vse of armes and that he hath brought them to this passe that they cannot vant to hold any thing in propriety which was not practised towards the aboue mentioned moreouer all assemblies vpon whatsoeuer cause are expresly forbidden them he keeps them vnder and makes no more reckning of them then of sheepe pend vp in a fould vsing them like brute beasts not once vouchsafing to imploy them in the wars The other reason is that they haue no power of themselues to oppose the Turkes so mighty forces and which is worst of all they neuer haue had any forraine succour to incourage them to such an enterprise 14 I will forbeare to diue any deeper into this subiect me thinkes we may see sufficiently by this how much more supportable are Cittadels then armies ordinarily intertained But if we speake of conquering I allow that armies are more to be preferred before fortresses considering that we thereby inioy meanes to embrace all occasions offered and at an instant to execute both the will and designe of a Prince so prouided 15. To say the truth it is that which the Ottamans haue practised to aduance their Empire to such greatnesse as at this day we see it it is that which hath heaped on them the honors of so many victories and which hath endowed them with authoritie reputation and meanes They haue alwaies had as they yet haue their armies in a readinesse and haue fought with their neighbours in a manner with as much aduantage as a man armed against one that is naked 16 Some I know will maruell how such a number of people so armed can containe themselues from reuolting I am of opinion that if they were not ordinarily imploied as they are in attempts of warre that in the end their multitudes growen ranke with quiet would easily be drawen to rebellion or mutinies which the souldiers of Alexander the Great can witnesse for whilest the enemy kept them in doings who were then they more hardy and valerous but after their victories who more insolent and vnsufferable The Roman armies how fortunate were they whilest they had continuall warre atchieuing all their interprises in a manner as they could wish but after their conquest they became so turbulent and vnquiet as they assumed to themselues the authoritie of creating Emperors and for the most part so licentiously as euery armie made his particular choise so as there was no remedie but to trie by fight who should carie it which occasioned the ouerthrow of the state The French haue they not euermore faithfully serued their king against strangers but so soone as they had peace with the English and after with the Spaniard they filled euery corner of their country with sedition sackings cruelties and slaughters and that with such obstinate persisting as the contagion thereof hath not beene able for 25. yeeres space to be remooued But that which is most to be lamented is the scandall they haue brought vpon the church This selfe thing may be appropriated to the Flemings and the cause may be imputed to idlenesse and the exceeding plentie wherein they liued The example of Bajazet the second shall serue to close vp this discourse for he being giuen ouer to his ease the soldiours who could not brooke such idlenesse so awaked the courage of his two sonnes Selim and Acomath as all the forces of the Empire which had established the Turkish scepter were diuided into two and it lacked not much of being vtterly ouerthrowne euery one for his part seconding the rebellions of the sonnes against the father CHAP. IIII. That he hath trained vp his soldiours to valour and hardinesse 1 Why the armies of these daies consist not of so good souldiers as in former times 2 Principall causes of victories 3 What care is to be had in leuying of good souldiers and this to be wrought by a fourefould meanes 4 By election 5 Exercise 6 Honors and profit 7 The Turkes proceeding heerein 1 IT is seldome seene that the armies of these times consist of good souldiours for the more we vary from the course our forefathers tooke to bring them to perfection by so much the more are we depriued of that happinesse which were to be desired and seriously sought after by Princes and those which as Commanders would reape honor and profite by the wars 2 Victory which dependeth of the diuine will deriueth her successe and principall ground from the multitude of men but especially from the wisdome of the Commanders and from the valour and generositie of the Souldiour 3 It is requisite then that we looke more narrowlie then we doe vnto their choice and that they be such as we may honour and profit our selues by them now we must deliuer how we may light vpon or make good and hardy souldiours which is doone in my opinion by a foure fold meanes by election exercise honor and profit 4 By election because all those which we leuie for the wars haue not that naturall inclination to valour and courage nor a constitution of bodie fit to indure the trauailes and dangers incident thereunto Moreouer a gallant fashion and spirite are not found in euery one much lesse a resolution to attend defie and assaile the enemy also euery mans hart will not serue him to enter the trenches throw himselfe desperatly into the dike scall the wals offer himselfe valiantly to make good a breach in despite of the Cannon of stones of wilde-fire and of death it selfe Their complexions perhaps will not brooke that they should spend the whole day in continuall turmoiles without eating and the night without rest so as where some make account that Antwerpe is able to make 30000. men Venice 40000. Gant 60000. Paris 100000. all fit and able to beare armes me thinkes they should be vnderstood that they are such as haue the age required but not the disposition proper to such a profession For proofe hereof haue we not of late seene that the Prince of Parma hath ranged vnder the obedience of the King of Spaine euen with small forces those of Gant Antwerp which had formerly together with those of the low countries rebelled against their Soueraigne The Romans held in such esteeme this manner of making choise of their Souldiours as when they would expresse a leuy of men they termed it Delectum agere vel habere to make a choise In our times no man hath beene more carefull and circumspect in the choise of his souldiours at the least of the Captaines of Italy then Cosmo de Medici Duke of Florence and indeede he was prouided of the best and most approued souldiours of his time 5 To election we are to adde exercise without the which there is no forwardnesse or constitution of body be it neuer so strong able to attaine to the perfection requisite to execute and accomplish as appertaineth to a good braue and noble souldiour 6 But if the Generall be so wise as to ioine to exercise profit and honor
