frosard sayeth he had but three shippes only out of Britanie and Walsingham saith he had but 15. Lances and 400. footmen and the additions to Polychronicon as before I noted do auouch that when he landed at Rauenspurt in the county of Yorke he had but threescore men in al to begin the reformation of his realme against so potent a tyrant as King Richard was then accompted and yet vvas the concourse of al people so great and general vnto him that within few dayes he achiued the matter and that without any battaile or bloodshed at al thus much for the iustnes of the cause But now if we vvil consider the manner and forme of this act they of Lancaster do affirme also that it could not be executed in better nor more conuenient order First for that it vvas done by the choise and inuitation of al the realme or greater and better parte therof as hath bin said Secondly for that is vvas done vvithout slaughter and thirdly for that the king vvas deposed by act of parlament and himselfe conuinced of his vnworthy gouerment and brought to confesse that he vvas vvorthely depriued and that he vvillingly and freely resigned the same nether can their be any more circumstances required saye these men for any lavvful deposition of a Prince And if any man wil yet obiect and saye that notwithstanding al this their vvas violence for that duke Henry was armed and by force of armes brought this to passe they of Lancaster do answere that this is true that he brought the matter to an Roboam for the sinnes of Salomon his father and yet spare him also in parte for the sake of his grand father Dauid he caused a rebellion to be raysed against him by Ieroboam his seruant and more then three partes of foure of his people to rebell against him and this by Gods owne instinct and motion and by his expresse allowance therof after it vvas done as the scripture auoucheth and if Roboam had fought against them for this fault as once he had thought to do and vvas prepared vvith a mayne army no doubt but they might haue lawfully stayne him for that now these tenn tribes that for-sooke him had iust authority to depose him for his euel gouerment and for not yealding to their iust request made vnto him for easing them of those greuous tributes laid vppon them as the scripture reporteth For albeit God had a meaning to punish him for the sinnes of his father Salomon yet suffred he that Roboam also should giue iust occasion him selfe for the people to leaue him as appereth by the story and this is Gods highe vvisdome iustice prouidence and swete disposition in humane affaires An other example of punishing and deposing euel Princes by force they do alleage out of the first booke of kings wher God appointed Elizens the Prophet to send the sonne of an other Prophet to annoynt Iehu Captaine of Ioram king of Israel vvhich Ioram was sonne to the Queene Iezabel and to persuade Iehu to take armes against his said king and against his mother the Queene and to depriue them both not only of their kingdomes but also of their liues and so he did for the scripture saith Coniurauit ergo Iehu contra Ioram Iehu did coniure and conspite at the persuasion of this Prophet vvith the rest of his fellow Captaines against his king Ioram and Queene Iezabel the kinges mother to put them downe and to put them to death with al the ignomy he could deuise and God allowed therof and perswaded the same by so holy a Prophet as Elizeus vvas wherby we maye assure our selues that the fact was not only lawfull but also most godly albeit in it selfe it might seeme abhominable And in the same booke of kings within two chapters after there is an other example how God moued loiada high priest of Ierusalem to persuade the Captaines and Coronels of that cittye to conspire against Athalia the Queene that had reigned 6. yeares and to arme them selues with the armor of the temple for that purpose and to beseige the pallace wher she lay and to kill al them that should offer or goe about to defend her so they did and hauing taken her aliue she vvas put to death also by sentence of the said high priest and the fact vvas allowed by God and highly commended in the scripture and Ioas yong king of the blood royal was crowned in her place al this might haue bin done as you see without such trouble of armes bloodshed if God vvould but he appointed this seueral meanes for working of his wil and for releeuing of common wealthes oppressed by euel princes And this seemeth sufficient proofe to these men that king Richard of Ingland might be remoued by force of armes his life and gouerment being so euel and pernitious as before hath bin shewed It remayneth then that vve passe to the second principal pointe proposed in the begining vvhich was that supposing this depriuation of king Richard vvas iust and lawful vvhat house by right should haue succeded him ether that of lācaster as it did or the other of Yorke And first of al it is to be vnderstood that at that very tyme vvhen king Richard vvas deposed the house of Yorke had no pretence or little at al to the crowne for that Edmond Mortimer earle of march nephew to the lady Phillip vvas then aliue with his sister Anne Mortymer marryed to Richard earle of Cambrige by vvhich Anne the howse of Yorke did after make their clayme but could not do so yet for that the said Edmond her brother was liuing and so continued many yeares after as appeareth for that wee reade that he vvas aliue 16. yeares after this to witt in the third yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift vvhen his said brother in law Richard earle of Cambrigs vvas put to death in South-hampton vvhom this Edmond appeached as after shal be shewed and that this Edmond vvas now earle of March when king Richard vvas deposed and not his father Roger as Polidot mistaketh is euident by that that the said Roger vvas slayne in Ireland a litle before the depositiō of King Richard to witt in the yeare 1398. and not many monethes after he had bin declared heyre apparent by king Richard and Rogers father named Edmond also husband of the lady Phillip dyed some three yeares before him that is before Roger as after wil be seene so as seing that at the deposition of king Richard this Edmond Mortimer elder brother to Anne was yet liuing the question cannot be whether the house of Yorke should haue entred to the crowne presently after the depriuation of kinge Richard for they had vet no pretence as hath bin shewed but whether this Edmond Mortimer as heyre of Leonel duke of Clarence or els Henry the duke of Lancaster heyre of Iohn of Gaunt should haue entred For as for
A CONFERENCE ABOVT THE NEXT SVCCESSION TO THE CROWNE OF INGLAND DIVIDED IN TO TVVO PARTES VVHERE-OF THE FIRST CONTEYNETH THE discourse of a ciuill Lavvyer hovv and in vvhat manner propinquity of blood is to be preferred And the second the speech of a Temporall Lavvyer about the particuler titles of all such as do or may pretende vvithin Ingland or vvithout to the next succession VVhere vnto is also added a new perfect arbor or genealogie of the discents of all the kinges and princes of Ingland from the conquest vnto this day whereby each mans pretence is made more plaine DIRECTED TO THE RIGHT HOnorable the earle of ESSEX of her Maiesties priuy councell of the noble order of the Garter Published by R. DOLEMAN Imprinted at N. with Licence M. D. XCIIII THE SOMME OF BOTHE PARTES MORE IN PARTICVLER THe first declareth by many proofes arguments that the next propinquitie or ancetry of blood alone though it were certaynly knowne yet that it is not sufficient to be admitted to a crowne without other cōditions and circumstances requisit be founde also in the person pretēdent THe second examineth the titles and pretentions of al such as may haue clayme or action to the crowne of Ingland at this day what may be said for them and what agaynst them and in the end though he leaue the matter extreme doubtful as touching the best right yet he giueth certayne coniectures about some persons that are lykest to preuaile TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE EARLE OF ESSEX OF HER MAIESTIES PRIVY COVNCEL VVo principal causes among others right honorable are wōt to inuite mē to dedicate any booke or treatise to a person in authoritie the one priuate duty obligatiō the other publiquevtility in respect that the matter may concearne that person for the cōmō good And to cōfesse the truth both of these ioyntly haue moued me at this tyme to present vnto your honour aboue others the two bookes ensuing which conteyne a conference had in Holland not long since about the pretences pretenders to the crowne of Ingland as your honour shall perceaue by the preface of each booke therfore herof I shall need say no more but only declare the fore said two causes of this dedication First then I saye that my particuler obligation towards your honours person riseth partly of good turnes and benefites receaued by some frendes of myne at your Lordships handes in your last voyage exploits in Frāce but principally of far greater fauours receaued from your noble ancestors I meane not only your father whose untimely death was to Inglād no smalle woūde but of your grādfather also that worthy Knight Sir VValter Deuorax who though he liued not to come to those titles of honor wherunto he was borne yet left he behinde him so rare a memory for his excellent partes of lerning wit feuter of body curtesie other such noble commēdations as none in Ingland perhapps the lyke in our tyme wherin also hath liued your honours great grandfather Sir Henry Deuorax visconde Ferys wel remembred yet by diuers of my said frendes obliged vnto him as also recorded by our Inglish histories as well for his merits worthines as in lyke manner for his match with the heyre of the most famous noble house of the Bourchers earles of Essex wherof also your honour is knowne to be discēded to hold at this day as wel their nobilitie of bloode as dignitie of title this shall serue in this place for my perticuler obligation wherof perhapps here-after vppon other occasion I may giue further relation and testimony to the world in token of my gratitude But for the second pointe of publique vtilitie I thought no man more fitt then your honour to dedicate these two bookes vnto which treate of the succession to the crowne of Ingland for that no mā is in more high eminent place or dignitie at this day in our realme then your selfe whether we respect your nobilitie or calling or fauour with your prince or high liking of the people consequently no man like to haue a greater part or sway in deciding of this great affaire when tyme shall come for that determination then your honour and those that will assist you are likest to follow your fame and fortune And for that it is not cōuenient for your honour to be vnskillfull in a matter which cōcerneth your person the whole realme so much as this doth and finding this conference had by two learned Lawyers to handle the question very pithely and exactly and yet with much modestye and without offence of any and with particuler affection and deuotion to her Maiestie with special care of her safetye I thought not expedient to let it lye vnpublished as also I iudged that no hāds were fitter to receaue the same nor any protectiō more secure or plausible then that of your honour whom God long preserue in all true honour and felicity to the comfort of your Lordships faithfull seruants clyents to the publique benefite of your country from my chamber in Amsterdame this last of December 1593. Your honours most affectionate R. DOLEMAN THE CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PARTE THE preface conteyning the occasion of this treatise vvith the subiect purpose partes therof That succession to gouerment by neernes of bloode is not by Lavv of nature or diuine but only by humane positiue Lawes of euery particuler common wealth and consequently may vppon iust causes be altered by the same Cap. 1. fol. 1. Of the particuler forme of Monarchies kingdomes and the different Lawes wherby they are to be obteyned holden and gouerned in diuers countryes according as ech common wealth hath chosen and established Cap. 2. fol. 15. Of the great reuerence and respect dew to kings and yet how diuers of them haue bine lawfully chastised by their commō wealthes for their misgouerment of the good and prosperous suecesse that god commonly hath giuen to the same and much more to the putting back of an vnworthie pretender Cap. 3. fol. 37. VVherin consisteth principally the lawfulnes of proceeding agaynst Princes which in the former chapter is mentioned what interest Princes haue in their subiects goodes or liues how othes do by nde or may be broken by subiects towardes their Princes and finally the difference betweene a good king a Tyrant Cap. 4. fol. 63. Of the Coronation of Princes and manner of their admitting to their authority and the othes which they do make in the same vnto the common wealth for their good gouerment Cap. 5. fol. 82. VVhat is dew to only succession by birth and what interest or right an heyre apparent hath to the crowne before he is crowned or admitted by the commō wealth and how iustly he may be put back if he haue not the partes requisite Cap. 6. fol. 121. How the next in succession by propinquity of bloode haue oftentymes bin put back by the cōmon
wealth others further of admitted in their places euen in those kingdomes where succession preuaileth with many examples of the kingdomes of Israel and Spayne Cap. 7. fol. 140. Of diuers other examples out of the states of France Ingland for proofe that the next in blood are sometymes put back from succession and how god hath approued the same with good successe Cap. 8. fol. 164. VVhat are the principall points which à cōmō wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any Prince wherin is handled largly also of the diuersitie of religions and other such Causes Cap. 9. fol. 197. THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOKE THe preface with the intention protestation of the Lawyer to treat this matter without the hurt or preiudice of any Of diuers bookes treatises that haue bin written heretofore about the titles of such as pretende the crowne of Ingland and what they do conteyne in fauour or disfauour of diuers pretendors Cap. 1. fol. 1. Of the succession of the crowne of Ingland from the conquest vnto the tyme of king Edward the third with the beginning of three principal linages of the Inglish blood royal dispersed into the houses of Britanie Lancaster and Yorke Cap. 2. fol. 12. Of the successiō of Inglish kings frō king Edward the third vnto our dayes with the particuler causes of dissention betweene the families of Yorke and Lancaster more largly declared Cap. 3. fol. 37. Of the great and general controuersie and contention betweene the said two houses royal of Lancaster and Yorke and which of them may seeme to haue had the beteer right to the crowne by way of succession Cap. 4. fol. 56. Of fiue principal and particuler houses or linages that do or may pretend the crowne of Ingland at this day which are the houses of Scotland of Suffolck of Clarence of Britanie and of Portugal and first of al the house of Scorland which conteyneth the pretentions of the king of Scotts of the Lady Arbella Cap. 5. fol. 107. Of the house of Suffolke conteyning the clayme 's aswel of the countesse of Darby and of her children as also of the children of the earle of Hartfort Cap. 6. fol. 130. Of the houses of Clarence and Britany which conteyneth the claymes of the carle of Huntington and of the Lady Infanta of Spayne and others of these two families Cap. 7. fol. 141. Of the house of Portugall which conteyneth the clayme 's as well of the king and