ„ge highest in authoritie are fouÌ„d the greatest store of Mal-Contents that most doe endanger ther Prince and countrie VVhen the Percies toke parte vvyth Henrie The â—â—rcies of Bolingbrook against K. Richard the seconde their lavvful soueraign it vvas not for lack of preferment for they vvere excedinglie aduaunced by the said king and possessed the three Earleâ—omes of Northumberland VVorcester and Stafâ—rd together besides manie other offices and diâ—â—ies of honour 〈…〉 ke sort vvhen the tvvo Neuiles toke vpon The Neuiles 〈…〉 yne vvyth Richard of York to put 〈◊〉 moste benigne Prince king Henrie the sixt and after againe in the other side to put dovvn king Edvvard the fourth it vvas not vppon vvant of aduauncement they being Earles both of Salisburie and VVarvvick and Lordes of manie notable places besides But it vvas vpon a vaine imagination of future fortune vvherby such men are commonlie led and yet had not they anie smell in their nostrells of gettinge the kingdoÌ„ fot theÌ„selues as this maÌ„ hath to prick hiÌ„ forvvard Yf you say that thes men hated their soueraign and that therby they vvere led to procure his destruction Leycester hatred to â—er Ma. the same I may ansvvere of my L. lyuinge though of al men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of vvicked ingratitude that vvhere it ovveth most disdeigneth to be bound The euill nature of ingratitude ther vpon euerie litle discontentement it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shevved euidentlie in the tyme of his litle disgrace vvherin he not onelie did diminish vilipend and debase among his friendes the inestimable benefites he hath receyued from her Ma. Leycester speeches of his Ma. in the tyme of his disgrace but also vsed to exprobrate his ovvn good seruices merites to touch her highnes vvyth ingrat consideration and recompence of the same vvhich behauiour together vvyth his hastie preparation to rebellion and assault of her Ma. Royal person dignitie vpon so smal a cause giuen did vvel shevv vvhat minde invvardlie he beareth to his soueraign and vvhat her Ma. may expect if by offending him she should once fal vvythin the copasse of his surious pavves seing such a smoke of disdaine could not proceed but from a fyâ—â—e furnace of hatred vvythin And sure he it is a vvouÌ„derful matter to consider vvhat a litle check or rather the bare imagination of a smal ouerth vvart may vvorke in a proude and disdeignful Stomack The remembraunce of his The causes of hatred in Leycester tovvards her Ma. mariage missed that he so much pretended and desired vvyth her Ma. doth stick deeplie in his breast and stirreth him daylie to
ovvn nation And therin and othervvise onelie about the same quarrel vvere slaine murdered made avvay about 9. or 10. kinges kinges sonnes besides aboue fortie Earles Marquesses Dukes of name but manie mo Lordes knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the common people vvithout nūber and by particular cōiecture verie neare tvvo hundreth thousand The battaile by Tadcaster on palme Sō daye An. 1460. For that in one battaile foughten by K. Edvvard the fourth ther are recorded to be slaine on both partes fiue thirtie thousand seuen hundreth and eleuen persons besides other vvounded and taker prisoners to be put to death aftervvard at the pleasure of the Conquerour at diuers battails after ten thousand slaine at a battaile As in thos of Barner Tukesbury foughten both in one yeare This suffred our afflicted countrie in thos dayes by this infortunat and deadlie contention vvhich could neuer be ended but by the happy cōiunction of thos tvvo houses to gether in Henry the seuēth neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle vntil as I haue said the state had cut of the issue male of the Duke of Clarēce vvho vvas cause of diuers perils to K. Henrie the seuenth though he vvere in prison By vvhos sister the faction of Huntington at this day doth seeke to raise vp the same contention againe vvith far greater daunger both to the Realm and to her Ma. that novv reigneth then euer before And for the Realm it is euident by that it giueth The daūger of Hūtingtons claime to the Realm to hir Ma roome to straūgers Competitours of the house of Lancaster better able to mainteine their ovvn title by svvorde then euer vvas any of that linage before them And for her Ma. perril present it is nothing hard to cōiecture seing the same title in the forsaid Erle of VVarvvik vvas so daūgerous and troublesome to her graundfather by vvhō she holdeth as he vvas faine tvvice to take armes in defence of his right against the said title vvhich vvas in thos dayes preferred aduaunced by the friēdes of Clarence before that of Hērie as also this of Huntington is at this daye by his faction before that of her Ma. though neuer so vniustlie LAVV. Touching Huntingtons title before her Ma. quoth the Lavver I vvil say nothing be cause in reasō I se not by vvhat pretēce in the vvorld he may thrust him self so far foorth seing her Ma. is descēded not onelie of the house of Lancaster but also before him moste apparentlie from the house of Hovv Hūtington maketh his title before her Maiestie York it self as from the eldest daughter of king Edvvard the fourth being the eldest brother of that house VVheras Huntington claimeth onelie by the daughter of George Duke of Clarence the yonger brother Marie yet I must cōfesse that if the Earle of VVarvviks title vvere better then that of K. Henrie the seuēth vvhich is moste false though manie attempted to defend the same by svvord then hath Huntington some vvronge at this daye by her Ma. Albeit in verie trueth the †The moste of Hūtingtōs ancetours by vvhō he maketh title attainted of treason attaintes of so manie of his auncestors by vvhom he clameth vvould ansvvere him also sufficientlie in that behalf if his title vvere othervvise allovvable But I knovv besides this they haue an other fetch Th◠in famous deuice of K. Rich. the third allovved by Huntington of K. Richard the thirde vvherby he vvould nedes proue his elder brother kīg Edvvard to be a Bastard cōsequētlie his vvhole line asvvel male as female to be void VVhich deuise though it be ridiculous and vvas at the tyme vvhen it vvas first