we haue found to be almost needelesse Our great Ram-Goate was missing fifteene dayes in October and came home well againe and is yet well with vs. If the industry of men and presence of domesticall Cattle were applied to the good of this Countrey of New-found-land there would shortly arise iust cause of contentment to the inhabitants thereof Many of our Masters and Sea-faring men seeing our safetie and hearing what a milde winter we had and that no Ice had bin seene fleeting in any of the Bayes of this Countrey all this yeare notwithstanding that then met one hundred and fifty leagues off in the Sea great store of Ilands of Ice doe begin to be in loue with the Countrey and doe talke of comming to take land here to inhabit falling in the reckoning aswell of the commoditie that they may make by the banke fishing as by the husbandry of the Land besides the ordinary fishing At the Greene Bay where some of our Company were a fishing in Nouember they report there is great store of good grounds without woods and there is a thousand acres together which they say may be moâ—ed this yere There is great store of Deere whereof they saw some diuers times and twice they came within shot of them and the Greyhound who is lustie had a course but could not get vpon them But neerer vnto Cape Razo Reuonse and Trepasse there is great quantitie of open ground and Stagges It is most likely that all the Sackes will be departed out of England before the returne of this our Barke which shall not make any matter because I am now of opinion that nothing should be sent hither before the returne of the Ships from fishing For as concerning sending of Cattle it will be best that it be deferred vntill the next Spring And concerning Victuals in regard of the quantity we haue of it remaining of old together with that that is come now as with the dry fish that here we may be stored with I am in good hope there will not want any to last till this time twelue moneths And according to the victuals which shall be found at the end of the fishing the number of persons that shall remaine here all the next winter shall be fitted that there shall not want notwithstanding about Alhollantide or the beginning of December a Ship may be sent such a one as our Fleming was with Salt from Rochel for at any time of the winter Ships may as well goe and come hither as when they doe especially before Ianuary This Summer I purpose to see most places betweene Cape Rase Placentia and Bona vista and at the returne of the fishing Ships to entertaine a fit number of men to maintaine here the winter and to set ouer them and to take the care of all things here with your patience one Master William Colton a discreete yong man and my brother Philip Guy who haue wintered with me and haue promised me to vndertake this charge vntill my returne the next Spring or till it shall be otherwise disposed of by you and then together with such of the company as are willing to goe home and such others as are not fit longer to be entertained here I intend to take passage in the fishing Ships and so returne home And then betweene that and the Spring to be present to giue you more ample satisfaction in all things and to take such further resolution as the importance of the enterprise shall require wherein you shall finde me alwayes as ready as euer I haue bin to proceeds and goe forward God willing And because at my comming home it will be time enough for mee to lay before you mine opinion touching what is to be vndertaken the next yeare I will forbeare now to write of it because you should be the sooner aduertised of our welfare and because such of the Company as are sent home both for their owne good and that the vnprofitable expence of victuals and wages might coase I haue laden little or nothing backe that the said Company might the better be at ease in the hold Onely there is sent three hogsheads of Charcoles where Numero 1o. is they are of Burch no. 2o. is of Pine and Spruce no. 3o. is of Firre being the lightest wood yet it maketh good Coles and is vsed by our Smith I send them because you shall see the goodnesse of each kinde of Cole Also I send you an Hogshead of the Skinnes and Furres of such Beasts as haue bin taken here the particulers whereof appeare in the Bill of lading While I was writing I had newes of the Vineyard the Ship which you send to fishing to haue bin in company with another Ship that is arriued on this side of the Banke and that the Master intended to goe to Farillon or Fer-land God send her in safety So praying God for the prosperity of your Worships and the whole Company with hope that his diuine Maiestie which hath giuen vs so good a beginning will alwayes blesse our proceedings my dutie most humbly remembred I take my leaue Dated in Cupers Coue the sixteenth of May 1611. I haue also a Iournall of the winde and weather from the latter end of August 1611. till Iune 1612. written by Master William Colston and deliuered to Master Iohn Guy Gouernour of the English Colony in Newfoundland at his returne from England thither Iune the seuenth 1612. By which it appeareth that the weather was somewhat more intemperate then it had beene the yeare before but not intolerable nor perhaps so bad as we haue it sometims in England Their Dogges killed a Wolfe Otters Sables c. Captaine Easton a Pirat was troublesome to the English and terrible to the French there of whom I haue added this Letter for the Diarie of the weather and occurrents each day would be very tedious To Master IOHN SLANY Treasurer and others of the Councell and Company of the New-found-land Plantation the twenty nine of Iuly 1612. RIght Worshipfull by my last of the seuenteenth of Iune I wrote you of the estate then of all matters here by the Holland Ship which I hope is long since safely arriued together with Master Colston who hath I doubt not made by word of mouth full relation of all matters Because the proceedings of one Captaine Peter Easton a Pirate and his company since are most fit to be knowne before I touch our Plantation businesse you shall vnderstand what they haue bin vnto this time vntill the seuenteenth of this present the said Captaine Easton remained in Harbor de Grace there trimming and repairing his Shipping and commanding not onely the Carpenters of each Ship to doe his businesse but hath taken victuals munition and necessaries from euery Ship together with about one hundred men out of the Bay to man his Ships being now in number six He purposed to haue before he goeth as is said cut of the land fiue hundred men while he remained there
to yeelde her increase then that hillocke for you may take with your hands onely as much as you will to the filling of Bushels and Quarters That euening we cut sailes and ranne through the Passages in the night time Vpon Monday afternoone we made our selues to be not farre from Puerto rico and our desire was to beare in with it in the morning before day that by that meanes we might least of all be discouered For this cause therefore the Scout and the Anthony were sent before to make our landing place and that done to returne which was about midnight His Lordships greatest care was and had bin some dayes to set his men safely and well on land for he doubted not to make them a way if once they were landed without impeachment Himselfe therefore hauing commanded that Sir Iohn Barkley should come aboord with him tooke a Boate and wâ—nt himselfe no otherwise accompanied then with Sir Iohn and the Cocksons gyng to discouer a landing place Without long stay he returned againe so wet that he was forced to change his apparell but withall gaue present commandement that euery Captaine and Ship should put their men into Boates and that they should follow his bloudy colours which he would haue presently landed By eight of the clocke that tuesday being the sixt of Iune his Lordships regiment and most part of Sir Iohn Barkleys were landed which amounted neere to the number of a thousand men We began to march as soone as we could be brought into any order the forlorne hope drawne out which was led by Captaine Andrewes the Commander of his Lordships priuate Company which that day was brought vp in the the Battell by Captaine Powell Lieutenant Colonell of his Lordships regiment The way we marched was along the Sea side commonly on firme sometime on loose sand but yet it was a faire march for three leagues at the least till we met with a blacke-Moore who we hoped should haue bin our Guide and so he was willing to be but he neither spake good English nor good Spanish and besides was affrighted so that a great while he did mislead vs for through most vnpassable rocks and clifts he brought vs for betwixt the clifts where we stood and the Iland wherein the Towne stood there we saw an arme of the Sea in breadth not Calieuer shot but on the other side was a fort with fiue peece of great Ordnance and some though not many Musketeers for both the euening before they had discouered our Nauie and this morning our landing as we were sure by diuers Horsemen whom we saw come forth to view our strength Here there was offer made by some so to plant a number of Musketeers in these rockes as that they might beate them in the fort from their Ordnance this was thought possible and afterwards was done but now deferred because though we had no annoyance of the fort yet we knew not how to get ouer for the depth of the passage meerly vnknown and our Boats yet had not found any landing place neere the fort And while here we were at a flat bay euen at our wits end what course we might take to come to the Towne there was sent a Peece or two of great Ordnance but without any hurt from another fort which standeth vpon the narrowest part of the same arme of the Sea and was the onely passage that was vsed from the maine Iland where we were to the Iland where the Towne is Here the Nigro was so nething comforted and brought to the little wit he had at length with much adoe being made to vnderstand we tooke our selues to be out of the way because wee could not passe that way partly with threatning and partly with promises if he brought vs into a better way to the Town he began againe to leade and we to follow with as nimble mindes as weary bodies for we had marched from morning till now that it was euen in the edge of the euening but we would not be weary At length through many vntroden pathes or rather no pathes but such wodden holes as would haue taught the most proud body to stoope very humbly he brought vs into a beaten sandy way But for all this we were not neere the Bridge which must be passed and diuers euen of our leaders began after so long and troublesome a march to faint so that order was giuen to stay the Vantgard when it pleased God to helpe by one meane or other to as many Horses as kept vs from staying our march There might be seene a poore tyred Iade without Saddle or Bridle onely with a match in his mouth very welcome to them that commanded the best Horses of England But at length we ouercame the length of the way and euen to the Bridge were come but it was so late that that night we were out of hope to passe it being as we had great reason to thinke fortified against vs. Onely the Companies were commanded to keepe their guard till his Lordship in person with Sir Iohn Barkley went as quietly as they could to take view of the place which they found to be narrow and a long Cawse-way leading to a Bridge reaching from the one Iland to the other The Bridge they perceiued to be pulled vp and on the other banke was there a strong Barricado a little beyond which was a Fort with Ordnance But how much or what we could not learne nor by how many men it was held yet perceiued they it absolutely not to be passed but at a low water Our Mariners and Sea-men could say little to the ebbing and flowing in this Countrie and therefore the onely way to know the fit time of assault was to set a continuall watch to giue present information of the ebbe The meane time the Armie was led backe to repose themselues a while In a great Lawne we all sat or lay downe and with fresh water which the first Negro and another that was afterwards taken in this wood led our men to they refreshed themselues some had some Bread his Lordship was no niggard of that he had His lodging that night was his Target I lay at his head and to my remembrance neuer slept better In the morning two houres at least before day the allarum was giuen very quietly and was readily taken for we needed not but to shake our eares The Companies were streight ranged and euery man had forgotten how weary he had bin the last night so forward they were to be in seruice Euen betwixt his Lordship and Sir Iohn Barkeley there grew a little question whether of them should haue the point that day Sir Iohns answer was that his Lordship might command them all and therefore it was at his pleasure to haue or leaue the point but since it had pleased him to diuide the Armie into two Regiments and his Lordshippes Leaders had all the last day had the Point he
their eares I forbeare to mention vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof Moreouer hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers called Arrenne Topannawin Errewin Cowomma Poorakette Arroua Arretowenne Waoune Anape Aunime and Carapio whereof some he hath seene himselfe That it was twentie dayes iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marrawini which is inhabited by Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and some Yaios and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine and Champian ground with long grasse Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouerfals of water and many of them very dangerous of some of them I had experience the yeere before He proceeded no further at that present being vnprouided for so long a iourney supposing that it had beene neerer then he found it to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell and so returned backe in sixe dayes space intending better preparation for a second iourney but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death for shortly after hee was drowned by misfortune whereby we see that man determineth but God disposeth THe tenth day of September being Sunday I left the maine of Guiana and in my ship-boat stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore by reason of the shoales but as we passed ouer them we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea which verily had sunke our Boat if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread of Cassain Maix Pinas Platanas Potatoes and such like prouision wherewith our Boat was loden by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction and to bring vs safe vnto our ships When I came aboord we weighed anchor and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado and vpon the eighteenth day in the morning we arriued at Punta de Galea where wee found three English ships at anchor which was no small comfort vnto vs considering our great defects and wants One of these shippes was called the Diana belonging to Master Lâ—l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London The other two the Penelope and the Indeuour belonging to Master Hall a Merchant also of London We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske and to take fresh water during which time I was kindly intreated and feasted by the Merchants and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor so likewise did the Diana the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs but the winde shifting to the North-east inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed The twentie fiue we weighed againe and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea about three leagues This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth whereof there is such abundance that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries for it melteth not with the Sunne as other Pitch doth The twentie sixe day we stood along againe the winde being still contrarie and variable intermixt with many calmes and so continued vntill the second of October when we arriued at Port de Hispania Within two daies after our arriuall there Don Sanches de Mendosa the Teniente for that yeere with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs wee gaue them the best entertainment that our meanes the time and place would affoord and had much friendly conference together They told me that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men and had many others hurt and wounded whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there And they plainly confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day in hope to get some good Tobacco amongst the Spaniards who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words but in truth they had none good at that present for vs which we perceiuing departed thence vpon the seuenth day about one of the clocke in the morning leauing the other ships to attend their trade and stood away for the passages called Les sciot boccas de Drago and disembogued about eight of the clocke the same morning Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues and leauing the Ilands of Granado Saint Vincent Guadalupa and Monserate in our starboord side wee arriued there the twelfth day where we stopped to take in ballast and more water for our ships were very light In this Iland there is an hot Bath which as well for the reports that I haue heard as also for that I haue seene and found by experience I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie and that one of the same persons now or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames by whom the truth may be knowne if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein As for my owne experience although it was not much yet the effects that I found it worke both in my selfe and others of my company in two daies space doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it For at my comming thither I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough which I much feared would turne me to great harme but by bathing in the Bath and drinking of the water I was speedily cured and euer since that time I haue found the state of my body I giue God thankes for it farre exceeding what it was before in strength and health Moreouer one of my company named Iohn Huntbatch seruant to my brother as he was making a fire burned his hand with Gunpowder and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers which were shrunke vp with the fire but he went presently to the Bath and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein which soopled his fingers in such manner that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twenty foure houres by twice or thrice washing and bathing it the sorenesse thereof was cured onely the eye-sore for the time remained Furthermore two or three other of my company hauing swellings in their legs were by the Bath cured in a day Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October in the afternoone and leauing the Ilands of Saint Christopher Saint Martin and Anguilla on the
torment and paine which is such that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person §. III. THARLTONS treacherie Discouerie of Land vnknowne Entrance of the Straits accidents therein and description thereof diuers occasionall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge IN our Nauigation towards the Straits by our obseruation we found that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards In the height of the Riuer of Plate we being some fiftie leagues off the coast a storme tooke vs Southerly which endured fortie eight houres In the first day about the going downe of the Sunne Robert Tharlton Master of the Francie bare vp before the winde without giuing vs any token or signe that she was in distresse We seeing her to continue her course bare vp after her and the night comming on we carried our light but she neuer answered vs for they kept their course directly for England which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs to discouer any danger to seeke out roades and anchoring to helpe our watering and refreshing as also for the victuals necessaries and men which they carried away with them which though they were not many yet with their helpe in our fight we had taken the Vice-admirall the first time shee bourded with vs as shall be hereafter manifested For once we cleered her Decke and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men doubtlesse we had done with her what we would for she had no close fights Moreouer if she had beene with me I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Peâ—ew But I was worthy to be deceiued that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite and a man which had left his Generall before in the like occasion and in the selfe same place for being with Master Thomas Candish Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died this Captaine being aboord the Admirall in the night time forsocke his Fleete his Generall and Captaine and returned home Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pâ—lâ—er and steale as well by taking of some prize when they are alone and without command to hinder or order their bad proceedings as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe casting the fault if they bee called to account vpon some poore and vnknowne MarineÌ„rs whom they suffer with a little pillage to absent themselues the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders and Robberies The storme ceasing and being out of all hope wee set saile and went on our course During this storme certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes soared about vs and the winde calming setled themselues in the Sea and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship which I perceiuing and desirous to see of them because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me and with a piece of a Pilehard I baâ—ted the Hooke and a foot from it tied a piece of Corke that it might not sinke deepe and threw it into the Sâ—a which our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs and one of the Fowles beeing hungry presently seized vpon it and the Hooke in his vpper beake It is like to a Faulcons bill but that the point is moore crooked in that manner as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe except that the Line brake or the Hooke righted Plucking him towards the ship with the wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope and seized on his neck and wings but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions as both left their hand fast beeing beaten blacke and blue we cast a snare about his necke and so triced him into the ship By the same manner of fishing we caught so many of them as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day Their bodies were great but of little flesh and tender in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed They were of two colours some white some grey they had three ioynts in each wing and from the point of one wing to the point of the other both stretched out was aboue two fathomes The wind continued good with vs till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took vs Westerly being as we made our account some fifty leagues from the shoare Betwixâ— 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian a good Harbour and in which a man may graue his shippe though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water But care is to bee had of the people called Patagones They are treacherous and of great stature most giue them the name of Gâ—ants The second of February about nine of the clocke in the morning wee descried land which bare South-west of vs which we looked not for so timely and comming neerer and neerer vnto it by the lying wee could not coniecture what Land it should be for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees and no Plat nor Sea-card which we had made mention of any Land which lay in that manner neere about that height In fine wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following In which time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold and made small shew of dangers The land is a goodly Champion Countrey and peopled wee saw many fires but could not come to speake with the people for the time of the yeere was farre spent to shoote the Straits and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road not being discretion with a ship of charge and in an vnknowne Coast to come neere the shoare before it was founded which were causes together with the change of the winde good for vs to passe the Strait that hindered the further Discouery of this Land with its secrets This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey It hath great Riuers of fresh waters for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places as we ranne alongst it It is not Moâ—ntaynous but much of the disposition of England and as temperate The things we noted principally on the Coast are these following the Westermost point of the Land with which wee first fell is the end of the Land to the Westwards as wee found afterwards If a man bring this
almost couered with leaues yet by the speciall prouidence of God none of them either hit or hurt vs. On Munday we found a very good Harbour for our shipping we marched also into the Land and found diuers corne Fields and little running Brookes a place verie good for scituation so we returned to our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people which did much comfort their hearts This Harbour is a Bay greater then Cape Cod compassed with a goodly Land and in the Bay two fine Ilands vninhabited wherein are nothing but Woods Okes Pines Wal-nut Beech Sasifras Vines and other Trees which we know not This Bay is a most hopefull place innumerable store of Fowle and excellent good and cannot but be of Fish in their seasons Skote Cod Turbot and Herring we haue tasted of abundance of Mufles the greatest and best that euer we saw Crabs and Lobsters in their time infinite It is in fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke The eighteenth we went along the Coast in the Woods some seuen or eight mile but saw not an Indian nor an Indian house onely we found where formerly had beene some Inhabitants and where they had planted their Corne wee found not any Nauigable Riuer but foure or fiue small running Brookes of very fresh water that all run into the Sea The Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth excellent blacke mould and fat in some places two or three great Okes but not very thicke Pines Walnuts Beech Ash Birch Hasell Holley Asp Sasifras in abundance and Vines euery where Cherry-trees Plum-trees and many other which we know not many kinds of Hearbs we found here in Winter as Strawberry leaues innumerable Sorrell Yarow Caruell Brook-lime Liver-wort Water-cresses great store of Leeks and Onyons and an excellent strong kind of Flax and Hempe Here is Sand Grauell and excellent Clay no better in the World excellent for Pots and will wash like Sope and great store of Stone though somewhat soft and the best water that euer we drunke and the Brookes now begin to be full of Fish that night many being weary with marching we went aboord againe The nineteenth of December after our landing and viewing of the places so well as we could we came to a conclusion by most voyces to set on the Maine Land on the first place on an high ground where there is a great deale of Land cleered and hath beene planted with Corne three or foure yeeres agoe and there is a very sweet Brook runs vnder the Hill side and many delicate Springs of as good water as can be drunke and where wee may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well and in this Brooke is much good Fish in their seasons On the further side of the Riuer also much Corne ground cleered in one Field is a great Hill on which wee point to make a plat-forme and plant our Ordnance which will command all round about from thence we may see into the Bay and far into the Sea and we may see thence Cape Cod. Saturday the three and twentieth so many of vs as could went on shore felled and carried timber to prouide themselues stuffe for building Munday the fiue and twentieth wee went on shoare some to fell timber some to sawe some to riue and some to carry so no man rested all that day Munday the fiue and twentieth being Christmasse day we began to drinke water aboord but at night the Master caused vs to haue some Beer and so on boord we had diuers times now then some Beere but on shoare none at all Wee tooke notice how many Families they were willing all single men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Family as they thought fit that so wee might build fewer houses which was done and we reduced them to nineteene Families to greater Families we allotted larger plots to euery person halfe a Pole in breadth and three in length and so Lots were cast where euery man should lie which was done and staked out we thought this proportion was large enough at the first for Houses and Gardens to impale them round considering the weakenesse of our people many of them growing ill with colds for our former Discoueries in frost and stormes and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weaknesse amongst vs which increased euery day more and more and after was the cause of many of our deaths Friday and Saturday wee fitted our selues for our labour but our people on shoare were much troubled and discouraged with rayne and wet that day being very stormy and cold wee saw great smoakes of fire made by the Indians about six or seuen miles from vs as wee coâ—iectured Thursday the fourth of Ianuarie Captaine Miles Standish with foure or fiue more went to see if they could meete with any of the Sauages in that place where the fires was made they went to some of their houses but not lately inhabited yet could they not meet with any as they came home they shot at an Eagle and killed her which was excellent meat It was hardly to be discerned from Mutton Tuesday the ninth of Ianury was a reasonable faire day and wee went to labour that day in the building of our Towne in two rowes of houses for more safetie wee diuided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our Towne After the proportion formerly allotted we agreed that euery man should build his owne house thinking by that course men would make more hast then working in common the common house in which for the first we made our Rendeuous being neere finished wanting only couering it being about twentie foot square some should make morter and some gather thatch so that in foure daies halfe of it was thatched frost and foule weather hindered vs much this time of the yeare seldome could we worke halfe the weeke On the twelfth day Iohn Goodman and Peter Browne at dinner time tooke their meat in their hands and would go walke and refresh themselues so going a little off they find a Lake of water and hauing a great Mastiffe bitch with them and a Spannell by the water side they found a great Dâ—ere the Dogs chased him and they followed sofar as they lost themselues and could not find the way backe they wandred all that afternoone being wet and at night did freeze and snow they were slenderly apparelled and had no weapons but each one his Cicle nor any victualls they ranged vp and downe and could finde none of the Sauages habitations When it drew to night they were much perplexed for they could find neither harbour nor meat but in frost and snow were forced to make the Earth their bed and the Element their couering and another thing did very much terrifie them they heard as they thought two Lions roaring exceedingly for a long time together and a third that they thought was very neere them so not knowing what to doe they resolued to climbe vp into a Tree
the ninteenth of May the colour of the Sea began sensibly to alter that whereas before it was of a cleere azure it then began to incline to a deepe blacke We were that day a hundreth and sixtie leagues or thereabouts from the West Indies and held our selues so certainly in the height of Dominica that wee runne a due Westerly course It is not vnlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time And in such a course wherein besides the great difference of Cardes a man must bee forced to trust to a dead reckoning this may bee some helpe to a heedfull man Vpon Sunday in the euening his Lordship directed the Master to runne that night with an easie saile because he tooke himselfe neerer land then most of the Mariners would consent to being himselfe the first that both spyed and cryed land they were but few that did assent at the first some desired it so much that they durst not let themselues be ouer credulous others happily would haue had themselues the first discryers but his Lordship still made it land Wee set saile for the land and within two houres it was made to bee Matinino Leauing it therefore on the larboard side wee stood for Dominica and within an houre or thereabouts had it in kenning §. II. Description of Dominica and the Virgines Their landing on Port Ricco march fights and taking the Towne BY two in the afternoone wee were come so neere aboard the shoare that wee were met with many Canoes manned with men wholly naked sauing that they had chaines and bracelets and some bodkins in their eares or some strap in their nostrils or lips the cause of their comming was to exchange their Tabacco Pinos Plantins Potatoes and Pepper with any trifle if it were gawdie They were at the first suspicious that wee were Spaniards or Frenchmen but being assured that wee were English they came willingly aboard They are men of good proportion strong and straight limmed but few of them tall their wits able to direct them to things bodily profitable Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth but containing one man yet in some are seene two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder They are of diuers length some for three or foure men that sit in reasonable distance and in some of them eight or nine persons a rowe Besides their Merchandise for exchange euery one hath commonly his Bowe and Arrowes they speake some Spanish words they haue Wickers platted something like a broad shield to defend the raine they that want these vse a very broad leafe to that purpose they prouide shelter against the raine because it washeth of their red painting laid so on that if you touch it you shall finde it on your fingers That night hauing with much a doe found land within a quarter of a mile of the shore we ankored for that night onely for though there were a good watering place and a very sweete riueret fast by vs yet his Lordship ment to way ankor the next morning and to beare in to another watering place wherewithall we certainly looked for a hot Bathe Their Oares wherewith they rowe are not laid in bankes as Ship-boates haue but are made like a long Battledoore sauing that their palmes are much longer then broade growing into a sharpe point with a rising in the middest of them a good way very like they are to blades of bigge Westerne Daggers that are now made with grauing The shankes of these Oares are of equall bignesse and at the top crosset like a lame mans crutch These they vse alwayes with both their hands but indifferently as they finde cause to steere this way or that way The next morning wee bore in to the North-west end of the Iland where we found a goodly Bay able to receiue a greater Nauie then hath beene together in the memorie of this age There his Lordship found the hote Bathe fast by the side of a very fine Riuer The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kingsbathe at the Citie of Bathe in England and within three or foure yards runneth into the Riuer which within a stones cast disburdeneth it selfe into the Sea Here our sicke men specially found good refreshing In this place his Lordship staied some six dayes in watering the whole Fleete which in that time was all come sauing the Frigat one of the blacke Pinnaces and one of the Flemmings which we hoped to be before vs for they haue directions It was held conuenient here to take a Muster of our companies and something better to acqâ—aint euery one with his owne colours but the weather was so extreamely foule that in three or foure dayes spent to this purpose there could be nothing done Vpon Wednesday therefore being the last of May it was resolued to stay no longer there but to come againe to ankor at the Uirgines and there bestow one day in training our men For that was our way to Saint Iohn de Puertorico whether his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to goe first of all By this time for his Lordship would not haue any thing done in that foule weather the other blacke Pinnace was taken down for a long Boate to serue for the more conuenient landing of our men That euening and the next morning all our men were brought aboord and on thursday night our sailes were cut for the Virgines To describe this Iland it heth North-west and South-east the soile is very fat euen in the most neglected places matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich blacke molde so Mountainous certaine in the places where we came neere the Sea-coasts that the Vallies may better be called Pits then Plaines and withall so vnpassably wooddie that it is maruailous how those naked soules can be able to pull themselues through them without renting their naturall cloathes Some speake of more easie passages in the Inland of the Iland which make it probable that they leaue those skirts and edges of their Countrie thus of purpose for a wall of defence These Hils are apparelled with very goodly greene Trees of many sorts The tallnesse of these vnrequested Trees make the hils seeme more hilly then of themselues happily they are for they grow so like good children of some happy ciuill body without enuie or oppression as that they looke like a proud meddow about Oxford when after some irruption Tems is againe cooched low within his owne banks leauing the earths Mantle more ruggie and flakie then otherwise it would haue bin yea so much seeme these natural children delighted with equalitie and withall with multiplication that hauing growne to a definite stature without desire of ouertopping others they willingly let downe their boughes which being come to the earth againe take roote as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors and yet they doe continually maintaine themselues in a greene-good liking
and rage as none could say it stole vpon vs vnawares For I am out of doubt that I had neuer heard any winde so high One of our Bonnets had beene taken in in the euening and the other was rent off with the furie of the storme And thus for our mayne-top saile was taken in and the top-mast taken downe bearing onely a bare corse of each if the ship had not beene exceeding strongly sided shee could not haue indured so rough weather For oftentimes the Sea would ship in waues into her of three or foure Tunne of water which the ship being leakie within board falling often was as much as both the pumps were able to cast out againe though they went continually all night and till noone the next day were neuer throughly suckt so that if any leake had sprung vpon vs vnder water it could not haue beene chosen but shee must haue foundered seeing the pumpes were hardly able to rid the water that was cast in aboue hatches The Missen-saile had beene in the euening well furled for the winde came vpon the starboard quarter and yet the storme had caught it and with such violence and furie rent it that with much adoe the Misseâ— yard was halled downe and so the quarter decke and poope saued from danger of renting vp All this was in the night which made it much more hidious specially in the fore-end of the night before the Moone got vp The winde continued in this excesse of violence till midnight and then abated hee something but then began the effect of his blowing to shew it selfe for then the Sea began to worke and swell farre higher then before His Lordships ship is a very goodly one and yet would shee bee as it were in a pit and round about vast mountaines of water so that a man might leaue out the rest of the verse and say onely vndique pontus For I protest besides that which was ouer our heads our prospect any other way was quickly determined with waues in my conscience higher then our mayne-top And that which is strangest round about vs for the Sea came vpon euery point of the Compasse so that the poore ship nor they that directed and cunned her could not tell how to cunne her to bee safe from the breaking of these vast waues vpon her This continued all night and though the winde fell by little and little yet the Sea was so light that all Saturday it was not quieted so that though out of a storme yet were wee still in a stormy Sea insomuch that our mayne-top mast was broken By Sanday we were come to haue reasonable weather and rather too little then too much wind And vpon Monday being the eleuenth of September wee were not much from a new calme which wee could not with much more patience haue endured then a good storme for then wee began to looke out for land and now to come so neere what so long wee had longed for After the storme the Admirall found himselfe all alone and so were we the most part of the next day but towards euening came the new Frigat to vs. And a sterne her there was a ship seene which within a day or two afterward the Samson came and told vs was her selfe With day the fifteenth of September we had the South-west side of it in sight and bore in therewith till noone His Lordship had no meaning to make any forcible attempt against it nor to stay longer then to take in some fresh victuals for which purpose hee sent the Boat off with an old Portugall and an African of Mozambique who bearing a flagge of truce should giue the Ilanders to vnderstand what his Lordships pleasure was that if they would let him haue things for his money he would not vse them worse then in former times they had had experience of him Withall he gaue the Boat commandement that shee should bring him answere to the East North-east side of the Iland where he meant to come to anchor and tarry for the newes they could learne either English or Spanish This stay in hoysing the Boat out gaue the Samson time to get a head vs and within awhile shee was at anchor When behold at the opening of the Point first there came one saile then two and then three sailes and within a little the fourth was seene it was not at first knowne what these might be yet because the Samson being much neerer made no haste to weigh we thought shee made them to be friends And within awhile we perceiued them to haue pendents in their fore-top-mast heads this put vs out of doubt that they were of our owne fleet For his Lordship at his departure from Puerto Rico had giuen them direction that euery ship should so beare a pendent for a marke to be knowne of their friends and which would make straâ—gers neuer a whit the wiâ—er These foure were the Merchant the Ascention the Consent and the Pegasus which by and by came to an anchor with vs. Now were wee growne a prettie strong fleet againe either part receiuing new strength of other each hauing formerly lost their owne For the storme had scattered Sir Iohns companie as well as ours though it should seeme not to haue beene altogether so great with them as vs. Of Sir Iohns we had not yet the Gallion the Alcedo the Centurion the Anthonie the Kesar and the Doue which were the Flemmings The first newes that the Boat brought vs made these though friends yet more welcome if that might be For the Boat hauing told his Lordship that they could not be suffered to land yet had promise that his Lordship should haue any thing that the Iland would affoord Mary said they we are ill prouided by reason of the Kings men of warre nine and twentie of them haue within these few dayes beene here and taken almost all our prouisions for they were great ships and full of gallants fiue of them being the fiue Caracks that should this yeere haue gone for the East Indies but being by the Condes lying on the Coast kept in till it was too late for them to haue any hopefull passage they were of Merchants made men of Warre and with the rest or rather the rest with them were sent to these Ilands to waft the Caracks which were looked for at home this yeere But the Caracks said they of Flores were gone by before their comming hither for the safetie whereof they had commandement to stay if need were till the end of this moneth Whither this Armada was gone they said they knew not nor whither it would returne but the very last day a great Gallion was within kenning These newes as they gaue great cause of circumspection and care not to meet with them whom we could not doubt to be too strong for vs and therefore made vs wish they were finally gone from the Ilands so on the other side if knowing that the Caracks were passed if yet
to sort such a number withall Now you shall vnderstand that in the night the Portugals had hailed the Shippes hard afore the Towne the Riuer where the Towne stood was not aboue a Bird-bolt-shot ouer and halfe a mile from the Towne where the Shippes rode the night wee came in they had new cast vp two small trenches on each side the Riuer one where they had planted some two small bases a peece vpon an hill Right ouer them were thicke woods and great rockes so that if any were possessed of them they might but tumble stones downe and beate away 1000. men The trench on the Wester-side of the Riuer shot at our Boats once or twice vpon that they began to thinke with themselues what to doe Captaine Morgan affirming the place to be verie narrow and that they could not well passe it without danger considering the many men in their Boats and also the charge which I had giuen was such if they saw any danger they should presently repaire aboord and certifie me and not to passe any further till they had vnderstood my further determination This Master Morgan made knowne amongst them whereupon some of the harebraine Sailers began to sweare that they neuer thought other but that he was a coward and now he will shew it that durst not land vpon a bable ditch as they tearmed it Vpon this the gentleman was very much moned and answeswered them that they should finde him to be none such as they accounted him and that come what could happen him he would land Vpon this in they put the Boats betweene the two sconses that on the Easter-side they had not seene and the Boats being hard vpon it were shot at and in the biggest Boat they hurt two and killed one with that shot Vpon this they determined that the smallest Boate with their company should land on the Wester-side and the other to land on the Easter-side The small Boate landed first and that place hauing but few in it they being not able to defend themselues ranne away so that our men entred peaceably without hurt of any The other Boate drawing much water was aground before they came neere the shoare so as they that landed were faine to wade aboue knee high in water Now the place or Sconse was in height some ten foote made of stone Captaine Morgan more resolutely then discreetely scaled the wall and ten more with him which went out of the Boate together Then the Indians and Portugals shewed themselues and with great stones from ouer the trench killed Morgan and fiue more and the rest of them being sore hurt retired to the Boate which by this time was so filled with Indian arrowes as of 45. men being in the Boate there escaped not eight of them vnhurt some hauing three arrowes sticking in them some two and there was none which escaped without wound The furie of those arrowes comming so thicke and so many of them being spoiled they put the Boat from the shoare leauing the rest on land a spoile for the Indians By this time there came two Boates full of lustie Portugals and some Spaniards who knowing the sconse on the Wester-side to be weakely manned came with their Boates to the forts side one of them ran ashoare which was fullest of men then our men let flye their Muskets at them and spoiled and killed all that were in that Boate. The others seeing their fellowes speede so ill rowed backe againe with all their force and got the Town againe In this meane time the great Boat being gotten of they called to them in the Sconse and willed them to forsake the Fort and to come and helpe them for they told them that all their men were spoiled slaine Vpon this they strait came out of the Sconse againe and retired to their Boat who rushing in all together into the Boat she came on ground so that off they could not get her but some must goe out of her againe tenne of the Iustiest men went out and by that time the Indians were come downe into the Fort againe and shot at our men They which were a land perceiuing the arrowes flye among them ranne againe to the Forts side and shot in at the lower hold with their Muskets By this the Boat was got of and one that was the Master of the Roe-bucke a most cowardly villaine that euer was borne of a woman caused them in the Boat to rowe away and so left those braue men a spoile for the Portugals yet they waded vp to the necks in the water to them but those mercilesse villaines in the Boate would haue no pitty on them Their excuse was that the Boat was so full of water that had they come in she would haue sunke with all them in her thus vilely were those poore men lost By this time they which were landed on the other side the great Boate not being able to rowe neere the shoare to relieue them were killed with stones by the Indians being thus wilfully and vndiscreetely spoiled which you may well perceiue if you looke into their landing especially in such a place as they could not escape killing with stones They returned aboord againe hauing lost fiue and twenty men whereof tenne of them were left ashoare in such sort as I haue shewed you When the Boates came to the Shippes side there were not eight men in the biggest Boate which were not most grieuously wounded I demanded of them the cause of their mishappes and how they durst land considering my strait commandement to the contrarie they answered mee that there was no fault in Captaine Morgan but the greatest occasion of all this spoile to them happened vpon a controuersie betweene the Captaine and those Souldiers that landed with him and were killed at the Fort for their ill speeches and vrging of Captaine Morgan was the cause that hee landed contrary to my commandement and vpon such a place as they all confessed fortie men were sufficient to spoile fiue hundred I leaue it to your selfe to iudge what a sight it was to mee to see so many of my best men thus wilfully spoiled hauing not left in my Shippe fiftie sound men so as wee were no more then able to waye our Ankers which the next morning wee did and finding it calme wee were constrained to come to an Anker againe for my onely intention was to get out of that bad roade and to put of into the Sea and there to determine what to doe for that place was not for vs to tarrie in for the roade was so bad as wee were not able to helpe our selues with a Boates loading of fresh water whereof wee stood in no small want In this dayes stay in the Roade I comforted these distressed poore men what I might and found most of their desires to returne againe into England I let them vnderstand how wee would goe backe againe to the Iland of Saint Sebastian and