Prince of Spayne to the succession of Ingland as also of the dukes of Parma and Bragansa by the house of Lancaster Cap. 8. fol. 160. VVhether it be better to be vnder a forraine or hom-borne Prince and whether vnder a great and mightic monarch or vnder a little Prince or king Cap. 9. fol. 193. Of certayne other secondary or collateral lines and how extreme doubtfull at the pretences be and which of all thease pretenders are most like by probability to preuaile in the end to get the crowne of Ingland Cap. 10. fol. 233. THE PREFACE CONTEYNING THE OCCASION OF THIS TREATIS with the subiect purpose and partes therof THER chaunced not long ago I meane in the monethes of Aprill and May of this last yeare 93. to mete in Amsterdam in Holland certayne Gentlemen of diuers nations qualities and affections as wel in religion as otherwise yet the most part Inglish and Irish and they had bine in diuers countries studied different artes and followed vnlike professions some of souldiars some of lawyers both temporal ciuil others of meere trauelors to learne experience and pollicy And for that the aduises which dayly came from Ingland at that tyme the parlament being then in hand gaue occasion to discourse of Inglish affaires they fell into diuers poyntes concerning the same but yet none was treated so largly or so seriously as was the matter of succession and competitors to the crowne for that it was presumed a great while that some thing would be determined thereof in that parlament though one or two of the wisest of that company held euer the contrary opinion But when at lenght newes was brought that nothing at al had bin done therin but rather that one or two as was reported had bin checked or committed for speaking in the same then came it in question among thes Gentlemen what should be the causes of such proceding in a matter so waighty and so necessary for al Inglish men to know But two Gentlemen Lawyers of the company one of the common law and the other a Ciuilian alleaged so many reasons for iustifying the Queenes Maiesties doings in this behalfe as al did seeme satisfied for that it was made playne that it could not stande with the safety eyther of her Maiesty or of the realme or of the party himselfe who should be preferred that any declaration of heyre apparent should be made during the life of her Maiesty that now is how dangerons soeuer the delay therof may be estemed for the tyme to come And so the end of this speach brought in presently the begining of an other to wit what weare like to be thes dangers and who might be likest of the pretendors to preuaile after her Maiestie about which matter ther was much discoursed by diuers parties but the conclusion of al was that both thes poyntes remayned very doubtful but much more the second who should preuaile of the competitors which they said did make the former poynt lesse doubtful of the multitude of dangers that therby did hang ouer the common wealth of Ingland though it wanted not doubt also in particuler what and where they should fal for said they whersoeuer many pretenders of the blood royall are knowne to be competitors to a crowne ther cannot chuse but many perilles also must be imminent to the realme To this one of the company said that he did not see how ther could be eyther so many pretenders to the crowne as the day before had bin spoken of in that place for the commō lawyer before named newly come out of Ingland had tould them that he had hard of some 9. or 10. or more plotts that were debated within the realme for so many pretenders or yf ther were any such great number descended of the blood royall yet their titles could not be so doubtfull seing it was an easy matter to discerne who was next in discent of blood and who not Not so easy quoth this Gentleman lawyer for that although it cannot be denyed but that ther is among al such as may pretend at this day a certayne knowne order and degree of neernes in blood to some king or Queene that hath possessed the crowne before them and in this discent it is knowne also commonly who descendeth of the elder house and who of the yonger and other such like vulgar circumstances yet notwithstanding for that ther be many other poyntes considerable in this affaire as the right of the first
immediatly ther followeth mentiō yet may it seeme also to be taken and verified of kingly authority in respect of al other gouerments seing that at this tyme when the Apostle wrote this epistle the chiefe gouernour of the world vvas not called king but emperour and therfore seing in such a tyme S. Peter affirmeth the state of kingly gouerment to be most excellent it may seme he meant it absolutly signifying therby that this is the best kind of gouerment among al others though to confesse the truth betwene the title of king and Emperor ther is litle or no difference in substance but only in name for that the authority is equal euery king is an Emperor in his owne kingdome And finally the excellency of this gouerment aboue al other is not only proued by the perfection therof in it selfe as for that it is most ancient simple and conforme vnto nature most resembling the gouerment of God himselfe as hath bin said but by the effects also and vtility that it bringeth vnto the subiects with farr lesse inconueniences then any other forme of gouerment what-soeuer if vve compare them together for in the monarchy of one king ther is more vnity agreement and conformity and therby also celerity commonly in dispaching of busines and in defending the cōmon vvealth then vvher many heades be lesse passions also in one man then in many as for example in Democratia vvher the common people do beare the cheife sway which is bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a beast of many heades ther is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and iniustices committed vppon euery litle occasion especially vvher crafty and conning men may be admitted to incense or assuage them with sugred vvords such as were the Orators in Athens and other cyties of Greece that had this gouermēr and the Tribunes of the people of Rome and other such populer and plausible men vvho could moue the vvaues rayse vp the windes and inkindle the fier of the vulgar peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which vve see that of al other common vvealthes these of populer gouerment haue soonest come to ruine vvhich might be shevved not only by old examples of Greec Asia and Africa but also of many cyties in Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugia Padua and others vvhich vppon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire vnder which they vvere before tooke vnto themselues populer gouerments vvherin they vvere so tossed vvith continual sedition mutines and bāding of factions as they could neuer haue ende therof vntil after infinite murthers massacres and inundatiō of blood they came in the ende to be vnder the monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remayne so that of al other gouerments this is the vvorst The second forme which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are ioyned together in authority as it doth participate some thinge of both the other gouermēts to wit of monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and euil in it but yet inclineth more to the euil for the disunion that commonly by mans infirmity malice is among thos heades for vvhich cause the states before named of Venice and Genua vvhich were wont to haue simply this gouerment of Aristocratia in that their regiment was by certaine chose senators were inforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as heades of their senates for auoyding of dissention and so they haue them at this day though their authority be but smale as hath bin said We see also by the examples of Carthage Rome wher gouerment of Aristocratia tooke place that the diuision and factions among the senators of Carthage was the cause why ayde and succor was not sent to Hanibal their Captaine in Italy after his so great and important victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the sauing of the Roman Empire and the losse of their owne As also afterwardes the emulations discord and disunion of the Roman senators among themselues in the affaires and contentions of Marius and Silla and of Pompey and Cesar was the occasion of al their destruction of their common vvealth with them Euident then it is that of al other gouerments the monarchy is the best least subiect to the inconueuiences that other gouerments haue and if the prince that gouerneth alone hath supreme authority to himselfe as he resembleth God in this poynte of sole gouermēt so could he resemble him also in wise discret and iust gouerment and in ruling without passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the world could be desired for the prefect filicity of his subiects but for that a king or Prince is a man as others be and therby not only subiect to errors in iudgment but also to passionat affections in his wil for this cause it was necessary that the common vvealth as it gaue him this great power ouer them so it should assigne him also the best helpes that might be for directing and rectifying both his wil and iudgment and make him therin as like in gouerment to God whom he representeth as mans fraylty can reach vnto For this consideration they assigned to him first ofal the assistance and direction of law wherby to gouerne which law Aristotle saith Est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu it is a certayne mynde disquieted with no disordinate affection as mens myndes commonly be for that when a law is made for the most part it is made vppon dew consideration and deliberation and without perturbation of euil affections as anger enuy hatred rashnes or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the common vvealth which law being once made remayneth so stil without alteration or partial affectiō being indifferent to al and partial to none but telleth one tale to euery man in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himselfe for the which cause the said philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise sayng to wit that he which ioyneth a law to gouerne with the Prince ioyneth God to the Prince but he that ioyneth to the Prince his affection to gouerne ioyneth a beast for that mens affections and concupiscenses are common also to beastes so that a Prince ruling by law is more then a man or a man deifyed and a Prince ruling by affections is lesse then a man or a man brutified In an other place also the same philpsopher sayeth that a Prince that leaueth law and ruleth himselfe others by his owne appetite and affections of al creatures is the worst and of al beasts is the most furious and dangerous for that nothing is so outragious as iniustice armed and no armor is so strong as witt and authority
in Magistrats and for that the former is of nature the other also is of nature Al which is confitmed also by the consent vse of al nations through-out the world which general consent Cicero calleth ipsius vocem naturae the voice of nature herselfe for ther was neuer yet nation found ether of ancient tyme or now in our dayes by the discouery of the Indies or els where among vvhom men liuing together had not some kind of Magestrate or superior to gouerne them which euidently declareth that this poynt of Magestrates is also of nature and from god that created nature which poynt our ciuil law doth proue in like manner in the very begining of our digestes vvher the secōd title of the first booke is de origineiuris ciuilis omnium magestratuum of the begining of the ciuil law and of al magestrates which begining is referred to this first principle of natural instinct and Gods institution And last of al that God did concurr also expresly vvith this instinct of nature our diuines do proue by cleare testimony of holy scripture as vvhen God saith to Salomon by me kings do raigne and S. Paule to the Romans auoucheth that autbority is not but of God and therfore he which resisteth authority resisteth God Which is to be vnderstood of authority power or iutisdiction in it selfe according to the first institution as also vvhen it is lawfully laid vppō any person for otherwise when it is ether vvrongfully taken or vniustly vsed it may be resisted in diuers cases as afterwards more in particuler shal be declared for then it is not law ful authority Thes two poynts then are of nature to wit the common wealth and gouerment of the same by magistrates but vvhat kind of gouermēt ech common vvealth vvil haue whether Democratia vvhich is popular gouerment by the people it selfe as Athens Thebes and many other cyties of Greece had in old tyme as the Cantons of Swizers at this day haue or els Aristocratia vvhich is the gouerment of some certayne chosen number of the best as the Romans many yeares vvere gouerned by Consuls and senators and at this day the states of this countrey of Holland do imitate the same or els Monarchia vvhich is the regiment of one and this agayne eyther of an Emperor King Duke Earle or the like thes particuler formes of gouerment I say are not determyned by God or nature as the other two poyntes before for thē they should be al one in al nations as the other are seing God and nature are one to al as often hath bin said but thes particuler formes are left vnto euery nation and countrey to chuse that forme of gouerment which they shal like best and think most fit for the natures and conditions of their people vvhich Aristotle proueth through out al the second and fourth bookes of his politiques very largly laying dovvne diuers kinds of gouerments in his dayes as namely in Greece that of the Milesians Lacedemonians Candians and others and shevving the causes of their differences which he attributeth to the diuersity of mens natures customes educations and other such causes that made them make choise of such or such forme of gouerment And this might be proued also by infinit other examples both of tymes past and present and in al nations and countryes both christian and otherwise which haue not had only differēt fassions of gouermēts the one frō the other but euen among themselues at one tyme one forme of gouerment and an other at other tymes for the Romans first had Kings and after reiecting them for their euil gouerment they chose 〈◊〉 vvhich vvere two gouernours for euervycare vvhose authority yet they limited by a multitude of senators which vvere of their counsel and thes mens power vvas restrayned also by adding tribunes of the people and some tyme dictators and finally they came to be gouerned last of al by Emperors The like might be said of Carthage in Africa and many cityes and common wealthes of Greece which in diuers seasons and vppon diuers causes haue taken different formes of gouerment to themselues The like vve see in Europe at this day for in only Italye what different formes of gouerment haue you Naples hath a kinge for their soueraine Rome the pope and vnder him one senator in place of so many as vvere wont to be in that common vvealth Venice and Genua haue senators Dukes but litle authority haue ther Dukes Florence Farara Mantua Parma Vrbin and Sauoy haue their Dukes only without senators and there power is absolut Milan vvas once a kingdom but now a Dukedom the like is of Burgundy Lorayne Bauire Gascony and Britayne the lesser al which once had their distinct kings and now haue Dukes for their supreme gouernours The like may be said of al Germany that many yeares together had one king ouer al which now is deuided into so many Dukedomes Earldomes other like titles of supreme Princes But the contrary is of Castile Aragon Portugal Barcelona and orher kingdomes this day in Spayne which vvere first earldomes only and after Dukedomes and then kingdomes and now a gayne are al vnder one Monarchy The like is of Boeme and Polonia which vvere but Dukedomes in old tyme and now are kingdomes The like may be said of France also after the expulsion of the Romans vvhich was first a monarchy vnder Pharamond their first king and so continued for many yeares vnder Clodion Merouys Childrik and Clodouaeus ther first christened kings but after they deuided it into fower kingdomes to vvit one of Paris an other of Suessons the third of Orleans and the fourth of Metts and so it continued for diuers yeares but yet aftervvards they made it one monarchy agayne England also vvas first a monarchy vnder the Britaynes and then a prouince vnder the Romans and after that deuided into seauen kingdomes at once vnder the Saxons and novv a monarchy agayne vnder the Inglish and al this by Gods permission and approbation vvho in token therof suffred his owne peculier people also of Israel to be vnder diuers manners of gouerments in diuers tymes as first vnder Patriarques Abraham Isaac and Iacob then vnder Captaynes as Moses Iosua and the like then vnder iudges as Othoniel Aiod and Gedion then vnder high Priestes as Hely and Samuel then vnder kings as Saul Dauid and the rest then vnder captaines highe priests agayne as Zorobabelludas Machabeus his brethren vntil the gouerment vvas lastely taken from them and they brought vnder the povver of the Romans and forraine kinges appoynted by them So as of al this ther can be no doubt but that the common vvealth hath power to chuse their owne fassion of gouerment as also to change the same vppon resonable causes as we see they haue done in al tymes and countryes and God no