inuented yet as Richard foūd at that tyme a Doctor Shavve that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Paules Crosse in a Sermon and Iohn of Northumberland Anno. 1. Mariae my L. of Leycesters father founde out diuers preachers in his tyme to set vp the title of Suffolk and to debase the right of king Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxeforde and other places moste apparentlie against al lavve and reason so I dout not but thes mē vvould finde out also both Shavves Sandes and others to set out the title of Clarēce before the vvhole interest of K. Henrie the seuēth his posteritie if occasion serued VVhich is a point of importance to be considered A point to be noted by her Ma. by her Ma. albeit for my parte I meane not novv to stād thervpon but onlie vpon that other of the house of Lancaster as I haue said For as that moste honorable lavvful and happie coniunction of the tvvo aduetsarie houses in king Henrie the seuenth and his vvife made an end of the shedding of English blood vvithin it The ioyninge of bothe hovvses self brought vs rhat moste desired peace vvhich euer sithence vve haue enioied by the reigne of their tvvo moste noble issue so the plot that novv is in hand for the cutting of the residue of that issue and for recalling backe of the vvhole title to the onelie house of Yorke againe is like to plunge vs deeper then euer in ciuile discorde and to make vs the bayte of al forreine Princes seing ther be among them at this daye some of no small The Line of Portugalle povver as I haue said vvho pretend to be the next heires by the house of Lancaster and consequentlie are not like to giue ouer or abandone their ovvn right if once the doore be opened to contention for the same by disanulling the Line of K. Henrie the seuenth vvherin onelie the keies of al concord remaine knit together And albeit I knovv vvel that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons partie vvil make small accompte of the title of Lancaster as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke and I for my parte meane not greatlie to auovve the same as novv it is placed being my selfe no fauourer of forreine titles yet indifferent men haue to consider hovv it vvas taken in tymes paste and hovv it may againe in tyme to come if contention should arise hovv manie Noble personnages The olde estimation of the house of Lancaster of our Realm did offer them selues to die in defence therof hovv manie othes lavves vvere giuen receiued throughout the Realm for maītenaunce of the same against the other house of York for euer hovv manie vvorthy kinges vvere Crovvned reigned of that house race to vvit the fovver moste noble Hēries one after an other the fourth the fift the sixt and the seuenth vvho both in nūber Gouernment Sanctitie Courage and feares of armes vvere nothing inferior yf not superior to thos of the other house and lyne of Yorke after the diuision betvvene the families It is to be considered also as a special signe of the fauour and affectiō of oure vvhole natiō vnto that familie that Henrie Earle of Richmond though
admitted to the Crovvn Yonge Arthure also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance that matched vvith Geffray K. Henrie the secondes sonne vvas declared by K. Richard his Pol. lib. 15 Flor. hist 1208. vncle at his departure tovvardes Ierusalem and by the vvhole Realm for lavvfull heire apparent to the Crovvne of England though he vvere borne in Bretaigne out of English alleagiaunce and so he vvas taken and adiudged by all the vvorlde at that day albeit after king Richards death his Kinge Iohâ— a Tyraunt other vncle Iohn moste Tyrannouslie toke both his kingdome and his lyfe from him For vvhich notable iniustice he vvas detested of all men both abrode at home and most apparentlie scourged by God vvith grieuous and manifolde plagues both vppon him selfe and vppon the Realme vvhich yeelded to his vsurpation So that by this also it appeareth vvhat the practize of our countrie hath bene from tyme to tyme in this case of forreine birth vvhich practize is the best interpretor of our common English lavv vvhich dependeth especialie and moste of al vpon custome nor can the aduersarie aleage anie one example to the contrarie Their sixt is of the iudgement and sentence of K. The sixt reason The iudgement and sentence of K Henry the seuenth Henrie the seueÌ„th and of his Councell vvho being together in consulation at a certaine tyme about the mariage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland some of his Councell moued this doubt vvhat should ensue if by chaunce the kinges issue male should faile and so the succession deuolue to the heires of the said Margaret as novv it doth VVherunto that vvise and moste prudent Prince made ansvvere that if anie such euent should be it could not be preiudicial to England being the bigger parte but rather beneficial for that it should dravve Scotland to EnglaÌ„d that is the lesser to the more euen as in tymes paste it hapened in Nor mandie Aquitane and some other Prouinces VVhich ansvvere apeased all doubtes and gaue singular contention to thes of his Councell as Polidore vvriteth that liued at that tyme and vvrote the special matters of that reigne by the kinges ovvn instruction So that hereby vve see no question made of K. Henrie or his Councellours tovvching forreine birth to let the succession of Ladie Margarets issue vvhich no doubt vvould neuer haue bene omitted in that learned assemblie if anie lavv at that tyme had bene estemed or imagined to barre the same And thes are sixe of their principalest reasons to proue that neither by the vvordes nor meaning of our common lavves nor yet by custom or practize of our Realm an Alien may be debarred froÌ„ claime of his interest to the Crovvn vvhen it falleth to him by rightful discent in blood and successioÌ„ But in the particular case of the Q. of Scottes and her The seuenth reason The Q of Scot. and her sonne no Aliens sonne they do ad another reason or tvvo therby to proue theÌ„ in verie deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often coÌ„tinual mixture vvith English blood froÌ„ the beginning and especialie of late the Q GrauÌ„dmother husbaÌ„d being