contrarie winde blue with such a storme that perforce I was driuen vpon an Iland so full of Rocks that my Boat was broken all in peeces and my selfe all cut and bruised with the Rocks Getting to the shoare vpon this Iland I remayned three dayes without meat or meanes to get away from the Iland the Indians that landed vpon the Iland where we were a fishing got to the Towne and told the Gouernour how I had beguiled them Presently vpon that newes the Gouernour sent two Canoas to descrie the ships these Canoas came on shoare at the Iland where I was and there they found me almost starued and all my face hurt beaten vpon the Rocks From this place they went to the Iland of San Sebastian and Master Hawkins was gone then they returned againe to the Riuer of Ianero and I was brought bound with my hands behind me all the Towne rayled at me calling me Run-away then I was brought before the Gouernour and he looking very angerly vpon me sent me to prison where I was vsed like a Dogge for the space of a fortnight for I lay on the ground and had no meat giuen me but Cassaui meale and water After I had endured this miserie I was condemned to be hanged for a Run-away and a Lutheran and as I was going by the Colledge of Iesus all the Friars of the Colledge came forth with a great Crucifix and falling on their knees before the Gouernour they craued pardon for me and I was carried againe to prison where I remayned three dayes longer then I was brought forth on a Market day with my hands and feet bound and there in publike beaten with cordes that I had not a whole spot of skin on all my body After they had punished mee as you haue heard I was commanded to be put againe in prison where I was for the space of a fortnight with no meate but Cassaui meale and water my lodging was the earth my body was all bruised and full of wormes with lying on the ground After this the Gouernour commanded great hoopes of Iron to bee clinched to my legge of thirtie pound weight the which I carried nine moneths continually working in the Sugar mill like a bond-slaue The Factor vsed me more like a Dogge then a Man for his hatred was so much to me and to all strangers that I neuer came by him but I was sure of blowes Now was my life so intolerable that I grew desperate and carelesse what I did to end my life Many times I would tell the Gouernour â—ow like a Tyrant the Factor vsed me but for all that he saw my body black and bruised with blowes he had no compassion on me I had no meanes nor hope of any release of my miserable life but to kill the Factor Now occasion came fitly to execute my pretence and it happened thus I comming in the night with a Barke laden with Sugar canes after the Baâ—ke was vnladen the night being cold I lay vpon the boards before the Fâ—rnaces and had not rested halfe an houre when the Factor came into the Sugar house so finding me asleepe as you haue heard hee strooke mee with a withe on the naked ribs with such force that I thought hee had broken all the bones of my body I started vp and seeing him before mee readie to second his malice with another blowe I embraced him in mine armes and with a great knife that I had I hurt him in the side the backe and the arme hee cryed out I had slaine him I thinking no lesse ran away into the chiefest of the wood and the fauourable night being darke no man knew which way to follow mee When day came I went wandring vp and downe praying to God to send some Leopard or Lion to deuoure mee rather then to bee taken againe by the Portugals for I knew if the Gouernour once got mee againe I should endure the most extreame torture that euer was inuented for man Wandring in the Wildernesse I did heare a great noise of people then I was amazed knowing not what to doe to saue my life sometimes I run like a mad man then would I sit downe and listen if I could heare any noise and which way soeuer I went I heard still the noise of people neerer me Thus seeing my selfe at the last cast I espyed a great Tree in which grew a thing of thick long leaues called by the Indians Carauala as bigge as the nest of an Eagle I got me into that hauing not beene there a quarter of an houre many Indians came to seeke mee and shot many times with their arrowes at the thing where I was when they saw that I did not stirre they went their wayes and I remayned all that day in the Tree the night following and the next day and night I came downe very weake for in two dayes I had eaten nothing then the night being darke I came to the Sea side so going along by the shoare side I espyed a Canoa drawne to shoare and hard by it on the ground lay three Sauages asleepe by them lay bowes arrowes and rootes with hookes to fish with of those things I tooke what I thought best and went along the Sea side till I came to a Point of the Iland where I found a Saâ—age asleepe vpon the sands when I had viewed him well I knew him to be one of my Masters slaues who killed one of his fellowes wherefore hee dâ—rst not goe home I tooke his bow and arrowes lying by him and awaked him when he saw me he began to lament and desired that I would not carry him home to my Master I answered him that my cause was ten times worse then his and desired him to tell mee if he knew any place whither wee might goe to saue both our liues and with that told him what had befallen me This Sauage was a great man in his Countrie his name was Quarasips iuca that is the yellow Sunne Neuer man found truer friendship of any then I did of him This Caniball and I after many discouâ—ses determined to swim from the Iland to the mayne When we had escaped the danger of passiâ—g the arme of the Sea at least two miles in breadth we both landed very feeble with the long being of our naked carkasses in the water Now wee are at the foot of the Mountaine called Paranapâ—acaâ—o a desart where many haue beene deuoured with Leopards Lions Crocodiles and Surococous and diuers other Serpents Notwithstanding all these fearfull inconueniences we chose rather to fall into the pawes of a Lion and the clawes of the Serpent then into the bloudie hands of the Portugall Seuen and thirtie dayes we two trauelled through this desart euery day we were in danger of our liues for we met many Leopards Lions and huge Serpents but God deliuered vs from them In this iourney we eate wilde Honie and Palmetos and a kinde
seethe the same iuice with their red Pepper whereby it becommeth holesome and if they will haue it sweete they will seethe it but ordinary if they will haue it sowre they will seethe it extraordinarily and vse it in manner of sawce and when they be sicke they eat the same and bread only The women also make drinke of this Cassaua bread which in their Language they call Arepapa by baking of it blacke dry and thinne then chewing it in their mouthes they put it into earthen pots narrow in the bottome and broad aboue contayning some a Firkin some a Kilderkin some a Barrell set in a small hole in the ground with fire about them Being well sod they put it out into great Iarres of Earth with narrow neckes and there it will woâ—ke a day and a night and keepe it foure or fiue dayes till it be stale and then gathering together an hundred and more they giue themselues to piping dancing and drinking They make drinke also of Cassaua vnchewed which is small and ordinary in their houses They vse also to make drinke of Potatos which they paire and stampe in a Morter being sod then putting water to it drinke it Before and after the sicknesse of our Captaine many of our men fell sicke some of Agues some of Floxes some of giddinesse in their heads whereby they would often fall downe which grew chiefly of the excessiue heate of the Sunne in the day and of the extreame dampe of the earth which would so moysten our Hamackas or Cotton beds wherein wee lay a yard from the ground that we were faine to imitate the Indians in making fires on both sides vnder them And for all that we could doe some nine of our company were dead before our ships arriuall Besides we were mightily vexed with a kinde of Worme which at first was like to a Flea and would creepe into the feet especially and vnder the nayles and would exceedingly torment vs the time it was in and more in the pulling out with a Pinne or needle if they were few But one of our men hauing his feete ouer-growne with them for want of hose and shooes was faine to submit himselfe to the Indians cure who tying one of his legges first with his feete vpward powred hot melted Waxe which is blacke vpon it and letting it lye vpon it till it was throughly cold they forcibly pulled it off and therewithall the Wormes came out sticking in the same seuen or eight hundred in number This man was named Iohn Nettleton a Dier of London which afterward was drowned In the middest of all these extremities our Captaines Interpretor which hee had threatned for his false demeanour in his Voyage to the Marraios before mentioned gaue counsell to his Master named Anaccauri an ancient Captaine among them to make a motion among the Indians at their next meeting to say it is the best way for vs now to make an end of them while they are sicke either by staruing or otherwise For when the ship commeth hee will kill vs for keeping him without victuals now This motion being made at their meeting which was in Carisaua his house and among his and Martins kinred which then remayned pledges for our mens safetie in England their wiues hearing the Interpretors Master Anaccauri broaching this matter ranne furiously vpon him and tare his clothes such as hee wore from him and mightily beate him the other of their kindred keeping those Indians off from the women which would haue taken his part Some of our owne men lying at the next house where this was done inquired of an Indian which owed this Anaccauri a grudge what the cause was of the said tumult who imparted the whole truth vnto them Our men comming suddenly to the Captaine acquainted him with the whole matter who suddenly bethought himselfe and sent for all his men that were neere him and for Eperiago and Pluainma an Indian that had beene in England which were two of the chiefest and caused him to send for his trayterous Interpretor which came bringing Hens drinke and bread Assoone as he came shewing what hee had heard requiring them to declare what wrong he had done them Who answered none Then said he this fellow meaning the Interpretor hath sought my life and therewith commanded his men to bind him hand and foot which done he dismissed them desiring them to returne the next morning In the meane time he caused his Prisoner to send for a Canowe to fetch three of his men which were vp in the Riuer who immediately did so Now hauing all his men together hee caused them to haue all their Furniture readie appointing one William Blake to see the same diligently fulfilled the watch carefully to be kept in the night and two to ward at the doores all day with their Furniture to take the Indians weapons out of their hands at their comming in at the doore This being ordayned the Indians came the next day to whome the Captaine said In regard that I haue beene so carefull to punish the wrongs done vnto you I would haue you readie to reuenge the wrongs done vnto mee who seemed very vnwilling to doe any farther Iustice esteeming his binding a sufficient punishment At the which the Captaine beeing very much vexed commanded the two foresaid Indian Captaines to depart charging them to send him in fish and other victuals for his company In the meane time he and the chiefe of his men consulting what course to take with the Malefactor they thought it best that hee should lye so bound vntill the next day being the third of his bondage and to send for the chiefe of the Indians and vpon confession of his fault and crauing pardon thereof to be dismissed before them Captaine Charles Leighs Letter to Sir Olaue Leigh his Brother MOst louing Brother I did write vnto you from Muggador where I stayed vntill the ninetâ—enth of Aprill and on the fourteenth of May I had first sight of Guiana in the mouth of the Riuer Amazones The two and twentieth I arriued praysed be God in safetie in the Riuer Caroleigh heretofore called Wyapoco and the same day I tooke possession of the Countrey in sight of the Indians The Indians which doe inhabit this Riuer are about one thousand fiue hundred men women and children and they are of three Nations viz. Yaioas Arwarkas and Sapayoas which beeing chased from other Riuers by the Caribes haue combined themselues together in this place for their better defence and are now at deadly warres with the Caribes After that I had stored my selfe with Bread and Roots sufficient vntill the Earth with Gods prouidence might yeeld me supply I did then send for the chiefe Captaine of the Yayoas aboord whom with gifts and good vsage I easily entreated to stay aboord my ship vntill such time as by his meanes I was prouided with all kind of Plants which their Gardens doe affoord yet all this while he
leaue and departed for that time I sent one of my companie with them to giue notice to Carasana and the rest of the Indians of Caripo that I had brought home their Country-man Martin whom they all thought to bee dead and another of their Nation also who had kindred and friends amongst them to desire him to come aboard my ship and to bring with him the principall Indians of Caripo that I might declare vnto them the cause of my comming into their Countrie and conferre with them of other matters intended for their good The next day I came into the Riuer of Wiapoco and anchored ouer against the Sandy Bay The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired and brought vs good siore of their Countrie prouision Carasana and one or two more of them were attyred in old clothes which they had gotten of certaine English men who by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh had traded there the yeere before the rest were all naked both men and women and this I obserued amongst them that although the better sort of men especially the Yaios doe couer their priuities by wearing ouer them a little peece of cotton cloth pretily wouen after their manner yet did I neuer see any of their women couered in any part either aboue or beneath the waste albeit they daily conuersed amongst vs but were all as the plaine prouerb is euen starke belly naked At their comming aboard my ship first Carasana as the principall amongst them and after him the rest saluted and welcommed vs after their rude manner I vsed them with all curtesie and entertayned them as well as the straight roome would giue me leaue giuing them good store of Aquauitae which they loue exceedingly I presented to their view their two Countrimen Martin the Lord of their Towne and Anthonie Canabre who was a Christian and had liued in England fourteene yeers both which I had brought home vnto them when they beheld them and after salutations and some conference knew to bee the same persons whom they supposed had beene long since dead they expressed much ioy and contentment and vnderstanding from their owne mouthes how well I had vsed them they seemed to be better pleased with our comming and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrimen were ended I tooke them apart and thus declared the cause of my comming First I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their Countrie in the reigne of our late Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth when to free them from seruitude he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado burned their Towne tooke their Gouernour Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner deliuered fiue of the Indian Kings imprisoned and bound by the necke with collers of Iron and with great labour and perill discouered the Riuer of Orenoque and the Countries adioyning as farre as the Prouince of Aromaya the Countrie of Topiawary and the Riuer of Caroli beyond it And that their Countrimen called the Orenoqueponi who are the borderers of Orenoque did then most willingly submit and render themselues vnder the subiection of the late Queene all which they well remembred and said that Sir VValter Raleigh promised to haue returned againe vnto them long since Then I excused his not returning according to his promise by reason of other imployments of great importance imposed vpon him by the late Queene shewing them moreouer that when he could not for that cause returne himselfe hee sent Captaine Keymis to visit them and to bring him true intelligence of their estate supposing that hee had left no Spaniards behinde him at Trinidado of power to molest them to the end that reliefe and aide might bee prepared for them according to their necessities and oppression of their enemies Then I told them of the death of the late Queene whereby that businesse of theirs was againe hindered Moreouer I declared vnto them that our gracious Soueraigne Lord King Iames who now reigneth ouer vs being the onely right and lawfull Heire and Successor to the Crowne and Dignitie of the Realme of England after the death of the late Queene was throughout the whole Land proclaymed King of England and so comming to reigne ouer vs hath beene euer since busied in ordering the State and affaires of the Kingdome which being by his great wisedome setled in tranquillitie and peace like a good gracious and worthy King doth now permit his Subiects to trauell abroad into forraine Countries and Nations to aide and assist all such as are vniustly molested by their enemies Whereupon I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends hauing intelligence by some that had beene followers of Captaine Charles Lee who was a man well knowne amongst them and heretofore had taken possession of their Countrie to his Majesties vse and was planted diuers yeeres in Wiapoco where hee lyeth buried of the great variance and discord depending betweene them the allied Nations the Yaios Arwaccas Sappaios and Paragontos and their enemies the Charibes all inhabiting betweene the Riuers of Amazones and Dessequebe haue made a long and dangerous voyage into those parts to appease their dissentions and defend them against the Charibes or other enemies that shall molest or oppresse them and now being there arriued doe intend to make search in those Countries for conuenient places where such of our Nation as shall hereafter come to defend them may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturbe the quiet liuing of their Neighbours they may haue store of English friends at hand and amongst them that will not spare their paines to appease their discords nor their liues to defend them from harme When I had thus declared vnto them the cause of my comming they made this answere that with our comming they were well pleased but our number of men they thought too great that they wanted meanes to prouide vs bread sufficient for them all hauing but a small Towne few Gardens and slender prouision for their owne companies because since Captaine Lee his death and his mens departure from them they neuer made prouision for any strangers I replyed that albeit their Towne was small and their Gardens few for the grounds wherein they plant their Cassaui whereof they make their bread they call their Gardens yet their Countrie was full of Inhabitants and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread and was plentifully stored with other prouisions sufficient for a greater number which I desired might be weekely brought vnto vs as neede required for that I meant not to take it without recompence but would giue them for it such commodities as should well please them which they wanted as Axes Hatchets Kniues Beades Looking-glasses Iewes trumps and such like things wherein they most delight Then they desired to consult amongst themselues which I permitted and expected their answere
Frances Cooke of Dartmouth in a Uâ—yage outward bound for Brasil An. 1601. who sold the same to Master Hacket for twenty shillings by whose procurement it was translated out of Portugall into English which translation I haue compared with the written Originall and in many places supplied defects amended errours illustrated with notes and thus finished and furnished to the publike view Great losse had the Author of his worke and it not a little of his name which I should as willingly haue inserted as worthy much honour for his industrie by which the great and admirable workes of the Creator are made knowne the visible and various testimonies of his inuisible power and manifold wisedome Sic vos non vobis In this and other written tractates the Spaniards and the Portugals haue taken paines and which was denied to Spaine and Portugall England as here entred into their labours and hath reaped an English haruest of Spanish and Portugall seede Another Treatise was taken by the said Frances Cooke written more fairely but it seemeth with the same hand part of which I haue added for better knowledge both of the ciuill-vnciuill dealings of the Portugals with the Indians and of the vnchristian christianitie in their owne practise and conuersion of the Indians and that by Iesuiticall testimonie I may well adde this Iesuite to the English Voyages as being an English prize and captiue CHAP. I. A Treatise of Brasil written by a Portugall which had long liued there §. I. Of the beginning and originall of the Indians of Brasil and of their Customes Religions and Ceremonies IT seemeth that this people hath no knowledge of the beginning and creation of the world but of the deluge it seemeth they haue some notice but as they haue no writings nor characters such notice is obscure and confused for they say that the waters drowned all men and that one onely escaped vpon a Ianipata with a sister of his that was with childe and that from these two they haue their beginning and from thence began their multiplying and increase This people hath not any knowledge of their Creator noâ— of any thing of heauen nor if there be any paine nor glory after this life therefore they haue no oderation nor ceremonies nor diuine worship but they know that they haue soules and that they dye not and they say that the soules are conuerted into diuels and that after their death they goe to certaine fields where are many figge trees along by a faire Riuer and all together doe nothing but daunce This is the cause why they are gâ—tatly afraid of the Diuell whom they call Curupira Taguain Pigtangna Machchera Aâ—hanga and their feare of him is so great that onely with the imagination of him they dye as many times already it hath happened they worship it not not any other creature neither haue they Idols of any sort onely some old men doe say that in some waies they haue certaine Posts where they offer him some things for the feare they haue of them and because they would not die Sometimes the Diuels appeare vnto them though very seldome and among them are few possessed Thâ—y vse some witchcrafts and there are some Witches not because they beleeue in them or doe worship them but onely they giue themselues to the Chupar in their sicknesses seeming to them that they receiued their health but not because they doe think they haue any diuinity and they do it rather to receiue health then for any other respect There arise sometimes among them some Witches whom they call Caraiba and most commonly it is some Indian of a bad life this doth some witchcrafts and strange things to nature as to show that he raiseth some to life that makes himselfe dead and with these and other lâ—ke things he carrieth all the Countrie after him deceiuing and saying to them that they shall not cultiuate nor plant their Pulse and their prouision neither digge nor labour c. for with his comming the time is come that the Mattockes themselues shall digge of their owne accord and the Beasts goe to the fields and bring the prouision and with these falshoods he leades them so deluded and inchanted that not looking to their liues and to get their foode they die for hunger and these companies are diminished by litand little till the Caraiba remaineth alone or is murthered by them They haue no proper name to expresse God but they say the Tupan is the thunder and lightning and that this is he that gaue them the Mattocks and the foode and because they haue no other name more naturall and proper they call God Tupan There are mariages among them but there is a great doubt whether they be true as well because they haue many wiues as for the easie forsaking them for whatsoeuer quarrell anger or any other disgrace hapning among them but either true or not among them they were made in this sort No yong man did vse to marrie before he had taken an emenie and he continued a virgin till he tooke and slew him holding first his feasts for the space of two or three yeares the woman in like sort did not marrie nor know man till she had her tearmes after the which they made her great feasts at the time of the deliuerie of the woman they made great drinkings And the feast being ended the marriage remained perfect giuing a net cleane washt and after they were said the father tooke a wedge of stone and did cut vpon a post or stake then they say hee did cut the tailes from the grandchildren and therefore they were borne without them and after they were married they began to drinke for vntill then their fathers did not suffer them teaching them that they should drinke heedefully and should be considerate and wise in their speaking that the wine might doe them no hurt and that they should not speake bad things and then with a vessell the old ancient men did giue him the first wine and hold his head with their hands that he might not vomit for if he doth vomit they hold to themselues that he would not be valiant This people eateth at all times by night and by day and euerie houre and moment and when they haue any meate they keepe it no long time for they haue no prouidence for the future but presently they eate all that they haue and deuide it among their friends in sort that of one fish that they haue they diuide it to all and they hold for a great honour and gallantrie to be liberall and thereby they get great fame and honour and they hold for the greatest iniurie that they can doe them to hold them for niggards or call them so and when they haue nothing to eate they are very patient in hunger and thirst They haue no flesh or fish daies they eate all manner of flesh euen of vncleane creatures as Snakes Toades
herbe Tyroqui or Tareroqui is a principall remedie for the bloudie Fluxe the roots are all iagged the branches very slender the leaues are like Basill the flowers are red and draw somewhat to a ruddie colour and they growe in the very points Of this there is great abundance when it is gathered it is yellow and being dried it turneth white it is taken in the same manner that the former The Indians perfume themselues with this herbe when they are sicke that they may not die and for a certaine sicknesse that is common in the Countrie and it is called the sicknesse of the worme it is a great remedie it serueth to kill the worme in the Oxen and Swine and for Empostumes This herbe is as withered all night and as a sleepe and as soone as the Sunne riseth it openeth againe and shutteth againe when it is set The herbe Embeguacu serueth much for the Fluxe of bloud especially in women the roots are very long and some of thirtie or fortie fathome it hath a strong barke whereof very strong Cordes are made and Cables for ships and they are long lasting for in the water it waxetli greene This being taken to wit the barke of it and perfuming the partie in the place of the Fluxe it ceaseth presently Caa obetinga is a small herbe hath few leaues which it putteth forth euen from the ground white vnderneath and greene aboue beares a flower as big as a hasell Nut the roots and the leaues stamped are an excellent remedie for whatsoeuer wounds they vse the leafe also vnstamped which being laid to the wound cleaueth fast and healeth it Cobaura serueth for old sores that haue already no other remedie it is laid beaten and burnt in the wound and eateth presently all the Canker and bringeth a new skinne it is also laid to onely the leafe beaten to skinne the place The Holy herbe serueth for diuers diseases as wounds and coughs the rheume c. and principally it serueth for the sicke of the head the stomacke and for the shortnesse of breath or the Chine-cough In this Countrie they make certaine Coffines of Palme-tree leaues and being full of this herbe dried and setting it on fire at the one end they put the other in the mouth and drinke the smoake it is one of the delicates and dainties of this Countrie and all the Country-men and euen the Portugals are euen lost for it and it is their great vice to bee all day and all night laid in their Nets to drinke this smoake and are drunke with it as if it were with wine Guaraquimiya is the Mirtle tree of Portugall and besides other good properties that it hath like the Broome-rape the seed of it is the onely remedie for the Body-wormes and ordinarily they that eate it doe voide them presently Camaracatimbae is like to the Syluas of Portugall it is boyled in water and the said water is the onely remedy for scabbes the poxe and new wounds and when the wounds are cured with the leaues of the Fig-tree spoken of in the title of the Trees they wash it with the water of this herbe whose flower is most faire it seemeth a yellow and red Ielly-flower and smelleth of Muske and of these they make Pot-boughs and Nose-gayes for the Altars Aipo is the very Smaledge of Portugall and hath the vertues it is found onely about the Sea-coast especially in the Riuer of Ianuarie and for this cause it is sharper and not so sweet in the taste as that of Portugall it may be because of the Seas There is great store of Meade-mallow in this Country it hath the same effects it hath certaine flowers as big as a Tester of a very faire red that they seeme Roses of Portugall Caraguata is a certaine kinde of thistle they beare a certaine fruit of a finger long and yellow raw they make the lips to blister boiled or rosted they doe no harme but any woman with child that eateth them doth presently abort her childe ordinarily There bee other Caraguatas that beare certaine leaues like Flags very long of two or three fathoms and beare a certaine Hartichocke like the Nana but they taste not well these leaues laid in steepe doe yeeld a very fine Flaxe vnto the threed to sowe withall and for fishing lines Timbo are certaine wonderfull herbes that growe from the earth like a string vnto the highest top of the Mulberie trees where they are and some growe close to the tree like Iuie they are very strong and serue for bindings and some are as big as a mans leg and winde them neuer so hard they neuer breake the barke of these is very fine poison and serueth for a baite to kill the fish and it is so strong that in the Riuers wherein it is cast it leaueth not a fish aliue as farre as it hath his vertue and of these there be many sorts and profitable as well for binders as for to kill fishes Other herbes there be also that serue for medicines as are Sow-thistles Purcelane Beets Endiue Auenca Basill and of all there is great abundance though these herbes haue not the perfection of those of Spaine there want no wilde Mulberies white and blacke like those of Portugall and great store of good Parsley about the strands whereof a good conserue is made they want no Pot-flowers Of smelling herbes in this Countrie there are many Mintes or wilde Sage especially in Piratiniga they smell not so well as those of Portugall they haue also certaine French Mallowes with certaine faire and pleasant flowers which serue for Nosegaies Many Lillies there are not so fine not so red as those of the Kingdome and some white ones are also found There groweth here in the Spring an herbe that sleepeth and is like the Mayes of Portugall and as that doth wither and sleepe after Sun-set and when it riseth it openeth againe and sheweth her beautie the smell is somewhat strange There is also another tree that sleepeth in the same manner and beareth certaine fine flowers but they haue no great smell The Quicke herbe is of a good height and hath boughes and certaine iagged leaues of a pleasant greene it is called Quicke berbe because it is so quicke and sensible that as soone as it is touched with the hand or with any other thing presently it hangeth the head and withereth as if they had done it great iniurie and within a little while it commeth to his perfection and as many times it is touched it withereth and commeth againe to himselfe as before Many other herbes there be like Origanum and many other sundrie flowers but it seemeth that this Clymate either for the many waters or because of the Sunne infuseth no smell in the herbes rather it seemes to take it away In this Countrie are many sorts of Canes and Tacuara is as big as a mans thigh others which haue
is vsed These vexations and tyrannies are the cause that the Indians lose the patience which alwaies they haue had exceeding and doe kill some Portugals Now in the Maine of the Bay the Tapuyas a people which alwayes had great friendship with the Portugals and gaue them passage through their Countries and aide to bring the Indians abouesaid did rise with the deceits and lies of certaine Portugals that went thither with title of bringing Saltpeeter and killed some eighteene or twentie of them Some of the Maine of the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost did kill certaine Indians that certaine Mestizos did carrie with them going thither to play their accustomed prankes for within their owne houses they would haue killed them and the Mungrels escaped by flight and with this that people is alreadie an enemie of the Portugals The Maine of the Riuer of Ianuarie with such other lyes did reuolt being before our great friends and killed some Portugals hauing a little before a Father of the company gone thither at the request of the Inhabitors of the Citie and had beene sixe moneths with them confirming them in the friendship of the Portugals and preaching the faith vnto them and brought from diuers and remote places some 600. soules which now are Christians baptized almost all in their Towne with a Church made within the Riuer of Ianuarie which are great helpe for the defence of that Citie and they helpe euery one to doe their worke and many other remayning moued for to follow their Kinsmen with this reuolting all ceassed and so there as also in other places the gates vnto Conuersion are altogether shut vp To the Maine of the Bay twice the Fathers of the company haue gone at their owne cost with helpe of the Indians christened which doe teach to bring some people for to furnish the Churches which beginnes to diminish and to preach the Law of God vnto them And there they found of this Soule-lesse people that were in the Townes of the Indians as in their owne houses and the Fathers bringing some number of Indians which came from verie farre to become Christians These Portugals laboured by all meanes possible to disswade them Sometimes preaching to the Indians that the Fathers brought them deceiued and that heere they would take away their Customes as the drinking of their Wines their many Wiues and whip their children c. the which is an vse and custome among these pratlers for to discredit the Fathers Not being able to preuaile by this meanes they tooke another way and did contract with some other Indians of the principallest of those that remained there that they should sell them those which the Fathers carried giuing them great ransomes for them and with this they pretended to take them away perforce before their eies so that it was needfull the Fathers to bid the Indians to defend themselues and with this remedie they left them Others came to the high-waies and did steale them that the Fathers brought as one Mestizo which tooke some twentie and odde and transported them by another way taking wife and children brethren and all the Family from a principall Indian and left him alone because he was sore hurt in one foot and was not able to goe With these iarrings of these men of this trade the Indians know not whom to trust nor whom to beleeue and by the fame that they heare already of the vsage that is done here to theirs that come to the Sea For this cause a great principall Indian of the Mountaine of Rari that is from hence about two hundred leagues where now is the greatest force of people that escaped from the tyrannies sent hither a Sonne of his to see how it went and being true that which the Fathers had said that he should make heere some prouision for food sowing some grounds and to returne thither with some Father for him and for all his Family for to come and receiue the law of God The Sonne came and finding the truth and seeing the vsage that is done to theirs in the Sugar-workes and other labours of the Portugals he presently husbanded some grounds in one of the Townes of the Christians that are in protection and doctrine of the Fathers with a determination to goe and bring his Father as he commanded him Many other of this Fort did leaue their Fathers being mooued in that Mountaine but with feare of these assaults abouesaid they dare not come Likewise they haue here no grounds fitting for their maintenance for it is all occupied by the Portugals Besides this the Nation of the Tapuyas which haue diuers Languages doe not agree well in the Sea Coast for ordinarily they liue here of the Mountaine and in their owne Countrey they might haue the Euangelicall Law preached vnto them All the abouesaid well considered it seemed necessary that his Maiestie should forbid these aduenturings sending a commandement that none might goe thither without expresse warrant of his Maiestie vnder great penalties the which with effect might be executed and that neither the Gouernours might giue any licence for them seeing how they which carrie the said Licenses neuer kept nor will keep the order giuen them as aforesaid For all men know and say that if it be kept neuer will any Indian come from the Maine as vntill now none came but deceiued and this being so publicke and daily and not the fault of one or two particular men but a common vse of all the Countrey that it passeth before the eies of the Iustices neuer vntill this houre did the Gouernours forbid them rather past by it not punishing any of them that so brought them nor redressing the poore Indians These aduenturings taken away the Fathers would aduenture themselues to goe among them to preach the faith of Iesus Christ and make a Christianitie and in time Portugals or Spaniards might goe thither but such as were men of a good conscience with order from his Majestie that might inhabit and helpe in the conuersion and in this manner by the grace of God all that people would bee subject to the yoke of the faith and obedience of the King our Lord. The Indians that are brought from the Maine and are in the power of the Portugals and all that are by the Coast of Brasill as wel free as slaues haue no kind of doctrine by obligation that is imposed vpon them for neither Bishops nor Curates haue any care of it bearing themselues vpon the Fathers of the company and in thirty foure yeeres since that the company was sent to these parts by the King Don Iohn the third no Curate in all Brasill did euer say Masse in respect of the Indians or slaues borne in the Countrey only they baptize the children with their offerings and those that are already growne they need no more preparation then to bring them to be baptized without giuing them any other knowledge of
that I may once make an end I will yet describe two kindes which are monstrous in shape as those that art most The one which the Barbarians call Hay is of the bignesse of a Dog with an hanging bellie like a farrowing Sow with pigge of an ash-colour haire very much washed with a very long tayle hairy feet after the manner of a Beare and long clawes but as while it liueth in the Woods it is very fierce yet being taken it is very easily tamed But the naked Tououpinambaultij doe not willingly play with him because he hath both long and also sharpe clawes They say it liueth onely on aire The other whereof I am also to speake called by the Barbarians Coaty is of the height of an Hare with short and spotted haire little and sharpe eares both of a little head and also with an eminent snout from the eyes more then a foote long round like a walking-staffe suddenly decreasing at the end so that it is altogether of an equall thicknesse with so narrow a mouth that it can scarce receiue the little finger None may be found more monstrous afterward when this wilde beast is taken gathering her foure feet together shee bendeth her selfe to the one side or the other or falleth flat downe nor can shee euer bee raised nor compelled to eate vnlesse Ants be giuen her on which shee also feedeth in the Woods This Chapter also wherein I will intreate of Birds I thought good to beginne with those which are fit for the maintainance of mans life and by a generall name are called Oura by the Tououpinambaultij they haue great plentie of those Hennes vnto the which wee gaue the name from India and they call them Arginau-oussou from that time also since the Portugals liued among the Barbarians our Countrymen vsed to nourish Hennes called by them Arginau-miri And although as I haue else-where mentioned they esteeme the white ones very much that plucking off the feathers and dying them red they might clothe and decke themselues yet for the most part they abstain from hoth kinds as touching the eating of them Moreouer seeing they perswade themselues that the Egs which they call Arginau-ropia are as it were poison they were not only astonished if we supped Egs before them but also reprouing vs added moreouer that it was not to be suffered for while we preuented the hatching of ckickens we eate an Henne in an egge Therefore they are almost as carefull of their Hennes as of the Birds which liue in the Woods they suffer them to lay wheresoeuer they are disposed But the Hens in like manner bring home their chickens out of the briars and bushes so that the Americane women may be without trouble Together with the Hennes the Barbarians also nourish Indian Duckes at home they call them Upec But because the Tououpinambaultij are so superstitious that they thinke if they should eate so slow a creature they should get the same slownesse so that if the Enemies should assaile them they could not seeke their safetie by flight no man may easily perswade them to taste the least morsell of them and for that cause they abstaine from all those creatures which goe slowly and also from fishes as Raies or Thornebacke and others which cannot swimme swiftly As touching these Birds which liue in the woods they take them as great as Capons and those of three sorts which the Barbarians call Iacoutin Iacoupen and Iacou-ouassou They haue all blacke and ash-colour Feathers and come neere vnto the Pheasants in taste and I may truely affirme that no sweeter or more delicate meate can euer be eaten then those Iacoas are Besides there are two kindes of most exquisite and choice Birds which are named Mouton of the bignesse of Peacocks with the same Feathers which the former had and they are very seldome found Macacoua and Yuambou-ouassou are two kindes of Partridges of the bignesse of our Country Geese not much vnlike the taste of Mutton These three following haue one and the same taste almost Inambour-miri of the height of Partridges Pegassou Stockedoues and Paicacu the Turtle Doue But that I may briefly finish the discourse of Birds which are found in great plentie both in the Woods Riuers and also in the shoares I will come vnto those which are not so fit for foode Among the rest there are two kindes of the same bignesse which come neere to the greatnesse of a Rauen or Crow which as the rest of the American Birds haue crooked bils and talons as also Parrats in which number they might be reckoned As touching the Feathers as it is easily iudged I scarce thought that Birds of such excellent beautie were to be found in the whole world in the beholding wherof abundant matter offereth it selfe not as prophane men to commend nature but the creator and that it may manifestly appeare the first which the Barbarians call Arat hath the feathers in the traine and wings of a foote and a halfe long partly purple like vnto red and partly of a blew colour greatly shining to the which also the other parts of the body are correspondent When this Bird moueth in the Sunne where she very much abideth no man can euer be satisfied with her sight The other called Canide with the inferiour Feathers and those that are round about the necke shining of the colour of gold and those that couer the backe wings and traine of an excellent blew colour seeing they seeme to be vnder-laid with embrodered gold and ouer-laid with a Veluet Mantle aboue it causeth great admiration to the beholders But although these Birds be not domesticall yet they oftner build their nests in the tops of the trees which are in the middle of the Villages then in the woods whereby it commeth to passe that the Barbarians plucke their Feathers three or foure times in the yeare of the which Feathers they make Cappes Garments and Bracelets decke the handles of their clubbes and adorne their bodies I brought many such Feathers with me into France Three or foure sorts of Parrats are taken there the greatest and fairest whereof the Barbarians call Aiourous These haue the head intermingled with red yellow and violet colours the ends of the wings scarlet or crimson the taile which is very long yellow and the rest of the body greene very few such are brought vnto vs. A Woman in a certaine Village some foure miles distant from our Iland had brought vp one of this kinde which as if she had beene indued with reason conceiued those things which she was commanded As often as we went that way we presently heard the Mistresse of that Bird say will you giue me a Combe or a Looking-glasse and I will presently command my Parrat to sing and daunce before you If happily we granted her request the Parrat presently hearing certaine words of her Mistresse did not onely dance on the pearch
Indies vnder my Fathers charge and the principall cause of taking the great Carack brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow and the Earle of Cumberlands ships Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages To vs shee neuer brought but cost trouble and care Hauing made an estimate of the charge of Victuals Munition Imprests Sea-store and necessaries for the said ship consorting another of an hundred tunnes which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter with a Pinnace of sixtie tunnes all mine owne And for a competent number of men for them as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traffâ—cke in all places where we should come I began to wage men to buy all manner of victuals prouisions and to lade her with them and with all sorts of commodities which I could call to minde fitting and dispatched order to my seruant in Pilmouth to put in a readinesse my Pinnace as also to take vp certaine prouisions which are better cheape in those parts then in London as Beefe Porke Bisket and Sider The eight of Aprill 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sayle from Black-wall and to vaile downe to Graues-end whither that night I purposed to come And for that shee was very deepe loden and her Ports open the water beganne to enter in at them which no bodie hauing regard vnto thinking themselues safe in the Riuer it augmented in such manner as the weight of the water began to presse downe the side more then the winde At length when it was seene and the sheete flowne she could hardly be brought vpright But God was pleased that with the diligence and trauell of the Companie shee was freed of that danger whiâ—h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping euen before they set sayle either in Riuer or Harbour or other part to haue an eye to their Ports and to see those shut and calked which may cause danger for auoiding the many mishaps which daily chance for the neglect thereof and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs Experiments in the Great Harrie Admirall of England which was ouer-set and sunke at Portsmouth with her Captaine Carew and the most part of his companie drowned in a goodly Summers day with a little flaw of winde for that her Ports were all open and making a small hele by them entred their destruction where if they had beene shut no winde could â—aue hurt her especially in that place In the Riuer of Thames Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake in Santo Domingo Harbour turned her keele vpward likewise vpon the same occasion with many others which we neuer haue knowledge of Comming neere the South fore-land the winde began to vere to the South-east and by South so as we could not double the point of the Land and being close aboord the shoare and putting our ship to stay what with the chapping Sea and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe she mist staying and put vs in some danger before we could flat about therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is euer a short boord then to put all in perill Being cleere of the race of Portland the winde began to suffle with fogge and misling raine and forced vs to a short sayle which continued with vs three dayes the winde neuer vering one point nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge we met with a Barke of Dartmouth which came from Rochell and demanding of them if they had made any land answered that they had onely seene the Ediestone that morning which lieth thwart of the Sound of Plimouth and that Dartmouth as they thought bare off vs North North-east which seemed strange vnto vs for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth within two houres after the weather beganne to cleere vp and wee found our selues thwart of the Berry and might see the small Barque bearing into Torbay hauing ouer-shot her Port which errour often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather and vse not good diligence by sound by lying off the land and other circumstances to search the truth and is cause of the losse of many a ship and the sweete liues of multitudes of men That euening wee anchored in the range of Dartmouth till the floud was spent and the ebbe come wee set sayle againe And the next morning early being the sixe and twentieth of Aprill we harboured our selues in Plimouth And in this occasion I found by experience that one of the principall parts required in a Mariner that frequenteth our coastes of England is to cast his Tides and to knowe how they set from point to point with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shoare After the hurts by a cruell storme in which the Pinnace was sunke and the Daiaties Mast cut ouer-boord repaired I beganne to gather my companie aboord which occupied my good friends and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes and forced vs to search all lodgings Tauerns and Ale-houses For some would euer bee taking their leaue and neuer depart some drinke themselues so drunke that except they were carried aboord they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe others knowing the necessitie of the time faigned themselues sicke others to bee indebted to their Hosts and forced mee to ransome them one his Chest another his Sword another his Shirts another his Carde and Instruments for Sea And others to benefit themselues of the Imprest giuen them absented themselues making a lewd liuing in deceiuing all whose money they could lay hold of which is a scandall too rife amongst our Sea-men by it they committing three great offences First Robberie of the goods of another person Secondly Breach of their faith and promise Thirdly Hinderance with losse of time vnto the Voyage all being a common iniurie to the owners victuallers and companie which many times hath beene an vtter ouerthrow and vndoing to all in generall An abuse in our Common-wealth necessarily to be reformed Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage in the Sound of Plimouth being readie to set sayle complained vnto mee that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds These Varlets within a few dayes after his departure I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence and without punishment And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like Impunitas peccandi illecebra The like complaint made Master George Reymond and in what sort they dealt with mee is notorious and was such that if I had not beene prouident to haue had a third part more of men then I had need of I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned or to giue ouer my