of obedience and allegiance and not before which argueth that before they were not bounde vnto him by allegeance and as for the princes of Ingland it is expresly noted by Inglish historiographers in ther coronatiōs how that no allegeance is dew vnto thē before they be crowned that only it happened to Henry the fifth among al other kinges his predecessors to haue this preuilege and this for his exceding to-wardlynes for the great affection of the people towards him that he had homage donne vnto him before his coronation and oth taken Wherof Polidor writeth in thes wordes Princeps Henricus facto patris funere concilium principum apud VVestmonasterium conuocandum curat in quo dum de rege creando more maiorum 〈◊〉 esse ubi continuo aliquot Principes vltro in eius verba mirare coeperunt quod beneuolentiae officium nulli antea priusquam rex renu nciatus esset praestitum constat a 〈◊〉 Henricus ab ineunte aetate spem omnibus optimae inaolis fecit Which in Inglish is this Prince Henry after he had finished his fathers funetals caused a parlament to be gathered at Westminster wher vvhiles consultation vvas had according to the ancient custome of Ingland about creating a new king behold vppon the sudden certaine of the nobility of ther owne free vvilles began to sweare obedience and leyaltie vnto him vvhich demonstration of loue and Good vvil is wel knowne that is was neuer shewed to any Prince before vntil he vvas declared king so great vvas the hope that men had of the towardlynes of this Prince Henry euen from his tender age thus far Polidor in his story of Inglād And the very same thing expresseth Iohn Stow also in his chonicle in thes vvordes To this noble Prince by assent of the parlament al the states of the realme after three dayes offred to do fealtte before he was crowned or had solemnized hu oth wel and iustly to gouerne the common wealth which offer before was neuer found to be made to any Irince of Ingland thus much Stow. in vvhose narration as also in that of Polidor it may be noted that king Henry the fift vvas not called king vntil after his coronation but onlv Prince though his fathe king Henry the fourth had bin dead now almost a month before and secondly that the parlament consulted de Rege creando more maiorum as Polidor his vvords are that is of making a new king according to the ancient custome of ther auncestors vvhich argueth that he vvas not yet king though his father were dead nor that the manner of our old Inglish ancestors vvas to accompt him so before his admission Thirdly that this demonstration of good wil of the nobility to acknowlege him for king before his coronation and oth solemnized wel and iustly to gouerne the realme was very extraordinary and of meere good wil. And last of al that this was neuer donne to any Prince before king Henry the fift al which pointes do demonstrate that it is the coronation and admission that maketh a perfect and true king whatsoeuer the title by succession be otherwise that except the admission of the common wealth be ioyned to succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful king and of the two the second is of far more importance to vvit the consent and admission of the realme then nearnes of blood by succession a-loue This I might proue by many examples in Ingland it selfe wher admission hath preuayled against right of succession as in William Rufus that suceeded the Conquerer and in king Henry the first his brother In king Stephen king Iohn and others vvho by only admission of the realme were kings against the order of succession as after more at large I shal shew you in a particuler spech vvhich of this point I shal make unto you and very specially it may be seene in the two examples before mentioned of the admission of the two kings Henry and Edward both surnamed the fourth vvhos entrances to the crowne if a man dovvel consider he shal find that both of them founded the best part and most surest of their titles vppon the election consent and good wil of the people yea both of them at their dying dayes hauing some remorse of cōscience as it semed for that they had caused so many men to dye for mayntenance of ther seueral rightes and titles had no better way to appease ther owne mynds but by thinking that they were placed in that rome by the voice of the realme and consequētly might lawfully defend the same punish such as went about to depriue them Moreouer you shal finde if you looke into the doings of Princes in al ages that such kings as vvere most politique and had any lest doubt or suspicion of trobles about the title after ther deathes haue caused their sonnes to be crowned in their owne dayes trusting more to this then to their title by succession though they vvere neuer so lawfully lineally discended And of this I could alleage you many examples out of diuers countryes but especially in France since the last lyne of Capetus came vnto that crowne for this did Hugh Capetus himselfe procure to be donne to Robert his eldest sonne in his owne dayes and the like did king Robert procure for his yonger sonne Henry the first as Girard holdeth and excluded his elder only by crowning Henry in his owne daies Henty also did entreat the states of Frace as before you haue hard to admitt crowne Phillip the first his eldest sonne vvhiles himselfe reigned and this mans sonne Luys lc Cros did the same also vnto tvvo sonnes of his first to Phillip and after his death to Luys the yonger both vvhich vvhere crowned in ther fathers life time this Luys agayne the yonger vvhich is the seuenth of that name for more assuring of his sonne named Phillip the secōd entreated the realme to admit crowne him also in his owne dayes vvith that great solemnity vvhich in the former chapter hath bin declared And for this very same cause of securitie it is not to be doubted but that alvvayes the prince of Spayne is sworne and admitted by the realme during his fathers reigne as before hath bin said The same consideration also moued king Dauid to crowne his sonne Salomon in his owne dayes as aftervvard more in particuler shal be declared and finally our king Henry also the second of Ingland considering the alteration that the realme had made in admitting king Stephen before him against the order of lineal successiō by propinquity of blood and fearing that the like might happen also after him caused his eldest sonne named likewise Henry to be crowned in his life time so as ingland had two king Henries liuing at one tyme vvith equal authoritie and this was done in the 16. yeare of his reigne and in the yeare of
brothers sonne to Don Alonso the catholique vvas preferred and reigned peacably six yeares and then dying without issue for that the hatred of the spaniards was not yet ended against the memory of king Fruela they would not yet admit any of his generation but rather excluded them agayne the second tyme and admitted a brother in law of his named Don Silo that was married to his sister Dona Adosinda daughter to the fore said noble king catholique Alonso So that here we see twise the right heyres of king Don Fruela for his euel gouerment were put back But Don Silo being dead without issue as also Don Aurelio was before him and the Spaniards anger against king Fruela being now vvel assuaged they admitted to the kingdone his fore said sonne Don Alonso the yonger surnamed afterward the chast whom now twise before they had put back as you haue seene but now they admitted him though hisreigne at the first endured very litle for that a certayne bastard vncle of his named Don Mauregato by help of the moores put him out and reigned by force 6. yeares and in the end dying with out issue the matter came in deliberation againe whether the king Don Alonso the chaste that yet liued and had bin hidden in a monastary of Galitia during the tyme of the tyrāt should returne agayne to gouerne or rather that his cosen german Don vermudo sonne to his vncle the Prince Vimerano whom vve shewed before to haue byn slayne by this mans father king Fruela should be elected in his place And the realme of Spayne determined the second to vvit that Don Vermudo though he vvere much further of by propiuquity of blood and vvith in ecclesiastical order also for that he had bin made deacon should be admitted partly for that he vvas iudged for the more valiant and able Prince then the other vvho seemed to be made more acquainted now vvith the life of monkes and religious men then of a king hauing first bin brought vp among them for 10. or 12. yeares space vvhiles Don Aurelio and Don Silo reigned after the death of his father kinge Fruela and secondly agayne other six yeares during the reigne of the tyrant Mauregato for which cause they estemed the other to be fitter as also for the differēt memories of there tvvo fathers king Fruela and prince Vimerano wherof the first vvas hateful the other most deare as before hath bin declared nether do any of the foure ancient Bishops historiographers of Spayne to wit that of Toledo Besa Salamanca or Ture that liued al about those dayes wrote the storie reprehend this fact of the realme of spaine or put any doubt whether it were lawful or no for the causes before recited Trew it is that after three yeares reigne this king Vermudo being weary of kingly life and feeling some scruple of conscience that being deacon he had forsaken the life ecclesiastical and maryed though by dispensation of the pope as Morales sayeth and entangled himselfe vvith the affaires of a kingdome he resigned vvillingly the gouerment vnto his said Cosen Don Alonso the chast and himselfe liued after a priuate life for diuers yeares but this Don Alonso vvho now the fourth tyme had bin depriued of his succession as you haue seene deceaued the expectation of the spaniards that accoūpted him a monke for he proued the most valiāt and excellent king that euer that nation had both for his vertue valor victories against the moores buylding of townes castells churches Monasteries and other such workes of Christianity as Morales recounteth and be reigned after this his last admission one and fyftie yeares had great frendship vvith king Charles the great of France who liued in the same tyme with hym And this man among other most noble exploites so tamed the Moores of his country as during his dayes he neuer paid that cruel and horrible tribute which before after was paide by the christians to the Moores which was a hundred yong maidens and fiftie sonnes of Gētlemen euery yeare to be brought vp in the religiō of Mahomet amōg those infidel tyrants And finally this man after so much afflictiō came to be one of the most renoumed Princes of the world After this Don Alonso vvho left no children for that he would neuer marry but liued al his life in chastitye ther succeded to him by electiō his nephew named Don Ramiro sonne to the former said king Don Vermudo the deacon that gaue this man the crowne as you haue hard of whose electiō morales writeth these woords Muerto el Rey Don Alonso el casto fue eligido por los 〈◊〉 y grandes del reyno el Rey Don Ramiro primero deste nombre hyio del Rey Don vermudo el diaeono That is the king Don Alōso the chast being dead ther vvas chosen king by the Prelates nobility of the realme Don Ramiro the first of this name sonne of king Vermudo the deacon who resigned his crowne to Don Alonso and it is to be noted that albeit this Don Ramiro vvas next in blood to the succession after the death of his vncle Don Alonso without children yet vvas he chosen by the states as here it is said in expresse vvordes Moreouer it is to be noted that albeit this author Ambrosio Morales and other spanish writers do say that in the tyme of this king Ramiro the law of succession by propinquity in blood vvas so reuiued and strongly confirmed that as the kingdome of Spayne was made as Maiorasgo as he termeth it which is an inheritance so intayled and tyed only to the next in blood as ther is no possibility to alter the same and that frō this tyme forward the king alwayes caused his eldest sonne to be named king or Prince so euer to be sworne by the realme nobilitie yet shal vve find this ordinance and succession oftentymes to haue byn broken vppon seueral considerations as this author himselfe in that very chapter confesseth As for example after foure discents from this man vvhich were Don Ordonio the first this mans sonne and Don Alonso the third Don Garzia and Don Ordonio the second al fower kings by orderly succession it happened that in the yeare of christ 924. Don Ordonio the second dying left foure sonnes and one daughter lawfully begotten and yet the state of spayne displaced them al and gaue the kingdome to ther vncle Don Fruela second brother to there father Don Ordonio and morales sayeth that ther appeareth no other reason heerof but only for that these sonnes of the king disceased vvere yong and not so apt to gouerne vvel the realme as ther vncle was But after a yeares reigne this king Fruelae dyed also left diuers children at mans estate and then did the spaniards as much agaynst them as they had done for him before against the children of his elder brother