in a matter which he had before discreetely enough plotted and disposed moreouer he cannot beare swaie as master of the confederate forces insomuch as he which sendeth succours may vnderhand deliuer to his Commanders memorials and instructions more strict and limited then the necessitie of the vndertaken affaire would permit Also the least distaste either of the Prince which assisteth or of the Captaine which conducteth such succours serueth oft-times to dismisse the promised forces deceiue the others expectation and bring all he vndertaketh to nothing So as he remaineth not onely more weake by this disappointment but his owne forces also become vnprofitable and consequently himselfe exposed to all wrong and ruine for as if one only wheele of a clocke be out of temper it sufficeth to disorder the whole motion so where the vndertaker faileth but of one part of his promised troupes the effects which in part depend thereon likewise faile and the course of his warlike designes remaine crossed and peruerted I will not forget also to say that a campe consisting of such borrowed peeces hath necessarily need of many heads to command it and an armie compounded of so manie heads because of the diuersity of opinions and affections will most commonly haue the woorse when it commeth to handie blowes 5 We may illustrate these discommodities with examples that touch vs neere and are familiar vnto vs and were not long since practised for this cause I will more willingly then otherwise I would heere produce them In our time we haue seene two most memorable leagues between the Pope the king of Spaine and the Venetians consenting and vnited to vndertake one warre against the Turke the one was vnder Pope Paul the third and the other in the life time of Pius Quintus The first was caried with an excessiue charge yet without any effect woorthy so great an assembly The cause in my opinion proceeded of the difficulty that was found to ioyn in one body the confederat forces and draw them together at the Rendeuous in due season for they met not till the end of September Although an other inconuenience may be alledged to this purpose which ouerthrew the good successe of such a holy and Christian attempt yet it may appeere that to auoide the shame and dishonour that followed thereof it had beene easie to haue performed somewhat of more memorable consequence then was the taking of Castle-nouo if we had knowen how to husband the times and occasions fit for the imployment of so combined a power Concerning the second which was as I said in the time of Pius Quintus the army of the Venetians very gallant and strong spent all the sommer in attending the Galleis of Spaine which were to conuoy succours into the I le of Cypres then attempted by the Turke so as this slacknesse of assembling the Galleyes was a cause that the army became almost quite vnfurnished of good souldiours drawen together to their great costs by reason of the plague which had made a most pitifull hauocke amonge them Notwithstanding all this they forbeare not to make towards Cypres so late as by the way they receiued the newes of the lamentable taking of Nicosia Which made them imagine that the Turkes had vpon that commodity most strongly manned their Galleys as it was likely enough with land Souldiours and that therefore there was more appearance of danger thē of good successe in assailing them vpon which consideration they held it best to turne their course homeward and refer that businesse to an other time hauing then thus dishonorably behaued themselues returning they incountred so many misfortunes as well weather beaten by reason of the Winter then approching they at length arriued at their home sorely brused and spoiled The yeare following the army of the consederats met notwithstanding all this very late yet vndertooke they to incounter the enemy of whome they got that so renowned victory in the yeare 1571. if God had permitted vs to reape thereby those worthy fruits that we had reason to expect Now for all this Cypres was not recouered but remained to the infidell as the reward and wages of his valour The third yeare of the league the king of Spaine in stead of pursuing his enterprise against the Turke as he had determined caused Don Iohn of Austria Admirall of his fleete to stay at Messina because he then doubted that the French would assaile Flanders with such forces as they had that yeare rather suffered to take breath then wholy cased and dismissed So as the whole season was spent vnprofitably without attempting ought worthy such preparation as the confederates had in due time set forth This was an occasion of excessiue charge and that the armies did not once stirre till it was too late attending what their neighbours would do who as I haue said seemed to threaten the King of Spaine with some attempt vpon his country of Flanders In the meane time the Venetians tired with the charge and trouble they were at to no purpose treated a peace with the Turke 6 Who will make any question now those things well weighed and considered that if the leagues both the first and second had beene well caried without these