English so her sonne begoten of an English father but also for tvvo other causes reasoÌ„s vvhich seme in trueth of verie good importaunce The first is for that Scotland by al Englishe men hovv so euer the Scottes denie the same is taken holdeÌ„ as subiect to EnglaÌ„d by vvay of Homage vvhich manie of their kinges at diuers tymes haue acknovvledged coÌ„sequeÌ„tlie the Q. and her sonne being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the aleagiaunce of England and so no forreyners The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forreyners in the fyue and tvventie yeare of K. Edvvard the third is intituled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the bodie of the same statute the doubt is moued of children borne out of English aleagiaunce beyond the seas vvherby cannot be vnderstood ScotlaÌ„d for that it is a peece of the coÌ„tinent land vvithin the seas And al our olde recordes in England that talke of seruice to be done vvithin thes tvvo countries haue vsualy thes latin vvordes infra quatuor Maria or in frensh deins lez quatre mers that is vvithin the foure seas vvherby must needes be vnderstood as vvel Scotland as England and that perhapes for the reason before mentioned of the subiectioÌ„ of Scotland by vvay of Homage to the Crovvn of England In respect vvherof it may be that it vvas accompted of olde but one dominion or aleagiaunce And consequently no man borne therin can be accompted an Alien to England And this shal suffice for the first point touching forreine Natiuitie For the secoÌ„d impedimeÌ„t obiected vvhich is the The second impediment against the Q. of Scot. and her sonne vvhich is K. HeÌ„rie the eight his Testament TestameÌ„t of K. HeÌ„rie the eight authorized by parliameÌ„t vvherby they affirme the successioÌ„ of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but only that they are put back behiÌ„d the succession of the house of Suffolk For in that pretended TestameÌ„t vvhich after shal be proued to be none indeed king Henrie so disposeth that after his ovvn children if they should chaunce to die vvithout issue the Crovvn shal passe to the heirs of Fraunces and of Elenore his neipces by his yonger sister Marie Q. of Fraunce and after them deceasing also vvithout issue â—he succession to returne to the next heires againe VVherby it is euideÌ„t that the successioÌ„ of Margaret Q. of ScotlaÌ„d his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back only froÌ„ their due place and order to expect the remainder vvhich may in tyme be left by the yonger VVherof in mine opinion do ensue some considerations Forreine birth no impediment in the iudgment of K. Henry the eight against the present pretenders them selues First that in K. Henries iudgement the former pretended rule of forreine birth vvas no sufficient impedimeÌ„t against ScotlaÌ„d for if it had bene no doubt but that he vvould haue named the same in his aleaged Testament and therby haue vtterlie excluded that succession But there is no such thing in the Testament Secondlie yf they admit this Testament vvhich The succession of Scotland nexte by the iudgment of the coÌ„petitours alloteth the Crovvn to ScotlaÌ„d next after Suffolk then seing that al the house of Suffolk by thes mens assertion is cexcluded by Bastardie it must needes folovv that Scotland by their ovvn iudgement is next and so this testament vvil make against them as indeed it doth in al pointes moste apparentlie but onelie that it preferreth the house of Suffolk before that of Scotland And therfore I think Sir that you mistake somvvhat about their opinion in aleaging this Testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction vvil aleage or vrge the testimonie of
daughters to vvit the daughters of Frauncis and Elenor if that they had any to any such condition Thirdlie ther may be diuers causes and argumentes The third reason The presupposed vvil is not Authentical aleaged in lavve vvhy this pretēded vvil is not authentical if othervvise it vvere certaine that king Henrie had meant it First for that it is not agreable to the minde and meaning of the Parliament vvhich intended onlie to giue authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruin of the Realm Secōdly for that ther is no lavvful Authentical Copie extant therof but onlie a bare inrolment in the Chauncerie vvhich is not sufficient in so vveightie an affaire no vvitnes of the Priuie Councel or of Nobilitie to the same vvhich had bene conuenient in so great a case for the best of the vvitnesses therin named is Sir Iohn Gates vvhos miserable death is vvel knovvē no publike Notarie no Probation of the vvil before anye Bishop or anie lavvful Court for that purpose no examination of the vvitnesses or other thing orderlie done for lavvful authorizing of the matter The disprouing of the vvil by vvitnesses The Lord Pagett But of al other thinges this is moste of importaunce that the king neuer set his ovvn hande to the foresaid vvil but his stamp vvas put therunto by others either after his death or vvhen he vvas paste remembrance as the late L. Paget in the beginning of Quene Maries dayes being of the priuy Councel first of al other discouered the same of his ovvn accorde and vpō mere motion of consciēce confessing before the vvhole Councel and aftervvard also before the vvhole parliament hovv that him self vvas priuie therunto and partlie also culpable being dravven therunto by the instigation and forcible authoritie of others but yet aftervvard vpon other more godlie motions detested the deuice and so of his ovvn free vvil verie honorablie vvent and offered the discouerie therof to Sir Edvv. Mōtague the Councel As also did Sir Edvvard Montague Lord chiefe iustice that had bene priuie and presēt VVillm Clarcke at the said doinges and one VVillm Clark that vvas the man vvho put the stamp vnto the paper and is ascribed among the other pretensed vvitnesses confessed the vvhole premisses to be true purchased his pardō for his offence therin VVher vpon Q. Marie and her Councel caused presentlie the said inrolment lying in the Chauncerie to be canceled defaced and abolished And sithence that tyme in her Ma. dayes that novv liueth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reign