of the vvhole matter in manner following VVHAT ARE THE PRINCIPAL POINTS WHICH A COMMON-VVEALTH OVGHT to respect in admitting or excluding of any prince that pretendeth to succeede wherin is handlid largely also of the diuersitie of religions and other such causes CAP. IX AFTER the Ciuilian had alleaged al thes examples of succession altered or reiected by publique authoritie of common wealthes and of the allowance and approbation good successe vvhich for the most part god semeth to haue giuen vnto the same one of the company brake forth and said that this poynt appeared so euident vnto him as no doubt in the vvorld could be made therof I meane whether this thing in it selfe be lawful or no to alter sometymes the course of succession seing that al cōmon vvealthes of Christendome had donne it so often Only he said that it remayned somewhat doubful vnto him whether the causes alleaged in thes mutations and chainges before mentioned were alwayes sufficient or no for that sometymes they semed to him but weake and slender as when for example the vncle was preferred before the nephewes for that he vvas a man and the other children which cause and reason hath oftentymes byn alleaged in the former exāples both of Spaine Fraunce and Ingland as also vvhen the yonger or bastard brother is admitted the elder and legitimate excluded for that the one is a warrier the other not and other such like causes are yealded said he in the exclusions before rehearsed vvhich yet seme not some-tymes vvaighty enough for so great an affaire To this answered the Ciuilian that according to their law both ciuil and canon vvhich thing also he affirmed to be founded in great reason it is a matter most certayne that he vvho is iudge and hath to giue the sentence in the thing it selfe is also to iudge of the cause for therof is he called iudge and if he haue authority in the one good reason he should also haue power to discerne the other so as if vve graunte according to the forme proofes that the realme or common vvealth hath povver to admitt or put back the prince or pretender to the crowne then must vve also confesse that the same common vvealth hath authority to iudge of the lawfulnes of the causes and considering further that it is in ther owne affaire in a matter that hath his whole beginning continuance and substance from them alone I meane from the common wealth for that no man is king or prince by institution of nature as before hath bin declared but euery king and kings sonne hath his dignity and preheminēce aboue other men by authority only of the cōmon vvealth who can affirme the contrary said the Ciuilian but that god doth allow for a iust and sufficient cause in this behalfe the only vvil and iudgment of the weal publique it selfe supposing alwayes as in reason we may that a whole realme wil neuer agree by orderly vvay of iudgment for of this only I meane and not of any particuler faction of priuate men agaynst ther heyre appatēt to exclude or put back the next heyre in blood and succession without a reasonable cause in their sight and censure And seing that they only are to be iudges of this case as now I haue said vve are to presume that vvhat they determyne is iust and lawful for the tyme and if at one tyme they should determine one thing the contrary at an other as they did often in Ingland during the contention betwene York Lancaster and in other like occasions vvhat can a priuate man iudge otherwise but that they had different reasons and motions to leade them at different tymes and they being properly lords and owners of the vvhole busines committed vnto them it is enough for euery particuler man to subiect himselfe to that vvhich his common vvealth doth in this behalfe and to obey simply without any further inquisition except he should see that open iniustice vvere donne therin or God manifestly offended and the fealme indangered Open iniustice I cal said he when not the true common wealth but some faction of wicked mē should offer to determine this matter vvithout lawful authority of the realme committed to them and I cal manifest offence of God and danger of the realme when such a man is preferred to the crowne as is euident that he wil do vvhat lyeth in him to the preiudice of them both I meane bothe of Gods glory and the publique wealth as for example if a Turke or Moore as before I haue said or some other notorious wicked man or tyrant should be offered by succession or otherwise to gouerne among Christians in which cases euery man no doubt is bound to resist vvhat he can for that the very end and intent for which al gouermēt vvas first ordeyned is herein manifestly impugned Thus the Ciuilian discoursed and the whole company seemed to like very vvel therof for that they said his opinion appeared both prudent and pious and by this occasiō it came also presently in question vvhat vvere the true causes and principal points which ought to be chiefly regarded as wel by the commō wealth as by euery particuler man in this great action of furthering or hindering any Prince towards a crowne And they said vnto the Ciuilian that if he vvould discusse in like manner this pointe vnto them it would be a very apt and good cōclusion to al his former speach and discourses vvhich hauing bin of the authority that weale publiques haue ouer princes titles this other of the causes and considerations that ought to lead them for vse and excercise of the same authority would fal very fit and necessary for the vp short of al. Heerunto the Ciuilian answered that he wel saw the fitnes and importance of the matter and therefore that he was content to speak a word or two more therof notwithstāding that much had bin said alredy therin to witt in al those pointès which had bin disputed about the end of gouerment and why it vvas appoynted which ende said he seing it is as largely hath bin proued before to defend preserue and benifite the common wealth heer hence that is from this consideration of the weal publique are to be deduced al other considerations of most importance for discerning a good or enel prince For that whosoeuer is most likely to defend preserue and benifite most his realme and subiects he is most to be allowed and desyred as most conforme to the end for vvhich gouerment was ordeyned And on the contrary side he that is least like to do this deserueth least to be preferred and heer quoth he you see doth enter also that consideration mentioned by you before which diuers common vvealthes had in putting back oftentymes children impotēt people though otherwise next in blood from succession and pteferring more able men though further of by discent for that they were more like
to defend well ther realme and subiects then the others were But to proceede said he more distinctly and more perspicuously in this matter I would haue you cal to mynde one point among others which I alleaged before out of Girard the frēch author to wit that the king of france in his coronation is new apparaled three tymes in one day once as a prieste then as a iudge and last as a king armed Therby to signifie three thynges committed to his charge first religion then iustice then man-hood and chiualry for the defence of the realme This diuision semeth to me very good and fitt quoth he and to comprehend al that a wealpublique hath neede of for her happy state and felicity both in soule and body and for her end both supernatural and natural For by the first which is religion her subiects do attayne vnto their end spiritual supernatural which is the saluation of their soules by the second and third which are iustice and defēce they enioy their felicity temporal which is to liue in peace among them selues and safety from their enimyes for which cause it seemeth that these are the three points which most are to be regarded in euery Prince that commeth to gouerment and much more in him that is not yet admitted therunto but offreth himselfe to the common wealth for the same purpose And for that the later two of thes three points which are iustice man-hood hath bin often had in consideration in the examples of changes before mentioned and the first point which is religion hath rarely or neuer at al byn talked of for that in former tymes the prince and the people were alwaves of one and the same religion and scarse euer any question or doubt fel in that behalfe which yet in our dayes is the principal differēce and chiefest difficultie of al other for thes causes I say shal I accommodate my selfe to the circumstance of the tyme wherin we liue and to the present case vvhich is in question betwixt vs about the succession of Ingland and leauing a side those other two considerations of iustice and chiualry in a king vvhich are far lesse important then the other though yet so highly regarded by ancient cōmon wealthes as you haue hard I shal treate principally of religion in this place as of the first and highest and most necessary pointe of al other to be considered in the admission of any prince for the profit of his subiects for that without this he destroyeth al and vvith this albeit he should haue defects in the other two pointes of iustice and manhode yet may it be holpen or his defect or negligence maye be supplyed much by others as after I shal shew more in particuler but if he vvant feare of God or care of religion or be peruersly persuaded therin the domage of the weale publique is inestimable First of al then for better vnderstanding of this point vve are to suppose that the first cheefest and highest ende that God and nature appointed to euery common wealth vvas not so much the temporal felicity of the body as the supernatural and euerlasting of the soule and this vvas not only reuealed to the Iewes by holy scripture but also vnto the gentiles and heathens by the instinct and light of nature it selfe For by this light of natural reason the learned sort of them came to vnderstand the immortality of the soule that her felicity perfection and ful contentmēt which they called her final ende and summum bonum could not be in this life nor in any thing created vnder heauen but must needs be in the life to come and that by atteyning to enioy some infinite endles immortal obiect which could fully satisfie the appetite of our soule this could be no other then God the maker of al himselfe And that consequently al other things of this transitory life and of this humane common wealth subiect to mans eyes are ordeyned to serue and be subordinate directed to the other higher ende and that al mans actions in this vvorld are first of al and in the highest degree to be imployed to the recognising seruing and honoring of this great Lord that gouerneth the whole as author and end of al. To this light I say came the heathens euen by the instinct and direction of nature whereof insued that ther was neuer yet pagan Philosopher that wrote of framing a good common vvealth as Socrates Plato Plutarch Cicero and others nether lawmaker among them that left ordināces for the same purpose as Deucalion Minos Zaleucus Licurgus Solō Ion Numa or the like vvhich besides the temporal ende of directing thinges wel for the body had not especial care also of matters apperteyning to the mynde to vvit of nourishing honoring and revvarding of vertue and for restrayning and punishing of vice and vvickednes vvherby is euident that their end and butt was to make their cytizens good and vertuous which vvas a higher end then to haue a bare consideration of temporal and bodily benifits only as many gouernours of our dayes though Christians in name seeme to haue vvho pretend no higher end in ther gouerment then bodily vvealth and a certayne temporal king of peace and iustice among ther subiects vvhich diuers beasts also do reach vnto in ther congregations and common wealthes as is to be seeme among emetts and bees cranes lyons and other such creatures that by instinct of nature are sociable and do liue in company and consequently also do maynteyne so mnch order and pollicy in ther common vvealth as is needful for their preseruation and continuance But nature taught man a far higher and more excellent ende in his common wealth which was not only to prouide for thos bodily benefits that are common also to creatures without reason but much more for those of the mynd and aboue al for the seruing of that high and supreme God that is the beginning end of al the rest For whose seruice also they learned by the same instinct and instirutiō of nature that the chiefest and supremest honor that could be done vnto him in this life by man was the honor of sacrifice and oblations vvhich we see vvas begun and practised euen in those first beginnings of the law of nature before the leuitical law and the particuler formes of this same law were prescribed by Moyses For so we read in Genesis of Noë that he made an alter and offred sacrifices to God vppon the same of al the beastes and byrdes that he had in the arke odoratusque est Dominus odorem suauitatis and God receaued the smel of thes sacrifices as a sweet smel Which is to say that God was highly pleased therwith and the like vve reade of Iob that vvas a gentile and liued before Moyses Sanctificabat filios consurgensque diluculo offerebat holocausta per dies singulos He did sanctifie his
ancient lyne of Lancaster ther vvant not noble houses vvith in the realme at this day issued thence before the cōttouersie fell out betweene yorke this family of vvhich controuersie how it rose and how it vvas continued I shall now begyn to make more particuler declaration taking my begining from the children of king Edward the third who vvere the causers of this fatal dissention OE THE SVCCESSION OF INGLISH KINGES FROM KING EDVARD THE THIRD VNTO OVR dayes with the particuler causes of dissention betweene the families of yorke and Lancaster more largly declared CAP. III. KING Edward the third surnamed by the English the victorious though he had many children wherof some dyed vvithout issue vvhich appertaine not to vs to treat of yet had he fiue sonnes that lest issue behinde them to wit Edward the eldest that was prince of Wales surnamed the black Prince Leonel duke of Clarence vvhich vvas the 2. sonne Iohn of Gant so called for that he vvas borne in that citye that vvas the third sonne and by his wife was duke of Lancaster and fourthly Edmond surnamed of Langley for that he was also borne ther and vvas duke of Yorke last of al Thomas the fift sonne surnamed of Woodstocke for the same reason of his birth and vvas duke of Glocester Al these fiue dukes being great princes and sonnes of one king left issue behinde them as shal be declared and for that the discendents of the third and fourth of these sonnes to wit of the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke came afterward to striue who had best title to reigne therof it came that the controuersie had his name of these two familes vvhich for more distinctiō sake the better to be knowne tooke vppon them for their ensignes a rose of two different colures to wit the white rose and the redd as al the vvorld knoweth wherof the vvhite serued for Yorke and the redd for Lancaster To begyn then to shew the issue of al these fiue princes it is to be noted that the two elder of them to wit prince Edward and his second brother Leonel Duke of Clarence dyed both of them before king Edward their father and left each of them an heyre for that Prince Edward left a sonne named Richard vvho succeded in the crowne immediatly after his grādfather by the name of king Richard the secōd but aftervvard for his euel gouerment vvas deposed and dyed in prison vvithout issue and so vvas ended in him the succession of the first sonne of king Edward The second sonne Leonel dying also before his father left behind him one only daughter and heyre named Phillip who was marryed to one Edmond mortimer Earle of march and he had by her a sonne and heyre named Roger mortimer vvhich Roger had issue two sonnes named Edmond and Roger which dyed both without children and one daughter named Ann mortimer vvhich was marryed vnto Richard Plantaginet earle of Cambrige second sonne vnto Edmond Langly duke of Yorke vvhich duke Edmond vvas fourth sonne as hath bin said vnto king Edward the third and for that this Richard Plantaginet marryed the said Anne as hath bin saide hereby it came to passe that the house of Yorke ioyned two titles in one to wit that of Leonel duke of Clarence vvhich was the secōd sonne of K. Edward the third that of Edmond langly duke of yorke which vvas the fourth sonne and