crossings iealousies and suspitions which accompanied them though vainly and vpon no ground but that they would haue brought foorth some woorthie and honorable fruite to the glory and honour of God the peace of his church the encrease and establishment of the Christian common-wealth This may be enough to prooue that forces compounded of diuers nations depending of many and different heads are in marching more slowe and at a time of need lesse effectuall then others It may appeere to some that I heereby inferre that leagues betweene Princes are vnprofitable and therefore not to be made so farre is it from me to maintaine that opinion as I rather willingly embrace the contrarie but I reserue a time to handle how and in what manner it would be good to make such a league especially against the Turke when I shall arriue at the place appointed for this purpose to the end I may discourse of it at full Now let vs returne to the argument of discourse in handling 7 The Ottomans neuer made league either offensiue or defensiue with any and neuer had helpe of strangers on the contrarie they haue alwaies had to doe with armies compounded of different nations confederate and conducted by sundrie Commanders all which as ill vnited not vnderstanding one another they haue euermore vanquished Moreouer we haue ordinarily seene them more forward and deliuer about their enterprises being alone then accompanied and consequently more vnited in their force more nimble in execution and it must needes follow more renowned and fortunately victorious 8 Yet they had no lacke of whom where with to practise their associations if they had approoued them as good necessarie as among other with the Soldan of Caito with the kings of Carmania
and massacres wherein many Emperours ended their daies they electing others at their pleasures against the authority of the Senat and the loue and reuerence they ought to haue borne towards their country The like may we hope or expect from the Ianizzars that they will one day assume to themselues the same power and learne to performe the like whereof they gaue an assaie at such time as they compelled Baiazet the second to resigne the Empire to Selim his sonne They did almost the like when Soliman caused his sonne Mustapha to be murthered for they besieged him and inuironed his tent for certaine daies space crying out they would know the cause of that yong Princes death In the end by the deuise of the Bassa and with stoore of coyne he wan to him foure thousand of them who disengaged him of the feare and danger wherein he was plunged 7 The fift cause may be fetched from the ambition or discontent of the great ones of the countrie or of ministers swaying the supreame authority credit in places of gouernment Gazeles gouernour of Soria made way for a reuolt of the like quality as did also Acomat Generall of Aegypt Gazeles assisted by the Mamelucks Arabians and those of Rhodes endeuoured to set himselfe vp against the great Turke but he was discouered by Cayembeius whom he had acquainted with the conspiracy This man either for feare as looking into the danger of the enterprise or for enuy of his companions greatnesse reuealed all to his Master Soliman who presently dispatched against him Faratha Bassa by whom he was vanquished in battaile Acomat had not the leasure to proceed far in his attempt for as he did inconsideratly precipitate himselfe into the triall thereof so was he as speedily discouered and in an instant suppressed and slaine without hauing thriued ought in his dessignes CHAP. XIII Of the mixt causes 1 What are the mixt causes 2 How Estates are ouerthrowen by mixt causes 1 IN this third booke we haue at large discoursed how by inward and outward causes Estates may be indangered now we must speake of causes compounded of the one and the other which to discourse more intelligibly we tearm mixt which likewise are of power of themselues to alter an Empire and to bring it either by an vniuersall or a particular change to a lamentable ruine These mixt causes then are those whereby both the enemy abroad and the subiect at home may by a common consent conspire against an Estate and subuert it 2 One of the causes or meanes may be a popular insurrection nourished by the enemy or else the conspiracy of some particular men set on by forraine practises or to tearme it better the treasons which subiects may hatch in fauour and by the meanes and authority of their neighbours This hapneth in a twofold manner when the subiect beginneth and setteth on foote the practise or when a stranger laieth the way open vnto them vnder some coulered pretence or else when some one particular person or all a whole communalty frame the occasion thereof in regard of some displeasure or oppression Finally this falleth out also when the enemy abroad tempereth with one two or three of the principall men to reuolt against their prince and take armes in hand to ouerturne and ruine the Estate CHAP. XIIII How particular persons may be gained 1 How his people are to be prouoked to rebellion 2 How his great men and chiefe officers are to be gained 3 These courses at the first not succeeding are to be oftner attempted 4 Wary proceeding is requisite lest those that manage the businesse incurre danger 5 To whom such businesses are to be committed 1 IT resteth now that we make it appeere how such practises may be set on foote and cherished we will then beginne with the enterprise to bee plotted by some particular person by whose assistance it may take effect We must presuppose that this person is either priuat or publike the priuat persons are those which suffer themselues most often to be corrupted by mony and with these there neede not so many ceremonies or broâ—kings but if they be publike persons of rancke and authority either in regard of the greatnesse of their family or managing of state affaires there is far greater difficulty in corrupting them then the other