if I compt not amisse by occasion of a certen litle boke spred abrode at that tyme verie secretlie for aduauncing of the house of Suffolk by pretence of A meting together about this matter of the nobility this testament I remember vvel the place vvhere the late Duke of Norfolke the Marques of VVinchester vvhich then vvas Treasurer the olde Earls of Arundell and Penbrooke that novv are dead vvyth my L. of Penbrooke that yet liueth as also my L. of Leicester hīself if I be not deceyued vvith diuers others met together vpō this matter after long conferēce about the foresaid pretēsed vvil manie proffes reasons layd dovvn vvhy it could not betrue or authētical the olde Earle of Pēbrook protesting that he vvas vvyth the K. in his Chābet frō the first day of his sicknes vnto his last houre therby could vvel assure the falsificatiō therof at length it vvas moued that from that place they should go vvyth the rest of the nobilitie and proclaime the Q of Scotland heire aparent in Cheapside My L. of Leycester agayne playeth double VVherin my L. of Leycester as I tak it vvas thē as forvvard as anie man els hovv be it novv for his profit he bee turned aside and vvould turne back againe to morovv next for a greater commoditie And albeit for some causes to them selues best knovvē they proceeded not in the opē publishīg of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook novv liuing can beare vvitnes that thus much is true and that his father the olde Earle The olde Earle of Pēbroks admonition to the Earle his sonne yet liuīg at that tyme tolde him openlie before the other noble men that he had brought him to that assemblie and place to instruct him in that trueth and to charge him to vvitnes the same and to defende it also vvyth his svvorde if need required after his death And I knovve that his Lordship is of that honour and nobilitie as he can not leaue of easilie the remembraunce or due regarde of so vvorthie an admonition And this shal suffice for the second impediment imagined to proceed of this supposed testament of king Henrie the eight As for the third impediment of religion it is not The third impediment of Religiō general to al for that onlie one person if I be not deceyued of al the Competitours in K. Hērys line can be touched vvyth suspition of different religiō from the present state of England VVhich person notvvythstanding as is vvel knovven vvhile she vvas in gouernmēt in her ovvn Realm of Scotlād permitted al libertie of conscience free excercise of religion to thos of the contrarie profession and opiniō vvythout restreynt And yf she had not yet do I not see either by prescript of lavv or practize of thes our times that diuersitie of religiō may stay iust inheritours from enioying their due possessiōs in anie state or degre of priuate men and much lesse in the clayme of a kingdom vvhich alvvayes in this behalf as hath bene said before is preferred in priuilege This vve see by experience in diuers countries Princes of Germanye and partes of the vvorld at this daye as in Germanie vvhere among so manie Princes and so de in religiō as they be yet euerie one succedeth to the state vvherto he hath right vvythout resistaunce for his religion The examples also of her Ma. that novv is and of her sister before is euidēt Q Mary Q Elizabeth vvho being knovven to be of tvvo different inclinations in religion and the vvhole Realm deuided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their seueral tymes vvyth general consent of al vvere admitted to their lavvful inheritaunce excepting onlie a fevv * The Dudleys Mōsieur traytours against the former vvho vvythstood her right as also in her the right of her Ma. that is present that not for religion as appeared by their ovvn confession after but for ambition and desire of reigne Monsieur the kings brother and heire of Fraunce as all the vvorld knovveth is vvel accepted fauored and admitted for successoure of that Crovvne by al the protestantes at this day of that Countrie not vvythstanding his opinion in religion knovven to be diffeferent And I doubt not but the king of Nauarre or Prince
Lord of Leycester vsed the same Duke Dudley arte much more skilfulie vvhen he put al England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his frieÌ„des as though nothing could be safe about the yong king vntil they vvere suppressed and consequentlie al brought into his ovvn authoritie vvythout obstacle I speak not this to excuse Papistes or to vvyshe them anie vvaye spared vvherin they offend but onlie to signifie that in a countrie A good rule of policie vvher so potent factions be it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursute of the other as aftervvards the Prince must remaine at the deuotion of the stronger but rather as in a bodie molested and troubled vvyth contrarie humours yf al cannot be purged the best Phisick is vvythout al doubt to reduce and holde them at such an equalitie as destruction may not be feared of the predominante LAVV. To this sayd the Lavvyer laughing yea Marie Sir I vvould to God your opinion might preuaile in this matter for then should vve be in other tearmes then novv vve are I vvas not long since in companie of a certaine honorable Ladie of the Court vvho after some speech passed by Gentlemen that vvere present of some aprehended and some executed and such like affaires brak into a great complaint of the present tyme and thervvyth I assure you moued al the hearers to griefe as vvomen you knovv are poteÌ„t in styrring of affections and caused them al to vvyshe that her Maiestie had bene nigh to haue heard her vvordes I do vvel remember quoth she the first douzen The spech of a certayne Ladie of the Court. yeares of her highnes reign hovv happie pleasant and quiet they vvere vvith al maner of comfort and consolation Ther vvas no mention then of factions in religion neither vvas anie man much noted or reiected for that cause so other vvyse his conuersation vvere ciuile and courteous No suspition of treason no talke of bloodshed no coÌ„plaint of troubles miseries or vexations Al vvas peace al vvas loue al vvas ioye al vvas delight Her Ma. I am sure toke more recreation at that tyme in one day then she doth novv