albeit this Richard Plantaginet him selfe neuer came to be duke of Yorke for that he was put to death whiles his elder brother lyued by king Henry the fift for a conspiracy discouered in South hampton against the said king vvhen he vvas going ouer into france vvith his army yet he left a sonne behind him named also Richard vvho afterward came to be duke of Yorke by the death of his vncle vvhich vncle vvas 〈◊〉 soone after in the battel of Egēcourt in France this Richard began first of al to prosecute openly his quarrel for the title of the crowne against the house of Lancaster as a litle afterward more in particuler shal be declared as also shal be shewed how that this 2. Richard duke of Yorke being slame also in the same quariel left a sonne named Edward earle of march who after much trooble gat to be king by the name of king Edward the 4. by the oppression and putting downe of king Henry the 6. of the house of Lancaster and was the first king of the house of Yorke vvhose geuealogie vve shal lay downe more largly aftervvards in place conuenient And nowe it followeth in order that vve should speak of Iohn of Gaūt the third sonne but for that his discent is great I shal first shew the discent of the fifth and last sonne of king Edward who vvas Thomas of Woodstock duke of Glocester and earle of Buckingham that vvas put to death afterward or rather murthered wrongfully by order of his nephew king Richard the second and he left only one daughter and heyre named Anna vvho vvas marryed to the L. Stafford vvhose familie aftervvard in regard of this marriage came to be dukes of Bucking ha vvere put downe by king Richard the third and king Henry the eight albeit some of the blood and name do remayne yet stil in Ingland And thus hauing brought to an end the issue of three sonnes of king Edward to wit of the first second fift touched also some what of the fourth ther resteth to prosecute more fully the issues discēts of the third fourth sonnes to vvit of Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lācaster and of Edmond Langly duke of Yorke which are the heades of these two noble families which thing I shal do in this place vvith al breuity and perspecuity possible begining first vvith the house of Lancaster Iohn of Gaunt third sonne of king Edward being duke of Lancaster by his wife as hath bin said had three wiues in al and by euery one of them had issue though the bishop of Rosse in his great Latin arbor of the genealogies of the kings of Ingland printed in Parris in the yeare 1580. assigneth but one wife only to this Iohn of Gaunt and consequently that al his childen were borne of her which is a great and manifest error and causeth great confusion in al the rest which in his booke of the Queene of Scots title he buyldeth hereon for that it being euident that only the first wife vvas daughter and heyre of the house of Lancaster and Iohn of Gant duke therof by her it followeth that the children only that vvere borne of her can pretend properly to the inheritance of that house and not others borne of Iohn of Gaunt by other wiues as al the vvorld vvil confesse First then as I haue said this Iohn of Gaunt marryed Blanch daughter and heyre of Henry duke of Lancaster and had by her one sonne only and two daughters The sonne was called Henry earle first of Darby
also of the houses of Scotland Suffolke that hold likewise of the house of Yorke and that for the reasons and argumēts vvhich in the former two chapters I haue set downe in particuler against euery one of them and shal here-after also againe those that remaine vvhich arguments and obiections or any of them if they should not be founde sufficient to exclude the said other houses then is the clayme of this house of Huntington therby made voide for that it is as vve see by the yonger childe of the house of Yorke that is to saye by the second brother so as if either the pretence of Lancaster in general be better thē that of Yorke or if in the house of Yorke it selfe any of the fornamed pretenders descended frō K. Edward the fourth as of the elder brother may hold or take place then holdeth not this title of Clarence for that as I haue said it cōming from the yonger brother must needes be grounded only or principally vppō the barring and excluding of the rest that ioyntly do pretēd of which barres and exclusions laid by this house of Clarence against the rest for that I haue spoken sufficiētly in the last two chapters going tefore for so much as toucheth the two houses of Scotland and Suffolk and shal do afterwards about the other two of Britanie and Portugal I meane in this place to omit to say any more therin only to consider vvhat the other competitors do alleage against this house of Clarence and especially agaynst the pretence of the earle of Huntington as chiefe titler therof for to the excluding of him do concurr not only those other of opposite houses but also the Pooles of his owne house as now vve shall see First then the contrary houses do alleage generally against al this house of Clarence that seing their clayme is founded only vppon the right of the daughter of George duke of Clarence second brother to K. Edward the fourth euident it is that so long as any lawful issue remayneth of any elder daughter of the said king Edward the elder brother as they say much doth and cannot be denyed no clayme or pretence of the yonger brothers daughter can be admitted and so by standing vppon this and answering to the obiections alleaged before against the elder houses they hold this matter for very cleere and al pretence of this house of Clarence vtterly excluded Secondly the same opposite houses do alleage diuers attainders against the principal heades of the house of Clarence vvherby their vvhole interests vvere cut of as namely it is to be shewed in three discents the one after the other to vvit in duke George himselfe the first head beginner of this house that was attainted and executed and then in the lady Margaret his daughter and heyre countesse of Salisbury and in like manner attaynted and executed thirdly in her sonne and heyre Henry Poole lord Monrague put also to death from vvhose daughters both the earle of Huntington his brethren vvith the children of Syr Thomas Barrington do descende and albeit some may say that the said house of Clarence hath bin since those attainders restored in blood yet reply these men that except it can be shewed that particuler mention was made of reabiliting the same to this pretence of succession to the crowne it vvil not be sufficient as in like manner they affirme that the same restoring in blood if any such were hath not bin sufficiēt to recouer the ancient landes and titles of honor which this house of Clarence had before these attainders for that they were forfeited therby to the crowne and so say these men was their forfeited therby in like manner vnto the next in blood not attainted this prerogatiue of succeeding to the crowne and cannot be restored againe by any general restauration in blood except special mention be made therof euen as vve see that many houses attainted are restored daylie in blood without restoremēt of their titles and dignities and a present example we haue in the earle of Arundel restored in blood but not to the title of duke of Norfolke and this saye the opposite houses against this house of Clarence But now thirdly entreth in also against the earle of Huntington the opposition of some of his owne house vvhich is of the issue of Syr Geffrey Poole brother to his grād father vvho say that vvhen the lord Henry Montague vvas put to death vvith his mother the countesse of Salisbury and therby both their pretences and titles cut of in them then fel al such right as they had or might haue vppō the said Sir Geffry Poole and not vppon his neece the lady Catherin daughter of the lord Henry his elder brother and mother of the earle of Huntingtō and this for three causes First for that he was not attainted and so vvhether we respect his grand-father duke George of Clarence or his great grand father duke Richard of York the saide right in this respect discended to him and secondly for that he vvas a degree neerer to the said dukes his ancestors then vvas at that tyme his neece Catherine vvhich right of neerest propinquitie say these men is made good lawful by al the reasons examples presidēts and authorities alleaged before in the fourth chapter of this conference in fauour of vncles before their nephewes and it shal not neede that vve speake any thing more of that matter in this place but only to remit your remembrance to that vvhich herein hath bin said before Fourthly they proue the same in fauour of Syr Geffrey for that the lady Catherin vvas a vvoman and Syr Geffrey a man vvhose priuilege is so great in a matter of succession as also hath bin touched before that albeit they had bin in equal degree and that Syr Greffrey were not a degree before her as he vvas yet seing neither of thē nor their fathers vvere euer in possessiō of the thing pretended Sir Geffrey should be preferred as hath bin shewed before by some presidents and shal be seene afterward in the case of Portugal wherin the king of Spaine that now is vvas preferred to the crowne for that respect only that his competitors vvere vvomen and in equal degree of discent vvith him and he a man And the very like allegation of propinquitie I haue hard produced for the lady Wenefred vvife of Syr Thomas Barrington if she be yet a-liue to wit that she is before the earle of Huntington and his brethrē by this reason of propinquitie in bloode for that she is one degree neerer to the stock then they Fiftly and lastely both these and other cōpetitors do alleage against the earle of Hūntington as an important and sufficient barr against his pretence the qualitie of his religion vvhich is as they say that he hath bin euer knowne to fauour those which commonly in Ingland are called Puritanes and not fauoured by the state but yet this
France and her father the king of spaine should be better able to defend and recouer his or her right to the crowne of Ingland then Eleanor his owne sister should be who vvas also in the handes of his said vncle for that he supposed that she also should be made away by him shortly after as in deede the french chronicle affirmeth that she vvas and howsoeuer this matter of duke Arthurs testament were yet certaine it is that vvhen he and his sister vvere put to death the next in kynne that could succeede them in their right to Ingland vvas this lady Blanch and her mother Queene Elenor that was sister to Arthurs father Geffrey duke of Britanie For that king Iohn their vncle was presumed by al men to be vncapable of their inheritance by his putting of them to death and child yet he had none and this is the second pointe that these men do deduce for the lady Infanta of Spayne by the title of Queence Eleanor and her daughter Blanch to whom the Infanta is next heyre A third interest also the same men do deriue to the Infanta by the actual deposition of king Iohn by the Barons and states of his Realme in the 16. yeare of his reigne and by the election and actual admission of Lewis prince of Frāce husband of the foresaid lady Blanch whom they chose with one consent and admitted and swore him fealtic and obedience in London for him and for his heyres and posteritie in the yeare 1217. and gaue him possession of the said citie and Tower of London and of many other cheefe places of the realme albeit afterwatd the most parte of the realme chainged their myndes agayne vppon the suddaine death of the said king Iohn and chose and admitted his yong sonne Henry the third a child of nync yeares old yet do the fauourers of the Infanta say that their remayneth to her as heyre vnto the said Lewis vntil this day that interest which by this election oth and admission of the realme remained vnto this prince Lewis which these men affirme to be the very like case as was that of Hugo Capetus in France who came to be king especially vppon a certayne title that one of his ancestors named Odo earle of Parris had by being once elected king of France and admitted and sworne though afterward he were deposed agayne and yong Charles surnamed the simple was admitted in his place as Henry the third was in England after the election of this Lewis But yet as the other continued euer his right and clayme vntil it was restored to Hugo Capetus one of his race so say these men may this Infanta cōtinew and renew now the demaund of this right of king Lewis her ancester for that titles and interestes to kingdomes once rightly gotten do neuer dye but remaine euer for the posterity to effectuate when they can thus much of this matter But after this againe these men do shew how that the said Infanta of Spayne doth discende also from Henry the third sonne of king Iohn by the dukes of Britanie as before in the secōd chapter hath bin declared and in the arbor and genealogie following in the end of this conference shal be seene for that king Henry besides his two sonnes Edward and Edmond which were the beginners of the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster had also a daughter named Lady Beatrix married to Iohn the second of that name duke of Britanie and by him she had Arthur the second and so lineally from him haue descended the princes of that house vntil theire vnion with the crowne of France and from thence vnto this lady Infanta of Spayne that now is who taketh herselfe for proper heyre of the said house of Britanie and heyre general of France as hath bin said By this third coniunction then of the house of Britanie with the blood royal of Ingland the frendes of the Infanta do argue in this manner that seing she discendeth of the sister of these two brothers which were the heades of the two opposite houses of Lancaster and Yorke and considering that each of these houses hath oftentymes bin attainted excluded from the succession by sondry actes of parlament and at this present are opposite and at contention among themselues why may not this right of both houses say these men by way of composition peace and comprimise at least be passed ouer to the issue of their sister vvhich resteth in the Infanta Agayne they saye that al these three branches of the lines of Inglish kings to wit by the lady Constance daughter of king William Conqueror by the lady Elenor daughter of king Henry the second and by the lady Beatrix daughter of king Henry the third it is euidēt that this lady the infanta of Spaine is of the true and ancient blood royal of Ingland and that diuers wayes she may haue clayme to the same vvhich being graunted they inferr that seing matters are so doubtful at this day about the next lawful succession and that diuers of the pretendores are excluded some for bastardie some other for religion some for vnaptnes to gouerne and some for other causes seing the common wealth hath such authoritie to dispose in this affaire as before the Ciuil lawyer hath declared why may there not consideration be had among other pretenders of this noble princesse also saie these men especially seing she is vnmarried and may therby cōmodate many matters and salue many breaches satisfie many hopes and giue contentment to many desires as the vvorld knoweth And this is in effect as much as I haue hard alleaged hitherto in fauour of the Infanta of Spayne but against this pretence others do produce diuers arguments and obiections as first of al that these her clayme 's be very old and vvorne out and are but collateral by sisters Secondly that she is a stranger and allien borne Thirdly that her religion is cōtrary to the state vnto al which obiections the fauourers aforesaid do make their answeres and to the first they say that antiquity hutteth not the goodnes of a title vvhen occasion is offred to aduāce the same especially in titles apperteyning to kingdomes which commonly are neuer presumed to dye as hath bin said and nullum tempus occurrit Regi saith our law And as for collateral lines they say that they may lawfully be admitted to enter when the direct lynes do eyther fayle or are to be excluded for other iust respects as in our case they hold that it happeneth And as for the second pointe of forraine birth they saye there hath bin sufficient answered before in treating of the house of Scotland that in rigor it is no barr by intention of any Inglish law yet whether in reasō of state politique gouerment it may be a iust impedimēt or no it shal after be handled more al large vvhen we come to treat of the house of Portugal