yet if we may but discouer in them the stinges of ambition and desire of greatnesse and that we propose to them the assurance of speedy succours for the execution of the desâ—â—gne then is it that we bring them to dare any thing especially if they haue neuer so little disposition to be reuenged of some receiued indignity It is indeed a hard matter to worke particular and priuate persons without great vncertaineties and dangers 2 But if we must haue to doe with the great persons of the Estate we must warily make choice of our time sound them whether they be male content or ill affected towards their Prince either in respect that some one is aduanced to their preiudice or for some other cause which may awake in them a longing to shake off their yoake and seaze themselues of the Estate These are the meanes and occasions which should be chosen and diligently husbanded by our Christian Princes smoothly and with dexterity to procure the ruine of the common enemy putting on as they say the foxes skin when the lions is wanting The displeasure and ielousie which Faratha Bassa conceiued against Hebraim Bassa because he saw him raised by Soliman to greater honour and estimation then himselfe so depriued him of all reason as suffering the desire of reuenge by little and little to transport him he began to plot a rebellion but discouered he was forthwith put to death the selfe same occasion was the ouerthrow of Pirrus and Mustapha raised by Soliman In our time in the court of Amurath the third now raigning these ielousies and hart-burnings haue beene great betweene Mahomet and Mustapha and since that betweene the same Mustapha and Cicala who hath outstript him and all for fauour of their Master If these humors and ill dispositions had beene well looked into and wisely imploied to their best vse by some great Prince of Christendome they had beene fit matter to haue bred a dissention and reuolt amongst those barbarous people 3 Now though such practises should not perhaps at the first be of sufficient power to worke that vniuersall change which we wish in that tyrants Empire yet are we not therefore to desist as men dismaied remembring that most commonly the beginnings of innouations and commotions so extraordinary are feeble and that that wisdome sheweth it selfe like it selfe which can so diligently suckle and nourish them as they may attaine to a happy growth I am of opinion that when we incounter with instruments that are not without ambition courage and a thirst of reuenge after we haue felt and sounded them once twise or thrise we shall in the end make a breach in their
no skip in his enterprises Chap. 9. He hath not spent time vpon enterprises of small importance Chap. 10. He hath laide hold on occasion Chap. 11. He hath behaued himselfe with nimblenesse and celerity vpon his occasions Chap. 12. He hath gone himselfe in person to the warre Chap. 13. He hath euermore gone well appointed to the wars Chap. 14. He hath neuer fought out of season Chap. 15. He hath neuer diuided his forces Chap. 16. He hath not long held warre with one alone Chap. 17. The Table of the Chapters of the Second Booke OF religion Chap. 1. Of the direct dependency of the Turkes subiects vpon their soueraigne Chap. 2. How he hath depriued his subiects of strength Chap. 3. The causes that may moue a people to fury Chap. 4. The common remedy applied by the Turke against the force and fury of the people Chap. 5. How the Turke curbeth the power of the great men of his Estate Chap. 6. How he confoundeth the practises of forraine Princes his neighbours Chap. 7. The Table of the Chapters of the Third Booke THe causes of the fall and ruine of Estates Chap. 1. From what coniectures the continuance of Estates may be gathered Chap. 2. That the Monarchy of the Turke is comprehended within the number of great Estates Chap. 3. Whether the Empire of the Turkes draw towards an end Chap. 4. By what kinde of causes the Empire of the Turke might most easily faile Chap. 5. That it is not an impossible thing for the Christians with open force to vanquish the Turke Chap. 6. Why the leagues amongst Christian Princes are commonly of small effect Chap. 7. The defects which may be obserued in the leagues of the yeeres 1537. and 1571. Chap. 8. A league which may be treated without danger of the former defects Chap. 9. Wherein consisteth the greatest forces of the Turke Chap. 10. Where the Turke might be most easily assailed to ouercome him either by sea or by land Chap. 11. Of the inward causes whereby the Empire of the Turke may come to ruine Chap. 12. Of the mixt causes Chap. 13. How particular persons may be gained Chap. 14. How the people of the Turke may be wrought from his obedience Chap. 15. CONSIDERATIONS VPON THE GREATnesse of the Turkish Empire Wherein are handled the manner how it is become so great the meanes whereby it is maintained and how it would be easie to bring it to ruine 1 The summe of this discourse 2 The diuision thereof into 3. principall parts 3 The argument of the first booke 4 Steps to the Turkish greatnesse FIrst My purpose is to examine in this treatise how the Empire of the Turke is growne to that height and greatnesse 2 And the better to effect it I will diuide the whole discourse into three principall parts The first what way he hath taken to attaine to the top of such a raised greatnesse as his now is The second with what meanes and arre he behaueth and maintaineth himselfe therein and finally I will declare how the pride of this Tyrant may be abated his greatnesse diminished and his Empire ruined 3 The subiect then of the first booke shall be to examine what haue beene his courses in his conquests and though they haue beene without any order reason or faith yet will it be no hard matter to discerne by the successe of such counsailes as he hath put in practise in his most difficult enterprises the good from the bad and also to separate in the course of his actions