in a vvhole vveek and vve that serued her highnes enioyed more contentation in a vveek then vve can novv in diuers yeares For novv ther are so manie suspitions euery vvhere for this thing and for that as vve cannot tel vvhom to trust So manie melancholique in the Court that seme malcontented so manie complayning or sueing for their friendes that are in trouble other slip ouer the sea or retire them selues vpon the sudden so manie tales brought vs of this or that daunger of this man suspected of that man sent for vp and such like vnpleasant and vnsauerie stuffe as vve can neuer almoste be merry one vvhole day together VVherfore quoth this Ladie vve that are of her Ma. trayne and special seruice and do not onlie feel thes thinges in our selues but much more in the griefe of her moste excellent Ma. vvhom vve see daylie molested herevvith being one of the best natures I am sure that euer noble Princesse vvas indued vvith al vve cannot but mone to beholde More moderation vvisshed in matters of factioÌ„ contentions aduaunced so far foorth as they are and vve could vvish most hartilie that for the time to come thes matters might passe vvith such peace friendship tranquility as they do in other countries vvher difference in religion breaketh not the bande of good felovvship or fidelitie And vvith this in a similing maner she brake of asking pardon of the coÌ„panie if she had spoken her opinion ouer boldlie like a vvoman To vvhom ansvvered a Courtier that sat next The speache of a Courtier her Madame your Ladiship hath said nothing in this behalf that is not dailie debated among vs in our common speech in Court as you knovv Your desire also herein is a publique desire if it might be brought to passe for ther is no man so simple that seeth not hovv perilous thes coÌ„tentions and deuisions among vs may be in the end And I haue heard diuers GeÌ„tlemen that be learned discourse at large vpon this argument aleaging olde examples of the Athenians Lacedemonians Carthagenians and Romans vvho receyued notable dammages and destruction also in the end by their diuisions and factions among them selues and specialie froÌ„ theÌ„ of their ovvn Cities and Countries vvho vpoÌ„ The peril of diuisions factions in a common vvealth factioÌ„s liued abroode vvyth forreyners and therby vvere alvvayes as fire-brandes to carrie home the flambe of vvarre vpon their countrie The like they also shevved by the long experieÌ„ce of al the great Cities and states of Italie vvhich by their factious and foruscites vvere in coÌ„tinual garboile bloodshed and miserie VVherof our ovvn countrie hath tasted also her parte by the odious contention betvvene the houses of Lancaster and York vvherin it is merueilous to consider vvhat trouble a fevv men often tymes departing out of the Realm vvere able to vvork by the parte of their factioÌ„ remaining at home vvhich commoÌ„lie encreaseth tovvardes them that are absent by the redines of forreine Princes to receiue alvvaies and comfort such as are discontented in an other state to the ende that by their meanes they might holde an ore in their neighbours bote VVhich Princes that are nigh borderers do alvvayes aboue al other thinges most couet and desire This vvas that courtyers speech reasoÌ„ vvherby I perceyued that as vvel among them in Court as among vs in the Realm and countrie abrode the The dauÌ„gerous sequel of dissentioÌ„ in oure Realme present inconuenieÌ„ce daungerous sequel of this our home dissention is espyed and consequentlie most English hartes inclined to vvishe the remedy or preuention therof by some reasonable moderation or revnion among our selues For that the prosecution of thes differences to extremitie can not but after manie vvouÌ„des exulceratioÌ„s bring matters finalie to rage furie and most deadlie desperation VVheras on the other side if any svveet qualification or small tolleration among vs vvere admitted ther is no doubt but â—hat affayres vvould passe in our Realm vvyth more quietnes safitie publique vveale of the same then it is like it vvil do long and men vvould easilie be brought that haue English bovvells to ioyne in the preseruation of their countrie from ruing bloodshed and forreine oppression vvhich desperation of factions is vvouÌ„t to procure GENTL I am of your opinion quoth the Gentleman in that for I haue sene the experience therof and al the vvorld beholdeth the same at this day in al the ExaÌ„ples of tolleration in matters of Reliligion countries of Germanie Polonia Boemland and Hungarie vvher a litle bearing of th' one vvyth th' other hath vvrought them much ease continued them a peace vvherof al Europe besides hath admiration and enuie The first douzen yeares Germany also of her
their friendes vvere turned into great fynes of money vvhich they vvere constreined to pay and yet besides to agree A singular oppression also vvith my L. of Leycester for their ovvn landes acknovvledging the same to be his and so to buy it of him againe VVherby not onelie thes priuate Gētlemen but al the vvhole countrie ther about vvas and is in a maner vtterlie vndonne And the participation of this iniury reacheth so far and vvide and is so general in these partes as you shal skarce finde a man that commeth from that coast vvho feeleth not the smart therof being either impouerished beggered or ruinated therby VVherby I assure you that the hatred of al that Leycester extremly hated in VVales countrie is so vniuersal and vehement against my Lord as I think neuer thing Created by God vvas so odious to that Nation as the verie name of my Lord of Leycester is VVhich his Lordship vvel knovving I doubt not but that he vvil take heed hovv he go thither to dvvell or send thither his posteritie GENTL For his posteritie quoth the Gentleman I suppose he hath litle cause to be solicitous for that God him self taketh care commonlie that goodes and honours so gotten and mainteined as his be shal neuer trouble the third heire Marie for him self I confesse the matter standing as you saye that he hath reason to forbeare that countrye and to leaue of his buildyng begonne at Denhighe as I heare saye he hath done For that the vniuersal hatred of The ende of Tyrāts a people is a perilous matter And if I