before her for that he was a man and of the vvhole blood to the last kings of the house of Lancaster and that she was a vvoman and but of the halfe blood so that three prerogatiues he pretended before her First that he vvas a man and she a vvoman and secondly that he descended of the lawful and elder daughter and she of the yonger brother legitimated and thirdly that he vvas of vvhole blood and she but of halfe and for better fortifying of this proofe of his title these men do alleage a certayne case determyned by the learned of our dayes as they say vvherin for the first of these three causes only the succession to a crowne vvas adiudged vnto king Phillip of Spayne to vvit the succession to the kingdome of Portugal vvhich case was in al respects correspondent to this of ours for that Emanuel king of Portugal had three children for so much as apperteyneth to this affaire for afterward I shal treat more particulerly of his issue that is to say two sonnes and one daughter in this order Iohn Elizabeth and Edward euen as Iohn of Gaunt had Hēry lady Philippe and Iohn Prince Iohn of Portugal first child of king Emanuel had issue an other Iohn and he had Sebastian in whom the line of Iohn the first child vvas extinguished but Iohns sister Elizabeth vvas married to Charles the Emperor had issue K. Phillip of Spayne that now liueth Edward also yōger brother to Elizabeth or Isabel had issue two daughters the one married to the duke of Parma the other to the duke of Bragansa so as king Phillip vvas in equal degree vvith these ladies in respect of king Emanuel for that he vvas sonne to his eldest daughter and the two duchesses vvere daughters to his yonger sonne vppon this rested the question vvhich of these should succeede and it vvas decided that it apperteyneth vnto king Phillip for that he vvas a man and his mother vvas the elder sister though if king Phillips mother and the two duchesses father I meane lord Edward of Portugal had bin aliue together no doubt but that he beinge a mā should haue borne it away vvhich these men say holdeth not in our case but is much more to our aduantage for that it hath bin shewed before that if Queene Phillippe had bin aliue vvith earle Iohn of Somerset at the death of king Henry the sixt she should haue bin preferred as legitimate by birth and therfore much more ought her nephew king Alfonsus to haue bin preferred afterward in that he vvas a man before the neece of the said earle Iohn of Somerset that vvas but a vvoman thus farr they And besides all this they do adde as often before I haue mentioned that king Alfonsus vvas of the vvhole blood vnto al the three king Henries of the house of Lancaster the countesse of Richmond vvas but of the halfe blood and for more strengthening of this argument they do say further that besides that interest or right to the crowne vvhich king Henry the fourth that vvas the first king of the house of Lancaster had by his father Iohn of Gaunt in that the said Iohn vvas third sonne of king Edward the third the said king Henry had diuers other interestes also which came of himselfe only and not from his said father as vvere for example his being called into the realme by general voyce of al the people his right gotten by armes vppon the euil gouerment of the former king the personal resignation and deliuery of the kingdome by solemne instrument made vnto him by king Richard his election also by parlament coronation by the realme and finally the quiet possession of him and his posteritie for almost threescore yeares vvith many confirmations of the whole realme by diuers acts of parlament othes and other assurāces as the world knoweth so many I meane and so autētical as could possibly be deuised or giuen and besides al this that vvhen king Richard vvas dead he vvas next in degree of propinquitie vnto him of any man liuing for that the sonnes of Roger Mortimer vvere two degrees further of then he as hath bin shewed before Al vvhich particuler rightes and interestes vvere peculier to Henry the fourth his person and vvere not in his father Iohn of Gaunt and therfore cannot possibly discend from him left by the last duke of Parma lord Ranutius that is now duke of Parma and lord Edward that is Cardinal and the lady Catherine duchesse of Bragansa that yet liueth hath issue diuers goodly princes as the lord Theodosius that is now duke of Bragansa and three yonger brothers to vvit Edward Alexander and Phillip al yong princes of great expectation and these are the children of king Emanuel vvhose particuler successions and issues I shall declare somwhat more yet in particuler Prince Iohn of Portugall afterward king by name of king Iohn the third had issue an other Iohn that vvas prince of Portugal but dyed before his father and left a sonne named Sebastian vvho vvas king and slayne afterward by the Moores in Barbary and so ended this first lyne The second sonne and fourth childe of king Emanuel vvas named lord Lewis and dyed also vvithout issue legitimate as is supposed for that don Antonio his sonne that afterward vvas proclaymed king by the people of Lisbone and now liueth in Ingland vvas taken by al men to be vnlawful as presently more at large shal be shewed so as after the death of king Sebastian their entred the Cardinal lord Henry vvhich vvas third sonne to king Emanuel and great vncle to king Sebastian lately disceased for that he was brother to king Iohn the third that vvas grand father to king Sebastian and albeit their vvanted not some accordinge as the authors wryte vvhich afterward I shal name vvho affirmed and held that king Phillip of Spayne should haue succeded king Sebastian before the Cardinal for that he vvas neerer in consanguinitie to him then vvas the Cardinal for that besides that king Phillip was sonne of king Emanuels eldest daughter he vvas brother also to king Sebastians mother yet the said Cardinal entred peceably and by consent of al parties but for that he vvas old and vnmarried and not like to leaue any child of his owne there began presently the contention in his dayes vvho should be his successor To vvhich succession did pretende fiue princes of the blood royal of Portugal besides the lady Catherine Queene mother of France who pretended by her mothers side to be discended of one lord Raphe earle of Bulayne in Picardy vvhich Raphe vvas eldest sonne of Alfonsus the third king of Portugal which Alfonsus before he vvas king to wit in the tyme of his elder brother king Sanches of Portugal was married to the countesse and heyre of Bullayn named Mathildis and had by her this Raphe but afterward this Alfonsus comming to be king of Portugal he married agayne
vvith the king of Castiles daughter and had by her a sonne called Denyse vvho reigned after him and his successors vnto this day al which succession of kinge Denyse his posteritie the said Queene mother would haue improued and shevved that it apperteyned to her by the said Raphe for this cause sent she to Portugal one lord Vrban bishop of Comince in Gasgonie to plead her cause vvhich cause of hers vvas quicklie reiected and only the forsaide fiue princes discended of king Emanuels children were admitted to tryal for the same which vvere Don Antonio sonne of lord Lewis the king Cardinals elder brother and king Phillip of Spayne sonne of lady Elizabeth the eldest sisteof t he said Cardinal and Philibert duke of Sauoy sonne of the lady Beatrix the same Cardinals yonger sister and the two duchesses of Parma and Bragansa named Mary and Catherine daughters of lord Edward yonger brother of the said Cardinal and yongest child of king Emanuel And for that the lady Mary duchesse of Parma vvhich vvas the elder of the tvvo daughters vvas dead before this controuersie fel out her eldest sonne lord Ranutio now duke of Parma pretended by her right to the said crowne And for that this matter vvas of so great importance euery parte procured to lay downe their reasons and declared their rightes in the best manner they could and such as could not be present themselues in Portugal sent thither their agentes Embassadors and Atturneys to plead their causes for them Don Antonio and the duchesse of Bragansa as inhabitants of that kingdome were present and declared their pretences namely Don Antonio by himselfe and for himselfe and the lady Mary of Bragansa by her husband the duke and his learned councel The prince of Parma sent thither for his parte one Ferdinande Farnese bishop of Parma The duke of Sauoy sent Charles of Rouere aftervvard made Cardinal The king of Spaine as the greatest pretender sent the lord Peter Gyrō duke of Osuna afterward Viceroy of Naples Syr Christopher de Mora knight of his chamber at that tyme but since of his priuye councel and lately made earle of Castel Rodrigo in Portugal of vvhich country he is natiue and besides these two a great lawyer named Roderigo Vasques made since as I heare saye lord President of Castil vvhich is as much almost as lord Chancelor vvith vs. Al these did lay forth before the king Cardinall their seueral reasons and pretensions to the succession of the crowne of Portugal for the fiue persons before mentioned whereof two vvere quickly excluded to wit the duke of Sauoy for that his mother was yonger sister to king Phillips mother and himselfe also of lesse age then the said king And secondly Don Antonio was also excluded by publike and iudicial sentence of the king Cardinal his vncle as illegitimate and borne out of lawful wedloke and albeit Dō Antonio denyed the same and went about to proue hym selfe legitimat affirming that his father the lord Lewis before his death had married with his mother in secret and for this brought forth some witnesses as namely his mothers sister with her husband and two others yet the king Cardinal affirmed that vppon examinatiō he had found them to be suborned vvhich he said vvas euident to him partly for that they agreed not in their speeches and partly for that some of them had confessed the same to wit that they were suborned vvhom he cast into prison and caused them to be punished and so sitting in iudgement accompained with fower bishopes and fower lawyers vvhō he had called to assist him in this cause he pronounced the same Don Antonio to be a bastard for vvhich the Authors that I haue read about this matter which are principally two the first named Hierom Franke a gentleman of Genua who wrote ten bookes in Italian of the vnion of the crowne of Portugal to the crowne of Castilia and the second is named Ioanes Antonius Viperanus a Sicilian as I take him who wrote one booke only in latine de obtenta Portugallia à rege Catholico Phillippo of Portugal gotte by king Phillip the Catholike both these bookes I say out of vvhom principally I haue taken the pointes which heere I wil touch do seuerally set downe the causes following vvhy the king Cardinal did reiect the pretence of Don Antonio before al other pretenders and pronounced him a bastard First for that he had byn euer so taken al the tyme of his fathers life and no man euer dowted therof or called the matter in question vntil now that himselfe denyed the same Secondly for that in the tyme of Iulius Tertius the Pope when certayne decres came out from Rome against the promotion of bastardes the same Dō Antonio sued to the said Pope to be dispensed with al in that case vvhich argueth that then he knew himselfe not legitimate Thirdly that his father the lord Lewis had often tymes both by word and writing testified the same that this Antonye vvas his bastard and had signified also so much in his last vvil testament Fourthly the said Cardinal as of himselfe also affirmed that if his brother the lord Lewis had euer dōne any such thinge as to marry this Woman who was but base in birth and of the Iewish race as these stories do affirme that it is like that he would haue made some of his owne frendes kynred acquainted therwith as a matter so much important for them to know but he neuer did though the said Cardinal auowed that himselfe was present vvith him at his death Fiftly he said that if Don Antonio had bin legitimate how happened that he did not pretend the succession before the Cardinal himselfe next after the death of king Sebastian seing that he vvas to haue gone before the said Cardinal by as good right as his other nephew Sebastian did if he had bin legitimate for that he vvas sonne also to the Cardinales elder brother as hath bin saide Sixtly lastly the said king Cardinal auowched against Don Antonio partly the disagreeing and partly the open confessing of the vvitnesses that they were suborned by him vppon al vvhich causes and considerations he proceeded to the iudicial sentence before alleaged Thus passed the matter in the case of Don Antonio vvho if he had bin legitimate no doubt but by al right he should haue bin preferred before al the other pretenders to the crowne of Portugal and must be at this day towards the crowne of Ingland before al those that pretend of the house of Portugal if vve graunt him to be legitimate and much more clearly may he pretend to the dukedome of Lancaster as before hath bin declared for that it must discend to the lawful heyre of lady Phillip Queene of Portugall wherof enseweth also one consideration not impertinent to vs in Ingland that seing we hold him there for true king of Portugal I see not