all whatsoeuer hath beene profitable from what hath beene hurtfull and ill vndertaken heerin imitating the Bee which from bitter herbes sucks most sweete hony These are in my opinion the steps and dessignes he hath followed to attaine to his greatnesse wherby as by degrees he hath built his strange fortune which makes vs at this day so much to feare him 1 First he hath applied himselfe wholy to the wars 2 His war hath beene alwaies offensiue 3 He hath made slender account of fortresses 4 He hath fashioned his wisdome to valour and hardnesse 5 He hath maintained his great and mighty armies in military discipline and policy 6 He hath made no reckoning of other forces then of his owne 7 He hath to power ioyned cunning and deceipt 8 He hath beene serued by excellent Captaines 9 He hath not made any skip in his enterprises 10 He hath not spent time vpon matters of small importance 11 He hath laid hold on occasions 12 He hath speedily put in execution his dessignes 13 He hath gone in person to the war 14 Well appointed 15 In a fit season 16 He hath not diuided his forces 17 He hath not long continued war with one alone CHAP. I. That he hath applied his thoughts wholly to the wars 1 Bookes held by the Gothes a let to armes 2 Charles the 8. his expedition to Naples 3 Christians held vnfit for wars because so intent to studie 4 The Turkes wholly addicted to the wars 5 The Romans most martiall 6 Barbarous nations most warlike and prompt in their attempts 7 The Turks despisers of Liberall arts 8 They inuade Italy 9 Their military vertues 10 Whether liberall artes disable their followers for the wars 11 The vse of History and the Mathematikes 12 Letters and armes fitly maried together 13 Learning and valour necessary in a Commander obedience in a Souldier 1 AT the time that the Gothes made a most fearefull sacke of Greece and as a violent streame ouerflowed her fruitfull plaines ransacking her many cities and rich townes amongst other spoiles there fel into their hands a great number of bookes of all sorts of professions wherewith not knowing what to doe as vnprofitable stuffe they would haue burnt them if one amongst the rest had not opposed himselfe who stepping foorth cried out it was requisite they should carefully preserue them and leaue quoth he this poison amongst the Grecians since in time they will bereaue them of all martiall courage as ordinarily they do all such as apply themselues too much to the like learning and knowledge making them become tender effeminate and altogether vnfit for the vse of armes so as failing of courage they will prooue more easily the pray of our fortunate conquest 2 When Charles the eight of France with so smal an army made his way thorough Italy and that without vnsheathing his sword or couching his lance he became master of the kingdome of Naples and of the greater part of Thoseany the French Nobilitie reasoning among themselues whence such a base cowardlinesse as they had founde amongst the Italians should proceed imputed the cause thereof to the studie of learning as that which softeneth the courage and is not fit for ought but to make a man fearefull vnapt and of a weake resolution for the wars 3 Heeretofore and at this day the Turkes haue and doe esteeme the Christians of little valour in martiall affaires becaus of the varietie of Arts whereunto they vsually
then is it that there is no danger or difficulty be it neuer so great which his souldiours will not ouercome no incounter which they will not force no enterprise which they will not happily compasse As for a Prince there is no mony better bestowed then that wherewith his Captaines whet and intertaine the courage of the Souldiour This was the cause why the Romans beside the ordinarie pay of their armies ordained crownes for them which had in the wars saued the life of a citizen first entred the breach or boorded a ship these were termed Coronae Ciuicae Murales Nauales 7 The Turkes to our confusion are not inserior to the Romans be it either for the choice they make of their souldiours or for rewarding them For they chuse from among the nations vnder their obedience the most warlike and take of them but the flower and such as are most proper for the wars sparing not afterwards to recompence them at the full It is a thing incredible with what continuall excercise they inure their souldiours in so much that euen from the cradle if a man may so say they traine them vp vnto the wars The intertainment the Turke giueth them is sufficient but as for the rewards honours and commodities he shareth among them it is hardly to be expressed There is not any Prince at this day liuing that may in this regard bee compared to him and which is more the meanest of his souldiers vpon his vertuous behauiour in armes is capable of attaining to the most eminent charges and dignities of his estate and of inriching himselfe with inestimable treasure To confirme this the goods which Meehmet Bassa left behinde him who of a Christian Apostate aspired to that greatnesse were valued at two Millians of Crownes In a word they are sure that rewarde waiteth alwaies vpon valour Moreouer the prowesse of the priuate souldiours cannot be smothered amongst them it is rather immediatly discouered and notice taken thereof Of all the Ottoman Princes Mahomet the second was the most bountifull for he gaue beyond measure so as sometime he increased the souldiours pay a thousand fould Selim the first did the like and it is worth the noting that as those two surpassed the residue in liberality so did they in honourable and triumphant victory CHAP. V. That he hath maintained his Souldiers in military Discipline 1 A very great army may be easily ouerthrowne by a meane army 2 The cause hereof and benefit of the latter 3 Care is to be had that an army be not ouercharged with baggage 4 A Generall-with more ease may command a meane then too great an army 5 Souldiers are animated by the perswasion and