vvere in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the ende of Nero vvho after al hys glorye Nero. vpon furie of the people vvas adiudged to haue his head thrust into a Pillorie and so to be beaten to death vvith roddes and thvvonges Ot rarher I should feare the successe of Vitellius Vitellius the third Emperour after Nero vvho for his vvickednes and oppression of the people vvas taken by them at length vvhen fortune began to fayle him and led out of his Palace naked vvith hookes of Iron fastened in his fleshe and so dravven through the Citie vvith infamie vvhere loden in the streets vvyth filth and ordure cast vpon him and a prick put vnder his Chinne to the end he should not looke dovvn or hide his face vvas brought to the banke of Tyber and ther after manie hundreth vvoundes receiued vvas cast into the riuer So implacable a thing is the furor of a multitude vvhen it is once stirred and hath place of reuenge And so heauie is the hand of God vpon Tyrantes in this vvorld vvhen it pleaseth his diuine Maiestie to take reuenge of the same I haue red in Leander in his description of Italie hovv that in Spoleto if I be not deceiued A most terrible reuenge take vpō a Tyraut the chiefe Citie of the countrie of Vmbria ther vvas a straunge Tyraunt vvho in the tyme of his prosperitie contemned al men and forbare to iniurie no man that came vvithin his clavves esteming him self sure enough for euer being called to render accompt in this lyfe and for the next he cared litle But God vpon the sudden turned vpsidedovvn the vvhele of his felicitie and cast him into the peoples handes vvho tooke him and bound his naked bodie vpon a planke in the marcket place vvith a fyar and iron tonges by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man vvas not othervvise able to make satisfaction for the publique iniuries that he had done euerie priuate person annoied by him should come in order and vvith the hoat burning tonges there redie shoulde take of his flesh so much as vvas correspondent to the iniury receyued as indeed they did vntil the miserable man gaue vp the ghoste after to as this authour vvriteth But to the purpose seing my Lorde careth litle for suche examples and is become so hardie novv as he maketh no accompte to iniurie and oppresse vvhole countries and commonalties together it shal be bootles to speake of his procedinges Leye oppression of particular mē tovvardes particular men vvho haue not so great strength to resist as a multitude hath And yet I can assure you that there are so manie and so pytyful thinges published daylie of his Tyrannie in this kinde as do moue great compassion tovvardes the partie that do suffer and horrour against him vvho shameth not dayly to offer such iniurye As for example vvhose harte vvoulde not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of M. Robinsō of Staffordshire a properyong gentlemā M. Robinson and vvel giuen both in religion ond other vertues VVhose father died at Nevvhauē in her Ma. seruice vnder this mans brother the Earle of VVarvvik recōmended at his death this his eldest sōne to the special protectiō of Leycest his brother vvhose seruaunt also this Robinson hath bene from his youth vpvvard and spent the most of his liuing in his seruice Yet notvvythstanding al this vvhen Robinsons landes vvere intangled vvyth a certaine Londoner vpon interest for his former maītenaunce in their seruice vvhose title my L. of Leycester though craftilie yet not couertlie vnder Ferris his cloke had gotten to him self he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman euen to imprisonment arraignement and sentence of death for greedines of the said liuing together vvith the M. Harcourt vexation of his brother in lavve M. Harcourt and al other his friendes vpon pretence for sooth that ther vvas a man slayne by Robinsons partie in defence of his ovvn possession against Leycesters intruders that vvould by violence breake into the same VVhat shal I speake of others vvherof ther vvould be no ende as of his dealing vvith M. Richard Ric. Lee. Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile Lodouik Greuill not in the name vvith M. Lodourke Griuell by seeking to bereaue him of al his liuing at once if the drifte had taken place vvith George VVitney George VVitney in the behalf of Sir Henrie Leigh for inforcīng him to for-go the Coūtrollership of VVoodstock vvhich he holdeth by patent from K. Henrie the seuenth VVith my L. Barkley vvhom he enforced L. Barkley to yeeld vp his landes to his brother VVarvvike vvhich his auncestors had held quietlie for almost tvvo hundreth yeares to gether VVhat shal I say of his intollerable Tyrānie vpō Archbis of Cātur the last Archbisshop of Canturburie for doctor Iulio his sake and that in so fovvle a matter Vpon Sir Iohn Throgmarton Sir Iohn Throgmarton vvhom he brought pitifullie to his graue before his tyme by cōtinual vexations for a peece of faithful seruice done by him to his countrie and to al the line of K. Henrie against this mās father in K. Edvvard Q. Maries dayes Vpon diuers of the Lanes for one mans sake Lane of that name before mentioned that offred to take Killinvvorth Castle vpon some of the
Giffordes Gifforde and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his L. disposition for one mans cause vvhom he brooketh not to plague a vvhole generation that anie vvaye perteyneth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drevve Drevvrie and Sir Drevv Drevvry manie other Courtyers both men and vvomen Al thes I say and manie others vvho daylie suffer iniuries rapines oppressions at his hādes throughout the Realm vvhat should it auaile to name thē in this place seing neither his L. careth anie thing for the same neither the parties agrieued are like to attaine anie least release of affliction therby but rather double oppressyon for theyr complayninge VVherfore to returne againe vvheras vve began The present state of my L. of Leices you see by this litle vvho and hovv great vvhat maner of man my L. of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some parte by that vvhich hath bene spokē his vvealth his strength his cūning his dispositiō His VVealth is excessiue in all kinde of riches for a priuate