their vvas raysed by some kynde of men about the comming in of king Phillip and what their vvas like to haue byn about the entrance of Monsieur if that purpose had gone for-ward I remember wel said the Lawyer and these men that are of this opinion vvil say to this that it vvas but a populer mutiney without reason or any good grounde at all and only raysed by some crasty heades that misliked the religiō of the princes that were to enter and for some other driftes of their owne but not of any sound reason or argument of state which these men thinke rather to be of their side in good sooth they alleage so many argumentes for their opinion that if you should heare them you would say it weare hard to iudge which opinion had most truth but they are to longe for this place and so said he I shall make an end of the matter that I haue in hand and leaue this pointe for others to discusse With this the whole companye fhewed maruelous great desire to know the reasons that vvere in both parties for this matter so much the more for that it seemed to fal very fit to the purpose of these pretences of forayne princes for vvhich cause they intreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his vvhole discourse of the titles vvhich hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himselfe a litle also vppon this matter which though for a tyme he made great difficultie to do yet in the end beinge so importuned by them he promised that at their meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that tyme they departed very wel contented but yet as they saide vvith their heades ful of titles and titlers to the crowne VVHETHER IT BE BETTER TO BE VNDER A FORRAINE OR HOMBORNE PRINCE and whether vnder a great mightie Monarch or vnder a litle prince or King CAP. IX THE companye being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to heare the pointe discussed about forraine gouerment wherof mention had bin made the day before the lawyer began to say that for so much as they would needs haue him to enter into that matter which of it selfe vvas ful of preiudice in most mens eares and myndes for that no nation commonly could abide to heare of being vnder strange gouernours and gouerments he ment to acquite himselfe in this their request as he had done in other matters before vvhich vvas to lay downe only the opinions and reasons of other men that had disputed this affaire on both sides before him and of his owne to affirme or deny nothing And first of al against the dominions of strāgers and Forriners he said that he might discourse without end and fil vp vvhole bookes and volumes vvith the reasons and arguments or at least vvise vvith the dislikes and auersions that al men commonly had to be vnder strangers or to haue any alliens to beare rule or charge ouer thē be they of what cōdition state or degree soeuer and in this he said that as wel philosophers lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that vve see both by their wordes writinges and factes that they abhorr to subiect themselues to strang gouerments so as in al the eight bookes of Aristotles politiques you shal still see that in al the different formes of common vvealthes that he setteth downe he presupposeth euer that the gouerment shal be by people of the selfe same nation and the same thing do presume in like manner al those lawmakers that he their mētioneth to vvit Minois Solon Licurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shal reade the famous inuectiues of Demosthenes against the pretentions of king Phillip of Macedonia that desired to incroch vppon the Athenians and other states of Greece as also his orations against AEschines his aduersarie that vvas thought secretly to fauour the said forrayne prince shal see what hatred that noble Orator had against forraine gouerment and he that shal read the bookes of our tyme either of the Italians vvhen they spake of their subiection in tymes past to the Lōbardes German or french nacions or to the spaniards at this day or shal consider vvhat the french do presently vvrite inueigh against the power of the house of Guyse and Lorayne in Frāce for that they take them to be straingers shal easely see how deeply this auersion against strangers is rooted in their hartes and this for testimony of vvord But now if vve vvil consider the factes that haue ensued about this matter and how much blood hath bin shedd and vvhat desperat attempts haue bin taken in hand by diuers nations for auoyding their subiection to strāgers or for deliuering themselues from the same againe if once they haue fallen into it you shal behold more plainly the very impression of nature herselfe in this affaire for of diuers barbarous nations realmes citties we reade in stories that they rather chose to slea murther themselues then to be vnder the dominiō of strangers others haue aduentured strang attemptes bloody stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the selfe same hower at the tyme of euening song slew al the frenchmen that vvere within the Iland vvhom yet themselues had called and inuited thither not long before and the like is recorded in our Inglish stories of killing the danes by Inglish men at one tyme in most ruful manner and the like was oftentymes thought on also by the Inglish against the Normans when they oppessed vs and by the French against the Inglish whiles we had dominion in France though nether the one nor the other of these latter desigmēts could be effectuated for want of forces and commoditye and by reason of the watchfulnes of the contrary part But yet to speake only of France the rage and fury of the french vvas generally so great and implacable against the Inglish that gouerned theare in the reigne of king Henry the sixt as both Polidor other stories do note at what tyme partly by the dissentions of the houses of York Lancaster in Ingland and partly by the valour of their owne new king Charles the seuenth they had hope to be ridd of the Inglish dominion as no persuasion or reason no feare of punishment no force of armes no promisse or threat no danger no pittie no religion no respect of God nor man could repres or stay them from rysing and reuolting euery where against the Inglish gouerment and gouernours murthering those of the Inglish nation in al partes and corners whersoeuer they found them without remorse or compassion vntil they were vtterly deliuered of their dominion So as this matter is taught vs say these men euen by nature her selfe that strangers gouerment is not to be admitted and moreouer the reasons before alleaged against the king
in his description of those countryes the whole wealth and riches of the world seemed to slow thither and I my selfe can remember to haue seene such exceding abundance in very ordinairy men of this country both for their dyet apparrel furniture of house and the like as was wonder ful besides that for their nobilitie they were al great Princes for that euery one had his prouince or great towne in gouerment which they ruled whith that pompe and honor as if they had bin absolute lordes themselues by reason of the farr distance of their supreme Prince and so they were receaued whith publique honor of al citties and townes their charges borne wheresoeuer they passed as such high estates are wont to be And albeit they had euer commonly a strainger for supreme gouernor among them vnder their kinge which bare the name to be aboue them yet did he in deed nothing but as they would haue him and this partly for that his time of gouerment being but short he alwaies attended principally to gett the good willes of the people and to hold them contented and therby to be grat-ful to his king at his returne home and partly also for that if he should attempt to do any thing against their myndes and liking they made reply by their president and Chancelor and other of their owne Councelers residing for the Flemish nation in the court of Spayne for this nation hath alwaies a particuler councel ther about the king as al other forayne nations also haue that are vnder him and by this meanes they obteyned lightly what they would and brought the gouernor to what they pleased so as in effect they were absolute kings in themselues wrought their willes in euery thing this in that tyme while the country was quiet But now since their reuolt which hath indured almose these foure or fiue and twenty yeares what hath succeded surely their hath not a quarter so many bin punished or put to death in al these yeares by order of Iustice of their king absent as before I haue shewed that there were in one day by their owne earles and dukes when they were present that vppon far lesse occasion and cause giuen then are these for if we take away the two noble men Egmond and Horne put to death at the beginning of these Flemish troobles by the duke of Alua for which some men say also that he had no thanke afterward by the king no man of importance hath bin since executed and the cheefest townes that haue bin and are agaynst the king in Holland and Zeland are suffred vntil this day to traffique freely into Spayne and yet we know that for a little beginning of a certayne tumult this last yeare past in Spayne it selfe to wit in the kingdome of Aragon many heades haue bin stroken of and much iustice done where of then riseth this differēce no doubt for that the Flemmings are straingers far of and the other neere at home natural borne so as this circumstance of being a stranger and dwelling far of doth them great pleasure and giueth them priuilege aboue the homborne subiects The like I might shew for this matter of punishment in the fore said states of Italie where if a mā do compare the number of them that were put to death pulled downe or afflicted by order of Iustice and other wise at the commandement of the Prince in tyme of their owne home-borne kings with that which hath bin since especially of the nobility you shal not finde one for twenty and the reason of this is for that their owne kings were absolute and had to giue accompt to no man of their doings and for that they were men and had their passions and emulations with the nobilitie and might put the same in execution without accompt or controlment they pulled downe set vp at their pleasure and made oftentymes but a iest of noblemens liues and deathes but now these that are gouernours viceroyes for a forraine prince first they haue not so great authority or comission as to touch any such principal persons liues whithout giuing relation therof first vnto their king councel and receaue againe particuler order for the same and then they knowing that after their three yeares gouermēt is ended they must be priuate men againe and stay their 40. dayes as subiects vnder the next new gouernour to giue a reconning of their doings against al that shal accuse them which in these countryes they call to make their residence they take heede what they doe and whom they offend so as the condition of nobility is far different vnder such a strainge gouerment as this is termed then vnder a natural Prince of their owne country which oppresseth them at his pleasure But now to draw neer homward if we wil examine and considerer what hath passed in Ingland in this point of massacring our nobility by our domestical Princes it is a matter lamentable for it may seeme that they haue serued oftentymes for our Princes to make disport to play whith their heades And to let passe al those which in tyme of warres rebellions comotions haue bin cut of which occasions may seeme more iustifiable I do read also in our chronicles that 2 Sangue freddo as the Italian sayth that is to say in tyme of peace and by execution of iustice at the Princes appoyntment these noblemen following and knyghts by name were put to death with in the space of one fiue yeares in king Henry the fourth his dayes The duke of Excester the duke of Surrey the Archbis hop of Yorke the earles of Salisbury of Glocester of Worcester and of Huntington The earle mowbray earle marshal The Baron of Kinderton S. Roger Clarington bastard sonne of Edward the black Prince S. Thomas Blunr S. Barnard Rocas S. Richard Vernon And agayne soone aftervnder king Edward the fourth in almost whith in as litle space The dukes of Somerset and of Excester The earles of Deuonshire of Oxford and of Keyns The Lord Rosse the Lord Molyns S. Thomas Tudingham S. Phillip Wentworth S. Thomas fyndam and many others afterward for this was but at the beginning of his reigne which number of nobility if a man should haue seene them aliue together with their traynes before they had bin put downe he would haue said they had bin a very goodly company pitiful that so many of our owne nobilitie should be brought by our own Princes to such confusion But yet this matter may seeme perhapps the lesse maruelous and more excusable vnder those two kings for that troobles and contentions had passed a little before in the realme about the succession and heervppon so many of the nobility might be cut of but let vs see then what ensued afterwards when thinges were established and al doubt of contention about the succession taken away as in king Henry the eight his dayes it was and yet do
now it standeth and for the publique good not only of the common subiects but also of the nobility and especially and aboue others of the Inglish competitors and pretendors that cannot al speede no vvay vvere so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this tyme should be admitted vppon such compositions and agreements as both the realme should remayne whith her ancient liberties and perhapps much more then now it enioyeth for such Princes commonly vppon such occasions of preferment vvould yeeld to much more in those cases then a homborne Prince vvould and the other pretenders at home also should remayne vvhith more security then they can wel hope to do vnder any Inglish competitor if he come to the crowne who shal be continually egged on by his owne kynred and by the auerhon emulation and hatred that he hath taken alredy by contention against the other opposite houses to pul them downe and to make them away and so we haue seene it by continual examples for many yeares though no occasion say these men hath euer bin offied to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home Inglish blood be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kinde of being vnder forrayne Princes To the third they confesse that it standeth subiect to much danger and inconuenience to admit a forayne Prince to liue among vs with forces either present or so neere as that without resistance he may call them when he listeth and of this their needeth no more proofe say these men then the examples before alleaged of the Danes and Normans and the misery and calamity which for many yearee the Inglish passed vnder them and further more the reason heerof is euident say these men for first in this third kinde of admitting a strainger king we are depriued by his dwelling amongest vs of those vtilities before mentioned which Ireland Flanders Britanie Naples and other states enioy by liuing far of from their Princes which commodities are much more libertie and freedome lesse payments lesse punishments more imployments of the nobility and others in gouerment and the like And secondly by his comming armed vnto vs we cannot expect those commodities vvhich before I touched in the second kynd of forraine gouerment but rather al the incommodities and inconueniences that are to be found either in domestical or foraine gouerments al I saye do fall vppon this third manner of admitting a stranger as easily shal be seene For first of al the greatest incommodities that can be feared of a domestical Prince are pride crueltie partiality pursuing of factions and particuler hatred extraordinary aduansing of his own kynred pressing pynching and ouer rigorous punishing of his people without feare for that he is euer sure of his partie to stand whith him within the realme and so hath he the lesse respect to others and for that al these inconueniences and other such like do grow for the most part by the Princes continual presence among his subiects they are incident also to this other though he be a strainger for that he is also to be present and to liue among vs and so much the more easely he may fall into them then a domestical Prince for that he shal haue both external coūcel of a people that hateth vs to prick him forward in it as also their external power to assist him in the same which two motiues euery domestical Prince hath not Agayne they say that the woorst greatest incommodities of a forraine gouerment that may be feared are tyranny and bringing into seruitude the people ouer whō they gouerne and filling of the realme with straingers and deuiding to them the dignities riches and preferments of the same al which they say are incident also by al probability to this third kinde of forraine gouermēt where the Prince strainger lyueth present and hath forces at hand to woorke his vvil and this is the case say they of the king of Scotts who only of any forraine pretender semeth may iustly be feared for these and other reasons alleaged before when we talked of his pretence to the crowne To conclude then these men are of opinion that of al these three