presents of their chiefe commander 6 They are in seruice to be well acquainted with one an other 7 The incumbrance of huge and ouer great Armies 8 How it commeth to passe that the Turkes so great numbers of men proue victorious 9 Defects in Christian armies 10 Obedience of the Turkes 11 Battailes lost through disobedience of the Souldiours 12 The military discipline of the Turkes notable 1 THe happy successe of battailes by those of ancient times with such wisdome atchiued makes it most apparent vnto vs that most commonly the meane armies haue ouercome the great Alexander the Great diuers Grecian Captaines amongst others Miltiades and Themistocles and among the Romans Lucullus Scylla Pompey and Caesar alwaies assailed and vanquished the barbarous people rather with vnequall then equall numbers if we respect the multitude but they went far beyond them if we consider their militarie vertue In these latter times the Commanders of the Emperour Charles the 5. and of King Philip his sonne haue likewise gained the victory of many armies greater then this 2 To such as demaund the reason of it I wil answere that it was because the principall strength and sinew of an army consisteth in affection in military Discipline and in a well disposed order in the day of battell without which parts an army is as fraile as glasse A few may be more easily and orderly ranged then many Vertue vnited is alwaies more powerfull then separated and disiointed Hence is it that bodies of an indifferent stature are for the most part more vigorous then such as are ouer great and huge which the Poet speaking of Fidaeus expresly signifieth in these words Maior in exiguo regnabat corpore virtus Great vertue in a little body raignd And Virgil alluding to the Bees saith Ingentes animi angusto in corpore versantur In slender bodies they haue mighty mindes questionlesse a meane army must needes be more stable and vnited then a great because multitude is naturally accompanied with confusion commonly waited vpon by disorder 3 Moreouer it is a thing of high consideration to be able to take such order that a campe be not incombred with baggage rather that it be free and manageable so as it may be euery where commodiously cōducted ranged and euer in a readinesse to gaine and make good dangerous difficult straites and passages that it be not tired and discouraged for the long marches it must often vndertake that it doe not faint for such accidents as diuersly chance nor for any exploits or executions which present themselues vnexpected All which a meane campe will be more proper to performe then a great for it shall not neede so great a quantity of victuals nor so great an incombrance of baggage or cariage as the other 4 Moreouer seeing it is more profitable and necessary that an army be conducted gouerned by one only Generall and that it depend of no other then him It will be more easily effected in a meane then a great army especially compounded of diuers nations And this dependance shall be better ordered if the Generall can content himselfe with small store of luggage and that well trussed vp The multitude of meane causes slacketh alwaies the course of the efficient and keepeth backe the fruite thereof A little army hath not neede of so much luggage as a great 5 And it is much better that the Captaine himselfe know his souldiours and they him then to rely vpon the credit and report of such as are vnder his charge for the souldiour that shall heare himselfe named by his Captaine aduanceth himselfe so much the more and becommeth more desirous of honor Whereas if he see himselfe forgotten and vntespected of him which commandeth he groweth distasted and out of heart and almost carelesse how matters haue their procedings Who doubteth that the presence of the Captaine or Generall of an army doth not serue as a motiue to the souldiour to make him diligently preserue his reputation and to shunne the reproch of cowardise which he will not so carefully performe if he finde himselfe out of the presence of his Commander or that his Commander make as if he did not see him 6 It is good also that the souldiers frequent brotherly together for that assureth them more and
see that the most disloiall amongst them were not the most assured in the forces of their trecheries Amurath the second Mahymeth the second Baiazeth the second Selim the second were held the most subtile Princes of their race but we must grant that if those their wicked procedings thriued for a time it was more through the coldnesse and dissentions of the Christians when they should haue reuenged and repelled their iniuries then that we should therefore beleeue that it is well done to proue periured and disloiall Amurath the second made proofe of it to his cost and hauing receiued an ouerthrow at the handes of Ladislaus King of Polonia he speedily made peace with him and turned his forces against Caramania where whilest he was busied Ladislaus iudging so perswaded and backt by Pope Eugenius that hee should not doe amisse to falsifie his faith with a Barbarous Turke of so insolent a nature and so capital an enimie of Christendome as all breach of peace might seeme as a true performance thereof resolued to make war vpon him on the sodaine which proued so dangerous as Amurath was neere tumbling from the top of an high and glorious fortune to the lowest degree of misery so as his estate was neuer more shaken and endangered if the Christian army which followed their victory had not as I haue said disordered thēselues Whereupon the glory and triumph fell to the Infidels to the great misery and confusion of the Christians Selim the second hauing vnlooked for attempted vpon the Venetians to the preiudice of his vowed faith pulled vpon his necke the forces of the league had too late repented himselfe if God in regard of our sinnes had not in such sort sealed vp the eies of the Christians as they could not see nor make their benefit