Voyage And many of my companie at Sea vaunted how they had cousened the Earle of Cumberland Master Candish Master Reymond and others some of fiue poundes some of tenne some of more and some of lesse And truely I thinke my Voyage prospered the worse for theirs and other lewd persons companie which were in my ship which I thinke might be redressed by some extraordinarie seuere and present Iustice to bee executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place where they should bee found The greater part of my companie gathered aboord I set sayle the twelfth of Iune 1593. I cannot but aduise all such as shall haue charge committed vnto them euer before they depart out of the Port to giue vnto their whole Fleet not directions for ciuill gouernment but also where when and how to meete if they should chance to lose companie and the signes how to knowe one another afarre off with other points and circumstances as the occasions shall minister matter different at the discretion of the wise Commander by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleet and people but all secret instructions to giue them sealed and not to be opened but comming to a place appointed Lanching out into the channell the winde being at East and by South and east South-east which blowing hard and a floud in hand caused a chapping Sea and my Vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water and shooting off a Peece of Ordnance I edged towards her to knowe the cause who answered me that they had sprung a great leake and that of force they must returne into the Sound which seeing to be necessarie I cast about where anchoring and going aboord presently found that betwixt winde and water the Calkers had left a seame vncalked which being filled vp with Pitch onely the Sea labouring that out had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space if it had not beene discouered in time And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts in making an end of calking and pitching the ship the next tide to fill her with water which will vndoubtedly discouer the defect for no pitcht place without calking can suffer the force and peaze of the water In neglect whereof I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue The Arke Royall of his Maiesties may serue for an example which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea by a trivuell hole left open in the post and couered onely with Pitch In this point no man can be too circumspect for it is the securitie of ship men and goods This being remedied I set sayle in the morning and ranne South-west till wee were cleare of Vsshent and then South South-west till wee were some hundred leagues off where wee met with a great Hulke of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes well appointed the which my companie as is natural to all Mariners presently would make a prize and loden with Spaniards goods and without speaking to her wished that the Gunner might shoot at her to cause her to amain Which is a bad custome receiued and vsed of many ignorant persons presenâ—ly to gunne at all whatsoeuer they discouer before they speake with them being contrarie to all discipline and many times is the cause of dissention betwixt friends and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes the death of many and sometimes losse of ships and all making many obstinate if not desperate Comming within the hayling of the Hulke we demanded whence she was whither she was bound and what her loding Shee answered that she was of Denmarke comming from Spaine loden with Salt we willed her to strike her Top-sayles which shee did and shewed vs her Charter-parties and Bils of loding and then saluted vs as is the manner of the Sea and so departed Wee directed our course to the Maderas The Madera Ilands are two the great called La Madera and the other Porto Santo of great fertilitie and rich in Sugar Conserues Wine and sweet Wood whereof they take their name Other commodities they yeeld but these are the principall The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera well fortified they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portugall the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals The third of Iulie wee past along the Ilands of Canaria which haue the name of a Kingdome and containe these seuen Ilands Grand Canaria Tenerifa Palma Gomera Lancerota Fortenentura and Fierro These Ilands haue abundance of Wine Sugar Conserues Orcall Pitch Iron and other commodities and store of Cattell and Corne but that a certaine Worme called Gorgosho breedeth in it which eateth out the substance leauing the huske in manner whole The head Iland where the Iustice which they call Audiencia is resident and whither all suits haue their appellation and finall sentence is the Grand Canaria although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Iland and to haue the best Sugar and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne and therefore is proper for the higher workes of shipping Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring and abundance of many sorts of Fish There is water to be had in most of these Ilands but with great vigilance For the naturals of them are venturous and hardie and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken Hills which seeme impossible which I would hardly haue beleeued had I not seene it and that with the greatest arte and agilitie that may bee Their Armes for the most part are Lances of nine or ten foot with a head of a foot and halfe long like vnto Boare-speares saue that the head is somewhat more broad Two things are famous in these Ilands the Pike of Tenerifa which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene and men of credite haue told they haue seene it more them fortie leagues off It is like vnto a Sugar loafe and continually couered with Snowe and placed in the middest of a goodly Valley most fertile and temperate round about it Out of which going vp the pike the cold is so great that it is vnsufferable and going downe to the Townes of the Iland the heat seemeth most extreme till they approch neere the coast The other is a tree in the Iland Fierro which some write affirme with the dropping of his leaues to giue water for the sustenance of the whole Iland which I haue not seene although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland but those which haue seene it haue recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written in this manner That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley euer flourishing with broad leaues and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines
which ouer-top it and as it seemeth were planted by the Diuine prouidence to preserue it from Sunne and winde Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day great vapours and exhalations which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation with the height of the Mountaine towards the South-east conuert themselues into moisture and so bedew all the trees of the Valley and from those which ouer-top this Tree drops downe the dew vpon his leaues and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the water of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes which is that they drinke of and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues The Citie of the Grand Canaria and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa is towards the South part and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera on the East side In Gomera some three leagues Southward from the Towne is a great Riuer of water but all these Ilands are perilous to land in for the siege caused by the Ocean Sea which alwaies is forcible and requireth great circumspection whosoeuer hath not vrgent cause is either to goe to the Eastwards or to the Westwards of all these Ilands as well to auoide the calmes which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause and with it to breede Calenturas which wee call burning Feuers These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman called Iohn de Betancourt about the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine Being cleare of the Ilands and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe without some extraordinarie accident I began to set order in my Companie and victuals And for that to the Southwards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle Nauigation I deuised to keepe my people occupied as well to continue them in health for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home from play which breedeth many inconueniences and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of and so shifting my companie as the custome is into Starboord and Larboord men the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest I limited the three dayes of the weeke which appertained to each to be employed in this manner the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes the other for roomaging making of Sayles Nettings Decking and defenses of our Ships and the third for cleansing their bodies mending and making their apparell and necessaries which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides was many times of force to be omitted and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the most vnhealthiest Climates of the world and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them how much more to make abode in them In two times that I haue beene in them either cost vs the one halfe of our people with Feuers and Fluxes of sundrie kindes some shaking some burning some partaking of both some possest with frensie others with slouth and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse with no small hazard of life which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line the Sunne hath great force all the yeere and the more for that often they passe two three and foure yeeres without raine and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shineth With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated greedily desireth refreshing and longeth for the comming of the Breze which is the North-east winde that seldome fayleth in the afternoone at foure of the clocke or sooner which comming cold and fresh and finding the pores of the bodie open and for the most part naked penetrateth the very bones and so causeth sudden distemperature and sundrie manners of sicknesse as the Subiects are diuers whereupon they worke Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands and comming into the fresh Breze it causeth the like and I haue seene within two dayes after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this which at my first being amongst them seemed vnto mee ridiculous but since time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason And is that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap vpon it a Moutero and a Hat ouer that and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth and vpon it a Gowne furr'd or lined with Cotton or Bayes to defend them from the heate in that manner as the Inhabitants of cold Countries to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold Which doubtlesse is the best diligence that any man can vse and whosoeuer proueth it shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate then if he were thinly cloathed for that where the cold aire commeth it pierceth not so subtilly The Moone also in this climate as in the coast of Guynne and in all hot Countries hath forcible operation in the body of man and therefore as the Plannet most preiudiciall to his health is to he shunned as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre or with any Scuttle or Window open whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt For a person of credit told me that one night in a Riuer of Guynne leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin the Moone shining vpon his shoulder left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it as in aboue twenty houres he was like to run mad but in fine with force of Medicines and cures after long torment he was eased Of these Ilands are two pyles the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade more Westerly and so little frequented the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine and containeth sixe in number to wit Saint Iago Fuego Mayo Bonavisto Sal and Brano They are belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall and inhabited by people of that Nation and are of great trade by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne but the principall is the buying and selling of Negros They haue store of Sugar Salt Rice Cotten-wooll and Cotton-cloth Ambergreece Cyuit Olyphants teeth Brimstone Pummy stone Spunge and some Gold but little and that from the mayne Saint Iago is the head
low building hideth her burthen And who doubteth that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men that two deckes and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight nor carrie the Artillerie so plentifully nor so commodiously Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe as with two deckes nor with two as with three nor carrie her Masts so taut nor spread so great a clue nor contriue so many fights to answere one another for defence offence And the aduantage the one hath of the other experience daily teacheth That which hath beene spoken of the danger of the Artillerie in boording is not to be wrested nor interpreted to cut off vtterly the vse of all Artillerie after boording but rather I hold nothing more conuenient in ships of Warre then Fowlers and great Bases in the cage workes and Murderers in the Cobridge heads for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging is of great moment Many I know haue left the vse of them and of sundry other preuentions as of sherehookes stones in their tops and arming them Pikebolts in their males and diuers other engines of Antiquitie But vpon what inducement I cannot relate vnlesse it be because they neuer knew their effects and benefit and may no doubt be vsed without the inconueniences before mentioned in great Ordnance As also such may bee the occasion that without danger some of the great Artillery may be vsed and that with great effect which is in the discretion of the Commanders and their Gunners as hath beene formerly seene and daily is experimented In the Reuenge of her Maiesties good experience was made who sunke two of the Spanish Armado lying aboord her In these boordings and skirmishes diuers of our men were slaine and many hurt and my selfe amongst them receiued six wounds one of them in the necke very perillous another through the arme perishing the bone and cutting the sinewes close by the Arme-pit the rest not so dangerous The Master of our ship had one of his eyes his nose and halfe his face shot away Master Henry Courton was slaine on these two I principally relied for the prosecution of our voyage if God by sicknes or otherwise should take me away The Spaniards with their great Ordnance lay continually playing vpon vs and now and then parled and inuited vs to surrender our selues a Buena Querra The Captaine of our ship in whose direction and guide our liues our honour and welfare now remained seeing many of our people wounded and slaine and that few were left to sustaine and maintaine the fight or to resist the entry of the enemy if hee should againe boord vs and that our contraries offered vs good pertido came vnto me accompanied with some others and began to relate the state of our ship and how that many were hurt and slain and scarce any men appeared to trauerse the Artillery or to oppose themselues for defence if the enemy should boord with vs againe And how that the Admirall offered vs life and liberty and to receiue vs a Buena querra and to send vs into our owne Countrey Saying that if I thought it so meet hee and the rest were of opinion that wee should put out a flag of truce and make some good composition The great losse of blood had weakned me much The torment of my wounds newly receiued made me faint and I laboured for life within short space expecting I should giue vp the ghost But this parly pierced through my heart and wounded my soule words failed mee wherewith to expresse it and none can conceiue it but hee which findeth himselfe in the like agonie yet griefe and rage ministred force and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following Great is the Crosse which almightie God hath suffered to come vpon mee that assaulted by our professed enemies and by them wounded as you see in body lying gasping for breath those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me those which I relied on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions Those whom I haue nourished cherished fostered and loued as my children to succour me helpe me and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities are they who first draw their swords against me are they which wound my heart in giuing me vp into mine enemies hands whence proceedeth this ingratitude whence this faâ—â—tnesse of heart whence this madnesse is the cause you fight for vniust is the honor and loue of your Prince and Countrey buried in the dust your sweet liues are they become loathsome vnto you will you exchange your liberty for thraldome will you consent to see that which you haue sweat for and procured with so great labour and aduenture at the dispose of your enemies can you content your selues to suffer my bloud spilt before your eyes and my life bereft me in your presence with the bloud and liues of your deere brethren to be vnreuenged is not an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slauish life The one sustaining the honor of our Nation of our predecessors and of our societie the other ignominious to our selues and reproachfull to our Nation Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you that neuer leaueth to breake it with others when he thinketh it aduantagious and know you not that with him all is conuenient that is profitable Hold they not this for a maxime that nulla fides est â—â—ruanda cum hereticis In which number they account vs to be Haue you forgotten their faith violated with my father in S. Iohn de Vlua the conditions capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy twelue Hostages all principall personages giuen for the more securitie of either partie to other Haue you forgotten their promise broken with Iohn Vibao his company in Florida hauing conditioned to giue them shipping and victuals to carry them into their country immediately after they had deliuered their weapons arms had they not their throats cut haue you forgotten how they dealt with Iohn Oxenham his Company in this Sea yeelding vpon composition and how after a long imprisonment and many miseries being carried from Panama to Lyma and there hanged with all his Company as Pyrates by the Iustice And can you forget how daily they abuse our noble natures which being void of malice measure all by sinceritie but to our losse for that when we come to demand performance they stop our mouthes Either with laying the inquision vpon vs or with deliuering vs into the hands of the ordinary Iustice or of the Kings Ministers And then vrged with their promises they shrinke vp to the shoulders and say That they haue now no further power ouer vs. They sorrow in their hearts to see their promise is not accomplished but now they cannot doe vs any good office but to pray to God for vs and to intreat
aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome but God sparing the King of Spaines life he will sufficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations Now to goe forward with our begunne worke the first People that is in this Coast being past Nombre de Dios is called Cartagena it is a healthfuller Countrie and a greater Towne then the other and a better Countrie with plentie of Victuals and a very good Port for shipping passing any of the rest and is called Cartagena for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Cartagena in Spaine there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie it is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home then they lie at Cartagena also it is greatly enriched by the Merchandise that here they doe discharge for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena This new Kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the Land From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land because of the Mountaines and standing waters which lie in their way so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer called The great Riuer of Magdalene they can goe with their Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe but there runneth a great current so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer called Branco de Malambo into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side There is a passage by the New Kingdome and Popayan from Cartagena to Peru by Land which is about fiue hundred leagues so that taking the two hundred leagues which they goe vp the Riuer the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited and quiet trauelling so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro but because the way is long the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru and so into Spaine For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards against the King and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them Santa Marta is a very poore Towne because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen and hath no trade but by a few Indians that dwell about them Here beginneth the great Mountaines couered all with snow which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru vntill you come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea in the bottome of this Wildernesse or Mountains there is a Valley called Tagrona which is the richest place that is knowne but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines and the Inhabitants are very many and withall of a good courage and they vse to poison their Arrowes so that in striking of a man hee cannot escape death Therefore it lieth vncoâ—quered and many Spanish Captaines there haue beene slaine On this Coast of The Firme Land there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo and Cuba and Porto Rico although it be not very great yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians where was good store oâ— Gold and Pearles and Emeralds but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them but Santa Domâ—ngo is an Iland of great bignesse and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Peaâ—les but now all is wasted away for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world yet now are there none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they killed themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards It happened on a time that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines which kinde of labour did most grieue them and would rather doe violence on themselues then to goe which the Spaniard perceiuing he said vnto them seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke I will likewise hang my selfe and goe with you because I will make you worke in the other world but the Indians hearing this said wee will willingly worke with you because you shall not goe with vs so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland there was none escaped death but onely these few which was by the meanes of this Spaniard or else they would haue hanged themselues also There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo called Cuba it is like vnto Santa Domingo although there is not such store of Sugar the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana and is a very good Harbour these people are very rich by reason of the shipping that doth touch there which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers for there is no other Castle in all the Land nor Souldiers but onely here and in Florida There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards neere vnto this which is called Porto Rico it is but little and euery way as plentifull as the other two are I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land and passing once the Iland of Margareta there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards till you come to Fernanboke which is on the Coast of Brasill yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke there is the great Riuer of Maranoyn This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe and withall there are many shelues of sand lying about the mouth of it whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro entring into the Countrie of Peru came into a Land which they named La Canela because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies Proceeding further into the Countrie he came to a great Riuer where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards The Captaine seeing this was desirous to see the
of Peru great store of Gold and asking the Indians from whence it came they answered from Chili wherefore Don Diego de Almagro which was one of the Captaines that conquered Peru went vpon this newes toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow which way the Indians that were his guides did carrie this Captaine because they should die all of cold Yet the Spaniards although they lost some of their Horses came to the first Inhabitance of Chili called Copiapo which is the first plain land in the entring of the Prouince but from hence he returned backe againe for Peru because he had newes that the Indians had risen against the Spaniards enclosed them vpon which newes he returned without going any farther into the Countrey Now this Captayne Don Diego de Almagro beeing slaine in the Warres of Peru after his death another Captayne called Don Pedro de Baldiuia with foure hundred Horsemen went vnto Chili and with smali labour he ouercame halfe the Countrey which were subiect to the Kings of Peru for they of Chili knowing that Poru was ouercome by the Spaniards they straight way yeelded the Land vnto the Spaniards but the other halfe which was the richest and the fruitfullest part so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Sauage people in the whole Land The Prouince which they inhabit called El Estado de Arauco is but a small Prouince about twentie leagues in length and is gouerned by ten principall men of the Countrey out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their Generall in the Warres The Kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquer this part of Chili nor yet any other Kings of the Indians The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long Pikes Halberds Bowes and Arrowes they also make them Iacks of Seale-skinnes and Head-pieces in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brasse but now they haue gotten store of Iron They pitch their battels in manner like the Christians for putting their Pikemen in rankes they place Bowmen among them and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour Now the Spaniards comming vnto this Prouince sent word vnto them by other Indians saying that they were the children of God and came to teach them the Word of God and that therefore they ought to yeeld themselues vnto them if not they would shoot fire among them and burne them These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards but desiring to see that which they had heard reported met them in the field and fought a most cruell battell but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleeuers they were in the end put to flight Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise and breathed out such flames of fire yeelded themselues vnto them So the Spaniards hauing diuided this Prouince made the Indians to serue their turnes for getting of Gold out of the Mynes which they enioyed in such abundance that he which had least had twentie thousand Pezos but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had three hundred thousand Pezos by the yeere The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabit sixe Townes to wit Villa nueua de la Serena called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo the second Sant Iago which the Indians call Mapocha the third La Conception called by the Indians Penco the fourth La Imperial the fift Baldiuia and the sixt La Villa Rica Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land wherein he put Ordnance and Souldiers how beit all this their good successe continued not long for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they determined to rebell against them wherefore the first thing that they did they carried grasse into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses and wood also for them to burne among which grâ—â—â—e the Indians conueyed Bowes and Arrowes with great Clubs This done fiftie of the Indians entred the Fort be tooke themselues to their Bowes Arrows and Clubs and stood in the gate of the said Fort from whence making a signe vnto other of their Nation for helpe they wanne the Fort and slue all the Spaniards The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the Towne of Conception where Captaine Baldiuia was he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen to seeke the Indians taking no more men with him because hee was in haste And in a Plaine hee met the Indians who comming of purpose also to seeke him and compassing him about slue most part of his companie the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their Horses but Baldiuia hauing his Horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage and to feare nothing for the cause said they why wee haue taken you is to giue you Gold enough And hauing made a great banquet for him the last seruice of all was a Cup full of melted Gold which the Indians forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with Gold and so they killed him This Baldiuia was a most valiant man who had beene an old Souldier in the Warres of Italie and at the sacking of Rome Vpon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captaine one Pedro de Uilla grande who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance marched against those Indians but with so bad successe that hee lost not onely the field and many of his men but also those ten Peeces of Ordnance which he brought The Indians hauing thus gotten the victorie went straightway against the Towne of Concepcion from whence the Spaniards fled for feare and left the Towne desolate And in this manner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the Countrie of Arauco But newes hereof being brought to the Marqueste of Cannete Vice-roy of Pern he sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoza against those Indians with a great power of Horsemen and Footmen and store of Artilerie This Nobleman hauing subdued Chili againe and slaine in diuers battels aboue fortie thousand Indians and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection newly erected the said Fort that stood in the midst of the Land inhabited the Towne of Concepcion againe and built other Townes for the Spaniards and so leauing the Land in peace he returned for Peru. But ere he was cleane departed out of the land the Indians rebelled again but could not do so much mischiefe as they did before because the Spaniards tooke better heed vnto them From that time vntil this present there hath beene no peace at all for not withstanding many Captianes and Souldiers
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
thee placed And authorised Now for Handicrafts the Goldsmiths of which they had so many knew not to make an anâ—â—le of Iron nor of other mettall nor to cast Iron although they had Mines thereof They vsed for anuiles certaine hard stones of a pale greene colour which they plained and smoothed with rubbing one against another They were rare and precious They knew not how to make hammers with handles of wood but wrought with instruments made of Copper and Laton mingled in forme of a Dye of seuerall sizes which they held in their hands to strike with as men doe with stones They had no Files nor Chissels nor Bellowes for casting of mettals but vsed Pipes of Brasse halfe a yard long or lesse and ioyned eight or tenne together as there was neede Neither had they skill to make tongues And yet did they make marueilous workes Their Carpenters were as much to seeke or more hauing no Iron tooles but an Axe and a Hatchet and those of Brasse no Saw nor Augre nor Plainer nor Nailes but fastned all things with lines or ropes of a kinde of heath Neither were their Masons in better case they vsed a certaine blacke stone not to cut but to beate their stoneworks with force of their armes and yet haue left incredible Monuments of their art The Iesuites and other Religions haue instructed the youth since in other arts in Dialogues and Comedies of Scripture One Iesuite in praise of our Lady the Virgin Mary composed a Comedie in the Aymara tongue the argument was Gen. 3. I will put emnitie betweene thee and the woman and betweene thy seede and her seede She so the Romists reade and make of it this remarkeable vse shall breake thy head c. A dialogue of the faith was recited at Potocsi before 12000. Indians and another of the Sacrament at the Citie of Kings before innumerable the Indian youth acting and pronouncing with such seemely gestures as much affected the Spaniards The Licentiate Iuan Cuellas read the Latin Grammer to the Mestizos of Cozco with good fruite MAyta Capac followed his predecessors examples and went forth with 12000. men the former expeditions had beene with lesse company as of 7000 and so vpwards as the state encreased and couering his couetousnesse and ambition with pretence of conuerting people to his religion came to the disemboking of the great lake Titicaca and made Boates for transporting his army He brought vnder by faire meanes the Tiahuanacu which people had admirable buildings One was a hand-made Mount admirable high founded on stones ioyned with morter none could tell for what cause In one roome thereof stood two figures of Giants cut in stone with long garments downe to the ground with couerings on their heads well worne with age There was also a huge wall of stones so great that it may breede wonder what force of men might be able to bring or raise them where they are seeing that in a great distance there are no quarries There are other braue buildings great porches or frontals in diuers places each made of one stone in all the foure parts yea to greater admiration some of these are set on stone of which some are thirtie foote long and fifteene broad and sixe in front and these stones so great and the porches are of one peece nor can it be imagined with what instruments they were wrought The Naturals say they are ancienter then the Incas times and that they imitated these in building the fortresse of Cozco and knew not who made them but haue a tradition that they were all made in a night It seemeth that they were neuer finished but were onely beginnings of what the founders intended Diego de Alcobaça a Priest my Schoolefellow borne in the same house that I was being also my foster brother and a Preacher to the Indians which hath beene there wrote to me that in that Region Tiahuanacu fast by a lake called Chuqâ—iâ—itu there stands a marueilous house with a faire Court fifteene yards square compassed with a high wall on one side whereof is a great hall 45. foote long and 22. wide couered like the house of the Sunne in Cusco This Court with the wals and floore hall roofe porches and thresholds of two doores the one of the hall the other into the court is all made of one peece wrought in one rocke the wals of the hall and of the wall are three quarters of a yard thicke The roofe though it seeme of thaâ—ch is of stone They say it was dedicated to the Maker of the World There are also many stones cut in shapes of men and women so naturall as if they were aliue drinking with cups in their hands some sitting some on their feete others as it were passing others with children in their armes and 1000. other postures The Indians say that for their sinnes and for stoning a man which passed thorow that Prouince they were conuerted into statues But to returne to our Inca he subdued many Nations or pettie habitations such as would not be wonne by perswasions hee mastered with seege and hunger Battels were very rare Hee died hauing raigned about thirtie yeares and was bewailed a yeare after the custome His Sonne Capac Yupanqui succeeded the fifth Inca. His first care after his Diadem assured was to visite his Kingdome in which visitation hee spent two yeares enquiring into the courses of his Ministers and Gouernours After this hee went vp from Cozco with 20000. men and went Westward Hee caused a Bridge to be made in the Riuer Apurimac at Huacachaca lower then that of Accha Hee passed ouer it to the faire Prouince Yanahura which gladly receiued him thence to Aymara there being betwixt those two Prouinces a Region dishabited of thirtie leagues which passed he found at the hill Mucansa much people of that Prouince which is thirtie leagues long fifteene wide rich of Mines of Gold Siluer Lead and Cattell to encounter him But he sought rather to beseege them on the hill hauing purposely sent men about and by hunger forced them to composition after a moneths siege Hauing pacified the Aymaras hee proceeded to Cotapampa and Cotanera of the Nation Quechua and after to the Vallie of Hacari great and fertile Hee made another expedition leauing his Brother his Lieutenant of his Kingdome and the foure Masters of his Campe his Councellours chusing others to serue him and went to the Lake of Paria where two Curacas at contention made him arbitrator and themselues his subiects in the diuision Collasuyu Thence thorow a spacious Countrie vnpeopled but full of Cattell and hot Springs hee came to the Prouinces Tapacri and Cochapampa Hee made another Bridge in the water-passage of Titicara The former of Huacachaâ—a was made of Osyers this of Bull-rushes there growing of which they made foure cables as big as a mans legge reaching from one side to the other on which they laid great bundles
others as teachers of the Nouices both in â—â—tes and handiworkes as to spin weaue and sow others were porters or prouâ—ders of necessaries They liued in perpetuall closure to their dying day neither might they speake with any man or see any man or woman but those of their owne house Onely the Coya and her daughters might haue leaue to enter and conferre with them By them the Inca sent to know how they did and whereof they had neede The principall gate was not opened but for the Queene or to receiue Nouices They had twentie Porters which men might not passe the second gate vnder paine of death They had fiue hundred Girles for seruice of the Monasterie daughters to those which the first Iâ—ca had priuiledged to be Incas These also had their Mamacunas The principall exercise which the women of the Sunne did was to make all the garments and robes that the Inca or his Coya did weare and those fine robes which were offered to the Sunne The King himselfe might not giue those Garments to any of his Curacas which were not of his bloud They made also the Bread for the Sacrifices to the Sunne at the great feasts Raymi and Sittua called Zancu and the drinke which the Inca then dranke All the Vtensils of the house euen to Pots and Pans were of Gold and Siluer as in the house of the Sunne They had such a Garden also as the other of golden Plants Birds and Beasts Obedience and Virginitie was perpetuall vnder paine of burying quicke Any man which should defloure must not onely dye himselfe but his wife children kindred and neighbours Such the Law but there was neuer found cause of execution Like to these of Cuzco dedicated to the Sunne were other Nunnes and houses in principall Prouinees of the Kingdome In which were admitted those of the bloud Royall pure and mixed and daughters also of the Curacas as a great fauour Also some of the fairest of the common people to be concubines for the Inca and not for the Sunne but kept with like vigilance Their life was like the other and their maintenance from the Inca. Their workes the Inca might impart with others and themselues also he might take out for his Concuâ—ines which then might not returne againe but either serued the Queene or were sent into their Countries with great credit Those also which were old in these houses might haue like license Those that were dedicated for the King present when hee was dead were called Mamacumas and were instructers of those Concubines which entred for the New Inca. Euery of these houses had a Gouernour which must be an Inca a steward and others officers All the vessels were of Gold and Siluer as in the houses of the Sunne and of the King so that all the Gold and Siluer in the whole Kingdome was spent in manner in the Sunnes seruice and of those which were esteemed his descendants The Curacas were stinted what vessels of Plate they might haue for their owne vse which was but little They might neuer be bestowed on other men which had beene chosen women for the Iâ—ca for they held it a profanation of that which was holy yea to be a slaue to the Inca was more esteeâ—ed then to be wife of another Lord. esteeming him as next to the Sunne wherein some Spanish authors haue beene deceiued yet did he reward his great men with women but they were the daughters of other Câ—â—â—cas 〈◊〉 Captaines which held this for a fauour done them that he should esteeme their daughter as a iâ—well which with his owne hand he would bestow Sometimes but â—â—â—dome he be 〈…〉 on some of the Curacas his owne Daughters which were as they esteemed such as were not of the whole bloud bastards which hee had by women not of his Inca-kindred which was holden Diuine Besides these there were many other of Royall bloud which liued retired in their owne houses with vow of Virginity though not inclosed in any Monastery which tooke libertie to goe out to visit their kindred neere them in their sicknesse or trauell Such were highly reputed and were called Ocllo a sacred name and if they lost their chastitie were burned aliue or cast to the Lyons Denne One of these very old I knew which visited my Mother beeing her Grandfathers sister Widowes in the first yeere of their widow-hood kept very close those which had no children married againe but those which had continued continent all their liues in which respect the Lawes allowed them many priuiledges and the tillage of their grounds before the Cutacas of Incas And for matter of Marriage in Cozco once in a yeere or two the King assembled all the youth of both Sexes of his owne Linage the Males of twentie to foure and twentie the Maids of eighteene and so to twentie he permitted them not sooner to marry and called them forth such a man and such a maide and hauing ioyned them with his owne hand deliuered them to their Parents after which the Marriage Feast was solemnized by the new Parents two foure or sixe dayes These were legitimate wides and the most honoured The day following his Officers did the like for the Citizens obseruing the distinction of High and Low Cozco The Gouernour in each Diuision with the Curacas did the like in their gouernments the Inca neuer vsurping but assisting the Curacas Iurisdiction Those of one Prouince might not marry with those of another but obserued the Rites of the Tribes of Israel not might they got to liue out of their Prouinces or out of their owne Townes or the Wards of the same Towne In defect of children by the lawfull Wife the Inheritance by Law fell on the eldest of the bloud lawfull as from Huascar to Manco and neuer to Bastards for which Lawes sake Atahualpa destroyed all the Royall bloud hee being a Bastard Others might not marrie their sister but the Inca only The Prouinces differed in some cases the elder Sonne of the Inca succeeding in other places all the brethren after each other and somewhere the best esteemed of the Sonnes Such vsages were before the Incas times and not broken by them The Incas made a great Feast at the wayning of theâ—â—â—â—â—â—st Son which was at two yeeres old or vpwards they first cut off his haire with a flint-razor the Fathers beginning each following in his dignity then did they name him and offer presents The same was imitated by the Curacas and the people Their children were brought vp without any dainty nicenesse Assoone as they were born they washed them in cold water and then put them in blankets They gaue them the breast but at morning and noone and night thriâ—â— a day how much soeuer they cried lest they should be gluttons But if I should follow our Author in houshold affaires I should be too long Inca Roca their sixth King pursued his Northerne
with the Rebels and their wiues and children pardoning them and prouiding for the Widowes and Orphans Hee was receiued with great Iubilee in Cozco and thence went to the Straits of Muyna to visit his Father which seemed malcontent They spake some words in priuate and the Prince came forth and said that his Father would not returne to Cozco This whether true or false was enough and in vaine had he now gainsaid it so that a Pallace of pleasures was there built for the Father to spend the rest of his dayes his Sonne taking the Diademe This Vision of Virachoca with a beard and clothed to the foot whereas the beardlesse Natiues are clothed but to the knees was the cause that the Spaniards at their first comming were called Virachoca and for that they tooke and killed the Tyrant Atahuallpa which had slaine Huascar the right Heire and wrought so many cruelties Which caused that six Spaniards alone of which was Soto and Barco went to Cozco two or three hundred leagues without harme They called them also Incas Sonnes of the Sunne That which some say that they were called Virachoca because they came by Sea saying that the word signifieth the fat or scumme of the Sea they are deceiued for Virachoca is the Sea of fat or tallow Vira sebo cocha mar so that it appeares to be a proper name and not compounded I conceiue further that the Artillery was the cause that they were called Virachoca This Inca Uiracocha by his victorie and vision was so esteemed that in his life time they worshipped him as a God sent by the Sunne for reparation of things amisse reuerenced him beyond his predecessors He bâ—ilt a Temple for memoriall of that Vision to Uiracocha in Cacha therein imitating as much as was possible the place where hee saw the same and therefore without a roofe it was an hundred and twenty foot long and eighty wide of stone fairely wrought with foure doores the Easterne onely open with his figure â—n a Chappell somewhat resembling those Images which wee make of the Apostles The Spaniards destroyed it as they did other famous workes which they found in Peru scarsely any Monument remayning which they did to search for â—â—easure vnder them He made also two hâ—ge Birds called Câ—ntures so great that some haue beene found with the extremes of their wings extended fiue Varas or Spanish yards asunder they are fowles of prey so fierce that their dammes breake their talons â—he beake so strong that at once they will breake the hide of a Cow Hee made the picture of these two Birds one representing his father in mysterie fleeing from Cozco the other Uiracoch He sought to gratifie his Commanders and Subiects and sought new conquests Hee sent Pahnac â—â—y tâ— Inca his brother against Caranca Ullaca Llipi Chicha and Ampara These two last worshipped the ranke of Hills for their heigth and for the Riuers which tâ—ey yeeld These were all subiected and Eastward to the Sierra or snowy Hâ—ll Southwards to the furthest Prouince of Charcas two hundred leagues from Cozco So that the Sea and the Hills on each hand and Southward the Defarts betwixt them and Chili bounded the Empire Northwards hee went with thirty thousand warriours to Huamanca and other Nations which hee subiected Hee made a water-passage twelue foot in the channell to run an hundred and twenty leagues from betwixt Pareu and Picuy to Rucanaâ— and another thorow all the diuision Cuntisuyu from South to North one hundred and fifty leagues from the high Sierras to the Quechuas which may be ranked with the Wonders of the world considering the Rockes they brake thorow without instruments of steele and onely by stones with force of hands Neither know they to make arches but were driuen to goe about The Spaniards haue suffered them all to perish as they haue permitted two third parts of those which were to water the Corne grounds to be lost also Embassadours came from Tucma the Spaniards call it Tucuman to the Inca offering vassalage whom hee made to drinke in his presence an inestimable fauour and promised so much better respect as his course deserued Hancohuallu not withstanding all his kinde vsage left his Countries to goe seeke new and the Inca sent Colonies to the Chancas This Inca they say had a foretelling of the Spaniards comming Hee died and left his sonne Pachacâ—â—ec Inca his heire It is supposed that he raigned aboue fiftie yeeres Anno 1560. I saw his body in Cozco in the possession of Licenciate Polo with foure others this with white haires the second of Tâ—pac Incâ— Tupanqui the third of Huayna Capac which two were hoary but not white the two other were Qâ—eens Mama Rantu wife to Viracocha and Mama Ocllo mother of Huayna Capac They were so whole that there wanted not haire eie-brows nor haire on the eie-lids They had their garments ribands diadems as while they liued They were set as the Indians vse with their hands acrosse on their breasts the right hand ouer the left their eyes downwards as looking on the ground and seemed as if they had beene aliue and full fleshed The Indians would neuer tell the Spaniards their embalming arte They weighed so little that they were easily carried to the Gentlemens houses which desired to see them The Indians by the way kneeled to them with sighs and tears When the Inca had conquered any Prouince and setled the gouernment hee improued the lands which would beare Mayz sending Enginers to that purpose for conueyance of waters without which they sowed no Mayz in those hot Countries They also made plaine the fields and layd them in squares the better to receiue the water They made plaine the Mountaines which were capable of seed as it were in scales or steppes one plaine subordinate to another therefore called Andenes Hauing thus improued the Land they diuided it to each Towne their share by themselues each subdiuided into three parts one for the Sunne a second for the King and the third for the Naturals with that prouision that alway the Naturals should haue sufficient and if the people increased the Sunnes and Incas part were lessened that they should not want The like diuision they made of the grounds which needed not such watering sowed with other seeds The Andenes commonly belonged in greatest part to the Sunne and the Inca. The Mayz grounds they sowed euery yeere heartning them with dung as Gardens They first husbanded the Sunnes grounds next that of Widowes and Orphanes and of the old and sicke all which were holden for poore and had peculiar men in euery Towne appointed Officers for that purpose They had seed also if they wanted out of the Store-houses Each man was tied to husband enough for prouision to his owne houshold The lands of those which serued in the warres were prouided as those of the poore their wiues for that time being respected as