man Leycester VVealth and must needes be much more then anie bodie lightlie can imagine for the infinit vvayes he hath had of gaine so many years to gether His Strēgth Leycester Strength and povver is absolute and irresistable as hath bene shevved both in Chamber Court Councell and Countrie His Cunning in plotting and fortyfying Leycester Cūning the same both by Force and Fraud by Mines and Contermines by Trenches Bulvvarkes Flankers and Rampiers by Friēdes Enimies Allies Seruātes Creatures and Dependētes or anie other that may serue his turne is verie rare and singular His Disposition Leycester disposition to Cruelty Murder Treason and Tyrāny and by all these to Supreame Soueraignetie ouer other is moste euydent and cleare And then iudge you vvhether her Ma. that novv raigneth vvhose lyfe and prosperitie the Lord in mercie long preserue haue not iuste cause to feare in respect of these thinges onlie yf ther vvere no other particulars to proue his aspiring intent besides LAVV. No doubt quoth the lavvyer but these are great maters in the questiō of such a cause as is a Crovvn And vve haue seene by example that the least of these fovver vvhich you haue here named or rather some litle braunshe conteyned in anie of thē Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty hath bene sufficient to found iust suspition distrust or iealousie in the heades of most vvise Princes tovvardes the proceedinges of more assured subiectes thē my L. of Leycester in reason may be presumed to be For that the safitie of a state Prince standeth not onelie in the redines and habilitie of resisting open attemptes vvhen they shal fal out but also that much more as Statistes vvrite in a certaine prouident vvatchfulnes of preuenting al possibilities and likelihoodes of daunger or surpression for that no Prince commonlie vvil put him self to the courtesie of an other man be he neuer so obliged vvhether he shal retayne his Crovvn or no seing the cause of a Kingdom acknovvledgeth neither kinred duety fairh friendship not societie I knovv not vvhether I do expound and declare my self vvel or no but my meaning is that vvheras euerie Prince hath tvvo pointes of assurance from his subiect the one in that he is faithful lacketh vvill to annoie his souueraigne the other for that he is vveake and vvanteth habylytye to do the A point of necessarie policie for a Prince same the fyrst is alvvayes of more importance then the second and consequentlie more to be eyed and obserued in policie for that oure vvill may be chaunged at oure pleasure but not oure habilitie Considering then vpon that vvhich hath bene said and specified before hovv that my Lorde of Leycester hath possessed him self of al the strength povvers and sinovves of the Realm hath dravven al to his ovvn directiō and hath made his patty so strong as it seemeth not resistable you haue great reason to say that her Ma. maye iustlie conceyue some doubt for that yf his vvil vvere according to his povver most assured it is that her Ma. vvere not in safitie SCHOL Say not so good Sir quoth I for in such a case truelie I vvould repose litle vpō his vvil vvhich is so manye vvayes apparant to be moste insatiable of ambition Rather vvoulde I thinke that as yet his habilitie serueth not either for Tyme Place Force or some other circumstaunce then that anie parte of good vvil should vvante in him seing that not onelie his desire of soueraigntie but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same is sufficientlie declared in my conceit by the verye particulars of his povver and plottes alredy set dovvn VVhich yf you please to haue the patience to heare a Scholars argument I vvil proue by a Principle of our Philosophie For if it be true vvhich Aristotle sayeth ther is no agent so simple in the vvorld vvhich vvorketh A Philosophicall argumēt to proue Ley intēt of soueraigntie not for some final end as the birde buildeth not her nest but to dvvel and hatche her yong ones therin not only this but also that the same agent doth alvvayes frame his vvorke according to the proportion of his entended end as vvhen the Fox or Badger maketh a vvide earth or denne it is a signe that he meaneth to dravve thither great store of pray then must vve also in reason think that so vvyse and polityke an agent as is my L. of Leycester for him self vvanteth not his end in these plottinges and preparations of his I meane an end proportionable in greatnes to his preparatiōs VVhich end cā be no lesse nor meaner then Supreame Soueraigntie seing his prouisiō furniture doe tend that vvay are in euerie point fullie correspondent to the same VVhat meaneth his so diligent beseeging of the The preparatiōs of Leyc declare his intēded ende Princesse person his taking vp the vvayes and passages about her his insolencie in Court his singularitie in the Councel his violent preparation of strength abrode his enriching of his Complices the banding of his faction vvyth the abundance of friendes euerie vvhere vvhat do thes thinges signifie I say and so manie other as you haue vvel noted and mentioned before but onelie his intent and purpose of Supreamacie VVhat did the same thinges protend in tymes past in his father but euen that vvhich novv they protend in the sōne or hovv should vve think that the sonne hathe an other meaning in the verie same actions then had his father before him vvhose steppes he folovveth I remember I haue heard often tymes of diuers Hovv the Duke of Northū dissēbled his end auncient and graue men in Cambrige hovv that in K. Edvvards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans father vvas generaly suspected of al men to mean indeed as aftervvard he shevved especialie vvhen he had once