of the gate his diuine Maiesty had set open to a more high enterprise then the losse they receiued at Lepanto Soliman that was held the most wise Prince of all the Ottomans if wisdome be able to shine where there is no light of true faith and Christian beleefe hauing vnderstood at such time as he caused his army by Sea to fall downe towards Ottranto the yeare 1537. that Mercurin de Gatinaro and the Citizens of Castro were made prisoners after they had surrendred the place contrary to promise hee foorthwith commanded that they should be released saying that disloialtie to violate their faith and word once passed was not the meanes to win the hearts and likings of strange nations CHAP. VIII That he hath beene alwaies serued in his wars by good and valiant Captaines 1 Whether an experienced Commander and rawe Souldiers or experienced Souldiers and an vnskilfull Commander be the better 2 The first best allowed and the reasons 3 Examples heereof 1 IT is ordinarily disputed amongst Souldiers and martiall men which is the better a good Captaine emploied about the conducting of an armie consisting of raw Souldiers or an armie of old Souldiers committed to the command of a raw and vnexperienced Captaine 2 As for me if my opinion may carie credit amongst so many sufficient to decide this question I hold it better that a worthy and valiant Captaine should haue the charge of an armie of vntrained men without experience then that an armie of old Souldiers trained and beaten to the wars should be recommended to a Captaine yet a nouice and vnskild in the profession of armes The reasons proper for the maintaining of this proposition are so plaine to such as without being obstinate or passionate in behalfe of either party will entertaine them as they are not to be gainsaid for is it not much more fit and easie that a good Captaine make and fashion a campe of rawe Souldiers then that good and experienced Souldiers prepare and fashion their Captaine to the conduct of an armie who can without shame denie that an armie doth not rather obey the voice and command of their Captaine then the Captaine of his armie otherwise it were as they say to set the cart before the horse 3 Now we must come to such examples as may instruct and make cleere the truth of my proposition If we will as we ought examine how many times the Christians haue beene ouerthrowne by the Turkes we shall vndoubtedly finde that it hath euermore hapned rather through want of experience courage sufferance concord and authoritie in the Commanders then for any other default So at the battailes of Nicepolis for that such like Captaines did set light by the Turkes forces and tooke not a sufficient suruey of them they receiued a most shamefull ouerthrow a woorthy reward of their weake experience in not knowing how to fight with those barbarous nations whom they might well thinke wanted neither skill nor valour Did not Lewes king of Hungary by meanes of the Bishop of Tomerea who brought him almost to the slaughter indure the like disgrace at the battaile of Mogoria for want of experience in matter of warre and of iudgement sufficiently to discouer the enemies forces and the passages of the countrey where he was to buckle with him In like sort was not the vnskilfulnesse of the Italians cause of that victorie the Turkes gained at Grado who had then for their leader Homarbay Generall of the Turkish armie Also the yeare 1537. at Exechium Mahomet Iahiaoglis being Gouernour vnder Soliman of Belgrad and the frontiers of Hungarie in the time of king Iohn the great Caziauer losing his courage did he not abandone to spoile death and ruine a faire and strong armie which he commanded for the Princes of Germany and Italy some one troupe excepted which dishonorably togither with him saued themselues by flight Also before this heauie losse did not Anthony Grimani Generall of the Venetian armie faile of courage when with great aduantage he might haue charged the Turkes and put them to the woorse The very like want of experience and valour was seene in an other Venetian Generall who shamefully left the I le of Negropont to the spoile of the enemy To conclude haue not the Christians beene so many times put to the woorse neere about Buda for want of valiant and experienced Captaines as it cannot without griefe be related On the contrarie the Ottomans haue neuer suffered misfortune of warre at the least for lacke of authoritie command or wisedome in managing their armies for they themselues haue in person conducted them and beene present at all their high exploits and important enterprises by them atchieued They haue likewise euermore committed the charge of their difficult actions and affaires of warre to the most valiant and experienced Captaines amongst them whom they had formerly well knowen trained vp and exercised to such charges by infinite proofes of their courage and wisdome in most dangerous and difficult occasions In summe experience is that which perfecteth valor The Turkish Emperors haue alwaies giuen to their Captaines ample power commission freely to