in those parts are of al colours as Horses in these all being the Câ—â—tle of the Sun They take a black Lambe which they esteeme the holiest colour for Sacrifices and the Kings weare commonly black and offer that first for Soothsaying a thing vsed by them in all things of moment in peace and warre looking into the heart and lungs for prognostications they set the head to the East not tying any of his feet open him aliue being holden by three or foure Indians and that on the left side to take out his heart and entrals with their hands without cutting The best Augury was if the lungs mooued when they were taken forth the worst if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet ouercomming those which held it If one prooued vnluckie they assayed another of a Ram and another of a barren Ewe if all prooued vâ—â—ucky they gaue ouer keeping the Feast and said the Sunne was angry for some fault which they had done and expected wars Dearth Murrayne c. After this Augury they opened not the other Sacrifices aliue but cut off their heads offering the bloud and heart to the Sun The fire which they vsed must bee new giuen them as they said by the hands of the Sunne which they did by the force of the Sunne beames shining thorow a Iewell which the High Priest held in his hand as by a burning Glasse on Cotton With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and rosted that dayes flesh and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sunne and to the house of Virgins to keepe all the yeere And if the Sunne did not shine they made fire with motion of two smooth round stickes but this absence or refusall of the Sunne they esteemed vnlucky All the flesh of those Sacrifices was rosted openly in the two streets aforesaid they parted it amongst the Incas Curacas and common people which were at the Feast giuing it with the bread çancu After this they had many other Viands and when they had done eating they fell to drinking in which vice they exceeded though now the Spaniards example haue that way done good and this vice is infamous amongst them The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principall in his name to make them drinke first the valorous Captaynes next the Curacas which haue not bin Commanders in war then to Cozco-Incas by priuiledge the manner was this the Inca which brought the drinke said the Capa Inca sends thee banketting drinke and I come in his name to drinke with thee The Captaine or Curaca tooke the Cup with great reuerence and lifted vp his eyes to the Sunne as giuing him thankes for such a fauour and hauing drunke returned the Cup to the Inca with shew of adoration not speaking one word Hee sends to the Captaines in generall but to some speciall Curacas only the rest the Incas in their owne name and not in the Kings cause to drinke The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched them with his hands and lips After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another and after that to dancing the Feast continuing nine dayes with great iollity but the Sacrifices held but the first and after they returned to their Countries Now for their Knights till they had that order they were not capeable of the dignities of warre or peace The youths of the Royall bloud for none else might be in election from sixteene yeeres old vpwards first made experiments of themselues in rigorous tryals whether they could indure the hard Aduentures of warre Euery yeere or each other yeere these noble youths were shut vp in a house where old Masters examined them They were to fast seuen dayes strictly with a little raw 〈…〉 ne and water to try their endurance of hunger and thirst Their Parents and brethren al 〈…〉 ed for them to intreate the Sunne to fauour them They which could not sustaine this fast were reiected as vnsufficient After this they heartned them with meate and tryed their actiuitie in running of a certaine Race a league and halfe long where was a Banner set which he that first came at was Captaine of the rest others also to the tenth were subordinately honoured Their next tryall was in skirmish one halfe to keepe the other to get a Fort and they which were now keepers were another day besiegers where eagernesse and emulation sometimes cost some their liues in that ludicrous warre Then followed wrestling betwixt equals leaping throwing small and great stones also a Launce and a Dart and other Armes shooting casting with a sling and exercise in all weapons of warre They caused them to watch ten or twelue nights as Centinels comming suddenly on them at vncertaine houres shaming those which they found sleeping They tryed with wands how they could indure stripes beating them cruelly on the armes and legs where the Indians goe bare and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they reiected them saying how would they beare their enemies weapons They were to bee in manner vnsensible A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club called Macana another while witâ— a Pike to hit or strike them and if they shrugged or in their eyes or body made shew of feare they were reiected Next they made triall whether they had skill to make their armes of all sorts and shooes called Vsuta like those which the Franciscans weare After all these the Captaines and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sunne the noble Acts of their Ancestors and instruct them in courage clemency and mildenesse to the poore with other parts of morality The Heire apparant indured no lesse rigorous tryals then others except in running for the Banner and all that tryall time which was from one New Moone to another he went in poore and vile habit to teach him to pity the poore These things done the King solemnly attended made a Speech to them and each on their knees receiued at his hand the first Ensigne of dignity which was to boare a hole in their eares The New Knight kissed his hand and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas and put him on gallant shooes of Wooll Then did he goe to another place where other Incas put him on breeches as the token of manhood which before he might not weare after which they put on his head two kinds of flowres and a leafe of another herbe which will long keepe greene No other men might weare those flowres The Prince had the same Ensignes and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wooll which none but he and that first after his tryall might weare and an Axe of Armes with a kinde of Iaueline aboue a yard long which when they put in his hand they said Aucunapac that is for tyrant Traytors The Kings fringe was coloured he ware besides on his head two feathers of a Bâ—rd called Coreqâ—enque which are
signes how that we went to Apalachen and by those signes which he made vs it seemed he ment to signifie that hee was an enemy to them of Apalachen and would aide vs against them We gaue him Crownes Bels and such other things and he gaue the Gouernour the skin which he wore vpon him and so turned backe againe and we followed presently after him That euening we came vnto a Riuer which was very deepe and very broad and ran very furiously and not presuming to passe ouer it vpon rafts we made a Canoa and staied one whole day to passe ouer it so that if the Indians would haue iniured vs they might easily haue disturbed our passage and yet although they holped vs the best they could wee had much trouble One of our Horsemen called Iohn Velasquez a natiue of Cuellar because he would not stay tooke the Riuer with his Horse and the current of the Riuer being very strong cast him from his Horse who catching hold on the raines of the bridle drowned himselfe together with the Horse And those Indians of that Lord called Dulcancellin found the Horse and told vs where we should finde him in the Riuer below and so they went to search for him whose death much discontented vs because vntill that time there was not one man of our company wanting The Horse gaue many their suppers that night And so hauing passed that Riuer the day following we came vnto the people of that Lord who sent vs some of their Maiz. The next day we departed the Indians being fled The Gouernour left by the way an ambuscado of certaine Horsemen which as those Indians passed by issued out vpon them and tooke three or foure who before serued vs for guides and they brought vs through a very troublesome Countrey to trauaile and maruelous to behold where were huge Mountaines and very high Trees whereof so many were fallen to the ground that they intangled and stopped the way in such sort that we could not passe without going farre about to our great trouble and of those trees that were fallen the greater part were cleft from one end to the other through the thunderbolts that fall there great tempests being alwayes in that place with this trouble wee marched vntill the six and twentieth day of Iune at which day we came within the sight of Apalachen before they of the Towne perceiued vs. We rendered great thankes vnto God seeing our selues so neere vnto that place and supposing that to be true which had been spoken and hoping we should there end our great trauailes which wee had passed as well for the long and euill iourney as for the great famine which we had sustained Because although we sometimes found Maiz yet for the most part we went six or eight leagues without finding any And there were many amongst vs that through hunger and wearinesse had wounded their shoulders with continuall wearing of their armes besides the other calamities they daily incountered The Gouernour commanded me to take with me nine horse and fiftie foote and enter the towne which the Controler and I did and found none but little children and women because at that time the men were not there but going a little way from those places the Indians came and began to fight and shoot at vs and slew the Controulers horse but in the end they fled and left vs There we found great quantity of Maiz which stood ready to be gathered and had sufficient of which was dry romeining We found there many skinnes of wilde beasts taken by hunting and some garments of thred little and nought worth wherewith the women couer some parts of their person They had many Mils to grinde Maiz. Among these people there were forty little houses low built and in close places for feare of the great tempests to which that Countrey continually is accustomed The houses are made of straw of stubble and compassed about with Mountaynes standing thicke together and great Trees and many Seas of water where so many and so great Trees are falne that they trouble euery thing and cause that no man is able to trauell there without great incumberance The land from the place where we di barked vnto this people of Apalachen for the most part is plaine and the soyle consisteth of hard and solid sand and throughout all the same many great Trees and famous Mountaines are found where Nut trees are and Labrani and other which they call Laquidambares there are also Cedars Sauine-trees Holme-trees Pines Okes and low Palme-trees like those of Castile Throughout all that Countrey there are many great and little Lakes and some are very troublesome to passe as well for the great depth thereof as also by reason of the many trees which are fallen there The ground or bottome of them is sand and those Lakes which we found in the Prouince of Apalachen are much greater then all the other which we had found vntill then There are many fields of their Maiz in this Prouince and the houses are scattered through the Plaine like those of Gerbe The beasts which we saw there are Deere of three sorts Conies Hares Beares and Lions and other among which we saw one that carrieth her young in a bagge which shee hath in her belly where shee carrieth them all the time that they are little vntill they be able to goe and seeke their meate themselues And if by chance the young stand seeking food without the damme and people come vpon them shee flyeth not before she haue gathered them into her bagge The Countrey is very cold there and there are many good pastures for flockes There are also many sorts of Fowle Goâ—â—ings in great abundance Geese Duckes Herons Black-birds and others of diuers sorts and there we saw many Falcons Ger-falcons Sparrow-hawkes and many other sorts of Birds Two dayes after we came to Apalachen the Indians that were fled returned vnto vs in peace demanding their children and we gaue them all except one Cazique of theirs whom the Gouernour retayned which was the occasion to cause them to depart offended who the day following returned as enemies and assailed vs with such fury and suddennesse that they came to set fire to the house where we were but so soone as wee came forth they fled and retired themselues vnto the Lakes which were very neere thereunto Whereupon by reason of them and the Corne which was very thicke there we could not doe them any hurt saue that we killed one man only The day following other Indians of another people which was on the other side came to vs and assailed vs after the same manner that the other had done before and fled likewise and one of them also was slaine We abode there fiue and twentie dayes in the which we caused three to enter within the Land and found it very poorely peopled and hard trauelling in respect of the troublesome passages
they vnderstand the language of them with whom we first abode and they themselues also that selfe same day came into that place with their houses The people presently offered vs much Tune because they knew vs both that we had healed them The verie same night that we came thither certaine Indians came into Castiglio and told him that they had verie great paine in their heads intreating him that he would heale them and after he had blessed them and recommended them vnto God in the verie same instant they said that they were well and that the paine was gone So they went into their houses and brought vs much Tune and a piece of flesh of a wilde beast which we knew not what it was This being published among them many other diseased people came that night that he should heale them and euerie one of them brought a piece of Venison and they brought so many that we knew not where to put them We yeelded great thankes vnto God who so continually euerie day increased his mercie and his grace towards vs. Thus when the cures were ended they began to dance and sing their rimes and make their sports vntill the next day at the rising of the Sunne and this festiuall iollitie continued three daies by reason of our comming thither Afterward wee asked them of the Countrie beyond and of the people and victualls that are found there and they answered vs that throughout all that Countrie there was much Tune but that they were now ended and that we should find no people because after they had gathered the Tune euerie one returned to their houses and that it was a verie cold Countrie and verie few skinnes were found there Seeing this and considering that the Winter and cold time of the yeere was come we agreed to winter with them And at the end of fiue daies after we came thither they departed thence and went to seeke other Tune where other people were of other Nations and diuers languages and hauing trauelled fiue daies iourney with much hunger because neither Tune not other fruits are found by the way wee came to a Riuer and set vp our houses there and after went to seeke certaine fruits of a tree like vnto a fig tree and there being no high way in all those places I staied longer then the rest in finding them and so they returned to their houses and I remained alone and comming to seeke our men that night I had almost lost my selfe and it pleased God that I found a tree vnder the which there was a fire and at that fire I passed the cold of that night In the morning I loaded my selfe with wood and taking two fire brands I returned to seeke them and went in this manner fiue daies alwaies with my fire and burden of wood because if my fire should haue beene extinguished in places where there had been no wood as in many places there is none I was to kindle other fire brands and not to remaine without fire because I had no other remedie against the cold being as naked as euer I was borne And in the night I had this remedie that I went to any small plat of ground beset with trees neere vnto the Riuer and there abode before the Sun went downe and made a trench in the ground and put much wood therein which they vse to doe of certaine trees whereof in those places there is great aâ—undance and put many stickes together of such as were falne and drie and about that trench I made foure fiers a crosse and thought to come from time to time to renew the fiers and had made certaine bundels of straw whereof in those places there is much and therewith I couered me in that trench and in this manner defended my selfe from the cold of the nights and on a certaine night and the fire lite on the straw which couered mee while I was sleeping in the trench So the fire began to burne verie fiercely and although with much furie I leaped out yet the token of the danger which I had passed remained in my haire In all this time I eate not one morsell nor found any thing to eate and going thus scorched and singed much bloud issued from my feet and God vsed great mercie towardes mee that in all this time the North winde blew not for otherwise there had beene no remedie but I must needs haue died At the end of my fiue daies I came to a Riuer side where I found my Indians who together with my Christians held me for dead and alwaies thought that some viper had stung me And when they found me they greatly reioyced to see me but principally the Christians who said vnto me that vntill that time they had trauelled with much hunger and for that cause they came not to seeke mee and that night they gaue mee of the Tune which they had The day following we departed thence and went vnto the place where much Tune was wherewith we all satisfied the great hunger which we had and we Christians gaue many thankes vnto our Lord God who left vs not without remedie The next day many Indians came to vs in the morning and brought fiue sicke men with them who were lame and verie ill and they came to seeke Castiglio that he might heale them and euery one of them that were diseased gaue him their Bowes and Arrowes which he receiued and at the setting of the Sun he blessed them and recommended them vnto God and wee all beâ—ought him with the best deuotion we could that he would giue them health seeing wee saw there was no other remedie but to doe the best we could that those people might helpe vs that so we might be able to get out of that miserable life and his infinite goodnesse dealt so mercifully with vs that when the morning came they all arose as sound and strong as if they had neuer had any disease This caused them much to wonder and likewise to render infinite thankes vnto our Lord and that we more entirely acknowledged his great goodnesse and had assured hope that he would deliuer vs and conduct vs vnto the place where we might better serue him And for my selfe I can boldly speake that I alwaies had an assured trust in his mercie that hee would raise me from that captiuitie and so I alwaies said to my companions When the Indians were gone and carried away their sicke men healed wee went thence where the other abode eating Tune and these are called Cacalcuches and Maticones who are of another language and together with them were other called Coaios and Susolas and on the other side others called Ataios and they maintaine warres with the Susolas and they shot euery day amongst them and because in those places they talked of nothing else but of miracles which our Lord God wrought by our meanes they came from many parts to seeke vs that we might heale them and at the end of
fished for afterward would haue beene of more value for those which they had because they burned them in the fire did leese their colour The Gouernour answered them that vrged him to inhabit That in all the Countrie there were not victuals to sustaine his men one moneth and that it was needefull to resort to the Port of Ocus where Maldanado was to stay for them and that if no richer Countrie were found they might returne againe to that whensoeuer they would and in the meane time the Indians would sow their fields and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land They told him that twelue daies iourney from thence there was a Prouince called Chiaha subiect to the Lord of Coça Presently the Gouernour determined to seeke that land And being a sterne man and of few words though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men yet after he had deliuered his owne hee would not be contraried and alwayes did what liked himselfe and so all men did condescend vnto his will §. II. SOTOS further Discoueries in Florida and manifold various Aduentures till hee came to Tulla THe Gouernour departed from Cutifa Chiqui the third day of May. And because the Indians had reuolted and the will of the Ladie was perceiued that if shee could shee would depart without giuing any Guides or men for burdens for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians for there neuer want some among many of a base sort that for a little gaine doe put themselues and others in danger of vndoing The Gouernour commanded her to be kept in safegard and carried with him not with so good vsage as shee deserued for the good will she shewed And he carried her on foot with his bond-women to looke vnto her In all the Townes where the Gouernour passed the Lady commanded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one Towne to another Wee passed through her Countrie an hundred leagues in which as wee saw shee was much obeyed For the Indians did all that shee commanded them with great efficacie and diligence In seuen dayes space the Gouernour came to a Prouince called Chalaque the poorest Countrie of Maiz that was seene in Florida The Indians fed vpon Roots and Herbes which they seeke in the fields and vpon wilde beasts which they kill with their Bowes and Arrowes and it is a very gentle people All of them goe naked and are very leane There was a Lord which for a great Present brought the Gouernour two Deeres skinnes and there were in that Countrie many wilde Hens In one Towne they made him a Present of seuen hundred Hens and so in other Townes they sent him those which they had or could get From this Prouince to another which is called Xualla hee spent fiue dayes here he found very little Maiz and for this cause though the people were wearied and the horses very weake hee stayed no more but two dayes From Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui may bee some hundred and thirtie leagues whereof eightie are Wildernesse From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla two hundred and fiftie and it is an Hilly Countrie The Gouernour departed from Xualla toward Guaxule he passed very rough and high hils In that iourney the Lady of Cutifa-chiqui whom the Gouernour carried with him as is aforesaid with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule because her Territorie reached thither going on a day with the bond-women which lead her went out of the way and entred into a Wood saying shee went to ease her selfe and so shee deceiued them and hid her selfe in the Wood and though they sought her they could not find her She carried away with her a little chest made of Canes in manner of a Coffer which they call Petaca full of vnbored Pearles Some which could iudge of them said that they were of great value An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them The Gouernour not to discontent her altogether left them with her making account that in Guaxule he would aske them of her when he giue her leaue to returne which Coffer shee carried away and went to Xualla with three slaues which fled from the Campe and one Horseman which remained behind who falling sicke of an Ague went out of the way and was lost This man whose name was Alimamos dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose and returne with him to the Christians which two of them did and Alimamos and they ouertooke the Gouernour fiftie leagues from thence in a Prouince called Chiaha and reported how the Lady remayned in Xualla with a slaue of Andrew de Vasconcellos which would not come backe with them and that of a certaintie they liued as man and wife together and meant to goe both to Cutifa-chiqui Within fiue dayes the Gouernour came to Guaxule The Indians there gaue him a Present of three hundred Dogges because they saw the Christians esteeme them and sought them to feed on them for among them they are not eaten In Guaxule and all that way was very little Maiz. The Gouernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of Chiaha to desire him to gather some Maiz thither that he might rest a few dayes in Chiaha The Gouernour departed from Guaxule and in two dayes iourney came to a Towne called Canasagua There met him on the way twentie Indians euery one loaden with a basket full of Mulberies for there be many and those very good from Cutifa-chiqui thither and so forward in other Prouinces and also Nuts and Plums And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them and are as bigge and as ranke as though they grew in Gardens digged and watered From the time that the Gouernour departed from Canasagua he iournied fiue dayes through a Desert and two leagues before he came to Chiaha there met him fifteene Indians loaden with Maiz which the Cacique had sent and they told him on his behalfe that he waited his comming with twentie Barnes full of it and farther that himselfe his Countrie and subiects and all things else were at his seruice On the fift day of Iune the Gouernour entred into Chiaha The Cacique voided his owne houses in which hee lodged and receiued him with much ioy There was in this Towne much Butter in Gourds melted like Oyle they said it was the fat of Beares There was found also great store of Oyle of Walnuts which was cleere as Butter and of a good taste and a pot full of Honie of Bees which neither before nor afterward was seene in all the Countrie The Towne was in an Iland betweene two armes of a Riuer and was seated nigh one of them The Riuer diuideth it selfe into those two branches two Crosse-bow shot aboue the Towne and meeteth againe a league beneath the same The plaine betweene both the branches is
in the fields many Plum-trees as well of such as grow in Spaine as of the Countrie and wild tall Vines that runne vp the trees and besides these there were other low Vines with bigge and sweet Grapes but â—or want of digging and dressing they had great kernels in them The Gouernour vsed to set a guard ouer the Caciques because they should not absent themselues and carried them with him till he came out of their Countries because that carrying them along with him he looked to find people in the Townes and they gaue him guides and men to carrie burdens and before hee went out of their Countries hee gaue them license to returne to their houses and to their Porters likewise assoone as hee came to any other Lordshippe where they gaue him others The men of Coça seeing their Lord detained tooke it in euill part and reuolted and hid themselues in the Woods aswell those of the Towne of the Cacique as those of the other Townes of his principall subiects The Gouernour sent out foure Captaines euery one his way to seeke them They tooke many men and women which were put into chaines They seeing the hurt which they receiued and how little they gained in absenting themselues came againe promising to doe whatsoeuer they were commanded The Gouernor rested in Coça fiue and twentie dayes He departed from thence the twentieth of August to seeke a Prouince called Tascaluca he carried with him the Cacique of Coça Hee passed that day by a great Towne called Tallimuchase the people were fled hee lodged halfe a league farther neere a Brooke The next day he came to a Towne called Ytaua subiect to Coça He stayed there sixe dayes because of a Riuer that passed by it which at that time was very high and assoone as the Riuer suffered him to passe he set forward and lodged at a Towne named Vllibahali There came to him on the way on the Caciques behalfe of that Prouince ten or twelue principall â—ndians to offer him his seruice all of them had their plumes of feathers and Bowes and Arrowes The Gouernour comming to the Towne with twelue Horsemen and some Footmen of his Guard leauing his people a Crosse-bow shot from the Towne entred into it hee found all the Indians with their weapons and as farre as he could ghesse they seemed to haue some euill meaning It was knowne afterward that they were determined to take the Cacique of Coça from the Gouernour if he had requested it The Gouernour commanded all his people to enter the Towne which was walled about and neere vnto it passed a small Riuer The wall aswell of that as of others which afterward wee saw was of great posts thrust deepe into the ground and very rough and many long railes as bigge as ones armes laid acrosse betweene them and the wall was about the height of a Lance and it was daubed within and without with clay and had loope-holes On the otherside of the Riuer was a Towne where at that present the Cacique was The Gouernour sent to call him and he came presently After he had passed with the Gouernour some words of offering his seruices he gaue him such men for his carriages as he needed and thirtie women for slaues In that place was a Christian lost called Mançano borne in Salamanca of noble Parentage which went astray to seeke for Grapes whereof there is great store and those very good The day that the Gouernour departed from thence he lodged at a Towne subiect to the Lord of Vllibahali and the next day hee came to another Towne called Toasi The Indians gaue the Gouernour thirtie women and such men for his carriages as hee needed He trauelled ordinarily fiue or sixe leagues a day when he trauelled through peopled Countries and going through Deserts he marched as fast as he could to esâ—hew the want of Maiz. From Toasi passing through some Townes subiect to a Cacique which was Lord of a Prouince called Tallise he trauelled fiue dayes He came to Tallise the eighteenth of September The Towne was great and situated neere vnto a maine Riuer On the other side of the Riuer were other Townes and many fields sowne with Maiz. On both sides it was a very plentifull Countrie and had store of Maiz they had voided the Towne The Gouernour commanded to call the Cacique who came and betweene them passed some words of loue and offer of his seruices and he presented vnto him fortie Indians There came to the Gouernour in this Towne a principall Indian in the behalfe of the Cacique of Tascaluca After hee had rested there twenty dayes hee departed thence toward Tascaluca That day when he went from Talisse he lodged at a great Towne called Casiste And the next day passed by another and came to a small Towne of Tascaluca and the next day hee camped in a Wood two leagues from the Towne where the Cacique resided and was at that time And he sent the Master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso with fifteene Horsemen to let him knowe how he was comming The Cacique was in his Lodgings vnder a Canopie and without doores right against his Lodgings in an high place they spread a Mat for him and two Cushions one vpon another where he sate him downe and his Indians placed themselues round about him somewhat distant from him so that they made a place and a voide roome where hee sate and his chiefest men were neerest to him and one with a shadow of Deeres skinne which kept the Sunne from him being round and of the bignesse of a Target quartered with blacke and white hauing a rundell in the middest afarre off it seemed to be of Taffata because the colours were very perfect It was set on a small staffe stretched wide out This was the deuice which he carried in his warres He was a man of a very tall stature of great limmes and spare and well proportioned and was much feared of his neighbours and subiects Hee was Lord of many Territories and much people In his countenance he was graue After the Master of the Campe had spoken with him he and those that went with him coursed their Horses pransing them to and fro and now and then toward the place where the Cacique was who with much grauitie and dissimulation now and then lifted vp his eyes and beheld them as it were with disdaine At the Gouernours comming hee made no offer at all to rise The Gouernour tooke him by the hand and both of them sate down together on a seate which was vnder the Cloth of Estate When he departed from thence he determined to carrie him along with him for some causes and at two dayes iourney he came to a Towne called Piache by which there passed a great Riuer The Gouernour demanded Canoas of the Indians they said they had them not but that they would make Rafts of canes and drie timber on which hee might passe
the American parcels the particular relations of which you haue had already and yeeld you the totall summe for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations §. III. Extracts out of certaine Letters of Father MARTIN PERâ—Z of the Societie of Iesus from the new Mission of the Prouince of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico dated in the moneth of December 1591. With a Letter added written 1605. of later Discoueries SInce my last Letters dated the sixth of Iuly among the Tantecoe on which day wee came into this Prouince of Cinoloa being guided by the Gouernour Roderigo del Rio we passed and trauelled through diuers Castles Countrie Villages Mines of Metall Shepheards houses Townes of Spaniards and certaine Signiories helping our neighbours by our accustomed duties so that wee were alwaies full of businesse Wee passed ouer in eight dayes the rough and hard and painefull Mountaine Tepesnan seeing no liuing creature saue certaine Fowles The cause whereof is the force of certaine Muskitos which trouble Horses whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountaine which were most noisome to our Horses There met vs certaine Cuimecht which are warlike Indians which offered vs bountifully such as they had without doing vs any harme There are almost an infinite number of these which wander dispersed vp and downe doing nothing else but hunt and seeke their food And it was told vs that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill which besought the Gouernour that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith Their Minister which was but onely one came to visite vs. There met vs also a certaine Spanish Captaine which had the gouernment of six Castles or Countrie Villages in a part of the Mountaine who knowing well enough what the societie ment by these missions wrote vnto the father Visitor requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers by whose trauell twenty thousand soules might be instructed which he would recommend vnto him These and other Villages we passed by not without griefe because it was resolued already among vs that we should stay in no other place but in this Prouince A few dayes before our comming thither we wrote to six or seuen Spaniards which dwell there without any Priest and heard Masse onely once a yeare to wit when any Priest dwelling thirtie or forty leagues off came vnto them to confesse and absolue them being penitent who being accompanied with most of the chiefe Indians met vs with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse aboue twenty leagues distant from their dwellings and accompanied vs vnto the second Riuer of this Prouince wherein the towne of Saint Philip and Iacob standeth This Prouince is from Mexico aboue three hundred leagues and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountaines of the Tepesuanes on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea or the Gulfe of California on another part it stretcheth euen to Cibola and California which are Prouinces toward the West very great and well inhabited On one side which regardeth the North new Mexico is but two dayes iourney distant from the vttermost Riuer of this Prouince as we were enformed by the Gouernour which is so famous and renowned and so full of Pagan superstition whereof diuers haue often written They measure and diuide the Prouince of Cinaloa with eight great Riuers which runne through the same The reason of that diuision is this because all the Castels and Villages of the inhabitants are setled neere the bankes and brinkes of the Riuers which are replenished with fish and which in short space doe fall into the Mediterranâ— Sea or Gulfe of California The soyle is apt for tillage and fruitfull and bringeth forth such things as are sowne in it The ayre is cleere and wholesome The Pesants and husband men reape twice a yeare and among other things store of Beanes Gourds Maiz and such kinde of Pulfe whereof wee and they eate so plentifully that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things or of Famine nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes and they cast away their old Maiz to make roome for the new They haue great store of Cotten Wooll whereof they make excellent cloathes wherewith they are apparelled Their apparell is a peece of cloath tyed vpon their shoulders wherewith as with a cloak they couer their whole body after the manner of the Mexicans True it is that though they be all workemen yet for the most part of the yeare they are not couered but goe naked yet all of them weare a broad girdle of the said Cotten cloath cunningly and artificially wrought with figures of diuers colours in the same which the shels of Cockles and Oysters ioyned artificially with bones doe make Moreouer they thrust many threds through their eares whereon they hang earerings for which purpose they bore the eares of their children as soone as they be borne in many places and hang eare-rings round Stones and Corall in them so that each eare is laden with fiftie of these Ornaments at least for which cause they alwayes sleepe not lying on their sides but with their face vpward The women are decently couered from their waste downeward being all the rest naked The men as well as the women weare long haire the women haue it hanging downe their shoulders the men often bound vp and tyed in diuers knots they thrust Corals in it adorned with diuers feathers and cockle shels which adde a certaine beautie and ornament to the head They weare many round Beades of diuers colours about their neckes They are of great stature and higher then the Spaniards by a handfull so that as wee sate vpright vpon our horses without standing on tiptoe they easily could embrace vs. They are valiant and strong which the warres which they had with the Spaniards doe easily shew wherein though they sustained no small damages yet were they not vnreuenged nor without the bloud of their aduersaries When they would fight resolutely for their vttermost libertie they denounced and appointed the day of battell Their weapons are Bowes and poysoned Arrowes and a kinde of clubbe of hard wood wherewith they neede not to strike twice to braine a man They vse also â—ertaine short iauelins made of red wood so hard and sharpe that they are not inferiour to our armed speares And as fearefull and terrible as they be to their enemies so quiet and peaceable are they among themselues and their neighbours and you shall seldome finde a quarrellour or contentious person The Spaniards after certaine conflicts at length made friendship with them leauing their Countrie to them but those eight Spaniards whom I mentioned before liue quietly among them and though they be called Lords yet are they contented with such things as the Indians giue them offering no violence nor molestation to any man Vpon our comming into these Countries the
others to honour him withall they doe their vttermost to subdue vs. He had then by him a little Chest full of Gold and Iewels and said Behold here the God of the Spaniards let vs doe to him if it so seeme you good Aretos which are windlesses and dances thus doing we shall please him and he will command the Spaniards that they shall doe vs no harme They answered all with a loud voyce Well said Sir well said Thus then they danced before it vntill they were weary then quoth the Lord Hathney Take wee heede how euer the world goe if we keepe him to the end that he be taken away from vs in the end they will kill vs wherefore let vs cast him into the Riuer whereunto they all agreed and so they cast it into a great Riuer there This Lord and Cacique went alwayes flying the Spanish incontinent as they were arriued at the I le of Cuba as he which knew them but too well and defended himselfe when he met them In the end he was taken and onely for because that hee fled from a Nati 〈…〉 so vniust and cruell and that he defended himselfe from such as would kill him and oppresse him euen vnto the death with all his folke he was burned aliue Now as he was fastned to the stake a religious man of Saint Francis order a deuou◠person spake to him somewhat of God and of our Faith which things this said Lord had neuer heard of yet might be sufficient for the time which the butchers gaue him that if he would beleeue those things which were spoken to him hee should goe to heauen where is glory and rest euerlasting that if he did not beleeue hee should goe to hell there to be tormented perpetually The Lord after hauing a little paused to thinke of the matter demanded of the Religious man whether that the Spaniards went to heauen who answered yea such of them that were good The Cacique answered againe immediately without any further deliberation that he would not goe to heauen but that he would goe to hell to the end not to come in the place where such people should be and to the end not to see a Nation so cruell Loe here the praises and honour which God and our faith haue receiued of the Spaniards which haue gone to the Indies One time the Indians came to meete vs and to receiue vs with victuals and delicate cheere and with all entertainment ten leagues of a great Citie and being come at the place they presented vs with a great quantity of fish and of bread and other meate together with all that they could doe for vs to the vttermost See incontinent the Diuell which put himselfe into the Spaniards to put them all to the edge of the sword in my presence without any cause whatsoeuer more then three thousand soules which were set before vs men women and children I saw there so great cruelties that neuer any man liuing either haue or shall see the like Another time but a few dayes after the premisses I sent messengers vnto all the Lords of the Prouince of Hanana assuring them that they should not neede to feare for they had heard of my credit and that without withdrawing themselues they should come to receiue vs and that there should be done vnto them no displeasure for all the Countrie was afraid by reason of the mischiefes and murderings passed and this did I by the aduice of the Captaine himselfe After that we were come into the Prouince one and twenty Lords and Caciques came to receiue vs whom the Captaine apprehended incontinently breaking the safe conduct which I had made them and intending the day next following to burne them aliue saying that it was expedient so to doe for that otherwise those Lords one day would doe vs a shrewd turne I found my selfe in a great deale of trouble to saue them from the fire howbeit in the end they escaped After that the Indians of this Iland were thus brought into bondage and calamitie like vnto those of the I le of Hispaniola and that they saw that they died and perished all without remedy some of them began to flye into the Mountaines others quite desperate hanged themselues and there hung together husbands with their wiues hanging with them their little children And through the crueltie of one only Spaniard which was a great tyrant and one whom I know there hung themselues more then two hundred Indians and in this fashion died an infinite of people There was in this I le an officer of the Kings to whom they gaue for his share three hundred Indians of whom at the end of three moneths there died by him in the trauell of the Mines two hundred and sixty in such sort that there remained now but thirty which was the tenth part Afterwards they gaue him as many more and more and those also hee made hauocke of in like manner and still as many as they gaue him so many he slew vntill he died himselfe and that the Diuell carried him away In three or foure moneths my selfe being present there died more then sixe thousand children by reason that they had plucked away from them their fathers and mothers which they sent into the Mines I beheld also other things frightfull Shortly after they resolued to climbe after those which were in the Mountaines where they wrought also ghastly slaughters and thus laid waste all this Ile which we beheld not long after and it is great pitie to see it so dispeopled and desolate as it is Of Terra Firma or the firme land IN the yeere 1514. there landed in the Maine a mischieuous Gouernour Hee not onely wasted or dispeopled the Sea Coast but sacked also great Realmes and Countries making hauocks by slaying and murdering of peoples infinite to be numbred and sending them to Hell He ouerranne and harried most of the places in the Land from Darien vpward vnto the Realme and Prouinces of Nicaragua within being which are more then fiue hundred leagues of the best and most fertile ground in the whole World where there were a good number of great Lords with a number of Townes Boroughes and Villages and store of gold in more abundance then was to be found on the earth vntill that present This Gouernour with his men found out new sorts of cruelties and torments to cause them to discouer and giue him gold There was a Captaine of his which slue in one walke and course which was made by his commandement to rob and roote out more then fortie thousand soules putting them to the edge of the Sword burning them and giuing them to the Dogges and tormenting them diuersly which also a Religious man of the Order of Saint Francis who went with him beheld with his eies and had to name Frier Francis of Saint Romane The most pernicious blindnesse which hath alwaies possessed those who haue gouerned the Indians in stead of the
of Hispaniola where they sold the other moitie As I reprehended the Captaine for this notable Treason at the same time and at the same I le of Saint Iohn he made an answere Sir quiet your selfe for that matter So haue they commanded me to doe and giuen me instruction which sent me that if I could not take them by warre I should take them vnder countenance and colour of peace And in truth the Captaine told mee that in all his life he neuer had found Father nor Mother but in this I le of Trinitie in respect of the friendly courtesies the Indians had shewed him At another time the Religious Friars of Saint Dominickes Order beeing determined to goe preach they receiued them as Angels comne from Heauen and heard with great affection attention and willingnesse such words as the Religious at that time were able to giue them to vnderstand more by signes then otherwise for they knew not the tongue It came to passe that there arriued there another ship after that the ship in which the Religious men came was departed thence and the Spanish in this Vessell keeping their Deuillish custome by suttletie without the knowlede of the Religious carried away the Lord of the Countrie called Alfonso were it that Friars had giuen him this name or else others For the Indians loue and desire to beare the name of the Christians desiring incontinent that it may be giuen them euen before they know any thing that they may be baptized They induced fraudulently this Don Alfonso to come aboord their ship with the Ladie his wife and other persons making semblance to goe about to feast them In the end there entred seuenteene persons together with the Lord and his Ladie the Lord trusting that the Religious persons being entred into his Countrie would keepe the Spaniards from doing any wrong for otherwise hee would neuer haue put himselfe in the hands of the Spanish The Indians therefore thus being in the ship the traiterous Spaniards hoised sailes and away they went to Hispaniola with them there selling them for slaues All the Countrie seeing that their Lord and Ladie were carried away they runne to the Religious men purposing to kill them The poore men appeased the Indians in the best manner they could saying that they would write to them at Hispaniola by the first ship that went and would take such care and order in the matter that their Souereigne should bee restored them againe with those that were in his company God sent immediately a ship thither and they wrote to the Spanish Religious men that were in the I le of Hispaniola They cry out and call Heauen and Earth witnesse against them both first and sundrie times after But the Iudges of the audience would neuer giue them audience to doe them Iustice for because themselues had part in the bootie of the Indians which the Tyrants had so against all right and reason taken The two Religious men which had promised the Indians of the Countrie that their Lord Don Alfonso with others should come home with the rest within foure moneths seeing that they came not neither in foure nor eight made themselues readie to the death and to giue their life which they had gaged before they came out of Spaine if neede should bee and in that sort the Indians tooke vengeance on them in killing them iustly notwithstanding that they were innocent for because that they thought that the Religious men had beene the occasion of this Treason Another time by reason of the great Tyrannies and execrable acts of the cursed ones bearing the name of Christians the Indians slue other two Religious men of Saint Dominickes Order and one of Saint Francis Whereof I can be a good witnesse for that I escaped at the time miraculously from the same death of the which it should be a hard matter to intreat and would be to amaze men by reason of the grieuousnesse and horriblenesse of the case Wherefore I will not lay it abroad for being too tedious vntill his time and at the day of iudgement it shall bee more euident when God shall take vengeance of the Theeueries so horrible and so abominable as are done by those which beare the name of Christians against the Indians Another time in those Prouinces at the Cape of the Codera as they call it there was a Towne the Lord whereof was named Higueroto a name either proper to the person or it may be common to the Lords of the place This Lord was so bounteous and his people so vertuous and seruiceable that as many Spaniards as came thither by ship they found there good entertainment meate lodging all cheering and refreshing This said Lord had also deliuered many from death of those which were fled thither out of other Prouinces where they had rioted and tyrannized and come thither sicke and halfe dead for hunger whom they refreshed and afterward sent them away safe to the I le of Pearles where there were Spaniards and might haue slaine them if he had would without that euer any should haue knowne it And shortly to say the Spanish did call the Subiects of Higurroto the House and Harbour of euery body A Catiffe Tyrant aduised himselfe to out-rage that people also when as they thought themselues sure enough and getting him to a ship he had there inuited a great number of people to come a boord her as they were accustomed to doe and to trust the Spaniards A great number of people being entred into her men women and children hee hoysed sailes and went to the I le of Saint Iohn where he sold them all for slaues I came at the same instant to the I le of Saint Iohn and I saw the Tyrant and vnderstood what he had done He had destroyed all that Township whereby he did great harme to all other his fellow Tyrants wonted to rob and roue all along those Coasts insomuch as they had in abomination this act so hideous being bereft thereby of their Harbour and house of retire as ordinary and familiar vnto them as it had beene their owne home and house They haue singled out at times from all this Coast the which was very well peopled vnto the Iles of Saint Iohn and Hispaniola aboue two Millions of soules seised vpon by their purchases in theeuing and robbing which also euery one of them they haue slaine not long after by thrusting them into the Minerals and other tormoiles besides the great numbers there were there alreadie before time as we haue abouesaid It is a tried case that they neuer conuey away their shippings of Indians so robbed and purchased as I haue said but that they cast the third part into the Sea besides those which they slay when they will sort them to themselues for their chaffer The cause is that when as they will by all meanes attaine to the end which they haue proposed to themselues they haue need of a great number of people