reuenge As also doth the disdeigne of certaine checkes disgraces receyued at some tymes especialie that of his last mariage vvhich irketh him so much the more by hovv much greater feare and daunger it brought him into at that tyme and did put his vvidovve in such open phrensie as she raged manie monethes after against her Ma. and is not cold yet but remayneth as it vvere a svvorne enimie for that iniurie and standeth like a fiend or furie at the elbovve of her Amadis to stirre him forvvard vvheÌ„ occasion shal serue And vvhat effect such female suggestioÌ„s may The force of female suggestions vvorke vvhen they finde an humour proude and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duches of Somerset vvho inforced her husbaÌ„de to cut of the head of his onely deare brother to his ovvn euident destruction for her contentation VVherfore to conclude this matter vvythout An euident CoÌ„clusion that the executioÌ„ is meatâ— tyme of her Ma. further dispute or reasoÌ„ seyng ther is so much discouered in the case as ther is so great desire of reigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and habilitie of succes if it be attempted vnder the good fortune and present authoritie of the competitors seing the plattes be so vvel layde the preparation so forvvarde the fauorers so furnished the tyme so propitious and so manie other causes conuiting together seing that by differring al may be hazarded and by hastening litle can be indaungered the state and condition of thinges vvel vveyed finding also the bandes of duetie so broken alredie in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to execution so potent and diligent as vvomen malice and ambition are vvount to be it is more then probable that they vvil not leese their present commoditie especialie seing they haue learned by their Architype or Protoplote vvhich they folovv I meane the conspiracie of Nortumberland and Suffolk in An error of the father novv to be corrected by the sonne king Edvvards dayes that herein ther vvas some error committed at that tyme vvhich ouerthrevv the vvhole land that vvas the differring of some thinges vntil after the kinges death vvhich should haue bene put in execution before For yf in the tyme of their plotting vvhen as yet theyr desygnementes vvere not publyshed to the vvorld they had vnder the countenance of the kinge as vvel they might haue done gotten into their handes the tvvo sisters and dispatched some other fevv affaires before they had caused the yong Prince to die no doubt but in mans reason the vvhole designement had taken place and consequentlie it is to be presupposed that thes men being no fooles in their ovvn affaires vvil take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather vvil make al sure by striking vvhile the iron is hoat as our prouerbe vvarneth them LAVV It can not be denied in reason quoth the Lavvier but that they haue manie helpes of doing vvhat they list n 〈…〉 vnder the present fauour countenauÌ„ce authoritie of her Ma. vvhich they should not haue after her highnes discease vvhen ech man shal remain more at libertie for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute ptouided for vncertentie of the next successor and therfore I for my parte vvould rather counsail them to make much of her Ma. lyfe for after that they litle knovv vvhat may ensue ot befal their designementes GENTL They vvyl make the most therof quoth the GeÌ„tleman for their ovvn aduantage but after that vvhat is like to folovv the examples of Edvvard Richard the secoÌ„d as also of Henrie Edvvard the sixt doe sufficientlie for vvarne vs vvhos liues vvere prolonged vntil their deathes vvere thought more profitable to the conspirators not longer Her Ma. lyfe and â—eath to serue the conspirators turn And for the statute you speak of procured by them selues for establishing the incertaintie of the next true sucessor vvheras al our former statutes vvere vvount to be made for the declaration certentie of the same it is vvyth PROVISO as you knovv that it shal not endure longer then the lyfe of her Ma. that novv reigneth that is indeed no longer then vntil them selues be redie to place an other A proclamation vvyth halters For then no doubt but vve shal see a faire proclamation that my L. of Huntington is the onelie next heire vvith a bundle of halters to haÌ„g al such as shal dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same LAVV. At thes vvordes the olde Lavvyer stepped back as some vvhat astonied and began to make crosses Papistical â—lessing in the ayer after theyr fashyon vvherat vve laughed and then he said truelie my masters I had thought that no man had conceyued so euil imagination of this statute as my self but novv I perceiue The statute of coÌ„cealiÌ„g the heire apparent that I alone am not malitious For my ovvn parte I must confesse vnto you that as often as I reade ouer this statute or think of the same as by diuers occasions manie tymes I do I feele my self much greeued and afflicted in minde vpon feares vvhich I conceyue vvhat may be the end of this statute to our countrie and vvhat priuie meaning the chiefe procurers therof might haue for their ovvn driftes against the Realm and lyfe of her Ma. that novv reigneth And so much more it maketh me to doubt for Richard going tovvards HierusaleÌ„ begaÌ„ the custome by parlement as Polydore noteth Anno 10. of Rich. 2. to declare the next heire that in al our recordes of lavv you shal not finde to my remembraunce anie one example of such a deuise for concealing of the true inheritour but rather in all ages states and tymes especiallie from Richard the first dovvnevvard you shal finde statutes ordinaunces and prouisions for declaration and manifestation of the same as you haue vvel obserued and tovvched before And therfore this straunge nevv deuise must needes haue some straunge and vnaccustomed meaning God of his mercie graunt that it haue not some straunge and vnexpected euent In sight of al men this is alredie euident that The daunger of our countrie by coÌ„cealing the next heire neuer countrie in the vvorld vvas brought into more apparent daunger of vtter ruin then ours is at this daye by pretence of this statute For vvher as ther is no Gentleman so meane in the Realm that cannot giue a gesse more or lesse vvho shal be his next heire and his tennauntes soone coniecture vvhat manner of person shal be theyr next Lord in the title of our noble Crovvn vvherof al the rest dependeth nether is her Ma. permitted to knovv or saye vvho shal be her next successor nor her subiectes allovved to vnderstand or imagine vvho in right may be their future soueraigne An intollerable iniurie in a matter of so singular importaunce For alas vvhat should become of