manners of being vnder straingers or admitting forraine gouerments this third kynde 〈◊〉 as it vvere to the kinge of Scottes case is to be only feared and none els for as for the second they say that it is not only not to be feared or abhorred but rather much to be desyred for that of al other sortes it hath the least inconueniences and most commodities for which causes we read and see that wher kings goe by election commonly they take straingers as the Romans and Lacedemonians did often at the beginning and after the beginning of the Roman Monarchie their forraine borne Emperors were the best and most famous of al the rest as Traian and Adrian that were Spaniards Septimius Seuerus borne in Africa Constantine the great natural of Ingland and the like and the very woorst that euer they had as Caligula Nero Heliogabolus Commodus and such other like plagues of the weale publique were Romans and in our dayes and within a few yeares we haue seene that the Polonians haue chosen three kings straingers one after an other the first Stephen Battorius Prince of Transiluania the second Henry of France and last of al the Prince of Swecia that vet liueth and the state of Venetians by way of good polliei haue made it for a perpetuall Law that when they haue warr to make and must needs choose a general Captayne and commit their forces into his handes he must be a stranger to wit some Prince of Italie that is out of their owne states heerby to auoyde partiality and to haue him the more indifferent and equal to them al which yet so many prudent men vvould neuer agree vppon if there vvere not great reason of commodities therin so as this point is concluded that such as speake against this second kinde of hauing a forrayne Prince speake of passion or inconsideration or lacke of experience in matters of state and common vvealthes As for the first manner of being vnder foraine gouerment as a member or prouince of an other bigger kingdome and to be gouerned by a deputie viceroy or strange gouernour as Ireland Flanders Naples and other states before mentioned be vvith certayne and stable conditions of liberties and immunities and by a forme of gouerment agreed vppon on both sides these men do confesse also that their may be arguments reasons and probabilities alleaged on both sides and for both parties but yet that al things considered and the inconueniences hurtes and dangers before rehearsed that subiects do suffer also oftentymes at the handes of their owne natural Princes these men are of opinion for the causes alredy declared that the profittes are more and far greater then the damages or
to affirme againe that the euent must needes be excedinge doubtful who shall in the ende preuaile for that besides the multitude before named of pretenders he auouched very seriously that after al this his speech he could not vvell resolue with him selfe vvhich of al these titles in true right of succession was the best and much lesse which of the tytlers vvas likest to preuaile and this I presume the lawyer told them of himselfe for that he did easely forsee and imagine that after al these arguments on euery side alleaged he should be requested by the company as vehemently he vvas to put downe his opinion what he thought and iudged of al the whole matter hitherto discussed and of euery mans pretence in particuler Which in no case he could be brought to do for a longe tyme but refused the same vtterly and craued pardon and yeilded many reasons why it was not cōuenient might be odious But al would not serue to acquiet the companye which with all earnest importunitie vrged hym to satisfie their request so vppon large and earnest intreaty he vvas content in the ende to yeeld to this only that he would lay together by way of discourse the probabilities of euery side and lastly set downe in two or three propositions or rather coniectures his priuate ghesse vvhich of them in his iudgment vvas likest to preuaile First then he began to say that the probalities of preuailing or not preuailing of euery one of these pretendors in the next succession of the crowne of Ingland these pretendors maye be considered and measured either in respect of the partie of religion that vvas like in Ingland to fauour him and his pretence or els in respect of his owne particuler familie frends and allies both at home and abroad And for that the partie of religion is like to weigh most and to beare the greatest swaye and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Ciuilian hath proued at large in the last of his discourses therefore shal I also quoth the lawyer first of al treat of this pointe of religion in this my last speeche It is wel knowne said he that in the realme of Ingland at this day there are three different and opposite bodies of religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three bodies are knowne commonly in Ingland by the names of Protestants Puritanes and Papistes though the later tvvo do not acknowledge these names and for the same cause would not I vse them neither if it vvere not only for cleernes and breuities sake for that as often I haue protested my meaning is not to giue offence to any side or partye These three bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect al the force of Ingland and do make so general a diuision and separation through-out the whole lande in the hartes myndes of their frends fauourers followers as if I be not deceaued no one thing is lyke so much to be respected in each pretender for his aduancement or depression as his religion or inclination therin by them that must assist him at that daye and are of different religions themselues And more I am of opinion sayd he that albeit in other changes heertofore in Ingland as in the entrance of king Edward and Queene Mary and of this Queenes Maiestie that now is diuers men of different religions did for other respects concur and ioyne together for these Princes aduancements notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seene in that for king Edward al the realme without exception did concurr and for Queene Mary it is knowne that diuers protestants did by name among other points it is also knowne that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a feruent protestant in those dayes being of king Edwards priuy chamber dyd not only aduise her of the sycknes and decay of king Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an expresse messenger to aduise her of her brothers death and vvhat the two dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke did contriue against her and that with such celeritye that king Edward dying but on thursday night the tenth of Iuli the Lady Mary was most certainly aduised therof by saterday morning next and that very early in kenninghal castle of Norfolke 80. miles of and diuers other protestants did assist her also in that her entrey as in like manner al those of the Roman that day sayd he and especially if he can conceale for a tyme the disceasse of her Maiestie vntil he may be able to put his affaires in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different iudgments and affections which are not thoughte to be wanting in the court councel and Princes chamber it selfe wherof we saw the effect as before I tould you at the death of king Edward which was as much indeuoured to be kept sectet as euer any was and as much it imported the concealers and yet with in not many houres after had the Lady Mary most certayne notice therof by those that were opposite to her in religion as I haue shewed before so ardent are mens myndes in such occasions so capable of new impressiōs designemēts desires are al kinde of subiects vppon such great changes A chiefe member of the protestant body as you know for wealth and force is the cleargie of Ingland especially the bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical dignity which are like to be a great backe to this partie at that day though some men thinke that it be not very certayne which part of the nobilitie and councell will stick vnto them for that many in hart are presupposed to fauour the Puritan And for the priuy coūcell in particuler though during the Princes life their authority be supreme yet is it not so afterward nor haue they any publique authoritie at al the Prince hauing once expired but only as noblemen or gentlemen according to each mans state and calling in seueral and for the next successor seing none is knowne nor sworne in the life of this Prince nor were it her safetie that any should be cleere it is that after her Maiesties discease euery man is free vntil a new be established by the common wealth which establishmēt doth not depēd vppon the appoyntment or wil of any few or vppon any mans proclayming of himselfe for diuers are like to proclayme themselues but vppon a general cōsent of the whole body of the realme which how it vvill be brought to passe God only knoweth to him we must commende it I do no know quothe he of any certaine person pretendent to whom this protestant partye is particularly deuoted at this day more then to the rest thoughe the house of Hartford was wont to be much fauoured by them but of latter yeares little spech hath bin
noted in the puritan and made them far more egar in defence of their cause according to the saying nitimur in vetitum semper and as a litle brook or ryuer though it be but shalow and tunne neuer so quiet of it selfe yet if many barres and stoppes be made therin it swelleth and riseth to a greater force euen so it seemeth that it hath happened heere wher also the sight remembrāce of so many of their Seminary preistes put to death for their religion as they accompt it hath wrought great impression in their hartes as also the notice they haue receaued of so many colleges and Inglish Seminaries remayning yet and set vp of new both in Flanders France Italie and Spayne for making of other preistes in place of the executed doth greatly animate them holdeth them in hope of continuing still their cause and this at home As for abroade it is easie to consider vvhat their party and confidence is or may be not only by the Inglish that liue in exile and haue their frends and kynred at home but also principally by the affection of forrayne Princes states to fauour their religion whose portes townes and prouinces lye neere vppon Ingland rounde about for such a tyme and purpose could not want commoditie to giue succor vvhich being vveighed together vvith the knowne inclination that way of Ireland and the late declaration made by so many of the Scotish nobility and gentlemen also to fauour that cause all these poyntes I saye put together must needes persuade vs that this body is also great and stronge and like to beare no smale sway in the decyding of this controuersie for the crowne when tyme shal offer it selfe for the same And so much the more for that it is not yet knowne that these are determined vppon any one person whom they vvill follow in that action nor as it semeth are they much inclined to any one of the pretenders in particuler wherin it is thought that the other two partyes either are or may be deuided among themselues and each parte also within it selfe for that so different persons of those religions do stand for it but rather it is thought that these other of the Roman religion do remayne very indifferent to follow any one that shal be set vp for their religion and is lykest to restore and mayntayne the same be he strainger or domestical which determination and vnion in general among themselues if they hold it still and the earle of Darby haue the difference of titles that before hath bin seene and each one his particuler reasons why he ought to be preferred before the other and for their other abilities and possibilities they are also different but yet in one thing both Lords seeme to be like that being both of the blood royal they are thought to haue abased themselues much by their marriages with the two knightes daughters S. Richard Rogers and S. Iohin Spenfer though otherwise both of them very vvorship ful but not their matches in respect of their kinred with the crowne yet doth the alliance of S. Iohn Spenser seeme to bringe many more frends with it then that of S. Richard Rogers by reason of the other daughters of S. Iohn vvel married also to persons of importance as namely the one to S. Georg Catey gouernour of the he of Wight vvho bringeth in also the Lord Hunsdon his father Captaine of Barwick tvvo of the most important peeces that Ingland hath And for that the said Lord Hunsdon and the Lady knowles disceased were brother and sister and both of them children to the Lady Mary Bullen elder sister to Queene Anne here of it cometh that this alliance with S. George Carey may draw after it also the said house of knowles who are many and of much importance as also it may do the husbandes of the other daughters of S. Iohn Spencer with their ahd erents and followers which are nether few nor feeble al which wanteth in the marriage of the Lord Beacham An other difference also in the ability of these two Lords is that the house of Seymers in state and title of nobility is much yonger then the house of Stanleys for that Edward Seymer late earle of Hartford and after duke of Somerset was the first beginner therof who being cut of together with his brother the Admiral so soone as they were could not so setle the saide house especially in the alliance with the residue of the nobilitie as otherwise they would and might haue done But now as it remayneth I do not remember any allyance of that house of any great moment except it be the childrē of S. Hēry Seimer of Hamshire and of S. Edward Seymer of Bery Pomery in Deuonshite if he haue any and of S. Iohn Smith of Essex whose mother vvas sister to the late duke of Somerset or finally the alliance that the late marriage of the earle of Hartford with the Lady Francis Haward may bring with it which cannot be much for so great a purpose as we talke of But the earle of Darby on the other side is very strōgly honorably allied both by father and mother for by his father not to speake of the Stanleys which are many and of good power and one of them matched in the house of Northumberland his said father the old earle had three sisters al wel married and al haue left children and heyres of the houses wherin they were married for the elder vvas married first to the Lord Sturton and after to S. Iohn Arundel and of both houses hath left heyres male The seconde sister vvas married to the Lord Morley by whom she hath left the Lord that now is vvho in lyke manner hath mached vvith the heyre of the Lord Montegle vvho is likevvise a Stanley And finally the third sister vvas married to S. Nicholas Poynes of Glocestershire and by him had a sonne and heyre that yet liueth And this by his fathers side but no lesse alliance hath this earle also by the side of his mother vvho being daughter of George Cliford earle of Cumberland by Lady Eleanor neece of king Henry the seuenth the said Lord George had afterward by a second wife that was daughter of the Lord Dacres of the North both the earle of Cumberland that now is and the Lady wharton who hereby are brother and sister of the halfe blood to the said Countesse of Darby and the Dacres are their Vncles Besides al this the states and posfessions of the two forsaide Lordes are far different for the purposse pretended for that the state of the earle of Hartford is far inferior both for greatnes situation wealth multitude of subiects the like for of that of the Stanleys doth depend the most part of the shires of Lancaster and Chester and a good parte of the North of Wales at least wise by way of obseruance and affection as also the I le of man is