yea fauouring and supporting all the matter as likewise they haue had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite which haue beene done in all this coast of the Firme land which are about foure hundred leagues the which haue beene and now are vnder their iurisdiction like vnto Venesuela and Saint Martha all which the said Court might very well haue empeached and remedied Of the Prouinces of the firme land or quarter that is called Florida INto these Prouinces went three tyrants at three diuers times since the yeere 1510. or 1511. there to put in vre the acts which others and two of them from among themselues haue committed in other quarters of the Indians to the end to aspire to high degrees in no respect conuenient to their persons higher then their merits in the Common-wealth could conceiue with the bloud and destruction of their neighbours and they are dead all three of an euill death and their houses likewise haue beene destroyed with them the which they had builded in times past with the bloud of mankind as I can be a sufficient witnesse of all three and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth as if they had neuer beene in this world The fourth tyrant that came last in the yeere 1538. cunningly aduised and being fully furnished it is three yeeres since there is no tidings concerning him Sure he is one of the notoriousest and best experimented amongst them that haue done the most hurts mischieues and destructions in my Realmes with their consorts wherefore I beleeue that God hath giuen him like end vnto the others Of the Riuer of La Plata that is to say Of Siluer SIthence the yeere one thousand fiue hundred and two or three and twenty certaine Captaines made three or foure Voyages vp the Riuer of Plata where there are great Prouinces and Realmes and Nations well ordered and endued with vnderstanding In generall wee vnderstood that they haue made there great butcheries and inuasions but like as this Countey is farre discoasted from the Indies most famous so we are not able to quote the notablest points in particular Of the mighty Realmes and large Prouinces of Peru. IN the yeere 1531. went another great tyrant with certaine other consorts to the Realmes of Peru where entring with the same title and intention and with the same proceedings as all the rest before gone forasmuch as he was one of them which had of long time beene exercised in all kindes of cruelties and murders which had beene wrought in the firme land â—ithence the yeere 1510. hee tooke encouragement to accrue in cruelties murders and robberies being a man without loyaltie and truth laying waste Cities and Countries bringing them to nought and vtterly vndoing them by slaying the Inhabitants and being the cause of all the euils which ensued in that Countrie He slue and laid waste at his first arriuall with a mischiefe certaine boroughes from whom he pillaged a great quantitie of Gold In an Iland neere to the same Prouinces named Pagna well peopled and pleasant the Lord thereof with his people receiued them as it had beene Angels from heauen and six moneths after when as the Spanish had eaten vp all their prouision They discouered also vnto them the corne which they kept vnder ground for themselues their wiues and their children against a dry time and barren making them offer of all with trees plentifull to spend and eate at their pleasure The recompence in the end which they made them was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance a great quantitie of those people And those whom they could take aliue they made slâ—ues with other cruelties great and notable which they committed dispeopled as it were all that I le From thence they make to the Prouince of Tumbala which is in the firme land where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by And because all the people were fled as affrighted by their horrible acts they said that they made an insurrection and rebelled against the King of Spaine This tyrant had this policie and kept this order of proceeding that vnto all those whom he tooke or vnto others which presented him with Gold and Siluer or other things which they had he commanded them to bring more vntill such time as he perceiued that either they had no more or that they brought him no more And then he would say that he accepted them for the vassals and lieges of the King of Spaine and made much of them and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets that from thenceforth they would take them no more and that they would doe them no manner harme at all setting it downe for good ando lawfull all whatsoeuer he had robbed from them A few dayes after the King and Emperour of those Realmes named Atabaliba came accompanied with a number of naked people bearing their ridiculous armour not knowing neither how Swords did carue nor Speares did pierce nor Horses did run nor who or what were the Spaniards Hee commeth to the place where they were saying Where are these Spaniards Let them come I will not stirre a foote till they satisfie me for my Subiects whom they haue slaine and my boroughs which they haue dispeopled and for my wealth which they haue bereaued me The Spaniards set against him and slew an infinite sort of his people they tooke him also in person who came carried in a Litter borne vpon mens shoulders They treate with him to the end that he should ransome himselfe The King offereth to performe foure millions of Castillans and performeth fifteene they promise to release him notwithstanding in the end keeping nor faith nor truth as they neuer kept any in the Iudies vnto the Indians they laid to his charge altogether vntruely that by his commandement the people assembled The King answered that in all the Countrie there moued not a leafe of a tree without his good will that if there assembled any people they were to beleeue that it was by his commandement and as touching himselfe that he was prisoner and they might slay him All this notwithstanding they condemned him to be burnt aliue but at the request of some certaine the Captaine caused him to be strangled and being strangled hee was burned This King vnderstanding his sentence said Wherefore will you burne me What trespasse haue I done yee Did not you promise me to set me at libertie if I gaue you the Gold And haue I not performed more then I promised Seeing you needes will haue it so send me to your King of Spaine speaking other things to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards vsed whom in the end they burned Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare the imprisonment of this Prince the sentence and the execution of his death and the conscience whereby they possesse great treasures as
indeede they haue robbed in those Realmes from this King and other seuerall Lords infinite As touching the innumerable cruelties and notable for the mischiefes and enormities withall committed in the rooting out of those peoples by them who call themselues Christians I will here rehearse some certaine the which a Frier of Saint Francis order saw at the beginning and the same certified vnder his name and signe sending them into all those quarters and amongst others in to this Realme of Castile whereof I retaine a Copie in my keeping in the which it is thus written I Frier Marke of the order of Saint Francis commissarie ouer the other Friors of the same Order in the Prouinces of Peru and who was one of the first religious men which entred into the said Prouinces with the Spaniards doe say bearing true testimonie of certaine things the which I haue seene with mine eyes in that Countrie namely concerning the entreatie and conquests made ouer the naturall inhabitants of the Countrie first of all I am an eye witnesse and haue certaine knowledge that those Indians of Peru are a people the most kinde hearted that hath beene seene among all the Indians being courteous in conuersation and friendly vnto the Spaniards And I saw them giue to the Spanish in abundance Gold Siluer precious stones and all that was asked them and that they had doing them all kinde of seruice lawfull And the Indians neuer yeelded forth to warre but kept them in peace so long time as they gaue them not occasion by their euill entreating of them and their cruelties but contrariwise receiued them with all amitie and honour in their boroughes in giuing them to eate and as many slaues mankinde and womenkinde as they demanded for their seruice Item I am witnesse that without that the Indians gaue occasion the Spanish as soone as they were entred the land after that the great Cacique Atabalipa had giuen to the Spanish more then two millions of Gold and had put into their power the whole Countrie without resistance incontinent they burned the said Atabalipa which was Lord of the whole Countrie And after him they burnt his captaine generall Cochilimaca who had come to the Gouernour in peace with other Lords In the like manner also a few dayes after they burned a great Lord named Chamba of the Prouince of Quito without any fault at all and without hauing giuen the least occasion that might be In like manner they burned vniustly Schappera Lord of the Canaries Also they burnt the feete of Aluis a great Lord amongst all those which were in Quito and caused him to endure sundry other torments to make him tell where was the Gold of Atabalipa of the which treasure as it appeared he knew nothing Also they burnt in Quito Cosopanga who was Gouernour of all the Prouinces of Quito which vpon the request to him first made by Sebastian of Bernalcasar Captaine vnder the Gouernour was come to them in peace and onely because he gaue them not Gold so much as he demanded of him they burned him with very many other Caciques and principall Lords And for ought that I can vnderstand the intent of the Spaniards was that there should not be left aliue one Lord in the whole Countrey Item I certifie that the Spaniards caused to assemble a great number of Indians and locked them vp in three great houses as many as could be pored in and setting to fire they burned them all without that they had done the least thing that might be or had giuen to the Spanish the least occasion thereof whatsoeuer And it came to passe that a Priest who is named Ocanna drew a yong Boy out of the fire in the which he burned which perceiuing another Spaniard tooke from out of his hands the Boy and flung him into the middest of the flames where he was resolued into ashes together with others The which Spaniard returning the same day to the Campe fell downe dead suddenly and mine aduice was he should not be buried Item I affirme to haue seene with mine owne eyes that the Spanish haue cut the hands the noses and the eares of the Indians and of their women without any other cause or purpose saue onely that so it came into their fantasie and that in so many places and quarters that it should be too tedious to rehearse And I haue seene that the Spanish haue made their Mastiues runne vpon the Indians to rent them in pieces And moreouer I haue seene by them burnt so many houses and whole boroughes or townships that I am not able to tell the number Also it is true that they violently plucked the little infants from the Mothers dugges and taking them by the armes did throw them from them as farre as they could Together with other enormities and cruelties without any cause which gaue me astonishment to behold them and would be to long to rehearse them Item I saw when they sent for the Caciques and other principall Indians to come see them in peace and assurancâ— to them made promising them safe conduct and incontinent as they were arriued they burned them They burned two whiles I was present the one in Andon and the other in Tumbala and I could neuer preuaile with them to haue them deliuered from burning preached I vnto them neuer so much And in God and my conscience for ought that euer I could perceiue the Indians of Peru neuer lift themselues vp nor neuer rebelled for any other cause but for the euill entreating of the other side as is manifest vnto euery one and for iust cause the Spaniards destroying them tyrannously against all reason and iustice with all their Countrie working vpon them so many outrages that they were determined to die rather then to suffer much another time Item I say that by the report of the Indians themselues there is yet more Gold hidden then is come to light the which because of the vniustices and cruelties of the Spaniards they would not discouer neither euer will discouer so long as they shall be so euill entreated but will choose rather to dye with their fellowes Wherein God our Lord hath beene highly trespassed against and the Kings Maiestie euill serued hauing beene defrauded in that that his highnesse hath â—â—st such a Countrie as hath beene able to yeelde sustenance to all Castile for the recouerie of which Countrie it will be a matter of great difficultie dispence and charges All these hitherto are the formall words of the said religious person the which are also ratified by the Bishop of Mexico which witnesseth that the reuerend Father hath to his knowledge affirmed all the aboue said It is here to be considered that the good Father saith that he saw those things For thaâ— that he hath beene fiftie or an hundred leagues vp into the Countrie for the space of nine or ten yeares and at the very beginning when there were not as yet but very few
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
that I le was like vnto it which they found in the earth about a foot or two deepe The said Monsieur Preuert gaue the Sauages Wedges and Cizers and other things necessarie to draw out the said Myne which they haue promised to doe and to bring the same the next yeere and giue it the said Monsieur Preuert They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twentie leagues there are other Mynes but that they dare not goe thither vnlesse they haue Frenchmen with them to make warre vpon their enemies which haue the said Mynes in their possession The said place where the Myne is standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes neere the South Coast within fiue or sixe leagues it is a kind of Bay which is certaine leagues broad at the mouth thereof and somewhat more in length where are three Riuers which fall into the great Bay neere vnto the I le of Saint Iohn which is thirtie or fiue and thirtie leagues long and is sixe leagues distant from the South shoare There is also another little Riuer which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said Riuer Furthermore there is yet another small Riuer which goeth toward the Mountaine of the painting All these Riuers fall into the said Bay on the South-east part neere about the said Ile which the Sauages say there is of this white Metall On the North side of the said Bay are the Mynes of Copper where there is a good Hauen for ships and a small Iland at the mouth of the Hauen the ground is Oze and Sand where a man may run his ship on shoare From the said Myne to the beginning of the mouth of the said Riuers is some sixtie or eightie leagues by Land But by the Sea Coast according to my iudgement from the passage of the I le of Sain Lawrence and the Firme Land it cannot be past fiftie or sixtie leagues to the said Myne All this Countrey is exceeding faire and flat wherein are all sorts of trees which wee saw as wee went to the first Sault vp the great Riuer of Canada very small store of Firre-trees and Cypreâ—â—es And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Monsieur Preuert BEfore we departed from Tadousac to returne into France one of the Sagamoz of the Mountayners named Bechourat gaue his Sonne to Monsieur du Pont to carrie him into France and he was much recommended vnto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou praying him to vse him well and to let him see that which the other two Sauages had seene which we had brought backe againe We prayed them to giue vs a woman of the Irocois whom they would haue eaten whom they gaue vnto vs and we brought her home with the foresaid Sauage Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home foure Sauages one man which is of the South Coast one woman and two children of the Canadians The foure and twentieth of August we departed from Gachepay the ship of the said Monsieur Preuert and ours The second of September we counted that wee were as farre as Cape Rase The fift day of the said moneth we entred vpon the Banke whereon they vse to fiâ—â— The sixteenth we were come into the Sounding which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant The twentieth of the said moneth we arriued in New Hauen by the grace of God to all our contentments with a continuall fauourable wind CHAP. VII The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada and other places in New France HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Nauarre To our deare and well beloued the Lord of Monts one of the ordinarie Gentlemen of our Chamber greeting As our greatest care and labour is and hath alwayes beene since our comming to this Crowne maintaine and conserue it in the ancient dignitie greatnesse and splendour thereof to extend and amplifie as much as lawfully may bee done the bounds and limits of the same We being of a long time informed of the situation and condition of the Lauds and Territories of La Cadia moued aboue all things with a singular zeale and deuout and constant resolution which we haue taken with the helpe and assistance of God Author Distributour and Protectour of all Kingdomes and Estates to cause the people which doe inhabit the Countrey men at this present time Barbarous Atheists without Faith or Religion to be conuerted to Christianitie and to the Beliefe and Profession of our Faith and Religion and to draw them from the ignorance and vnbeliefe wherein they are Hauing also of a long time knowne by the Relation of the Sea Captaines Pilots Merchants and others who of long time haue haunted frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places how fruitfull commodious and profitable may be vnto vs to our Estates and Subiects the Dwelling Possession and Habitation of those Countries for the great and apparent profit which may be drawne by the greater frequentation and habitude which may bee had with the people that are found there and the Trafficke and Commerce which may be by that meanes safely treated and negotiated We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdome and in the knowledge and experience that rou haue of the qualitie condition and situation of the said Countrie of La Cadia for diuers and sundry Nauigations Voyages and Frequentations that you haue made into those parts and others neere and bordering vpon it Assuring our selues that this our resolution and intention being committed vnto you you will attentiuely diligently and no lesse couragiously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire Haue expresly appointed and established you and by these Presents signed with our owne hands doe commit ordaine make constitute and establish you our Lieutenant Generall for to represent our person in the Countries Territories Coasts and Co fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. degree vnto the 46. And in the same distance or part of it as farre as may bee done to establish extend and make to be knowne our Name Might and Authoritie And vnder the same to subiect submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof And by the meanes thereof and all lawfull wayes to call make instruct prouoke and incite them to the knowledge of God and to the light of the Faith and Christian Religion to establish it there And in the exercise and profession of the same keepe and conserâ—â— the said people and all other Inhabitants in the said places and there to command in peace rest and tranquillâ—â—ie as well by Sea as by Land to ordaine decide and cause to bee executed all that which you shall iudge fit and necessarie to be done for
constrained to take heed not from the people we call Sauages but from them that tearme themselues Christians and yet haue but the name of it cursed and abhominable people worse then Wolues enemies to God and humane nature This attempt then being broken Monsieur du Pont knew not what to doe but to attend the succour and supply that Monsieur de Monts promised parting from Port Royall at his return into France to send him the yeare following Yet for all euents he built another Barke and a Shallop for to seeke French Ships in the places where they vse to dry fish such as Campsean Port English Port Misamichis Port the Bay of Chaleur or Heat the Bay of Morues or Coddes and others in great number according as Monsieur de Monts had done the former yeare to the end to Ship himselfe in them and to returne into France in case that no Shippe should come to succour him ABout the time of the before mentioned Shipwracke Monsieur de Monts being in France knowing Monsieur de Poutrincourt his desire he wrote vnto him and sent a man of purpose to giue him notice of the Voyage that was in hand Which the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt accepted of He was no sooner come to Paris but that he was forced to depart not hauing scarse time to prouide for things necessary And I hauing had that good hap to be acquainted with him some yeares before he asked me if I would take part in that businesse Being come to Rochell we found there Monsieur de Monts and Monsieur de Poutrincourt that were come in Poste and our Ship called the Ionas of the burthen of one hundred and fiftie tuns ready to passe out of the chaines of the Towne to tarry for winde and tide The tyde I say because that a great Ship laden cannot come to sea from Rochell but in spring tydes vpon the new and full Moone by reason that in the Towne roade there is no sufficient depth I beleeue that after so many trials none would haue ventured to goe plant Colonies in those parts that Countrey being so ill spoken of that euery one did pittie vs considering the accidents happened to them that had beene there before Notwithstanding Monsieur de Monts and his associates did beare manfully this losse The Saturday Whitson eue the thirteenth of May we weied our anckers and sailed in open Sea so that by little and little we lost the sight of the great Towers and Towne of Rochell then of the Iles of Rez and Oleron bidding France fare-well It was a thing fearefull for them that were not vsed to such a dance to see them carried vpon so moueable an element and to be at euery monent as it were within two fingers breadth to death We had not long sailed but that many did their endeuour to yeelde vp the tribute to Neptune In the meane while we went still forward for there was no more going backe the planke being once taken vp The sixteenth of May we met with thirteene Holanders going for Spaine which did inquire of our voiage and so held their course About the eighteenth day of Iune we found the Sea-water during three dayes space very warme and by the same warmth our Wine also was warme in the bottome of our Ship yet the ayre was not hotter then before And the one and twentieth of the said Moneth quite contrary we were two or three dayes so much compassed with Mistes and Coldes that wee thought our selues to be in the moneth of Ianuary and the water of the Sea was extreame cold Which continued with vs vntill we came vpon the said Banke by reason of the said Mists which outwardly did procure this cold vnto vs. When I seeke out the cause of this Antiperistase I attribute it to the Ices of the North which come floting downe vpon the Coast and Sea adioyning to New-sound-Land and Labrador which we haue said elsewhere is brought thither with the Sea by her naturall motion which is greater there then elsewhere because of the great space it hath to run as in a gulfe in the depth of America where the natuee and situation of the vniuersall earth doth beare it easily Now these Ices which sometimes are seene in bankes of ten leagues length and as high as Mountaines and hils and thrice as deepe in the waters holding as it were an Empire in this Sea driue out farre from them that which is contrary to their coldnesse and consequently doe binde and close on this side that small quantity of milde temperature that the Summer may bring to that part where they come to seate and place themselues Before we come to the Banke which is the great Banke where the fishing of greene Cod-fishes is made so are they called when they are not dry for one must goealand for the drying of them the Sea-faring-men besides the computation they make of their course haue warnings when they come neere to it by Birds which are knowne euen as one doth them of these our parts returning backe into France when one is within one hundred or one hundred and twenty leagues neere it The most frequent of these Birds towards the said Bankes be Godes Fouquets and other called Happe-foyes The Banke whereof we speake are Mountaines grounded in the depth of the waters which are raised vp to thirty six and thirty and forty fathams neere to the vpper face of the Sea This Banke is holden to be of two hundred leagues in length and is eighteene twenty and twenty foure leagues broad which being passed there is no more bottome found out then in these parts vntill one come to the land The Ships being there arriued the sailes are rowled vp and there fishing is made for the greene-fish There is farther off other Bankes as I haue marked in the said Map vpon the which good fishing may be made and many goe thither that know the places When that we parted from Rochel there was as it were a Forrest of Ships lying at Chef de Bois whereof that place hath taken his name which went all in a company to that Country preuenting vs in their going but onely of two daies Hauing seene and noted the Banke we hoisted vp sailes and bare all night keeping still our Coast to the West But the dawne of day being come which was Saint Iohn Baptists Eue ' in Gods name we pulled downe the sailes passing that day a fishing of Cod-fish with a thousand mirths and contentments by reason of fresh meates whereof we had as much as we would hauing long before wished for them Monsieur de Poutrincourt and a yong man of Retel named Le Fleure who by reason of the Sea-sicknesse were not come out from their beds nor Cabines from the beginning of the Nauigation came vpon the hatches that day and had the pleasure not onely of fishing of Cod but also of those Birds that be called by the French
it into their mouthes they spitted it out so ignorant is this people of the best thing that God hath giuen to Man next to Bread Yet notwithstanding they haue no want of wit and might be brought to doe some good things if they were ciuilized and had the vse of Handy-craâ—â—s But they are subtile theeuish traiterous and though they bee naked yet one cannot take heed of their fingers for if one turne neuer so little his eyes aside and that they spie â—â—e opportunitie to steale any Knife Hatchet or any thing else they will not misse nor fayl 〈…〉 it and wâ—ll put the theft betweene their buttockes or will hidâ— it within the sand with their foot so cu 〈…〉 gly that one shall not perceiue it Indeed I doe not wonder if a people poore and naked be t 〈…〉 uish but when the heart is malicious it is vnexcusable This people is such that they must bee hâ—ndled with terrour for if through loue and gentlenesse one giue them too free accessâ— they will practise some surprize as it hath beene knowne in diuers occasions heretofore and will yet here-after be seene And without deferring any longer the second day after our comming thither as they saw our people busie awashing Linnen they came some fitty one following another with Bowes Arrowes and Quiuers intending to play some bad part as it was conâ—ectâ—red vpon theiâ— manâ—er of proceeding but they were preuented some of our men going to meet them with their Muskets and Matches at the cocke which made some of them runne away and the others being compassed in hauing put downe their weapons came to a Peninsule or small head of an Iland where our men were and making a friendly shew demanded to trucke the Tabacco they had for our merchandises The next day the Captaine of the said place and Port came into Monsieur de Pontrincourts Barke to see him wee did maruell to see him accompanied with Olmechin seeing the way was maruellous long to come thither by Land and much shorter by Sea That gaue cause of bad suspicion albeit hee had promised his loue to the Frenchmen Notwithstanding they were gently receiued And Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue to the said Olmechin a complete garment wherewith being clothed hee viewed himselfe in a Glasse and did laugh to see himselfe in that order But a little while after feeling that the same hindred him although it was in October when hee was returned vnto his Cabins he distributed it to sundry of his men to the end that one alone should not be ouerpestered with it Now during the time of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt was there being in doubt whether Monsieur de Monts would come to make an habitation on that Coast as hee wished it hee made there a piece of ground to be tilled for to sowe Corne and to plant Vines As they were a deliberating to passe farther Olmechin came to the Barke to see Monsieur de Poutrincourt where hauing carried certaine houres either in talking or eating hee said that the next day an hundred Boates should come contayning euery one sixe men but the comming of such a number of men being but troublesome Monsieur de Poutrincourt would not tarrie for them but went away the same day to Malebarre not without much difficultie by reason of the great streames and shoalds that are there So that the Barke hauing touched at three foot of water onely we thought to be cast away and wee beganne to vnlade her and put victuals into the Shalop which was behind for to saue vs on Land but being no full Sea the Barke came aflote within an houre All this Sea is a Land ouerflowed as that of Mount Saint Michaels a sanday ground in which all that resteth is a plaine flat Countrey as farre as the Mountaines which are seene fifteene leagues off from that place And I am of opinion that as farre as Virginia it is all alike Moreouer there is here great quantity of Grapes as before and a Country very full of people Mousieur de Monts being come to Malebarre in an other season of the yeare gathered onely greene Grapes which he made to be preserued and brought some to the King But it was our good hap to come thither in October for to see the maturity thereof I haue here before shewed the difficulty that is found in entering into Malebarre This is the cause why Monsieur de Poutrincourt came not in with his Barke but went thither with a Shallop onely which thirty or forty Sauages did helpe to draw in and when it was full tide but the tide doth not mount here but two fathams high which is seldome seene he went out and retired himselfe into his said Barke to passe further in the morning as soone as he should ordaine it THe night beginning to giue place to the dawning of the day the sailes are hoised vp but it was but a very perilous nauigation For with this small Vessell they were forced to coast the land where they found no depth going backe to Sea it was yet worse in such wise that they did strike twice or thrice being raised vp againe onely by the waues and the rudder was broken which was a dreadfull thing In this extremity they were constrained to cast anker in the Sea at two fathams deepe and three leagues off from the land Which being done Daniel Hay a man which taketh pleasure in shewing forth his vertue in the perils of the Sea was sent towards the Coast to view it and see if there were any Port. And as he was neere land he saw a Sauage which did dance singing yo yo yo he called to him to come neerer and by signes asked him if there were any place to retire Ships in and where any fresh water was The Sauage hauing made signe there was hee tooke him into his Shallop and brought him to the Barke wherein was Chkoudun Captaine of the Riuer of Oigoudi otherwise Saint Iohns Riuer who being brought before this Sauage he vnderstood him no more than did our owne people true it is that hy signes he comprehended better then they what he would say This Sauage shewed the places where no depth was and where was any and did so well indenting and winding here and there alway the led in hand that in the end they came to the Port shewed by him where small depth is wherein the Barke being arriued diligence was vsed to make a forge for to mend her with her rudder and an Ouen to bake Bread because there was no more Bisket left Fifteene dayes were imployed in this worke during the which Monsieur de Poutrincourt according to the laudable custome of Christians made a Crosse to be framed and set vp vpon a greene Banke as Monsieur de Mont had done two yeeres before at Kinibeki and Malebarre Now among these painefull exercises they gaue not ouer making good cheere with
healthfulnesse of the place First for our selues thankes be to God we had not a man sicke two dayes together in all our Voyage whereas others that went out with vs or about that time on other Voyages especially such as went vpon reprâ—sall were most of them infected with sicknesse whereof they lost some of theâ—r men and brought home a many sicke returning notwithstanding long before vs. But Verazzano and others as I take it you may reade in the Booke of Discoueries doe more particularly intreate of the Age of the people in that coast The Sassafras which we brought we had vpon the Ilands where though we bad little disturbance and reasonable plenty yet for that the greatest part of our people were imployed about the fitting of our house and such like affaires and a few and those but easie labourers vndertooke this worke the rather because we were informed before our going forth that a tunne was sufficient to cloy England and further for that we had resolued vpon our returne and taken view of our victuall we iudged it then needefull to vse expedition which afterward we had more certaine proofe of for when we came to an anker before Portsmouth which was some foure dayes after we made the land we had not one Cake of Bread nor any drinke but a little Vinegar left fâ—r these and other reasons we returned no otherwise laden then you haue heard And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can my selfe come to giue you further notice which though it be not so soone as I could haue wisht yet I hope it shall be in conuenient time In the meane time crauing your pardon for which the vrgent occasions of my stay will pleade I humbly take my leaue 7. Septemb. 1602. Your dutifull Sonne BARTH GOSNOLD CHAP. XI The Relation of Captaine GOSNOLS Voyage to the North part of Virginia begunne the sixe and twentieth of March Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and deliuered by GABRIEL ARCHER a Gentleman in the said Voyage THe said Captaine did set sayle from Famouth the day and yeere aboue written accompanied with thirtie two persons whereof eight Mariners and Saylers twelue purposing vpon the Discouery to returne with the ship for England the rest remayne there for population The fourteenth of Aprill following wee had sight of Saint Maries an Iland of the Assoris The three and twentieth of the same beeing two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Iland in the latitude of 37. degrees The water in the mayne Ocean appeared yellow the space of two leagues North and South where sounding with thirtie fadome Line wee found no ground and taking vp some of the said water in a bucket it altered not either in colour or taste from the Sea Azure The seuenth of May following we first saw many Birds in bignesse of Cliffe Pidgeons and after diuers other as Pettrels Cootes Hagbuts Pengwins Murres Gannets Cormorants Guls with many else in our English Tongue of no name The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish greene where at seuentie fadome we had ground The ninth wee had two and twentie fadome in faire sandie ground hauing vpon our Lead many glittering Stones somewhat heauie which might promise some Minerall matter in the bottome we held our selues by computation well neere the latitude of 43. degrees The tenth wee sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fadome and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint Iohns Iland vpon this banke we saw sculs of fish in great numbers The twelfth we hoysed out halfe of our shallop and sounding had then eightie fadome without any current perceiued by William Strete the Master one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries til we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by vs Sea-oare which seemed to haue their moueable course towards the North-east a matter to set some subtle inuention on worke for comprehending the true cause thereof The thirteenth wee sounded in seuentie fadome and obserued great beds of weedes much woode and diuers things else floating by vs when as we had smelling of the shoare such as from the Southerne Cape and Andulazia in Spaine The fourteenth about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North c. the Northerly part we called the North Land which to another Rocke vpon the same lying twelue leagues West that wee called Sauage Rocke because the Sauages first shewed themselues there fiue leagues towards the said Rocke is an out Point of woodie ground the Trees thereof very high and straight from the Rocke East North-east From the said Rocke came towards vs a Biscay shallop with saile and Oares hauing eight persons in it whom we supposed at first to bee Christians distressed But approching vs neere wee perceiued them to bee Sauages These comming within call hayled vs and wee answered Then after signes of peace and a long speech by one of them made they came boldly aboord vs being all naked sauing about their shoulders certaine loose Deere-skinnes and neere their wastes Seale-skinnes tyed fast like to Irish Dimmie Trouses One that seeemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of blacke worke a paire of Breeches cloth Stockings Shooes Hat and Band one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians these with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts and could name Placentia of the New-found-land they spake diuers Christian words and seemed to vnderstand much more then we for want of Language could comprehend These people are in colour swart their haire long vp tyed with a knot in the part of behind the head They paint their bodies which are strong and well proportioned These much desired our longer stay but finding our selues short of our purposed place we set saile Westwards leauing them and their Coast. About sixteene leagues South-west from thence wee perceiued in that course two small Ilands the one lying Eastward from Sauage Rock the other to the Southwards of it the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods faire Plaines with little greene round Hils aboue the Cliffes appearing vnto vs which are indifferently raised but all Rockie and of shining stones which might haue perswaded vs a longer stay there The fifteenth day we â—ad againe sight of the Land which made a head being as wee thought an Iland by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward betweene it and the Mayne for comming â—o the Well end thereof we did perceiue a large opening we called it Shole-hope Neere this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteene fadome where wee tooke great store of Cod-fish for which we altâ—red the name and called it Cape Cod. Here wee saw sculs of Herrings Mackerels and other small 〈◊〉 in great abundance This is a low sandie shoare but without danger also wee came to Anchor againe in sixteene fadome faire by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees This
in the Sea but because she got vnder the Fortresse which also began to shoot at the Englishmen they were forced to leaue her and to put further into the Sea hauing slaine fiue or sixe of the Spaniards The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship were put vnder hatches and coupled in bolts and after they had beene Prisoners three or foure dayes there was a Spanish Ensigne-bearer in the ship that had a brother â—â—â—ine in the â—â—eet that came for England who as then minding to reuenge his death and withall to shew his man-hood to the English Captiues that were in the English shippe which they had taken as is aforesaid tooke a Ponyard in his hand and went downe vnder the Hatches where finding the poore Englishmen sitting in bolts with the same Ponyard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart which two others of them perceiuing clasped each other about the middle because they would not bee murthered by him threw themselues into the Sea and there were drowned This act was of all the Spaniards much disliked and very ill taken so that they carried the Spaniard prisoner vnto Lisbone where being arriued the King of Spaine willed he should be sent into England that the Queene of England might vse him as she thought good which sentence his friends by intreatie got to bee reuersed notwithstanding he commanded he should without all fauour bee beheaded but vpon a good Friday the Cardinall going to Masse all the Captaines and Commanders made so great intreatie for him that in the end they got his pardon This I thought good to note that men might vnderstand the bloudie and honest mindes of the Spaniards when they haue men vnder their subiection The same two English ships which followed the Spanish Admirall till hee had got vnder the Fort of Tercera as I said before put into the Sea where they met with an other Spanish ship being of the same fleete that had likewise beene scattered by the storme and was only missing for the rest lay in the Road this small ship the Englishmen tooke and sent all the men on shore not hurting any of them but if they had knowne what had beene done vnto the foresaid English Captiues I beleeue they would soone haue reuenged themselues as afterward many an innocent soule payed for it This ship thus taken by the Englishmen was the same that was kept and confiscated in the Iland of Tercera by the Englishmen that got out of the Iland in a fisher-boat as I said before and was sold vnto the Spaniards that as then came from the Indies wherewith they sailed to Saint Lucas where it was also arrested by the Duke and appoined to goe in company to fetch the siluer in Tercera because it was a shippe that sayled well but among the Spaniards fleete it was the meanest of the Company By this meanes it was taken from the Spaniards and carried into England and the Owners had it againe when they least thought of it The nineteenth of March the aforesaid ships being nineteene in number set saile hauing laden the Kings siluer and receiued in Aluaro Flores de Quiniones with his company and good prouision of necessaries Munition and Souldiers that were fully resolued as they made shew to fight valiantly to the last man before they would yeeld or lose their riches and although they set their course for Saint Lucas the wind draue them vnto Lisbone which as it seemed was willing by his force to helpe them and to bring them thither in safetie although Aluaro de Flores both against the wind and weather would perforce haue sailed to Saint Lucas but being constrained by the wind and importunitie of the Sailers that protested they would require their losses and damages of him he was content to saile to Lisbone from whence the siluer was by Land carried into Siuilia At Cape Saint Vincent there lay a Fleet of twentie English shippes to watch for the Armada so that if they had put into Saint Lucas they had fallen right into their hands which if the wind had serued they had done And therefore they may say that the wind had lent them a happie Voyage for if the Englishmen had met with them they had surely beene in great danger and possibly but few of them had escaped by reason of the feare wherewith they were possessed because Fortune or rather God was wholly against them Which is a sufficient cause to make the Spaniards out of heart to the contrarie to giue the Englishmen more courage and to make them bolder for that they are victorious stout and valiant and seeing all their enterprizes doe take so good effect that thereby they are become Lords and Masters of the Sea and need care for no man as it well appeareth by this briefe Discourse In the month of March 1590. There was a Blasing Starre with a taile seene in Tercera that continued foure nights together stretching the tayle towards the South In the moneth of May a Caruell of Fayael arriued at Tercera in the Hauen or Road of Angra laden with Oxen Sheepe Hennes and all other kinds of victuals and full of people which by a storme had broken her Ruther whereby the Sea cast her about and therewith she sunke and in her were drowned three children and a Frier Franciscan the rest of the men saued themselues by swimming and by helpe from the shore but all the Cattle and Hennes came drowned to land the Frier was buried with a great Procession and Solemnitie esteeming him for a Saint because he was taken vp dead with his Booke betweene his armes for the which cause euery man came to looke on him as a Miracle giuing great Offerings to say Masses for his soule The first of August the Gouernor of Tercera receiued aduise out of Portugall and Spaine that two yeeres before the date of his Letters there were sayled out of England twelue great shippes well appointed with full resolution to take their iournie seuen of them into the Portugall Indies and the other fiue to Malacca of the which fiue two were cast away in passing the Straits of Magellanes and three sayled to Malacca but what they had done there was as then not knowne The other seuen passed the Cape de bona Speranza and arriued in India where they put into the Coast of Malabares but let them goe againe and two Turkish Gallies that came out of the Straits of Mecca or the Red Sea to whom likewise they did no hurt And there they laded their ships wis Spices and returned backe againe on their way but where or in what place they had laden it was not certainely knowne sauing onely that thus much was written by the Gouernour of India and sent ouer Land to Uenice and from thence to Madrill The seuenth of August a Nauie of English ships was seene before Tercera beeing twentie in number and fiue of them the Queenes ships their Generall was one Martin Frobisher as wee after had
intelligence They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies and for the Indian ships and the shippes of the Countries in the West which put the Ilanders in great feare specially those of Fayael for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine flesh and other victuals for their money and good friendship They of Fayael did not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpetter which the Englishmen tooke in euill part sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues and stand vpon their guard for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere that he was there in the behalfe of his Maiestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best to keepe them out as he was bound but no thing was done although they of Fayael were in no little feare sending to Tercera for aide from whence they had certaine Barkes with Powder and Munition for warre with some Bisket and other necessary prouision The thirtieth of August we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugall that there were eightie ships put out of the Carunho laden with Victuals Munition Money and Souldiers to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholikes and Leaguers of France against the King of Nauarre At the same time two Netherland Hulkes comming out of Portugall to Tercera beeing halfe the Seas ouer met with foure of the Queenes shippes their Generall beeing Sir Iohn Hawkins that stayed them but let them goe againe without doing them any harme The Netherlanders reported that each of the Queenes ships had eightie Peeces of Ordnance and that Captaine Drake lay with fortie ships in the English Channell watching for the Armie of Carunho and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent tenne other English ships that if any ships escaped from the Ilands they might take them Those tidings put the Ilanders in great feare lest if they failed of the Spanish fleete and got nothing by them that then they would fall vpon the Ilands because they would not returne emptie home whereupon they held straight watch sending aduise vnto the King what newes they heard The first of September there came to the Iland of Saint Michael a Portugall ship out of the Hauen of Pernanbuco in Brasilia which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall fleet that came from India hauing missed the Iland of Saint Helena was of necessitie constrained to put in at Pernanbuco although the King had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe because of the Wormes that there doe spoile the ships The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero was Admirall the yeere before 1589. sayled out of Lisbone into the Indies with fiue ships in her company whereof but foure got into India the fift was neuer heard of so that it was thought to be cast away The other foure returned safe againe into Portugall though the Admirall was much spoiled because he met with two English ships that fought long with him and slue many of his men but yet he escaped from them The fift of the same moneth there arriued in Tercera a Caruell of the Iland of Coruo and brought with her fiftie men that had beene spoyled by the Englishmen who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo being taken out of a shippe that came from the Spanish Indies they brought tydings that the Englishmen had taken foure more of the Indian ships and a Caruell with the King of Spaines Letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugall Indies and that with those which they had taken they were at the least forty English ships together so that not one Barke escaped them but fell into their hands and that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India durst not put into the Ilands but tooke their course vnder fortie and fortie two degrees and from thence sailed to Lisbon shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it for that as then the Sea was full of English ships Wherupon the King aduised the fleet lying in Hauana in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spaine that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere because of the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen which was no small charge and hinderance to the fleet for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues and in a manner eate vp one another by reason of the great number of people together with the scarcitie of all things so that many ships chose rather one by one to aduenture themselues alone to get home then to stay there all which fell into the Englishmens hands whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera for that a whole day we could see nothing else but spoyled men set on shore some out of one ship some out of another that pittie it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen and their owne fortunes with those that had beene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the King of Spaines Officers The nineteenth of the same moneth there came to Tercera a Caruel of Lisbon with one of the Kings Officers to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship which came from Malacca for the which we stayed there to be laden and sent to Lisbon And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan with fortie great ships of warre to come vnto the Ilands there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugall Indies and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden they were to conuoy them all together into the Riuer of Lisbon but being certaine dayes at Sea alwayes hauing a contrary wind they could not get vnto the Ilands only two of them that were scattered from the fleet they presently returned backe to seeke them in the meane time the King changed his minde and caused the fleet to stay in India as I said before and therefore he sent word vnto Don Alonso de Bassan that hee should returne againe to the Carunha which he presently did without doing any thing nor once approching neere the Ilands sauing only the two foresaid ships for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Coruo but he would not visit them and so he returned to the Hauen of Carunha whereby our goods that came from Malacca were yet to ship and crussed vp againe forced to stay a more fortunate time with patience perforce The three and twentieth of October there arriued in Tercera a Caruell with aduise out of Portingall that of fiue ships which in the yeere 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies foure of them were turned againe to Portingall after they had beene foure moneths abroad and that the Admirall wherein the Vice-roy
called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed had only gotten to India as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea and neuer saw Land and came in great misery to Malacca In this ship there died by the way two hundred and eightie men according to a note by himselfe made and sent to the Cardinall at Lisbon with the names and surnames of euery man together with a description of his Voyage and the misery they had indured which was only done because he would not lose the gouernment of India and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life or to arriue in India as indeed he did afterwards but to the great danger losse and hinderance of his company that were forced to buy it with their liues and onely for want of prouision as it may well bee thought for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall as the other ships did hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him for his proude and loftie minde And among other things that shewed his pride the more behind aboue the Gallery of his ship he caused Fortune to be painted and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her as it were threatning Fortune with this Poesie Quero que vencas that is I will haue thee to ouercome which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen that to honour him aboord his ship it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues specially when they are in authoritie for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India being a Souldier and a Captaine where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them and much honoured and beloued of all men as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy hee changed so much from his former behauiour that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before he departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The twentieth of Ianuary Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Tercera that the Englishmen had taken a ship that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies with aduise to the Vice-roy for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India and because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight besides other wares It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen with whom for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lishone where the Captaine was committed Prisoner but hee excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe and he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold and two ships laden with Pepper and Spices that were to saile into Italie the Pepper onely that was in them being worth 170000. Duckets all these ships were carried into England and made good prize In the moneth of Iuly An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting and praying with great sorrow for that many of their houses fell downe and a Towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The Land in some places rose vp and the Cliffes remooued from on place to another and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The Earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the Road and on the Sea shaked as if the World would haâ—e turned round there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of foure dayes there flowed a most cleare water and after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together so that it seemed to turne about but there happened no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The fiue and twentieth of August the Kings Armada comming out of Farol arriued in Tercera being in all thirty Ships Biskates Portugals and Spaniards and ten Dutch flye-boates that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King besides other small Ships Pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the Seas This Nauie came to stay for and conuoy the Sâ—â—ps that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy it to Lisbone The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about sixteene Ships as then lay staying for the Spanish Fleete whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong the Admirall being the Lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall Sir Richard Greenfield being in the Ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish Fleete and shot among them doing them great hurt and thinking the rest of the company would haue followed which they did not but left him there and sailed away the cause why they could not know which the Spaniards perceiuing with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least twelue houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes and Admirall of the Flie-boates the other a Biscaine But in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse
pretended out of their commisserations to referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check rather then by particulating his designes make him so odious to the world as to touch his life or vtterly ouerthrow his reputation but he much scorned their charitie and publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie hee wisely preuented their policies though hee could not suppresse their enuies yet so well hee demeaned himselfe in this businesse as all the Company did see his innocencie and his aduersaries malice and those which had beene subborned to accuse him accused his accusers of subornation many vntruths were alledged against him but being so apparantly disproued begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the Company against such vniust Commanders many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant yet ambitious spirits but the good doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell the next day all receiued the Communion the day following the Sauages voluntarily desired peace and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes leauing in Virginia one hundred the fifteenth of Iune 1607. The names of them that were the first planters were these following Master Edward-Maria Wingfield Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll Capt. Iohn Smith Capt. Iohn Ratcliffe Cap. Iohn Martin Capt. George Kendall Councellors M. George Piercy M. Robert Hunt Preacher Anthony Gosnoll Capt. Gabrill Archer Rob. Ford William Brustar Dru Pickhouse Iohn Brookes Thomas Sands Iohn Robinson Vstis Clonill Kellam Throgmorton Nathaniell Powell Robert Behethland Ieremy Alicock Thomas Studley Richard Crofts Nicholas Houlgraue Thomas Webbe Iohn Waler William Tankard Francis Snarsbrough Edward Brookes Richard Dixon Iohn Martin George Martin Anthony Gosnold Thomas Wotton Seirg Thomas Gore Francis Midwinter Gentlemen William Laxon Edward Pising Tho. Emry Rob. Small Carpenters Anas Todkill Iohn Capper Iames Read Blacksmith Ionas Profit Sailer Tho. Couper Barber Iohn Herd Brick-layer William Garret Brick-layer Edward Brinto Mason William Loue Taylor Nic. Skot Drum Iohn Laydon William Cassen George Cassen Tho. Cassen William Rods William White Ould Edward Henry Tauin George Golding Iohn Dods Will. Iohnson Will. Vnger Labourers Will. Wilkinson Surgeon Samuell Collier Nat. Pecock Iames Brumfield Rich. Mutton with diuers others to the number of one hundred and fiue BEing thus left to our fortunes it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst vs could either goe or well stand such extreame weaknesse and sicknesse oppressed vs. And thereat none need maruell if they consider the cause and reason which was this whilest the ships stayed our allowance was somewhat bettered by a daily proportion of bisket which the Saylers would pilfer to sell giue or exchange with vs for money saxefras furres or loue But when they departed there remained neither Tauerne Beere-house nor place of reliefe but the common kettell Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony and drunkennesse we might haue beene canonized for Saints But our President would neuer haue beene admitted for ingrossing to his priuate Otemeale Sack Oile Aquavitae Beefe Egges or what not but the kettel that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed and that was halfe a pinte of Wheat and as much Barly boiled with water for a man a day and this hauing fryed some six and twentie weekes in the ships hold contained as many wormes as graines so that wee might truely call it rather so much Bran then Corne our drinke was water our lodgings castles in aire with this lodging and diet our extreame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes so strained and bruised vs and our continuall labour in the extreamitie of heat had so weakned vs as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as miserable in our natiue Countrey or any other place in the world From May to September those that escaped liued vpon Sturgion and Sea-Crabs fiftie in this time we buried The rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknesse so moued our dead spirits as wee deposed him and established Ratcliffe in his place Gosnoll being dead Kendall deposed Smith newly recouered Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserued and relieued but now was all our prouision spent the Sturgeon gone all helpes abandoned each houre expecting the fury of the Sauages when God the Patron of all good indeauours in that desperat extreamitie so changed the hearts of the Sauages that they brought such plentie of their fruits and prouision as no man wanted The new President and Martin being little beloued of weake iudgement in dangers and lesse industry in peace committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith who by his owne example good words and faire promises set some to mow others to binde thatch some to build houses others to thatch them himselfe alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his owne share so that in short time he prouided most of them lodgings neglecting any for himselfe This done seeing the Sauages superfluitie begin to decrease with some of his workmen hee shipped himselfe in the shallop to search the Countrey for trade the want of the language knowledge to mannage his Boat without Sailers the want of sufficient power knowing the multitude of the Sauages apparell for his men and other necessaries were infinite impediments yet no discouragement Being but sixe or seuen in company hee went downe the Riuer to Kecoughtan where at first they scorned him as a starued man and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne or a piece of Bread for their Swords and Muskets and such like proportions also for their apparell But seeing by trade there was nothing to be had necessitie forced him to exceed his Commission and to vse his Muskets to another kind of trading which made these deriders flye to the Woods Hee hasted to their houses and found store of Corne from which the hungry Souldiers were hardly detained in bastier spoile to haue betrayed themselues to the returning Sauages assault This sixtie or seuenty did presently with hideous noise to the eare and manifold colours painted to the eye singing and dancing with their Okee which was an Idol made with skins stuffed with mosse all painted and hanged with Chaines and Copper borne before them and being well armed with Clubs Targets Bowes and Arrowes they charged the English who so kindly receiued them with their Muskets loaden with Pistoll shot that downe fell their God and diuers of his worshippers lay sprauling on the ground the rest flying to the Woods Soone after they sent one of their Quiyoughcasucks to offer peace and redeeme their Okee Smith agreed that if onely sixe would come vnarmed and load his Boat with Corne hee would be their friend restore their Okee and giue them also Beads Copper Hatchets which on beth sides was performed to mutuall content and they brought him singing and dansing Venison Turkeys wild Fowle Bread
they dare then to enter our Ports and trucke with vs as they counterfeited vnderhand when indeede they came but as Spies to discouer our strength trucking with vs vpon such hard conditions that our Gouernour might very well see their subtiltie and therefore neither could well indure nor would continue it And I may truely say beside so had our men abased and to such a contempt had they brought the value of our Copper that a peece which would haue bought a bushell of their Corne in former time would not now buy a little Cade or Basket of a Pottle And for this misgouernment chiefely our Colony is much bound to the Mariners who neuer yet in any Voyage hither but haue made a prey of our poore people in want insomuch as vnlesse they might aduance foure or fiue for one how assured soeuer of the payments of their Bils of Exchange they would not spare them a dust of Corne nor a pinte of Beere to giue vnto them the least comfort or reliefe although that Beere purloyned and stolne perhaps either from some particular supply or from the generall store so vncharitable a parcell of people they be and ill conditioned I my selfe haue heard the Master of a Shippe say euen vpon the arriuall of this Fleete with the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall when the said Master was treated with for such Commodities as hee brought to fell that vnlesse hee might haue an East Indian increase foure for one all charges cleered hee would not part with a Can of Beere Besides to doe vs more villany and mischiefe they would send of their long Boates still by night and well guarded make out to the neighbour Villages and Townes and there contrary to the Articles of the Fort which now pronounce death for a trespasse of that qualiâ—ie trucke with the Indians giuing for their trifles Otter skinnes Beuers Rokoone Furres Beares skinnes c. so large a quantity and meâ—sure of Copper as when the Trucke-Master for the Colony in the day time offered trade the Indians would laugh and scorne the same telling what bargains they met withall by night from our Mangot Quintons so calling our great Shippes by which meanes the Market with them forestalled thus by these dishonest men I may boldly say they haue bin a consequent cause this last yeare to the death and staruing of many a worthy spirit but I hope to see a true amendment and reformation as well of those as of diuers other intollerable abuses thrust vpon the Colony by these shamelesse people as also for the transportation of such prouisions and supplies as are sent hither and come vnder the charge of pursers a parcell fragment and odde ends of fellowes dependancies to the others a better course thought vpon of which supplies neuer yet came into the Store or to the Parties vnto whom such supplies were sent by relation hitherto a moitie or third part for the speedy redresse of this being so soueraigne a point I vnderstand how the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall hath aduise vnto the Counsell that there may be no more prouisions at all deliuered vnto Pursers but hath intreated to haue the prouision thus ordered He would haue a Commissary Generall of the Victuals to be appointed who receiuing the store for the Colony by Indenture from the Treasurer and Victuallers in England may keepe a iust accompt what the grosse amounteth vnto and what is transported euery Voyage in seuerall kindes as of Bread Meate Beere Wine c. which said Commissary shall deliuer ouer the same to the Master of euery Ship and take an Indenture from the said Master of what he hath in charge and what he is to deliuer to the Treasurer of the store in Virginia of which if any be wanting he the said Master shall make it good out of his owne intertainment otherwise the Pursers Stewards Coopers and quarter Masters will be sure still not onely to giue themselues and their friends double allowances but thinke it all well gotten that they can purloine and steale away Besides that the Indian thus euill intreated vs the Riuer which were wont before this time of the yeare to be plentifull of Sturgion had not now a Fish to be seene in it and albeit we laboured and hold our Net twenty times day and night yet we tooke not so much as would content halfe the Fishermen Our Gouernour therefore sent away his long Boate to coast the Riuer downward as farre as Point Comfort and from thence to Cape Henry and Cape Charles and all within the Bay which after a seuen nights triall and trauaile returned without any fruites of their labours scarse getting so much Fish as serued their owne Company And to take any thing from the Indian by force we neuer vsed nor willingly euer will and though they had well deserued it yet it was not now time for they did as I said before but then set their Corne and at their best they had but from hand to mouth so as what now remained such as we found in the Fort had wee staid but foure dayes had doubtâ—esse bin the most part of them starued for their best reliefe was onely Mushrums and some hearbes which sod together made but a thin and vnsauory broath and swelled them much The pitty hereof moued our Gouernour to draw forth such prouision as he had brought proportioning a measure equally to euery one a like But then our Gouernor began to examine how long this his store would hold out and found it husbanded to the best aduantage not possible to serue longer then sixteene dayes after which nothing was to be possibly supposed out of the Countrey as before remembred nor remained there then any meanes to transport him elsewhere Whereupon hee then entred into the consultation with Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport calling vnto the same the Gentlemen and Counsell of the former Gouernment intreating both the one and the other to aduise with him what was best to be done The prouision which they both had aboord himselfe and Sir George Summers was examined and deliuered how it being rackt to the vttermost extended not aboue as I said sixteene dayes after two Cakes a day The Gentlemen of the Town who knew better of the Country could not giue him any hope or wayes how to improue it from the Indian It soone then appeared most fit by a generall approbation that to preserue and saue all from staruing there could be no readier course thought on then to abandon the Country and accommodating themselues the best that they might in the present Pinnaces then in the road namely in the Discouery and the Uirginia and in the two brought from and builded at the Bermudas the Delinerance and the Patience with all speede conuenient to make for the New found Land where being the fishing time they might meete with many English Ships into which happily they might disperse most of the Company This Consultation
cut o 〈…〉 r from Riuer to Riuer guarded likewise with seuerall Commanders with great quantitie of Corne ground impaled sufficient if there were no more in the Colony secured to maintaine with but easie manuring and husbandry more men then I suppose will be addressed thither the more is the pittie these three yeeres For the further enlargement yet of this Towne on the other side of the Riuer by impaling likewise for we make no other fence is secured to our vse especially for our hogges to feed in about twelue English miles of ground by name Hope in Faith Coxen-Dale secured by fiue Forts called Charity Fort Mount Malado a Retreat or Guest-house for sicke people a high seate and wholsome ayre Elizabeth Fort and Fort Patience and here hath Master Whitacres chosen his Parsonage or Church-land some hundred Acres impaled and a faire framed Parsonage house built thereupon called Rocke Hall Of this Towne and all the Forts thereunto belonging hath Captaine Iames Dauis the principall Command and Gouernment I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation whether wee respect commoditie or securitie which we principally ay me at against forraine designes and inuasion I meane the Bermuda Citie begun about Christmasse last which because it is the neerest adioyning to Henrico though the last vndertaken I hold it pertinent to handle in the next place This Towne or Plantation is seated by Land some fiue miles from Henricâ— by water fourteene being the yeere before the habitation of the Appamatucks to reuenge the treacherous iniurie of those people done vnto vs taken from them besides all their Corne the former before without the losse of any saue onely some few of those Indians pretending our hurt at what time Sir Thomas Dale being himselfe vpon that seruice and duely considering how commodious a habitation and seate it might be for vs tooke resolution to possesse and plant it and at that very instant gaue it the name of the new Bermudas whereunto he hath laid out and annexed to bee belonging to the Freedome and Corporation for euer many miles of Champion and Wood-land in seuerall Hundreds as the vpper and nether Hundreds Roch-dale Hundred Wests Sherly Hundred and Digges his Hundred Captaine Argalls Northward discoueries towardes Sacadehoc and beyond to Port Royall Sancta Crux and thereabout may not bee concealed In which his aduentures if he had brought home no commoditie to the Colony which yet he did very much both of apparell victualls and many other necessaries the honour which he hath done vnto our Nation by displanting the French there beginning to seat and fortifie within our limits and taking of their Ship Pinnace which he brought to Iames Towne would haue been reward enough for his paines and will euer speake loud his honour and approued valour CHAP. XI A Letter of Sir THOMAS DALE and another of Master WHITAKERS from Iames Towne in Virginia Iune 18. 1614. And a piece of a Tractate written by the said Master WHITAKERS from Virginia the yeere before To the R. and my most esteemed friend M. D. M. at his house at F. Ch. in London RIght Reuerend Sir by Sir Thomas Gates I wrote vnto you of such occasions as then presented themselues and now againe by this worthy Gentleman Captaine Argall I salute you for such is the reuerend regard I haue of you as I cannot omit any occasion to expresse the sincere affection I beare you You haue euer giuen mee encouragements to perseuere in this Religious Warfare vntill your last Letters not for that you are now lesse well affected thereunto but because you see the Action to be in danger of their non-performances who vndertooke the businesse I haue vndertaken and haue as faithfully and with all my might indeauoured the prosecution with all alacritie as God that knoweth the heart can beare me record what recompence or what rewards by whom or when I know not where to expect but from him in whose Vineward I labour whose Church with greedy appetite I desire to erect My glorious Master is gone that would haue ennamelled with his fauours the labors I vndertake for Gods cause and his immortall honour Hee was the Great Captaine of our Israel the hope to haue builded vp this heauenly new Ierufalem he interred I thinke the whole frame of this businesse fell into his graue for most mens forward at least seeming so desires are quenched and Virginia stands in desperate hazard You there doo your duties I will no way omit mine the time I promised to labour is expired it is not a yoke of Oxen hath drawne mee from this feast it is not the marriage of a wife makes me hast home though that sallat giue mee an appetite to cause me returne But I haue more care of the Stock then to set vpon a Dye and rather put my 〈…〉 fe to the curtesie of noble and worthy censures then ruine this Worke and haue a Iury nay a million of foule mâ—utbed detractors scan vpon my endeauours the ends whereof they cannot diue into You shall briefly vnderstand what hath betide since my last and how we now stand and are likely to grow to perfection if wee be not altogether neglected my stay grounded vpon such reason as had I now returned it would haue hazarded the ruine of all Sir Thomas Gates hauing imbarked himselfe for England I put my selfe into Captaine Argalls ship with a hundred and fiftie men in my frigot and other boats went vnto Pamaunkie Riuer where Powhatan hath his residence and can in two or three dayes draw a thousand men together with me I carried his daughter who had beene long prisoner with vs it was a day or two before wee heard of them At length they demanded why wee came I gaue for answere that I came to bring him his daughter conditionally he would as hath beene agreed vpon for her ransome render all the Armes Tooles Swords and men that had run away and to giue me a ship full of Corne for the wrong hee had done vnto vs if they would doe this wee would be friends if not burne all They demanded time to send to their King I assented I taking they receiuing two pledges to carry my message to Powhatan All night my two men lay not farre from the water side about noone the next day they told them the great King was three daies iourney off that Opochankano was hard by to whom they would haue had them deliuer their message saying That what hee agreed vpon and did the great King would confirme This Opocankano is brother to Powhatan and is his and their chiefe Captaine and one that can as soone if not sooner as Powhatan command the men But my men refused to doe my message vnto any saue Powhatan so they were brought backe and I sent theirs to them they told me that they would fetch Simons to me who had thrice plaid the runnagate whose lyes and villany much hindred our trade for Corne
at the Church a little within Ludgate London SIR IT was the nineteenth of May before I was fitted for my discouery when from Monahiggan I set sayle in an open Pinnace of fiue tun for the Iland I told you of I passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations not long since populous now vtterly void in other places a remnant remaines but not free of sicknesse Their disease the Plague for wee might perceiue the sores of some that had escaped who described the spots of such as vsually die When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Country finding all dead I trauelled alongst adaies iourney Westward to a place called Nummastaquyt where finding Inhabitants I dispatched a Messenger a dayes iourney further West to Poconaokit which bordereth on the Sea whence came to see me two Kings attended with a guard of fiftie armed men who being well satisfied with that my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them being desirous of noueltie gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded where I found that former relations were true Here I redeemed a Frenchman and afterwards another at Mastachusit who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod. I must amongst many things worthy obseruation for want of leisure therefore hence I passe not mentioning any place where we touched in the way to the Iland which wee discouered the twelfth of Iune Here we had good quarter with the Sauages who likewise confirmed former reports I found seuen seuerall places digged sent home of the earth with samples of other commodities elsewhere found sounded the Coast and the time being farre spent bare vp for Monahiggan arriuing the three and tieth of Iune where wee found our Ship ready to depart To this I le are two other neere adioyning all which I called by the name of King Iames his Iles because from thence I had the first motiues to search For that now probable passage which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart I thus concluded for the accomplishing my businesse In regard of the fewnesse of my men not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe I put most of my prouisions aboord the Sampson of Cape Ward ready bound for Virginia from whence hee came taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serue our turnes determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast along and at Virginia to supply our selues for a second discouery if the first failed But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting and are seldome without their crosses so in this we had our share and met with many difficulties for wee had not sayled aboue forty leagues but wee were taken with a Southerly storme which draue vs to this strait eyther we must weather a rockie point of Land or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous Incidit in Syllam c. the Rockes wee could not weather though wee loosed till we receiued much water but at last were forced to beare vp for the Bay and run on ground a furlong off the shoare where we had beene beaten to pieces had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our prouisions to haue our liues by which meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt hauing our Planke broken and a small leake or two which we easily mended Being left in this misery hauing lost much bread all our Beefe and Sider some Meale and Apparell with other prouisions and necessaries hauing now little left besides hope to encourage vs to persist Yet after a little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages as before which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence who desired in regard of our long iourney to slay with some of our Sauage friends at Sawahquatooke for now almost euery where where they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At Manamock the Southerne part of Cape Cod now called Sutcliffe Inlets I was vnawares taken prisoner when they sought to kill my men which I left to man the Pinnace but missing of their purpose they demanded a ransome which had I was as farre from libertie as before yet it pleased God at last after a strange manner to deliuer me with three of them into my hands and a little after the chiefe Sacheum himselfe who seeing me weigh anchor would haue leaped ouerboord but intercepted craued pardon and sent for the Hatchets giuen for ransome excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his neighbours and to be friends sent for a Canoas lading of Corne which receiued we set him free I am loth to omit the story wherein you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our greatest misery in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time Departing hence the next place we arriued at was Capaock an Iland formerly discouered by the English where I met with Epinew a Sauage that had liued in England and speakes indifferent good English who foure yeeres since being carried home was reported to haue beene slaine with diuers of his Countreymen by Saylers which was false With him I had much conference who gaue mee very good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could demand Time not permitting mee to search here which I should haue done for sundry things of speciall moment the wind faire I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led mee till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly In my way I discouered Land about thirtie leagues in length heretofore taken for Mayne where I feared I had beene imbayed but by the helpe of an Indian I got to the Sea againe through many crooked and streight passages I let passe many accidents in this iourney occasioned by treacherie where wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares once the Sauages had great aduantage of vs in a streight not aboue a Bowe shot and where a multitude of Indians let flye at vs from the banke but it pleased God to make vs victours neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rockie Ilands occasioned by two vnequall tydes the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other here wee lost an Anchor by the strength of the current but found it deepe enough from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a great Bay to vs so appearing but indeede is broken land which gaue vs light of the Sea here as I said the Land treadeth Southerly In this place I talked with many Saluages who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West offered me Pilots and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke vpon a Chest whereby I found it a great Iland parted the two Seas they report the one
Captaine Maycocke all Gentlemen of birth vertue and industry and of the Councell there suffered vnder this their cruelty and treason That the slaughter had beene vniuersall if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to one Perry to disclose it who liuing in the house of one Pace was vrged by another Indian his brother who came the night before and lay with him to kill Pace so commanded by their King as he declared as he would kill Perry telling further that by such an houre in the morning a number would come from diuers places to finish the Execution who failed not at the time Perries Indian rose out of his bed and reueales it to Pace that vsed him as a Sonne And thus the rest of the Colony that had warning giuen them by this meanes was saued Such was God be thanked for it the good fruit of an Infidell conuerted to Christianity for though three hundred and more of ours died by many of these Pagan Infidels yet thousands of ours were saued by the meanes of one of them alone which was made a Christian Blessed be God for euer whose mercy endureth for euer Blessed be God whose mercy is aboue his iustice and farre aboue all his works who wrought this deliuerance whereby their soules escaped euen as a Bird out of the snare of the Fowler Pace vpon this discouery securing his house before day rowed ouer the Riuer to Iames City in that place neere three miles in bredth and gaue notice thereof to the Gouernour by which meanes they were preuented there and at such other Plantations as was possible for a timely intelligence to be giuen for where they saw vs standing vpon our Guard at the sight of a Peece they all ranne a way In other places that could haue no notice some Peeces with munition the vse whereof they know not were there carried away and some few Cattell also were destroyed by them And as Fame diuulgeth not without probable grounds their King hath since caused the most part of the Gunpowder by him surprized to be sowne to draw there-from the like increase as of his Maiz or Corne in Haruest next And that it is since discouered that the last Summer Opachankano practised with a King of the Easterne shoare no well-willer of his to furnish him with store of poison naturally growing in his Countrey for our destruction which hee absolutely refused though he sent him great store of Beades and other Presents to winne him thereunto which he with fiue or six of his great men offered to be ready to iustifie against him That the true cause of this surprize was most by the instigation of the Diuell enemy to their saluation and the daily feare that possest them that in time wee by our growing continually vpon them would dispossesse them of this Country as they had beene formerly of the West Indies by the Spaniard produced this bloudy act That neuer griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselues to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people who dare not stand the presentment of a staffe in manner of a Peece nor an vncharged Peece in the hands of a Woman from which they flye as so many Hares much faster then from their tormenting Diuell whom they worship for feare though they acknowledge they loue him not §. IIII. A Note of prouisions necessarie for euery Planter or personall Aduenturer to Virginia and accidents since the Massacre THe Inconuiences that haue happened to some persons which haue transported themselues from England to Virginia without prouisions necessary to sustaine themselues hath greatly hindered the Progresse of that Noble Plantation For preuention of the like disorders hereafter that no man suffer either through ignorance or misinformation it is thought requisite to publish this short Declaration wherein is contayned a particular of such necessaries as either priuate Families or single persons shall haue cause to furnish themselues with for their better support at their first landing in Virginia whereby also greater numbers may receiue in part directions how to prouide themselues Apparell for one man and so after the rate for more One Monmouth Cap 1. s. 10. d. Three falling bands 1. s. 3. d. Three shirts 7. s. 6. d. One Waste-coate 2. s. 2. d. One sute of Canuase 7. s. 6. d. One sute of Frize 10. s. One sute of Cloth 15. s. Three paire of Irish stockins 4. s. Foure paire of shoes 8. s. 8. One paire of garters 10. One doozen of points 3. d. One paire of Canuase sheets 8. s. Seuen Ells of Canuase to make a bed and boulster to be filled in Virginia 8. s. One Rug for a bed 8. s. which with the bed seruing for two men halfe is 8. s. Fiue Ells coorse Canuase to make a bed at Sea for two men to be filled with straw 4. s. 5. s. One coorse Rug at Sea for two men will cost 6. s. is for one 4. li. Victuall for a whole yeere for one man and so for more after the rate Eight bushels of Meale 2. li. Two bushels of Pease at 3. s. 6. s. Two bushels of Oatmeale 4. s. 6. d. 9. s. One gallon of Aquauitae 2. s. 6. One gallon of Oyle 3. s. 6. d. Two gallons of Uineger 1. s. 2. s. 3. li. 3. s. Armes for one man but if halfe of your men haue Armour it is sufficient so that all haue Peeces and Swords One Armour compleat light 17. s. One long Piece fiue foot or fiue and a halfe neere Musket bore 1. li. 2. s. One Sword 5. s. One Belt 1. s. One Bandaleere 1. s. 6. d. Twentie pound of Powder 18. s. Sixtie pound of shot or lead Pistoll and Goose shot 5. s. 3. li. 9. s. 6. d. Tooles for a Family of sixe persons and so after the rate for more Fiue broad howe 's at 2. s. a piece 10. s. Fiue narrow howe 's at 16. d. a piece 6. s. 8. d. Two broad Axes at 3. s. 8. d. a piece 7. s. 4. d. Fiue felling Axes at 18. d. a piece 7. s. 6 d. Two Steele Hand-sawes at 16. d. a piece 2. s. 8. d. Two two-hand-sawes at 5. s. a piece 10. s. One whip-saw set and filed with boxe file and wrest 10. s. Two Hammers 12. d. a piece 2. s. Three shouels 18. d. a piece 4. s. 6. d. Two Spades at 18. d. a piece 3. s. Two Augers 6. d. a piece 1. s. Six Chissels 6. d. a piece 3. s. Two percers stocked 4. d. a piece 8. d. Three gimblets 2. d. a piece 6. d. Two hatchets 21. d. a piece 3. s. 6. d. Two frouâ—s to cleaue pale 18. d. 3. s. Two hand-bils 20. a piece 3. s. 4. d. One Grindlestone 4. s. 4. s. Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2. li. Two Pickaxes 3. s. 6. li. 2. s. 8. d. Houshold Implements for a Family of six persons and so for more or lesse after the rate One Iron Pot 7.
on the Woods so as the fire might run halfe a mile or more before it were extinct Euery man in the Countrey was enioyned to set twelue Traps and some of their owne accord set neere a hundred which they visited twice or thrice in a night Wee trayned vp our Dogs to hunt them wherein they grew so expert that a good Dog in two or three houres space would kill fortie of fiftie Rats and other meanes we vsed to destroy them but could not preuaile finding them still to increase against vs. And this was the principall cause of that great distresse whereunto wee were driuen in the first planting of the Countrey for these deuouring the fruits of the earth kept vs destitute of bread a yeere or two so that when wee had it afterwardes againe wee were so weaned from it that wee should easily neglect and forget to eate it with our meat We were also destitute at that time of Boats and other prouision for fishing And moreouer Master Moore had receiued warning from England that hee should expect the Spaniard that yeere yet they came not but with two ships attempting to come in and hauing their Boat before them to sound the way were shot at by the said Master Moore from Kings Castle and as we supposed one of them stricken through wherevpon they presently departed But as I say this expectation of them caused vs though in great necessitie to hasten the fortifications of the Countrey All these ioyntly but principally the Rats were the causes of our distresse for being destitute of food many dyed and wee all became very feeble and weake whereof some being so would not others could not stir abroad to seeke reliefe but dyed in their houses such as went abroad were subiect through weaknesse to bee suddenly surprized with a disease we called the Feages which was neither paine nor sicknesse but as it were the highest degree of weaknesse depriuing vs of power and abilitie for the execution of any bodily exercise whether it were working walking or what else Being thus taken if there were any in company that could minister any reliefe they would straightwayes recouer otherwise they dyed there Yet many after a little rest would be able to walke again and then if they found any succour were saued About this time or immediately before came thither a company of Rauens which continued with vs all the time of this mortalitie and then departed There were not before that time nor since so far as I heare any more of them seene there And this with some other reasons of more moment moued many to thinke that there was some other Ilands neere the Sommer Ilands betweene Uirginia and it and M. Moore in his time with some other of vs went forth in a Boat so far as then wee could conuemently of purpose to discouer it Since then it hath beene endeauoured by other and is yet as I heare to be further attempted And howsoeuer I am perswaded for certaine causes which I cannot here relate there is no such thing Yet would I not disanimate any from this enterprise for if they find any their labours will be well recompenced and though they find none yet might they discouer those parts so well that the passage to and from Virginia would be more safe and easie But to returne from whence wee haue digressed The extremitie of our distresse began to abate a little before M. Moores time of gouernment was expired partly by supplies out of England of victualland prouision for fishing and partly by that rest and libertie we then obtained the Countrey being fortified Yet the Rats encreased and continued almost to the end of Captaine Tuckers time although hee was prouident and industrious to destroy them but toward the end of his time it pleased God by what meanes it is not wel known to take them away insomuch that the wilde Cats and many Dogs which liued on them were famished and many of them leauing the Woods came downe to the houses and to such places where they vse to garbish their Fish and became tame Some haue attributed this destruction of them to the encrease of wild Cats but that 's not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time then in the foure yeeres before And the chiefe occasion of this supposition was because they saw such companies of them leaue the Woods and shew themselues for want of food Others haue supposed it to come to passe by the coolnesse of the weather which notwithstanding is neuer so great there as with vs in March nor scarce as it is in April except it be in the wind besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young Birds and Chickens which they daily killed and of Palmeto Mosse as wee call it to build themselues warme nests out of the wind as vsually they did Neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place and be very fat euen in the midst of Winter It remaineth then that as we know God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes and sometimes against them So wee need not doubt but that in the speedy encrease and spreading of these Vermine as also in the preseruation of so many of vs by such weake meanes as we then enioyed and especially in the sudden remouall of this great annoyance there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes a more immediate and secret worke of God Now to proceed M. Moores time of gouernment being expired Capt. Tucker succeeded arriuing there about mid-May 1616. who likewise gouerned according to the custome three yeeres which time hee spent for the most part in husbandring the Countrey planting and nourishing all such things as were found fit either for trade or for the sustentation and vse of the Inhabitants wherein hee trauelled with much diligence and good successe sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants and Fruâ—ts hee also adâ—ed to the Fortifications and made some Inclosures In his time viz. in the yeere 1617. was sent a Ship and prouision with men of skill for the killing of Whales but they arriued there too late to wit about the midst of April so that before they could make ready their Shallops and fit themselues the principall season for Whale-fishing was past For the Whale come thither in Ianuary and depart againe toward the latter end of May Yet they strook some but found them so liuely swift fierce after they were stricken that they could take none They yeeld great store of Oyle as appeared by one that draue to shoare on Sommerset Iland in Sandys Tribe and by another that we found not far from thence dead vpon a Rocke I also receiued by Captaine Tucker directions from the Aduenturers to diuide the Countrey and to assigne to each Aduenturer his shares or portion of Land and withall a description with notes touching the manner how they
Mynes made them the seruants of Rome and Carthage and what their Mynes and mindes doe now I leaue them to others Once as the Mynes are in barrennest soyle and couetous men haue least euen when they are had of most money medijs vt Tantalus vndis so I haue heard that in Spaine is lesse Gold and Siluer then in other parts of Europe I dare not mention the proportions from both Spanish and English relation their vsuall money also to meddle with no more is of base mettall and their greatest summes computed by Marauedis lesse then our later tokens except which deuised for poorer vses of the poorest England of long time knowes no base monyes and hath seene plentie of Siluer and Gold of Wine and Oyle which grow not in her when Spaine which produceth these is fed with salads and drinketh water helped now and then with Hogges-kinne vnsauoury Wine The Indian Fountaines runne with golden and siluer streames sic vos non vobis not to themselues but into that Spanish Cisterne and these Cisternes are like those of the London Water-house which hath the Conduit Pipes alway open in the bottome so that a thousand other Cisternes hold more water then it so may it be said of the other it is not Concha but Canalis a Pipe rather then Cisterne a Cash-keeper rather then Owner and which is spoken of better things remaining poore makes many rich To proceed are not Myners the most miserable of Slaues toyled continually and vnto manifold deaths tired for others in bringing to light those Treasures of darknesse and liuing if they liue or if that bee a life in the suburbs of Hell to make others dreame of Heauen Yea Paradise the modell of heauen had in it no Minerals nor was Adam in his innocency or Noah after the Worlds recouery both Lords of all employed in Mines but in those happy workes which Uirginia inuiteth England vnto in Vines Gardening and Husbandry Neither let any man thinke that I pleade against the sourenesse of the Grapes like the Foxe which could not reach them but I seriously shew that they are calues and not men which adore the golden Calfe or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue as if the body were not more then raiment and those things to be preferred to money for whose sake mony the creature of man base Idolatry where the Creator worships his creature was first ordained and still hath both vse and being Doe we not see in this respect that the Silkes Calicos Drugges and Spices of the East swallow vp not to mention the Belgian whirlepoole all the Mines of the West and that one Carricke carrieth more Rials thither then perhaps some whole Region in Spaine retaineth for vulgar vse And whence are English Portugals or Dutchmen fitted for that commerce as if America had ominously for other iust reason there is none beene called India as if the West were but drudge and factor for the East And what hath dispeopled the New World not leauing in some places one of Millions but Auri sacra fames others killing them in the Mines or they killing themselues to preuent the Mines Let it be riches enough that Sir Thomas Dale testified by Letters from thence and after his returne to me that foure of the best Kingdomes of Christendome were not for naturall endowments comparable to Virginia and which I haue heard of one which hath trauelled in all the best Regions of Europe and hath seene more of Virginia then perhaps any man else and which needes not speake for any gaine there or thence gotten as no reputed fauourite or fauourer of that Society and their actions that he hath seene no Country to be preferred for soile nor for commodious Riuers to be compared And if successe hath not beene correspondent to English hopes who seeth not the causes of those diseasters Diuision that taile-headed Amphisbana and many-headed monster deformed issue of that difformed old Serpent in some of the Colony there CoÌ„pany here hath from time to time thrust in her forged venomous tongue wherby they haue swolne with deadly poison of great thoughts of heart onely by pride doe men make contention with blinde-staring eyes of self-loue abounding in their own sense whence suspicions iealousies factions partialities to friends and dependants wilfull obstinacies and other furious passions haue transported men from Uirginias good and their owne Couetousnesse hath distorted others to minde earth and not heauen in hastinesse of more then speedy returne and present gaine forgetting that Godlinesse is the best gaine and that they are planting a Colony not reaping a haruest for a publike and not but in subordinate order priuate wealth A long time Uirginia was thought to be much encombered with Englands excrements some vicious persons as corrupt leuin sowring or as plague sores infecting others and that Colony was made a Port Exquiline for such as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke worthy to be euacuated from This Body whence not only lazie drones did not further the Plantation but wicked Waspes with sharking and the worst that is beggerly tyrants frustrated and supplanted the labours of others Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt A prodigious Prodigall here is not easily metamorphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter nor can there neede wiser choise or more industrious course in any vndertaking then is requisite in a Christian Colonies plantation amongst Infidels Which I suppose hath beene carefully by many Aduenturers practised and whatsoeuer faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings neglect of seasons riot slâ—ath occasionall wants of or in Gouernours or Gouernment abuses of Mariners trechery of Fugitiues and Sauages and other diseases which haue in part attended all new Plantatâ—ons and consumed many experience I hope by this time hath taught to preuent or remedy The late barbarous Massacre hinc illa lachrymâ— still bleedeth and when things were reported to be in better forwardnesse then euer in great part blasted those hopefull blossomes di 〈…〉 ointed the proceedings in the Iron workes Vineyards Mulberry plants and in sudden shifts for life exposed them to manifold necessities insomuch that many of the Principals being slain the rest surprised with feare reduced themselues almost from eighty to eight Plantations whereby pestered with multitude and destitute of Corne and other forsaken necessaries they incurred a grieuous and generall sicknesse which being increased by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-passage with corrupt Beere there followed a mortality which consumed about fiue hundred persons besides three hundred and fifty or thereabouts murthered in that Sauage-Massacre All which notwithstanding there remaine some haue if truely calculated and coniectured eighteene hundred persons for whose security and prouision it hath pleased his Maiesty to haue a Royall care as lâ—kewise the Honorable Lords of his Maiesties priuy Councell besides the honorable endeuours of the Councell and well affected members of that Society
him thriee discouered called in the Latitude of 43. derees 20. minutes were imployed for a farther discouery of these Coasts And if any good occasion were offered to leaue as many men as wee could spare in the Country Being victualled for eleuen or twelue moneths at the charges of the Honourable Sir Iohn Popham Knight Lord chiefe Iustice of England Sir Fardinando Gorges Knight Captaine of the Fort of Plimouth together with diuers other worshipfull Knights Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Countrye Iohn Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot who had beene in the foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before with George Waymouth The Masters name was Nicholas Hine of Cockington neere Dartmouth The last day of August wee fell with the I le of Madera where we watered and refreshed our selues and stayed three dayes being very kindly vsed by the Inhabitants The third day of September wee departed from thence passing betweene Gomora and Palma two of the Canary Iles and from thence were driuen by contrary winds to take a more Southerly course then we intended and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could recouer any of the Ant-Iles The first that wee could recouer was the I le of Saint Lucia in the Latitude of 14. degrees 20. minutes where we refreshed our selues with Wood and Water And saw certaine of the Sauages there about fortie or fiftie came vnto vs at our Ship in one of their Cannoas bringing vnto vs Tobacco Potatos Plantins and Cassaui Bread the which Sauages had slaine more then fortie of our Nation the yeere before 1605. as after wee vnderstood by Philip Glasco and Miles Pett being two of Captaine Nicholas Saint Iohns company which was there treacherously slaine among the rest Hauing stayed heare three dayes about the two and twentieth of October we departed thence to the Northward And in passing by the I le of Dominica wee chanced to see a white Flag put forth on the shoare whereat maruelling wee supposed that some Christians had sustained shipwrack their And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the shoare towards vs which when they came neere being very little wind we layed our Ship by the lee and stayed for them a little and when they were come within a little distance of the Ship wee perceiued in the Cannoa a Friar who cried aloud in the Latine tongue saying I beseech as you are Christians for Christ his sake to shew some mercy and compassion on mee I am a Preacher of the Word of God a Friar of the Order of Franciscus in Siuill by name Friar Blasius And that hee had beene there sixteene moneths a Slaue vnto those Sauages and that other two Friars which were of his company they had murthered and throwne into the Sea We demanded of him then how he got so much fauour to preserue his life his Brethren being murthered Hee answered because hee did shew the Sauages how to fit them Sayles for their Cannoas and so to ease them of much labour often in rowing which greatly pleased the Sauages as appeared for wee saw them to vse sayles in their Cannoas which hath not beene seene before Then we demanded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make those Sayles hee answered That about two yeeres before that three Gallions comming to the West Indies were cast away on the I le of Gwadalopa where abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchandise was cast on shoare We demanded farther what was the cause of his being in this place and how he came thither he answered That the King of Spaine did euery yeere send out of euery great Monastery certaine Friars into the remote parts of the Indies both to seeke to conuert the Sauages as also to seeke out what benefits or commodities might be had in those parts and also of what force the Sauages were of and what number of them were in the seuen Ant-Iles viz. Saint Vincent Granado Saint Lucia Mattalina Dominica Gwadalopa Aisey The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had diligently noted and obserued and did hope to make perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as was to be drawne from thence as he doubted not but would bee greatly accepted of his King if hee might liue to returne to declare it For said hee I haue seene in one Riuer discending from the Mountaines in the I le of Dominica the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper whereupon I tooke some of it and chewed it betweene my teeth and found it perfect Mettall the Sauages noting me began to haue some iealousie of me so as I durst not take any farther notice of it neither would they suffer him forward to come neere to that place And farther hee said That if the great plentie of diuers Fruits and Roots fit for mans sustenance were perfectly knowne together with the Sugar-canes that they haue in those Iles and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very shortly inhabited and as for the number of Sauages there as neere as we could vnderstand was scarce one thousand of all sorts of men women and children in all the said seuen Iles. Now being moued with pittie at the lamentable complaint and humble suit of this distressed Friar wee tooke him into our Ship and sent away the Sauages much discontented And from thence wee sayled to the I le of Saint Iohn De-port-rico where on the nine and twentieth of October wee arriued on the Southside and forthwith sent the Friar on shoare and deliuered him to two Heardsmen which most thankfully receiued him and of their courtesie brought vs a fat Cow and proferred vs more with Hogs Calues or any thing else that they could procure vs in recompence of the good deed done to the Friar Wee departed from thence and sayled out betweene the Iles of Saint Iohn De-portrico and Hispaniola standing away to the Northward And leauing the great shoalds called Abrioio on our Larboord side being in the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees from thence Westward our course North North-west and North-west and by North vntill wee were in the Latitude of 27. degrees or better and about one hundred and eightie leagues from Saint Iohn de Port Rico. In this place hauing had a very great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe houres and more before on the tenth day of Nouember about ten of the clocke in the morning suddenly we found our selues in the middest of a Fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke fogge of mist and raine so as we could not see them before they were very neere and within shot of them wherein three of them were on the wind-ward of vs on a third and fourth more to lee-ward those at the wind-ward came to me vnto vs and shot at vs requiring vs to speake with their Admirall When we saw that by no meanes we could auoid them but that they would speake with vs we put
very little at all because the said ships being cast away on the ebbe The goods were driuen off into the Sea the dead bodies of many that were drowned I my selfe saw â—ast on the shore with the sundry wrackes of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards with other wracke of Caske Chists and such like in great abundance The fourteenth day of Nouember the winde being faire wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke belonging to Bidâ—ford called the Marget and on the foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth where I shewed vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diuers others the Aduenturers the whole Discourse of our vnhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had and did indure vnder the Spaniards hands And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England where I was assured to my great comfort that they either were alreadie or very shortly should bee deliuered Before my departure from Siuill I should haue remembred that about Whitsontide last there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there two young men brought out of the West Indies in one of the Kings Gallions which were of Captaine Iohn Legats company of Plimmouth which departed out of England about the latter end of Iuly 1606. bound for the Riuer of Amazons as hee told me before his going forth where hee had beene two yeeres before And comming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men the name of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere Plimmouth reported vnto mee whether falling to the leeward of the Riuer of Amazons or deceiued by his Master they knew not And not being able to recouer the said Riuer were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies in which time there fell a great disorder betweene the said Captaine Legat and his company so as one of his company in a broyle within themselues aboard there ship slue the said Captaine Legat whether in his owne priuate quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the Company they could not tell mee But this is the more to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages dealt very straitly with his company After his death his company comming to the I le of Pinos on the Southside of Cuba to refresh themselues being eighteene persons were circumuented by the trecherie of the Spaniards and were there betrayed and taken Prisoners and within foure dayes after of eighteene persons fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were saued to serue the Spaniards whereof two of them refusing to serue longer in there ships were put into the Prison at Siuill the other two remayne still as slaues to the Spaniards This I had the rather noted to the end that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men haue gone out of England since the conclusion of peace betweene England and Spaine in the way of honest Trade and Traffique and how many of them haue miserably miscarried Hauing beene slaine drowned hanged or pittifully captiued and thrust out of their ships and all their goods REader I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas Hanham written by himselfe vnto Sagadahoc also the written Iournals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in that vnseasonable Winter fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation of Iames Dauies Iohn Eliot c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomackes for which cause I haue omitted them euen after I had with great labour fâ—â—ted them to the Presse as I haue also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diuers Letters from Cap. Popham and others You must obserue that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia and the Northerne Plantation or Colonie But Captaine Smith a man which hath so many Irons in our fire presented a Booke of the Countrie to Prince Charles his Highnesse with a Map of the Countrey who stiled it as our hopes are he will one day make it New England and altered the Sauage names of places to English Hee made one Voyage thither Anno 1614. and the next yeere beganne another which taken by Frenchmen he was not able to make vp but in testimonie of his loue to his Countrey here and of his hopes there hath written diuers Bookes One called A Description of New England in which his said Uoyages are described with the description of the Countrey and many Arguments to incite men to that vndertaking which I had also prepared for the Presse but for the former feares haue omitted the other called New Englands Trials twice or thrice printed out of which I haue added thus much that the World may see the benefit to bee made by fishing and may also be better acquainted with the successe and succession of New Englands Affaires CHAP. III. Extracts of a Booke of Captaine IOHN SMITH printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls and continuing the Storie thereof with Motiues to the businesse of fishing there The benefit of fishing as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie HE saith that it is more then foure and fortie yeeres agoe and it is more then fortie yeeres since he writ it that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries vnder the King of Spaine were siue hundred besides one hundred Frenchmen and three or foure hundred Sayle of Flemmings The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by three hundred Sayle of strangers Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred Sayle of Spaniards where King Edward the Sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle because of the Strait to haue Tribute for fishing Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure hundred Sayle of Spaniards Portugals and Biskiners Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and Fish-mongers with whom I haue conferred report The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring Cod and Ling 3000000. pounds English and French by Salt-fish Poore Iohn Salmons and Pilchards 300000. pounds Hamborough and the Sound for Sturgion Lobsters and Eeles 100000. pounds Cape Blacke for Tunny and Mullit by the Biskiners and Spaniards 30000. pounds But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say though it may seeme incredible That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny Mullit and Purgos more then 10000. pounds Lubeck hath seuen hundred Ships Hamborough six hundred Embden lately a Fisher Towne one thousand foure hundred whose Customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they bee Holland and Zealand not much greater then Yorkeshire hath thirtie walled Townes foure hundred Villages 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes thirtie sixe thousand are Fisher-men whereof one hundred are Doggers seuen hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates seuen hundred Frand Boates Britters and Tode-boats with one thousand three hundred Busses besides three hundred
vnwelcome for where are most women there is greatest plentie When a woman hath her monethly termes shee separateth her selfe from all other company and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone after which she washeth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or family For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away if he please Some common strumpets there are as well as in other places but they are such as either neuer married or widowes or put away for adultery for no man will keepe such an one to wife In matters of vniust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same In case of thefts for the first offence hee is disgracefully rebuked for the second beaten by the Sachim with a cudgell on the naked backe for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes and hath his nose slit vp ward that thereby all men may both know and shun him If any man kill another hee must likewise die for the same The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors but executeth the same with his owne hands if the partie bee then present if not sendeth his owne knife in case of death in the hands of others to performe the same But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment hee will not receiue the same but from the Sachim himselfe before whom being naked he kneeleth and will not offer to runne away though hee beat him neuer so much it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction then is his offence and punishment As for their apparell they weare breeches and stockings in one like some Irish which is made of Deere skinnes and haue shooes of the same leather They weare also a Deeres skinne loose about them like a cloake which they will turne to the weather side In this habite they trauell but when they are at home or come to their iourneyes end presently they pull of their breeches stockings and shooes wring out the water if they bee wet and drie them and rub or chafe the same Though these be off yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets The men weare also when they goe abroad in cold weather an Otter or Fox skin on their right arme but onely their bracer on the left Women and all of that sex weare strings about their legs which the men neuer doe The people are very ingenious and obseruatiue they keepe account of time by the Moone and Winters or Summers they know diuers of the Starres by name in particular they know the North-star and call it Maske which is to say The Beare Also they haue many names for the Winds They will guesse very well at the wind and weather before hand by obseruations in the Heauens They report also that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift can raise stormes and tempests which they vsually doe when they intend the death or destruction of other people that by reason of the vnseasonable weather they may take aduantage of their enemies in their houses At such times they performe their greatest exployts and in such seasons when they are at enemitie with any they keepe more carefull watch then at other times As for the language it is verie copious large and difficult as yet wee cannot attaine to any great measure thereof but can vnderstand them and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding by the helpe of those that daily conuerse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place both in language and manners yet not so much but that they very well vnderstand each other And thus much of their liues and manners In stead of Records and Chronicles they take this course where any remarkeable act is done in memory of it either in the place or by some pathway neere adioyning they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deepe and as much ouer which when others passing by behold they enquire the cause and occasion of the same which being once knowne they are carefull to acquaint all men as occasion serueth therewith And least such holes should bee filled or growne vp by any accident as men passe by they will oft renew the same By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory So that as a man trauelleth if hee can vnderstand his guide his iourney will be the lesse tedious by reason of many historicall Discourses will be related vnto him For that Continent on which wee are called New-England although it hath euer beene conceiued by the English to bee a part of the maine Land adioyning to Virginia yet by relation of the Indians it should appeare to bee otherwise for they affirme confidently that it is an Iland and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea betweene vs and Uirginia and driue a great Trade in the same The name of that Inlet of the Sea they call Mohegon which I take to be the same which wee call Hudsons Riuer vp which Master Hudson went many leagues and for want of meanes as I heare left it vndiscouered For confirmation of this their opinion is thus much Though Virginia bee not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs yet they neuer heard of Powhatan or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey saue onely by vs and Tisquantum who went into an English Ship thither And therefore it is the more probable because the water is not passable for them who are very aduenturous in their Boates. Then for the temperature of the ayre in almost three yeeres experience I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England in respect of heate and cold frost snow raine winds c. Some obiect because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and fortie it must needes bee much â—otter I confesse I cannot giue the reason of the contrary onely experience teacheth vs that if it doe exceed England it is so little as must require better iudgements to discerne it And for the Winter I rather thinke if there be difference it is both sharper and longer in New England then Old and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other may deceiue my iudgement also But in my best obseruation comparing our owne conditions with the Relations of other parts of America I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English not being oppressed with extremitie of heat nor nipped with biting cold by which meanes blessed be God wee enioy our health notwithstanding those difficulties wee haue vndergone in such a measure as would haue been admired if we had liued in England with the like meanes The day is two houres longer then here when it is at the shortest and as much shorter when it is at the
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
the coast of France The Generall of this mightie Nauie was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina Sidonia Lord of S. Lucar and Knight of the golden Fleece by reason that the Marquesse of Santa Cruz appointed for the same dignity deceased before the time Iohn Martines de Ricalde was Admirall of the Fleete Francis Bouadilla was chiefe Marshall who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar generall of the Inquisition being accompanied with more â—hen a hundreth Monkes to wit Iesuites Capuchines and Friers Mendicant Besides whom also there were Phisitians Chirurgians Apothecaries and whatsoeuer else pertained vnto the Hospitall Ouer and besides the forenamed Gouernours and Officers being men of chiefe note there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen which went voluntarily of their owne costs and charges to the end they might see fashions learne experience and attaine vnto glory Amongst whom was the Prince of Ascoli Alonzo de Leiua the Marquesse de Pennafiel the Marquesse de Ganes the Marquesse de Barlango Count de Paredes Count de Yeluas and diuers other Marqueses and Earles of the honorable families of Mendoza of Toledo of Pachicco of Cordono of Guzman of Manriques and a great number of others I haue by me the Dukes Orders for the whole Nauie during this Voyage made aboord the Gallion Saint Martin May 28. the beginning whereof I haue added the whole would be too long Don ALONSO PERES DE GVSMAN the good Duke of Medina Sidonia Countie of Nebla Marquesse of Casheshe in Africa Lord of the Citie Saint Lucar Captaine Generall of the Occian Sea of the Coast of Andaluzia and of this Armie of his Maiestie and Knight of the honorable Order of the golden Fleece I Doe ordaine and command that the generall Masters of the field all Captaines of the Sea Pilats Masters Souldiers Mariners and Officers and whatsoeuer other people for the Land or Sea seruice commeth in this Armie all the time that it indureth shall be thus gouerned as hereafter followeth viz. First and before all things it is to be vnderstood by all the aboue named from the highest to the lowest that the principall foundation and cause that hath moued the King his Maiestie to make and continue this iournie hath beene and is to serue God and to returne vnto his Church a great many of contrite soules that are oppressed by the Heretikes enemies of our holy Catholike faith which haue them subiects to their sects and vnhappinesse and for that euery one may put his eyes vpon this marke as we are bound I doe command and much desire euery one to giue charge vnto the inferiors and those vnder their charge to imbarke themselues being shriuen and hauing receiued the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sinnes by the which contrition and zeale to doe God such great seruice he will carry and guide vs to his great glory which is that which particularly and principally is pretended In like manner I doe charge and command you to haue particular care that no Soldier Marriner or other that serueth in this Armie doe blaspheme or rage against God or our Lady or any of the Saints vpon paine that he shall therefore sharply be corrected and very well chastened as it shall seeme best vnto vs and for other oathes of lesse qualitie the Gouernours in the same Ships they goe in shall procure to remedy all they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine or otherwise as they shall thinke good And for that the most occasions come by play you shall publikly prohibit it especially the games that are forbidden and that none doe play in the night by no meanes Articles follow to suppresse quarrels to auoid disgracing any man and all occasions of scandall forbidding carriage of common women with other orders for watchwords attendance on the Admirall for fire and wilde-fire and lights armours shâ—â— powder match and other necessary instructions too long to be here particularised that in the height of humaine policie and religious hypocrisie the hand of God in Englands preseruation may be made euident While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Nauie the Duke of Parma at the direction of King Philip made great preparation in the low Countries to giue aide and assistance vnto the Spaniards building Ships for the same purpose and sending for Pilots and Ship wrights out of Italy In Flanders he caused certaine deepe channels to be made and among the rest the channell of Yper commonly called Yper-lee employing some thousands of workemen about that seruice to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled aboue a hundreth small Ships called Hoyes being well stored with victuals which Hoyes he was determined to haue brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueied them by the said Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the Riuer of Waten he caused 70. Ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to carry 30. horses hauing each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on boord or to goe forth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk he procured 28. Ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emdâ—n and at other places He put in the ballast of the said Ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath but on each side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together He had likewise at Graueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a Bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of Bridges and for the barring stopping vp of Hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not far from Neinport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagots to be laid and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a Mount The most part of his Ships contained two Ouens a peece to bake Bread in with a great number of saddles bridles and such other like apparell for Horses They had Horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neeere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which hee had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of ten bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neere vnto Dixmud there
returned home into Plimmoth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries who considering the foresaid tempest were of opinion that the Nauie being of late dispersed and tossed vp and downe the maine Ocean was by no meanes able to performe their intended Voyage Moreouer the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England had receiued Letters from the Court signifying vnto him that her Maiesty was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come forth nor was to be any longer expected for and therefore that vpon her Maiesties commandement hee must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest Ships vnto Chattam The Lord high Admirall of England being thus on the sudden namely vpon the 19. of Iuly about foure of the clocke in the afternoone enformed by the Pinnace of Captaine Fleming aforesaid of the Spaniards approach with all speede and diligence possible hee warped his Ships and caused his Mariners and Souldiers the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesaid to come on boord and that with great trouble and difficultie insomuch that the Lord Admirall himselfe was faine to lie without in the road with six Ships onely all that night after the which many others came forth of the hauen The very next day being the 20. of Iuly about high noone was the Spanish Fleet escried by the English which with a South-west winde came sailing along and passed by Plimmouth in which regard according to the iudgement of many skilfull Nauigators they greatly ouershot themselues whereas it had beene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided greatly relied vpon their owne forces and knew not the estate of the Spanish Nauie Moreouer this was the most conuenient Port of all others where they might with greater security haue beene aduertised of the English forces and how the commons of the land stood affected and might haue stirred vp some mutinie so that hit her they should haue bent all their puissance and from hence the Duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his Ships But this they were prohibited to doe by the King and his Counsell and were expresly commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said Duke of Parma and so to bring their purpose to effect Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prouâ—â—ce or Port for the defence thereof and transporting the Armie of the Duke vnder the protection of their huge Nauie they might inuade England It is reported that the chiefe commanders in the Nauy and those which were more skilfull in nauigation to wit Iohn Martines de Ricalde Diego Flores de Ualdez and diuers others found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant that is to say the opportunitie of the winde weather time tide and ebbe wherein they might faile from Flanders to England Oftentimes also the darknesse and light the situation of places the depths and shoalds were to be considered all which especially depended vpon the conueniency of the windes and were by so much the more dangerous But it seemed that they were enioyned by their Commission to ancre neere vnto or about Caleis whither the Duke of Parma with his ships and all his warlike prouision was to resort and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict to passe by and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes The Spanish Captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the Riuer of Thames thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London supposing that they might easily win that rich and flourishing Citie being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the wars who durst not withstand their first encounter hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie and Popish Catholikes or some fauourers of the Scottish Queene not long before beheaded who might be instruments of sedition Thus often aduertising the Duke of Parma of their approach the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouth which the English pursuing and getting the winde of them gaue them the chase and the encounter and so both Fleetes frankly exchanged their Bullets The day following which was the 21. of Iuly the English Ships approached within Musket shot of the Spanish at what time the Lord Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordnance vpon the Spanish Vice-admirall The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimblenesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enemy on all sides gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe Moone and slackned their sailes least they should outgoe any of their company And while they were proceeding on in this manner one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot that the whole Nauie was faine to come vp rounder together for the safegard thereof whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill wherein Don Pedro de Valdez Vasques de Silua Alonzo de Sayas and other Noble men were embarqued falling foule of another ship had her fore-mast broken and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete neither would the said Fleete stay to succour it but lâ—ft the distressed Galeon behinde The Lord Admirall of England when hee saw this Ship of Ualdez and thought she had beene voide of Marriners and Souldiers taking with him as many ships as he could passed by it that hee might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleete that night For Sir Francis Drake who was not withstanding appointed to beare out his Lanterne that night was giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete but finding them to be Easterlings hee dismissed them The Lord Admirall all that night following the Spanish Lanterne instead of the English found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enemies Fleete but when he perceiued it he clenly conueied himselfe out of that great danger The day following which was the 22. of Iuly Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his ship whereunto he sent for his Pinnace and being aduertised that Ualdez himselfe was there and 450. persons with him he sent him word that hee should yeelde himselfe Valdez for his honours fake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake who answered Valdez that he was not now at leisure to make any long parle but if he would yeelde himselfe he should finde him friendly and tractable howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight he should proue Drake to be no dastard Vpon which answer Ualdez and his Company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake being
moued with the renoune and celebritie of his name with one consent yeelded themselues and found him very fauourable vnto them Then Ualdez with forty or fiftie Noblemen and Gentlemen pertaining vnto him came on boord Sir Francis Drakes ship The residue of his company were carried vnto Plimmouth where they were detained a yeere and an halfe for their ransome Valdez comming vnto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protesting vnto him that he and his had resolued to die in battell had they not by good fortune fallen into his power whom they knew to be right curteous and gentle and whom they had heard by generall report to be most fauourable vnto his vanquished foe insomuch that he said it was to be doubted whether his enemy had more cause to admire and loue him for his great valiant and prosperous exploits or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdome which euer attended vpon him in the wars and by the which he had attained vnto so great honor With that Drake embraced him and gaue him very honorable entertainment feeding him at his owne table and lodging him in his Cabbin Here Valdez began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleete and how foure mighty Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by meanes of their huge Fleete they were become Lords and commanders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueiled much how the Englishmen in their small Ships durst approach within musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wodden Castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his Company being a man of principall authority in the Spanish Fleet and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the said ship 55. thousand Duckets in ready monie of the Spanish Kings gold which the souldiers merrily shared among themselues The same day was set on sire one of their greatest ships being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Vice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of Gunpowder and other warlike prouision The vpper part onely of this ship was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and scorched Spaniards Howbeit the Gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the Lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enemies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleete could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada Gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble suite vnto the Duke of Medina that hee might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which liberty the Duke thought not good to permit vnto him because he was loath to exceede the limits of his Commission and charge Vpon tuesday which was the 23. of Iuly the Nauy being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more incensed to fight then before But when the English fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniards vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues to make haste vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioyne forces with the Duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small ships vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloudy skirmish of all in which the Lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enemies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines a farre off he spake vnto him in these words Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou now furstrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee now With which words hee being enflamed approached forthwith encountered the enemy and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had beene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Uenetian ship with other small ships surprized and taken by the English The English Nauy in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to be performed vnto their Prince and Countrey In which number there were many great and honorable personages as namely the Earle of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse M. William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English ships amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirty being not withstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twnety of the Queenes greater ships which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniards minds concerning the power of the English Fleet the Marriners and Souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the Sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English ships which being rowed with Oares had great vantage of the English ships which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yeelde but discharged their chaine-shot to cut a sunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagems They were now constrained to send their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder whereof they were in great scarcitie
Englishmen all that time wherein the Spanish Nauie sailed vpon their Seas are not found to haue wanted aboue one hundreth of their people albeit Sir F. Drakes ship was pierced with shot aboue forty times and his very cabben was twise shot thorow and about the conclusion of the fight the bed of a certaine Gentleman lying weary thereupon was taken quite from vnder him with the force of a Bullet Likewise as the Earle of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner vpon a time the Bullet of a Demi-culuering brake thorow the middest of their Cabbin touched their feete and strooke downe two of the standers by with many such accidents befalling the English ships which it were tedious to rehearse Whereupon it is most apparant that God miraculously preserued the English Nation For the Lord Admirall wrote vnto her Maiesty that in all humaine reason and according to the iudgement of all men euery circumstance being duely considered the Englishmen were not of any such force whereby they might without a miracle dare once to approach within the sight of the Spanish Fleete insomuch that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God who had confounded the enemy and had brought his counsels to none effect The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot that that very night and the day following two or three of them sunke right downe and among the rest a certain great ship of Biscay which Captaine Crosse assaulted which perished euen in the time of the conflic so that very few therein escaped drowning who reported that the Gouernors of the same ship slew one another vpon the occasion following one of them which would haue yeelded the ship was suddenly slaine the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer and in the meane while the ship sunke The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tuns a peece to wit Saint Philip and Saint Matthew were forsaken of the Spanish Fleete for they were so torne with shot that the water entered into them on all sides In the Galeon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo brother vnto the Count de Argas being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands besides other Gentlemen who seeing their mast broken with shot they shaped their course aswell as they could for the coast of Flanders whither when they could not attaine the principall men in the ship committed themsâ—lues to their skiffe arriued at the next towne which was Ostend and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the resiâ—ue of their company was taken by the Vlishingers In the other Galeon called the Saint Matthew was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another Camp-master and Colonell of two and thirty bands being brother vnto the Marquesse of Tamnares with many other Gentlemen and Captaines Their ship was not very great but exceeding strong for of a great number of Bullets which had batterd her there were scarce twenty where with she was pierced or hurt her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a Musket shot this ship was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped whereupon the Duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the Gouernour thereof that he might saue himselfe and the principall persons that were in his ship which he vpon a hault courage refused to doe wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe which the night following hee could not performe by reason of the abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides for the auoiding whereof and to saue his ship from sinking he caused fifty men continually to labour at the Pump though it were to small purpose And seeing himselfe thus forsaken and separated from his Admirall he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders where being espied by foure or fiue men of war which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast he was admonished to yeelde himselfe vnto them which he refused to doe was strongly assaulted by them altogether his ship being pierced with many bullets was brought into far worse case then before forty of his souldiers were slain By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeelde himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess and other Captaine which brought him and his ship into Zeland and that other ship also last before mentioned which both of them immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen sunke right downe For the memory of this exploit the foresaid Captain Banderduess caused a Banner of one of these ships to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland which is of so great a length that being fasted to the very roofe it reached downe to the ground About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders about Blankenberg was cast away vpon the sands the people therein being saued Thus Almighty God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be preiented not onely to the view of the English but also of the Zelanders that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had beene to resist such impregnable forces had not God endued them with courage prouidence and fortitude yea and fought for them in many places with his owne arme The 29. of Iuly the Spanish fleete being encountered by the English as is aforesaid and lying close together vnder their fighting sailes with a South-west winde sailed past Dunkerk the English ships still following the chase Of whom the day following when the Spaniards had got Sea roome they cut their maine sailes whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight but to flie For which cause the Lord Admirall of England dispatched the Lord Henry Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders where with the helpe of the Dutch ships he might stop the Prince of Parma his passage if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vntiâ—l the second of August because he thought they had set saile for Scotland And albeit he followed them very neere yet did he not assault them any more for want of Powder and Bullets But vpon the fourth of August the winde arising when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes betaking themselues wholly to flight leauing Scotland on the left hand trended toward Norway whereby thâ—y sâ—fficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight attempting for that purpose with their battered and crazed ships the most dangerous nauigation of the Northren Seas the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57. degrees and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues and because they wanted things necessary and especially Powder and
that as throwes of a grieuous trauell they brought forth a Virgin both Truth to the Church and Queene to the State the one a fruitfull Mother to the soules the other to the wealth honour domesticke peace forraine victories and Nauall glorie of the English Nation This renowned Queene eight and thirty yeeres after vnable to alter that decree of the windes which now seemed themselues and forced Calis to become Spanish would try their windy fidelity in another expedition and prepared a strong Fleet to inuade the Spanish coast The charge whereof she committed to the Lord Robert Earle of Essex and the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England who came vnto Plymmouth about the beginning of May 1596. being there accompanied with diuers other noble Peeres as the Earle of Sussex the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Herbert the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere the Lord Burk Don Christopher yong Prince of Portugall yong Count Lodouick of Nassaw and the Admirall of the Hollanders Sir Iohn Vanderfoord besides many other most worthy Knights and Gentlemen of great worth attending vpon this most honorable Action It pleased them there to make their aboade for the time of that moneth aswell for the new furnishing and reuictualing of her Maiesties Royall Nauie as also for the expecting of some other ships which were to come from diuers places of the Realme and were as yet wanting Before their departure from Plymmouth it pleased their Lordships to publish in Print and make knowne to all the world especially to such as it concerned and that both in the Latine French Dutch English and Spanish tongue what were the true iust and vrgent causes that at this time prouoked her Maiestie to vndertake the preparing and setting forth of this so great a Nauie namely the King of Spaines preparations against her who had before whiles hee treated of peace Anno 1588. prepared to inuade her coast and now also to that purpose daily encreased his Nauie If therefore any should furnish the Spaniard with munition and prouisions they should expect what force could doe for all others of whatsoeuer Nation they aduised them to forsake the Spanish and Portugall Ports or to ioyne with the English for their owne security they hauing no quarrell in this designe but against the Spaniard Thus then all things being in a very good order and well appointed the most holy name of our Omnipotent God being most religiously and deuoutly called vpon ' and his blessed and sacred Communion being diuers times most reuerently and publikely celebrated being furnished with one hundred and fiftie good saile of ships or thereabout In the name of the most high and euerliuing God the first day of Iune they embarked themselues weighed Ancre and hoysed vp faile and put to Sea onward their iourney from the Sownds of Plymmouth to shew her Maiesties religious intendments in this exploit I haue thought good to adde here a Prayer made by her selfe as was reported and vsed as it was fitted for that designe MOst Omnipotent maker and guide of all our worlds masse that eâ—ely searchest and fadomest the bottome of all our hearts conceits and in them seest the true originals of all our actions intended thou that by thy foresight doest truely discerne how no malice of reuenge nor quittance of iniurie nor desire of bloudshed nor greedinesse of lucre hath bred the resolution of our nâ—w set out Army but a heedefull care and wary watch that no neglect of fees nor ouer-suretie of harme might breede either danger to vs or glory to them these being the grounds wherewith thou doest enspire the minde we humbly beseech thee with bended knees prosper the worke and with best forewindes guide the iourney speede the victory and make the returne the aduancement of thy glory the triumph of their f 〈…〉 e and surety to the Realme with the least losse of the English bloud To these deuout petitions Lord giue thou thy blessed grant The ninth of the same moneth comming something neere to the North Cape in a manner in the same altitude or not much differing which was about 43. degrees and something more yet bearing so as it was impossible to be descried from the land There it pleased the Lords to call a select Councell which was alwaies done by hanging out of a Flagge of the Armes of England and shooting off a great warning peece Of this select or priuie Counsell were no moe then these The two Lords Generall the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance Sir Coniers Clifford and Sir Anthony Ashley Clarke of the said Counsell And when it pleased the Lords Generall to call a common Counsell as of tentimes they did vpon weighty matters best knowne to their honours then they would cause another kinde of Flag to be hanged out which was the red Crosse of S. George and was very easie to be discerned from the other that appertained onely to the select Counsell and so often as this Flag of S. George was hanged out then came all the Masters and Captaines of all the ships whose opinions were to be demanded in such matters as appertained vnto the said select Counsell It was presently concluded that our course in sailing should forthwith be altered and that we should beare more into the West for some purposes to them best knowne At that instant many Letters of instructions were addressed and sent to euery particular Master and Captaine of the Ships What the contents of those Letters of instructions were it was not as yet knowne vnto any neither was it held meete to be enquired or knowne of any of vs. But vnder the titles and superscriptions of euery mans particuler Letter these words were endorsed Open not these Letters on paine of your liues vnlesse wee chance to be scattered by tempest and in that case open them and execute the contents thereof but if by mishap you fall into your enemies hand then in any case cast them into the Sea sealed as they are It should seeme that these Letters did containe in them the principall place and meaning of this entended action which was hitherto by their deepe foresights kept so secret as no man to my knowledge eiâ—her did or could so much as suspect it more then themselues who had the onely managing thereof All this while our ships God be thanked kept in a most excellent good order being deuided into fiue squadrons that is to say The Earle of Essex the Lord Admirall the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh and the Admirall of the Hollanders All which squadrons albeit they did euery day separate themselues of purpose by the distance of certaine leagues as well to looke out for such ships as were happily vnder saile as also for the better procuring of Sea-roome yet alwayes commonly either that day or the next day toward euening they
a Citie in the West Indies taken by the English its description aire dewes greatnesse Church want of Glasse-windowes doores standing of their Quire in the lowest part of the Church 1144. Fortification 1165. Healthinesse ibid. Its situation 1169 And fortification 1418 Saint Iohns head the easterly part of Port-Ricco 1169 Captaine Iohn Smith his discoverie of Russels Iles Point-Ployer and Limbo Iles in Virginia 1712. His entertainment by the Savages with courtesic and trcacherie his mens desire of returne 1713. His many Savage bickerings endanger by a stinging Fish and safe returne 1714. His setting forth againe and encounter with the Savages 1714 1715. The loue hee received from Mosco that Savage ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks 1716. His great tempests yet safe returne 1716. His assuming the presidencie of Virginia 1716. His opposition by the Councell iourney to Powhatan onely with foure 1717. His strange entertainment ibid. His provision for Nansamund proiect for Powhatan and setting forth 1720. His discourse and passages with Powhatan 1721 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals ibid. His abuse by some treacherous Dutchmen 1723. His great danger with fifteene men by a multitude of Indians ibid. His valiant evasion and forcing them to composition captinating their King in the midst of them ibid. 1724. His poysoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen his escape encounter and captivating the King of Paspahigh and other bickerings 1726. His progresse in the plantation hinderance and desire of remouall thereof 1727 1728. His hatred by vpstart plantationers escaping their plots and revenge on them 1729. His suppressing mutinies appeasing concluding peace endanger by powder 1730 1731. His endanger of murther grieuous torture returne for England and the cause with the consequents 1731 1732. His accusers and accusation 1731. His innocencie 1732 Master Iones his endeuours furthering the plantation of New-England 1867 Ippoa a place neere the great Iland in America 1212 Irasing a place seven leagues from Mexico 1414 Irocois Savages in Canada 1607 Their River and manner of fortification with stakes 1612. Their further description provision and townes and warres with their vanquishment and affrighting with a musket-shot 1643 Iron extolled aboue gold 1814 Isla del Gallo an Iland 1444 Itshuera a towne of the Caribes one dayes iourney from the head of the River Marwin 1285 Saint Iuan de Lua achiefe part in Noua Hispania 1432 Iuan de Ofnate his discoverie of the North from old Mexico his armie and preparation 1563. His losse and revenge of his Nephew his building a towne and possession for Spaine 1566 Iuan Fernandes Ilands their situation and plenty 1393 Iucatan how so called 1455. The inhabitants tortured and consumed by the Spaniards 1581 1582 1583 Iumanos Indians 1561 Saint Iuo de Vllua a Port towne 1418 Iuana the second Iland in Orenoque 1248 Ixtatlan a place in New-Spaine 1558 Iyanough a Governour among the Savages of Pechanochick 1853 Saint Izabella one of the Iles of Salomon 1447 K. KAiwaire a towne inhabited by the Careebees in the River Marwin in America 1283 Kebec a place in New-France wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Champlaine 1642. The naturall fruit and commodities thereof ibid. Kecoughtan a towne of Savages in Virginia 1687. The inhabitants maner of entertainment dancing Orations 1687 Kenebek a towne vnder the Dominion of Apomhamen in Mawooshen 1874 Ketangheanycke a town vnder the Sagamos Octoworth 1875 Capt. Keymish his voyage to Guiana 1269 Kiarno a towne of the Sauages 1286 Kietitan a god of the Savages 1862 Kine very strange in Brasile living in water without hornes or vdders 1243. Kine strange neere Quiuira with bunched backs 1561 A Kings distinction from others among the Amazons is by a crowne of feathers a woodden sword or a chaine of Lyons teeth 1288 Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans before the Spanish conquest 1464 Kings dying among the Floridan Indians and Tartarians two yong men are slaine to wait vpon them in the next world 1553 King Iames his name nothing respected among the Spaniards 1834. His faithfulnesse to the Queene of England his wise answere to her Embassadour 1912. His gracious letters to the Earle of Southhampton touching the Silke-wormes and Silke-grasse in Virginia 1787 I0 King Englishman one that lived fifteene yeares at Santos 1203 Kimbeki a River in New-France 1625 Knaw-saw an Iland how situate 1184 Knights how chosen and created among the ancient Emperours of Peru and who thought worthy of Knighthood 1474 Kniuets adventures accidents 1192 He finds a chest of Rials 1203. Loseth his toes by frost 1204. Narrow scaping death 1205 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster 1207. Eateth Whale 1207. His escaping all his fellowes slaine 1207. His comming to the River Ianero and escaping from drowning by a woman his life there 1208. His slaverie in a Sugar-mill nakednesse shame and flight to the wildernesse his life there 1208. His perill by a Savage 1208. By a Sharke-fish 1209. His disastrous flight and wracke 1209. In danger of starving ibid. His imprisonment condemnation pardon 1210. His wounding the Factor flight iourney and fortune 1210. His fearfull travels through the wildernesse and manifold dangers there 1210 1211. His returne to his old master after many perils 1212. Kils a great dangerous Snake 1215. Is stocked and brought to execution saved 1216 Passeth in a weake vessell through a River that ran vnder-ground 1217. His escape all his fellowes devoured ibid. His nakednesse 1218. Returne againe to his Portingall Master his danger ibid. 1219. His adventure vnder-water 1220. His escape and voyage to Angola in Africa his sending backe againe ibid. His plot and dangerous discoverie 1221. Saveth his master from drowning ibid. Is imprisoned 1222. Escapeth drowning 1223. Ariveth at Lisbon his sicknesse there 1224. One and twenty times let blood 1225. His recoverie imployment and imprisonment ibid. Kniues and Hatchets deare sold amongst the Indians 1229 1208 A Knife bought eight women 1249 Kuskara waock a river in Virginia the inhabitants thereof 1694 L. LAbour well imployed hath its reward one time or other 1832 La Buena Ventura an vnhealthy place in Peru 1446 La Canela a Country in Peru 1415 Lacana a miserable towne in Florida 1553 Laguada a towns in Port-Ricco 1170 Lake of a hundred leagues in length 1644 A Lake wondrous great 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues 1614. Many others ib. 1615. One of three hundred leagues 1616. La Loma de Camana a very fertile soyle in America the description thereof 1420 La Mocha an Iland in America 1443 Lampere a fortified Citie of the Carios in the Indies taken by the Spaniards 1352 Lancerota the town and Castle taken by the Earle of Cumberland 1151 1155. It is one of the greatest Ilands of the Canaries 1155 The chiefe towne in it described 1156. The inhabitants armes situation commodities latitude their severall haruests Church Religion ibid. Language of Savages 1237. A thousand languages of Savages
from Iames Towne in Virginia to the I le of Hogs 1724 Scuruie reigning in New France 1642. and vnder the Aequinoctiall 1202. its cause effects signes and remedie 1373 1374. great raigning of it among Mariners 1374. the things that are discommodious or beneficiall to the patient 1623 1763 Scuruy-grasse 1191. its medicinable operations 1624 Sea blacke in colour beyond the line 1157. a Sea-monster like a man of complexion like a tawny Indian 1187. another strange Sea-monster 1207 Sea-water warme the ayre being cold 1627. Sea made fresh by a violent intermixture of riuers in Florida 1555. Sea-scum like pitch and vsed like pitch called Coper in Florida 1556. Sea discommodious for meats in sickness 1624. Sea danger 1223 Sea-fire a meteor seene commonly in temposts the diuers opinions and names thereof 1737 The Sea worshipped by some Indians 1471 Sea-faring mens errors 1368 Sea-fights 1183 1186 1402 seq the requisitenesse of armour in Sea-fights 1408. a Sea-fight betweene the Spanish and English at vnequall hand the successe largely related 1780 1781 1784 Sea-hawking 1376 Sea-voyages require a Princes purse 1942 Sea-stratagem of the English hauing good effect 1908 Sea-snakes 1315 Seale-land 1440 Seales great store 1187. their nature and description 1386 Seasons falling vnequally vnder the same parallel 1637 Sea-men their seuerall offices 1403 Seminaries erected at Rome and Rhemes 1893 Security is dangerous 1635 St. Sebastian Iland 1200 Seed-time in New England 1866 Segouni abeast in Brasile 1243 Selinama riuer 1284. directions to trauell there 1286 Seralta an ancient Commander in Port Râ—cco 1166 Serpents called Iebua 1226. a serpent called Cobrus in Brasile as big as a man twenty foot long his strange feeding rotting and reviving 1243. A Serpent called Cururijuba thirty foot long its description 1317 1318. Serpents that are armed with plates not pierceable by an arrow ibid. Serpents called Guararici which being heard sing by the indians causeth them to dye so strong is their imagination 1318. a huge Serpent 1350. two great Serpents 1603 Shadden a towne of the Arwaccas in the West Indies 1285 Shambles of mans flesh among the Spaniards in the Indies 1280 Sharke a fish so called described 1376 Sheathing of Ships requisite 1387 Shawakotoc a riuer in Mawooshen 1875 Sheepe why s 〈…〉 in Port-Ricco 1172. Sheep vsed for cariages as horses in the Indies called Amidas 1362. Sheepe as big as horses with huge hornes and small tayles neere Mexico 1560 one horne waigheth 50 pound 1561 Shels of Pearle curiously wrought by nature 1381 Sherleys voyage 1168 Showers of gold 1395 Shooting at Sea how aduisedly to be vndertaken 1369 Sicknesse its cause and remedy 1251. Sicknesses vnknowne in New France 1623 Sicknesse in Guiana 1261. Sicknesse preuented by good dyet 1624. sicknesse destroying the whole Country in Pataxâ—t in New England 1849 Sickene Mountaine 1286 Sierra Leona a country so called 1141 Shipwracks 1355 1356 1440 1560 1673 1674 1676 1677 Ships how most conueniently built for warres or Merchandise 1405 1406. ships vnprofitably built of Cedar in the Bermudas 1747. ships taken by Sr. Francis Drake at the Cascois in the Portingall voyage 1923. ships of great worth taken by the English at the fight before Cadiz 1930. in ships whether race-building be commodious for men of warre 1409 Silk-wormes in Florida 1603. in the Bermudas 1739 Silk-grasse in Virginia 1758 Silley an I le on the west of England 1247 Siluer in Florida presented to the French by the Inhabitants 1603 Smiarra a towne neere the Fort of Marwin inhabited by the Arwacca Sauages 1283 Sir Samuel Argal by vertue of commission with much valour and discretion dispossessed the French of their vsurped possession in the New found Land 1828. his departure from the coasts of Virginia 1830. His inuention of trade with the Uirginia Sauages 1763 Skin as ruffe as Buffe on men 1280 Skuls of dead men layd in the windowes of houses among some Indians perchance to put them in mind of mortality 1560 Slate good store in Canada affording Diamonds 1610 1611 Sleeping-hearbe 1312 Smiths Iles before Uirginia 1691 Capt. Smith of Plimouth his disasterous voyage with sudden returne by the vnmercifulnesse of a raging tempest his second aduentures to the Westerne Ilands hee is chased by the French Pyrates is taken prisoner and the voyage ouerthrowne 1829. Captaine Smiths suspition by the Councell of Virginia his behauiour and clearing there from 1706. his care for the Plantation and furtherance thereof his discouerie of the riuer 1707. he fights and kils sauages is taken by them brought to the Emperour threatned death and saued by the Kings daughter returneth to the Plantation 1708 1709. his second arriuall at Powhatans court 1710. his better desire then power to benefit the plantation 1711. his striking terror in the Sauages ibid. his departure for a discouerie 1712 Iohn Smith his voyage to New-England finished in the space of 6 moneths with gaine of fifteene hundred pounds 1838 Snakes-hearb excellent good against the poyson of Snakes 1311 Snakes eaten 1210. snakes verie venemous 1212. A dangerous snake kild 1215. its quality ib. name Sorocueu 1230 its description 1231. Snakes without poyson 1303. their plenty and diuersitie in Brasile 1303 1304. with their names ibid. 1317 1318 Snakes of thirty foot long called Amara worshipped 1457 1478. Snakes worshipped in Topira 1560. Snakes worne about the neckes of the Virginians 1698 Snowes exceeding great in Florida 1551. Snowes made vse of in stead of drinke 1561. Snowes as good as a furd-gowne for fruits 1636 Soacatino a towne in Florida very poore and destitute of prouision 1554 Socke riuer 11â—6 Sodomites burnt by the Indians 1558 Somme-riuer in Florida discouered by the French 1603 Sommerset-Iland in the Bermudas 1796 Sir George Sommers ariuall at the Bermudas and death 1733. his care for the suruay of those Ilands 1738. his departure from Uirginia to the Bermudas 1754 Sommer Ilands commodities at large 1794 1795. Vide Bermudas Somma a place in America 1222 Soto a Spaniard his parentage time of his flourishing nature and dignity 1528 1529. his voyage to Florida at large related and discouery 1530 the company of his ships and number of his S 〈…〉 iers his ariuall at Florida and at the towne Vâ—â—â— and meeting with Indianized Christians there 1530 1531. his comming to Paracossi Acela Tocaste Cale townes in Florida his newes of Gold and Maiz 1532. his approach at other seuerall townes in America-Florida and seuerity to the Indians 1533 1534. his many bickerings with the Indians his resolution for the Prouince of Ochus 1535. hee pretends himselfe to be the sonne of the Sunne 1536. his ingratitude to an Indian Princess that had vsed him his company kindly 1538 1539. burieth a letter neere a Pine-tree to giue direction to his lost followers 1537. carieth the Caciques with them till hee was out of their countries 1541. the course of his trauels 1542. his skirmish and losse by the Indians 1543. his other Indian occurrents 1546 1547 1548 1549 et seq his
in a golden Countrie Cristall mountaine Vault-straits Tamoyes proper men Store of gold His iourney with the Sages Tocoman Pigmeys dwelling in Caues Riuer running to Chile Mountaines of a 〈…〉 Mettals The Caryiohs A youth 13. spans high Chile Giants habitlesse habit Port â—amine in the Sâ—râ—its of Magelan Wide mouthed men Extreame cold and naked people Harris the Goldâ—mith H. Barrawell Beasts bigger then Horses at the Mâ—gellan stâ—aiâ—s called Tapeâ—ywason in Ethiopia whether he meaneth Zebra or Dantecâ— see Tom. 1. p. 1002. Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil as is before deliliuered The Kings pompe Rites of the people The Countrie Wezels sâ—iâ— affected Branded beguiled slaues Taking of Elephants Circumcision Of Congo The King Masangana See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres Sickly disposition of the place Gold Paul Di 〈…〉 Angica Anzicans valiant Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circumcision which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks with Mahumetans Rio Grande Ambergreese Para 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Riuers A Riuer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—an 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 â—â—wly The description of a place called by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—â—nâ—mbuqâ—o and 〈◊〉 Citie o◠〈◊〉 Cape of Saint Augustine Iâ— of S. Aleyxo Porto Docaloâ— Riuer of stones Camaryiâ—â—â— The Riuer of Saint Antoniâ— Salt Fish Varâ—â—â— A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen Riuer called Iaquareasicke Alaqua Riuer of Saint Michael The Harbour called The Riuer of Toades R. Saquarâ—ma Etiâ—ca Pirâ—teninga M 〈…〉 mayd â—een by the Author The Riuer of Ienero and Ci 〈…〉 oâ— Saint Sebastian Iland of Brigalion Iland of Saint Bent. The Riuer câ—lled Waratiâ—â— Certaine Ilands called by tâ—e 〈◊〉 gr 〈…〉 Greaâ— Ilaâ—â— The Iland of 〈◊〉 Sebastian The descripti 〈…〉 oâ— S. Vin 〈…〉 s Saâ—tos The description of the third 〈◊〉 noâ— called by the Pâ—â—tugals Oâ— patoâ— and by the Indianâ— Vâ—â—son The description of the Riuer of Plate Note Beasts of Brasil Traueil by Compasse on sands Saint Michaels Brasill Iesuits Sauages friends Ciants Flat heads Strange Kine See before in Ouiedo Strange Serpent * â—his number may perhaps seeme incredible and iustlâ— vethâ—e tels the report which in some one yeere after some great battle may also be probable but the general report is of diuers thousands shipped thence yeerly the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado Iles of Cape Verde The I le and Towne of S. Vincent 〈◊〉 The Raâ—chera in Cubagua wâ—â—h diuers 〈…〉 oners taken and ransomed A great ship with 〈◊〉 Negros taken Las Cabâ—zas They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos R. of Puerto bello The great Castle of S. Philippe with 25. pieces of brasse and 50. Souldiers The Towne Triana Porto bello Pedro Melendes Melendes the Gouernour taken prisoner Braue spirit liberall minde of Captaine Parker Porto bello described He at 〈…〉 ineth from 〈…〉 tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire Two Frigats taken and brought away Their departure Sir Fr. 〈◊〉 buriall Sambo Virtuâ— in 〈◊〉 laudanda Grand Canarie Punta delaraya S. Vincents â—oinara Aruba Seuen men killed Puntal Bracheo Cape Caldera Morecapana M. S. Ann. Portete Cape S. Antony Organes Cuba Cobey Martyrs Cape of Florida Silley The Riuer of Capuri The Gulfe of Guanipa The Riuer Amana Orenoco Tiuitiuas The Riuer Macurio Toparimaca a Gouernour Arwacan Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria 〈◊〉 Iland Iwana Iland Arrarooâ—ana Europa Riuer Ocawitâ— Iland Morrequito Arromaia Putapaima Iland Oâ—â—â—â—e The Playnes of Samia Cumana Aroami Iland Aio Iland Manoripano A omaio Th Riuer Caroli Cassipagotos Morâ—equito â—aâ—â—ma Iland Epuremi Great Fall Caâ—uri Store of gold among the Epuremians Casâ—ipagotos Eâ—arâ—â—oâ—os Arawagotos Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa Store of gold Riuer Arui Riuer Cassipa Riuer Atoica Riuer Caora Riuer Casnero Amapaia The Riuâ—rs Cari Limo Paoo Caturi Voari Capuri The Prouince of Amapaia Bad water Guicar Goauar Papemena The Iland of Amazones The Iland Athul Riuer Vbra Eregoodawe Oromona Tapiawary Riuer Salma Papemena a great Riuer Athul a most sweet pleasant Iland He returneth from Athul Papemena Limo Orenoco Cosnero Riuer Amapaia Paoo Riuer The rich countrie of Curaa six weekes trauell from Orenoco Manoa Gold in abundance Gold in grains found in Riuers Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land keepers of gold Tulahe Bad pearles Top asses Camalaha Women-Faire and yet no fair women Eight women for a halfe-peny knife Tar or Taroo an Iland Habuc a Riuer Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco Europa Riuer Oecopa Mountaine Santo Domingo Amapaia Riuer Amazones Iland Wiaumli Riuer Maccah Riuer Woripur Carrabouca Guiana or Manoa Drano Riuer Aâ—â—bas Moores Vnhealthfull dewes Emeria Capurisol Riuer Canoa of water Riuer of Amazones Riuer Wiapogo The Falls They desire to learne religion Caribes A Canowe taken R. Aracawa The Commodities of the Countrey Strange fishing Cassauiâ— The iuice Sicknesse The cause The remedie Ni 〈…〉 little 〈…〉 mes great torture Terrible cure Trecherie of a S 〈…〉 e. Captaine Leâ— Saint Barbudos Sancta Lucia Captaine Nich Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men Tortoises Shew of Gold The Captaine and his men slaine Indian treacherie Faire gardens Great Trees of hard wood Hamaca beds Treacherous ambush Blind hungrie voyage A storme Thomas Morgan dyeth Land Boat split Three Spanâ—ards Miserable famine Vse of Tabacco Fiue died in the Iland â—ood almost kils aswell as penurie Tocoya Coâ—o Kind Spaniards Good Flemming Spanish gentlenesse Two more dic Commodities of the Countrey Drinke made of Maiz. The treason of the Indians * The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fathers goods and his lâ—â—â— withall They ariue at Wiapâ—â—â— Causes of their mutinie Second voiage of the Phenix Captain Leighs weaknesse Deiected minds Mount Howard Possession Bay Gold siluer R. Caliane Expedition against the Caribes Mount Huntly Cou. R. Wia. English ship Vrake Arwakes Mortalitie The Captains sicknesse and death M. Tederington 35. persons lost 15. depart Kindnesse of a Dutchman French ship Ten more depart Two returne out of the Countrey to them They plant Flaxe c. Surgeâ—ie Indian Armes Mad choice of a patient Captaine R. Caliane searched Three ships in R. of Amazons Peyar-diuining Riuer of Arâ—cow Fall Three Nations The Yayes The Arwakes Suppayes Nakednesse Men and women how they liue Their houses Faire earthen Pots Baskets Hamakes Painting Childebirtâ— Funerals Beasts of those parts Fowles Fishes and fishing as before Fruites Dying woods other commodities of the Countrie Their returne Sir Walter Rawleigh Trinidado Fountaine of Pitch * The large iournall of their voiage to this place is for breuity omitted as also their course homewards * The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting for their nature is if one eat a ripe one it sets one a scouring and
hundrâ—ds haue hereby perished The number of the dead and sicke Dangerous mâ—neths The opening of a dead body What food causeth the land diseaâ—e Bad waters Plin. li. 25. c. 3. Stomaccacè Scelotyrbè Britannica or Scuruy grasse an herbe Strabo Monsieur de Ioâ—nuille The Gouitres of Sauore What aire is against health Windes Seasons Bad food and di commodities of the Sea Aduice for the sicknesses of New France Good Wine Herbes in the Spring time Stoues Stoues in Gardens Such I haue seene at Beddington in Surrie at Sir Nicolas Carews The sweatings of the Sauages A merry heart a principall preseruatiue against the Scuruie Eccles. 3. 12 22. Meanes of mirth Necessitiâ— of hauing women into the Countrey Tree of life Sasafras Monsieur Champlain is now this present yeere 1609. in Canada The discoueric of new Lands by Monsieur de Monts fabulous tales and reports of the Riuer and fained Towne of Norombega Kinibeki sâ—xty leagues from S. Croix Fabulous â—ales of the Riuer Norombega Pemptegoet Obiection Answer Kinibeki The Bay of Marchin 1607. Ch 〈…〉 koet The ground manured Vines Malebarre Etechemins The Armouchiquois traitours and theeues Thâ— swiftnesse of the Armouchiquois The arriuall of Monsieur du Point 1605. Transmigration from S. Croix to Port Royal. New buildings Trafficke with the Sauages Beuers Otters and Stags Tabaguia is a sauage tearme signifying banket Hand Mils The number of the dead Fault in their buildings The furniture of Monsieur du Pont to goe to the discouery of new lands The wracke of their Barke Causes of delay in establish ing the dwelling place of the Frenchmen The third voyage made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt Rochel The courage of Monsieur de Monts and his associates 13. of May 1606. Meetings of Ships Great cold The reason of this Antiperistâ—sâ— and the cause oâ— the Ices of New-sound land Warnings neerethe great Banke Birds called by Frenchmen Godes Fouquets Hapfoies The fishing of Cod. Hap-foyes why so called Sea dogs skins Excellent sawsiges made with the inwards of Cod. The weather in those Seâ—s contrary then in ours The causes of Mists on the West Seas Land makes The discouery of S. Peters Ilands Plaine discouery of the Land Cap. Breton The Bay of Campseau Eight daies Gods fauour in danger Calm weather Morueilous odours comming from the land The boording of two Shallops The Sauages goodly men Matachiaz be carkanets neklaces bracelets and wrought girdles During the mists at Sea it is faire wether on land The departing of some of our company going alâ—nd The Sauages do traueli much way in small time Mists Calmes Portâ—u â—u Rossignoll Port au Mouton â—hat growes 〈◊〉 the Land at Port â—u Mouton Le Cap de Sable Long Iland The Bay S. Mary The arriuing to Port Royall Difficulties in comming in The beautie of the Port. Sagamos signifieth Captaine Praises of the two Frenchmen leâ—t alone in Fort of Port Royall The tilling of the ground The meeting with Monsieur du Pont. The forme of a Rain-bow vnder a Caue Greatnesse of Canada 400. leagues from the mouth It springs from a Lake Which is the first mine Sowing of Corne. August 20. Cause of the Voyage made into the country of the Armouchiquois Parting from Port Royall Faire Rie found at S. Croix Their meaning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the southward A ditch profitably made What store of workmen and lab 〈…〉 rers in N 〈…〉 France Their exercise and manner of life Mussels Lobsters Crabs Good prouision of wilde fowle What quantity of Bread and Wine * A kinde of Stag or red Deere The liberall nature of the Sauages What earth is in the Medowes Ellans in the Medowes Poutrincourts discouery Pemptegoet the true name of the fabulous Norombega Kinibeki The Bay of Marchin Confederacy Orignac or Ellan Champlein saith they are like Oxen. The Riuer of Olmechin Port De Chouakoet An Iland of Vines The Riuer of Olmechin The galantnesse of the Sauages Port De la Heue The Sâ—uages doe paint their faces The Oration of Messamoet Messamoets affection to the Frenchmen The largesse and liberality of Messamoet The Sauages be liberall A Corn-countrie Beanes Pumpions and Grapes Bessabes Englishmen Asticou Canoas A very good Port. The agilitie of the Arm 〈…〉 quois Fifes A Sauage wounded Their mouthes and mops about him that was hurt 〈◊〉 The Presents of a Sauage woman Hempe very faire Beanes Quantitie of Grapes The simplicity and ignorance of people Thâ— bad natuâ—eo the Armouchiquois Noâ—e how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withall This the only way to ciuilize Sauages Trust them and hang them nay trust them and they will cut your throat as in the Virginian massacre appeaâ—â—th Suspicion for the comming of Olmechin The trouble of garments Corne sowed and Vines planted 100. Boats of Sauages Malebarre Peril of sholds Note Great antiquity of Grapes Hereupon chap. 7. Two fathames tide onely Danger Oigoudi or S. Iohns Riuer Sauages of sundry Nationâ— vnderstand not one another A forge and an ouen 〈…〉 de A croâ—e set vp Abundance of Larkes fishes Shel-fish Grapes Rush-baskets The triall of Trench weapons before the Sauages Good instruction Port Fortune Râ—solution for the returne Their returne Perill The arriuall of Monsieur de Poutrincourt The state of Corne. How they speÌ„t their winter Câ—ales The vse of the Compasse in land voiages The institution of the Order Bon temps La Rue aux Ours or Beare street is as Pie-corner or such a Cooke place in London Store of Sturgions Before in chap. 113. The vsage of the Sauages The Sauages haue care of the Frenchmen Preseruatiue against Scuruy Bad winde The state of Winâ—er weather Why Raines and Mists be scarse in winter Snow is profitable Frosts when they are The state of Ianuary Conformity of weather in East and West Fraâ—ce The great Frost 1607. Wherefore is the season late Dressing of Gardens Good crop from the ground Abundance of fishes The care of Monsieur de Pouirincourt in prouiding for theÌ„ that should come after him The building of a water-mil Abundance of Herrings Pilchers Preparation for the return Great ouersight Monsieur de Poutrincourt his inuention Bricke made in New France Why the Saâ—â—ges call all French men Noâ—mands Newes out of France and their returne The contents of the Letters written to Monsieur de Poutrincourt The societie of Monsieur de Monts broken and why rincourtâ—is â—is resolution The English Nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion so to increase Christs blessed flock no doubt he will bee their leader Monsieur de Monts is enuied Robbing from the dead The Sauages go to the wars Voyages vpon the Coast of the French Bay Salmons Assembly of Sauages a feasting Filthy trading The subtiltie of an Autmoiâ— or Sauage Southsayer A Myne of Steele Menane Good watch Seales voices The arriuall in the I le of Saint Croix The state of the same Turtles The Sauages of better nature then many Christians A number of Iles.
they entred to inhabite was the great and most fertile I le of Hispaniola which containeth sixe hundred leagues in compasse There are other great and infinite Iles round about and in the Confines on all sides which we haue seene the most peopled and the fullest of their owne natiue people as any other Countrie in the World may be The firme Land lying off from this Iland two hundred and fiftie leagues and somewhat ouer at the most containeth in length on the Sea Coast more then ten thousand leagues which are alreadie discouered and daily be discouered more and more all full of people as an Emmote hill of Emmots Insomuch as by that which since vnto the yeere the fortieth and one hath beene discouered It seemeth that God hath bestowed in that same Countrie the gulfe or the greatest portion of Mankind God created all these innumerable multitudes in euery sort very simple without subtletie or craft without malice very obedient and very faithfull to their naturall Liege Lords and to the Spaniards whom they serue very humble very patient very desirous of peace making and peacefull without brawles and strugglings without quarrels without strife without rancour or hatred by no meanes desirous of reuengement They are also people very gentle and very tender and of an easie complexion and which can sustaine no trauell and doe die very soone of any disease whatsoeuer in such sort as the very children of Princes and Noblemen brought vp amongst vs in all commodities ease and delicatenesse are not more soft then those of that Countrie yea although they bee the children of Labourers They are also very poore folke which possesse little neither yet doe so much as desire to haue much worldly goods and therefore neither are they proud ambitious nor couetous Their diet is such as it seemeth that of the holy Fathers in the Desert hath not bin more scarce nor more straight nor lesse daintie nor lesse sumptuous Their apparelling is commonly to goe naked all saue their shamefast parts alone couered And when they be clothed at the most it is but a of a Mantle of Bombacie of an ell and a halfe or two ells of linnen square Their lodging is vpon a Mat and those which haue the best sleepe as it were vpon a Net fastened at the foure corners which they call in the Language of the I le of Hispaniola Hamasas They haue their vnderstanding very pure and quicke being teachable and capeable of all good Learning very apt to receiue our holy Catholike Faith and to be instructed in good and vertuous manners hauing lesse incumberances and disturbances to the attaining thereunto then all the folfe of the world besides and are so enflamed ardent and importune to know and vnderstand the matters of the faith after they haue but begunne once to taste them as likewise the exercise of the Sacraments of the Church and the diuine Seruice that in truth the religious men haue need of a singular patience to support them And to make an end I haue heard many Spaniards many times hold this as assured and that which they could not denie concerning the good nature which they saw in them Vndoubtedly these folkes should bee the happiest in the World if onely they knew God Vpon these Lambes so meeke so qualified and endued of their Maker and Creator as hath bin said entred the Spanish incontinent as they knew them as Wolues as Lions and as Tigres most cruell of long time famished and haue not done in those quarters these fortie yeeres past neither yet doe at this present ought else saue teare them in pieces kill them martyr them afflict them torment them and destroy them by strange sorts of cruelties neuer neither seene nor read nor heard of the like of the which some shall be set downe hereafter so far forth that of aboue three Millions of soules that were in the I le of Hispaniola and that we haue seene there are not now two hundred natiues of the Countrey The I le of Cuba the which is in length as farre as from Vallodolid vntill Rome is at this day as it were all waste Saint Iohns Ile and that of Iamayca both of them very great very fertill and very faire are desolate Likewise the Iles of Lucayos neere to the I le of Hispaniola and of the North side vnto that of Cuba in number being aboue threescore Ilands together with those which they call the Iles of Geante one with another great and little whereof the very worst is fertiler then the Kings Garden at Siuill and the Countrie the healthsomest in the World there were in these same Iles more then fiue hundred thousand soules and at this day there is not one only creature For they haue beene all of them slaine after that they had drawne them out from thence to labour in their Minerals in the I le of Hispaniola where there were no more left of the Natiues of that Iland A ship riding for the space of three yeeres betwixt all these Ilands to the end after the inning of this kind of Vintage to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke for there was a good Christian moued with pittie and compassion to conuert and win vnto Christ such as might be found there were not found but eleuen persons which I saw other Iles more then thirty neere to the I le of Saint Iohn haue likewise bin dispeopled and marred All these Iles containe aboue two thousand leagues of land and are all dispeopled and laid waste As touching the maine firme land we are certaine that our Spaniards by their cruelties and cursed doings haue dispeopled and made desolate more then ten Realmes greater then all Spaine comprising also therewith Aragon Portugall and twise as much or more land then there is from Seuill to Ierusalem which are aboue a thousand leagues which Realmes as yet vnto this present day remaine in a wildernesse and vtter desolation hauing bin before time as well pâ—opled as 〈◊〉 possible We are able to yeelde a good and certaine accompt that there is within the space of 〈◊〉 said fortie yeares by those said tyrannies and diuellish doings of the Spaniards doen 〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉 iustly and tyrannously more then twelue Milions of soules men women and children And I doe verily beleeue and thinke not to mistake therein that there are dead more then fifteene Millions of soules The cause why the Spanish haue destroyed such an infinite of soules hath beene onely that they haue held it for their last scope and marke to get Gold and to enrich themselues in a short time and to mount at one leape to very high estates in no wise agreeable to their persons or to say in a word the cause hereof hath beene their auarice and ambition And by this meanes haue died so many Millions without faith and without Sacraments Of the I le of Hispaniola In the I le Hispaniola which was the first as we haue said where
the Spaniards arriued began the great slaughters and spoyles of people the Spaniards haâ—ing begun to take their wiues and children of the Indies for to serue their turne and to vse them ill and hauing begun to eate their victuals gotten by their sweate and trauell not contenting themselues with that which the Indians gaue them of their owne good will euery one after their abilitie the which is algates very small forasmuch as they are accustomed to haue no more store then they haue ordinarily neede of and that such as they get with little trauell And that which might suffice for three housholds reckoning ten persons for each houshold for a moneths space one Spaniard would eate and destroy in a day Now after sundry other forces violences and torments which they wrought against them the Indians began to perceiue that those were not men discended from heauen Some of them therefore hid their victuals others hid their wiues and children some others fled into the Mountaines to separate themselues a farre off from a Nation of so hard natured and ghastly conuersation The Spaniards buffeted them with their fists and bastonades pressing also to lay hands vpon the Lords of the Townes And these cases ended in so great an hazard and desperatenesse that a Spanish Captaine durst aduenture to rauish forcibly the wife of the greatest King and Lord of this I le Since which time the Indians began to search meanes to cast the Spaniards out of their lands and set themselues in armes but what kinde of armes very feeble and weake to withstand or resist and of lesse defence The Spaniards with their Horses their Speares and Lances began to commit murders and strange cruelties they entred into Townes Borowes and Villages sparing neither children nor old men neither women with childe neither them that lay In but that they ripped their bellies and cut them in peeces as if they had beene opening of Lambes shut vp in their fold They laid wagers with such as with one thrust of a sword would paunch or bowell a man in the middest or with one blow of a sword would most readily and most deliuerly cut off his head or that would best pierce his entrals at one stroake They tooke the little soules by the heeles ramping them from the mothers dugges and crushed their heads against the clifts Others they cast into the Riuers laughing and mocking and when they tumbled into the water they said now shift for thy selfe such a ones corpes They put others together with their mothers and all that they met to the edge of the sword They made certaine Gibbets long and low in such sort that the feete of the hanged on touched in a manner the ground euery one enough for thirteene in honour and worship of our Sauiour and his twelue Apostles as they vsed to speake and setting to fire burned them all quicke that were fastened Vnto all others whom they vsed to take and reserue aliue cutting off their two hands as neere as might be and so letting them hang they said Get you with these Letters to carry tydings to those which are fled by the Mountaines They murdered commonly the Lords and Nobility on this fashion They made certaine grates of pearches laid on pickforkes and made a little fire vnderneath to the intent that by little and little yelling and despairing in these torments they might giue vp the Ghost One time I saw foure or fiue of the principall Lords roasted and broyled vpon these gredirons Also I thinke that there were two or three of these gredirons garnished with the like furniture and for that they cryed out pittiously which thing troubled the Captaine that he could not then sleepe he commanded to strangle them The Sergeant which was worse then the Hang man that burned them I know his name and friends in Siuil would not haue them strangled but himselfe putting Bullets in their mouthes to the end that they should not cry put to the fire vntill they were softly roasted after his desire I haue seene all the aforesaid things and others infinite And forasmuch as all the people which could flee hid themselues in the Mountaines and mounted on the tops of them fled from the men so without all manhood emptie of all pitie behauing them as sauage beasts the slaughterers and deadly enemies of mankinde they taught their Hounds fierce Dogs to teare them in peeces at the first view and in the space that one may say a Credo assailed and deuoured an Indian as if it had beene a Swine These Dogges wrought great destructions and slaughters And forasmuch as sometimes although seldome when the Indians put to death some Spaniards vpon good right and Law of due Iustice they made a Lawe betweene them that for one Spaniard they had to slay an hundred Indians There were in this Ile Hispaniola fiue great principall Realmes and fiue very mighty Kings vnto whom almost all other Lords obayed which were without number There were also certaine Lords of other seuerall Prouinces which did not acknowledge for soueraigne any of these Kings One Realme was named Magua which is as much to say as the Kingdome of the plaine This Plaine is one of the most famous and most admirable things of all that is in the world For it containeth fourescore leagues of ground from the South Sea vnto the North sea hauing in breadth fiue leagues and eight vnto ten It hath on one side and other exceeding high Mountaines There entreth into it aboue thirty thousand Riuers and Lakes of the which twelue are as great as Ebro and Duero and Guadalqueuir And all the Riuers which issue out of a Mountaine which is towards the West in number about fiue and twenty thousand are very rich of Gold In the which Mountaine or Mountaines is contained the Prouince of Cibao from whence the Mines of Cibao take their names and from whence commeth the same exquisite Gold and fine of foure and twenty Karrets which is so renowned in these parts The King Lord of this Realme was called Guarionex which had vnder him his Vassals Lieges so great and mighty that euery one of them was able to set forth threescore thousand men of armes for the seruice of the King Guarionex Of the which Lords I haue known some certain This Guarionex was very obedient and vertuous naturally desirous of peace and well affectioned to the deuotion of the Kings of Castile and his people gaue by his commandement euery housekeeper a certaine kinde of Drumfull of Gold but afterwards being not able to fill the Dâ—um cut it off by the middest and gaue the halfe thereof full For the Indians of that I le had little or none industrie or practise to gather or draw Gold out of the Mines The Cacique presented vnto the King of Castile his seruice in causing to be manured all the lands from the Isabella where the Spanish first sited vnto the Towne of Saint
great numbers that they make Scutes Carts and other grosse workes thereof and is the commonest wood that they vse to burne in those Countries whereby it is the wood that with them is least esteemed by reason of the great quantity thereof There is another kinde of wood called Sanguinho and is very faire of a red colour and another sort that they call white Wood being of it selfe as white as Chalke other that is perfect yellow and all naturall without any dying and therefore there are diuers good workemen in Tercera that are skilfull in Ioyners Occupation and make many fine pieces of worke as Deskes Cupboords Chists and other such like things whereof many are carried into Portugall and much esteemed there as well for the beauty of the wood as for the workmanship And specially the Spanish Fleet which ordinarily refresh themselues in that Iland doe carrie much of it from thence for it is the best and finest that is made in all Spaine and Portugall although it bee not comparable to the Deskes and fine workmanship of Nurembergh and those Countreves but for Wood it excelleth all other Countreyes for that they haue in the Spanish Fleete besides their owne kindes of woods at the least a thousand sorts of wood of all colours that man can imagine or deuise and so faire that more fairer can not bee painted There is a certaine kinde of wood in the Iland Pico situate and lying twelue miles from Tercera called Teixo a most excellent and princely wood and therefore it is forbidden to bee cut but onely for the Kings owne vse or for his Officers The wood is as hard as Iron and hath a colour within as if it were wrought like red Chamlet with the same water and the older it is and the more vsed the fairer it is of colour so that it is worthie to bee esteemed as in truth it is All those Ilands are inhabited by Portugals but since the troubles in Portugall there haue beene diuers Spanish Souldiers sent thither and a Spanish Gouernour that keepe all the Forts and Castles in their possessions although the Portugals are put to no charges nor yet hardly vsed by them but are rather kept short so that not one Souldier dareth goe out of the Towne with out licence and therefore men may quietly trauell throughout the Iland both day and night without any trouble Likewise they will not suffer any stranger to trauell to see the Countrey and this order was not brought vp by the Spaniards but by the Portugals themselues before their troubles for they would neuer permit it and which is more all strangers that came thither were vsually appointed a certaine streete wherein they should sell their wares and might not goe out of that streete Now it is not so straightly looked vnto but they may goe in all places of the Towne and within the Iland but not about it to view the Coast which notwithstanding was granted vnto vs by the Gouernour himselfe who lent vs his Horses to ride about and gaue vs leaue to see all the Forts which at this time is not permitted to the naturall borne Ilanders neither are they so much credited Wee rode twice about the Iland which hee granted vs leaue to doe by meanes of certaine particular friendship wee had with him neither could the Portugals hinder vs therein because wee were in the Kings seruice as Factors for the Kings Pepper and for that they accounted vs as naturall borne Portugals for the Gouernour would willingly haue had mee to haue drawne a plot of the whole Iland that hee might haue sent it to the King wherein I excused my selfe yet I made him the Towne with the Hauen comming in and Forts of Angra which hee sent vnto the King the like whereof you may in this Booke behold for the which the Gouernour was greatly affected vnto mee and shewed mee much friendship Wee had in our Lodging a French Merchant and a Scot that willingly would haue gone with vs to see the Iland but could not be suffered for the Portugals thinke that they would take the proportion thereof and so seeke to defeate them of their right But returning to our matter the Ilands are very good and holesome ayre and the diseases that are most common in those Countries though not very plentifull but onely here and there one are one sicknesse called O Ar that is a kinde of bad ayre that taketh them and maketh them altogether lame or halfe lame of their limmes or of some one limme and another sicknesse that is called O Sange that is a certaine bloud that hastely commeth vpon a man as a swelling in the eyes or other places of the face or of the body and is as red as bloud for as they say it is nothing else but meere bloud these are two diseases like the plague and are commonnest sicknesses in those Countries which grow by reason of the great windinesse of the Ilands that are subiect to all stormes and foule weathers and are vnreasonable morst which is one of the principall causes of these diseases for the windes are there so strong and dangerous that they consume both the Iron and the Steele of their houses and bring them into powder for I haue seene Iron grates in the Kings Custome house as thicke as a mans arme and the windowes of hard free stone which were so consumed by the winde that the Iron in some places was become as thin as a straw and the stone in like sort and therefore in those Countries they vse to make their Roofes and Painthouâ—es of stones which they digge in the water out of sands vpon the Sea coast of those Ilands whereon the winde hath not so great a power to consume it and yet that Customehouse had not beene made aboue six or seuen yeares before at the most In this Iland besides the two Townes there are diuers great Villages as Saint Sebastians Saint Barboran Altares Gualua Villa noua with many other Parishes and Hamlets so that for the most part it is built and inhabited sauing onely the places that are wilde and full of Woods which can hardly be trauelled much lesse inhabited Their most traffique is as I said before the wood that groweth in those Countries I meane for such as deale in Merchandise and the workemen that make it but the rest waite for the fleetes that come and goe to and from the Spanish and Portugall Indies from Brasilia Cabo Verde and Guinea all which Countries doe commonly come vnto Tercera to refresh themselues as lying very fitly for that purpose so that all the inhabitants doe thereby richly maintaine themselues and sell all their wares as well handy workes as victuals vnto those Ships and all the Ilands round about doe as then come vnto Tercera with their wares to sell it there For the which cause the Englishmen and other strangers keepe continually about those Ilands being assured that all Ships for
want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands to the great discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships From Tercera Southeast about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael which is about twenty miles long and is likewise full of Townes and Villages inhabited by Portugals for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera The chiefe Towne is called Punta del Gada where there is great traffique of English Scots and Frenchmen onely as in Tercera because of the woad which is more abundant in that Iland then in all the rest of them for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath likewise great abundance of Corne so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers but onely the broad Sea and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera but there they lye not vnder the commandement of any Fort so that many set sayle with all the windes and put to Sea which in the road of Tercera they may not doe and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing but what they will themselues to doe There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles lyeth the Island Santa Maria which is about ten or twelue miles compasse hath no traffique but onely of pot earth which the other Ilands fetch from thence It hath no Woad but is full of all victuals like Tercera and inhabited by the Portugals There are no Spaniards in it because it is a stony Country like Tercera and hard to boord whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it While I remained in Tercera the Earle of Cumberland came thither to take in fresh water and some other victuals but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it but wounded both himselfe and diuers of his men whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles lyeth a little Iland called Gratiosa and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse a very pleasant and fine Iland full of all fruits and all other victuals so that it not onely feedeth it selfe but also Tercera and the other Ilands about it and hath no other kinde of Merchandise it is well built and inhabited by Portugals and hath no Soldiers in it because it is not able to beare the charge The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera came vnto that Iland where himselfe in person with seuen or eight in his company went on land asking certaine Beasts Hens and other Victuals with Wine and fresh water which they willingly gaue him and therewith he departed from thence without doing them any hurt for the which the inhabitants thanked him and commended him for his curtesie and keeping of his promise From Tercera West North-west eight or nine miles lyeth the Iland of Saint George It is about twelue miles long but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth it is wooddy and full of hils it hath no speciall traffique but onely some Woad and yet very little of it The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera it hath likewise many Cedar trees and other kindes of wood that from thence are brought vnto Tercera and sold vnto the Ioyners which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera From Saint George West South-west seuen miles lyeth the Iland called Fayael which is seuenteene or eighteene miles in compasse it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera and Saint Michaels it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals both flesh and fish so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera it hath likewise much Woad so that many English Ships doe traffique thither The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land as they doe before all the other Ilands by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse but of small importance and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all enemies the Soldiers discharged from thence which before that time lay in the Fort complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them The same time that the Earle of Cumberland was in the Iland of Gratiosa he came likewise to Fayael where at the first time that hee came they began to resist him but by reason of some controuersie among them they let him land where he rased the Castle to the ground and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road with prouision of all things that hee wanted and therewith departed againe to Sea Whereupon the King caused the principall actors therein to be punished and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe which went out of Tercera with all kinde of warlike munition and great shot making the Fortresse vp againe the better to defend the Iland trusting no more in the Portugals In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring yet they vse the Portugals language by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead they are greatly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers From Fayael Southeast three miles and from Saint George South-west foure miles and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles lyeth the Iland called Pico which is more then fifteene miles in length It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico which is so high that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria When it is cleare weather it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera as if it were not halfe a mile from thence and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael The top of it is seene cleare and bright but the nether part is couered with clouds and with the Horizon whereby the Iland is much spoken of It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals like Fayael and hath great store of wood as Cedars all other kindes and also the costly wood Teixo There they build many Caruels and small Ships and from thence by reason of the abundance of wood they serue the other Ilands with wood It is also inhabited as the rest are their chiefe traffique being Cattle husbandry It hath much Wine the