dispose of their most important affaires wherin they haue bene thus happy that we cannot finde that euer such Captaines lost battaile for lacke of command or obedience or that they euer for want of courage or experience in the arte military made stay or question of their proceedings Of all the Bashas that euer had the managing of matters of importance had greatest hand in the affaires of their Masters Acomet was the chiefe who serued Mahomet the 2. and added much to his greatnes by obteining many glorious victories insomuch as he was no lesse feared then his Soueraign To him Sinam may be ioyned who liued vnder Selim the first and being slaine at the battaile of Matarea wherein he wan the victorie for his Master Selim said of him that the death of so worthy a man as he was cause of such great griefe vnto him as it equalled the ioy he conceiued for so happy a victory such also was Barbarossa that famous pirat who for his many warlike acts wan the renowne of a valiant Captaine and was most highly reputed of his Master Soliman for whom he performed many memorable enterprises as wel by sea as by land Hence we may gather that vndoubtedly a great Prince cannot doe worse then commit the charges of his wars the dignities and conducts of his armies to them which inioy his fauour but vnworthily he should consider the deserts of others especially of such as with more sufficiencie would render an honorable account of so worthy an imploiment We see it fall out oftentimes that for default of wel measured elections a Prince plungeth himselfe and his estate in a thousand dangers and confusions through the insufficiency of his vnskilful ministers the examples of such infortunate euents would fill this volume if I would stand to relate all such as my memory presenteth vnto me But omitting all I will only put you in minde of the Emperour Charles the fifth well knowen for most iudicious in all his elections meruellous in his actions mighty for the great number of his excellent Captaines bredde and trained vp vnder him all which can witnesse the care he had in his choice and in very deede they did him such seruice as by their meanes he enlarged his dominions with many rich Prouinces adorned his scepter with most memorable victories and his house with triumphes to his immortall glory CHAP. IX That he hath made no skippe in his enterprises 1 Vnited vertue strongest 2 The strength of kingdomes by their situation 3 What it is to skippe in an enterprise 4 Kingdomes preserued by the coniunction of their subiect prouinces 5 Confirmation of the Roman Empire 6 The meanes of establishing an Empire by confederacies 7 The French as quicke in losing as in conquering countries 8 We are not to indeauor so much to conquer as to keepe 9 The Portugals and Spaniards distracted gouernment 10 Industrie of the Ottomans in conquering 11 An admonition to Christians 12 Horror of the Turkes 1 NOthing would be so strong as a poinct if it were to bee found in nature at the least if the rules of the Mathematiques be true as they be held because being most simple it cannot be corrupted either by inward beginnings or outward causes so is a body more induring and powerfull the neerer it approcheth to the resemblance of a poinct that is to say the more it is vnited and compact in it selfe And in very deede as nature vnable to bring to passe that all the world should be one only body made it continued and ioining one part vpon another and as to preserue this continuation she in all she may opposeth Vacuum which is onely able to corrupt and destroy her 2 So estates become more durable and of greater abilitie to maintaine themselues when they are as I may say sowed linked and bound together the one helping to entertaine and preserue the other Hence we may gather that such prouinces as haue their situation trussed vp together in a round forme are more strong and mightie then such as extend themselues in length as for example one may say of France in comparison of Italy because this latter resembling a legge stretched out is lesse fit to defend it selfe then France which is round as her prouinces lie and are situate whereby she is consequently not only more vnited in her forces then Italy but also more nimble and able to maintaine herselfe then the other 3 Now let vs come to our discourse and make it appeare what it is we vnderstand by this discontinuation and that which we tearme to skip in our enterprises It is properly when we regard not the contiguity if I may so say or neere adioyning of our estates and that happeneth as often as we leaue an enimy behind vs at one side of vs or otherwise in such sort as he may crosse cut off beseege or inclose vs when we so inconsideratly skip or stride we may likewise saie that he truly skips who crosseth from one country to another so far distant as by that time he hath finished his voiage his strength failes him and his troopes proue so out of heart and tired as they become vtterly vnprofitable We may alledge for example that which befell the Emperours of Germany the king of France and of England in their voiages of the holy land for the length of the iourny the far distance of the country the diuersity of the Climate the change of the aire and many other such like inconueniences so tired and discouraged them by reason of the trauailes and miseries they had suffered vpon the way as they could not attempt any matter of importance or goe thorow with their enterprise according to their proiect not vnlike a ball which stirreth not from the place where it is once setled through want of that moouing power which should tosse and raise it So if these Princes at the first arriuall did affoord any proofe of their courage valour and likelihood of good fortune the languishing of the principall motiue suddenly made them lose their aduantages and reduced the whole to tearmes vnwoorthy the merit of their holy intentions and trauels 4 We must then allow that it is requisite for the preseruation of estates either that their prouinces touch and intertaine the one the other or that their forces be of ability to maintaine themselues of themselues for this continuation hath of it selfe such force and efficacie for the lasting and preseruation of estates as we see that common-weales and meane kingdomes haue thereby longer maintained themselues then great and rich monarchies Wee may alledge for example the common-weales of Sparta and of Venice of the kingdomes of Persia and France whose rule hath much longer endured then that of the Sarazins of the Mamelucks or of other more mighty Empires The cause proceedeth as I haue said of the vnion of that entertainment and coniunction of prouinces abutting the one vpon the other which is of such vertue and efficacie to giue
his army and artillery as he came vpon the Souldan before he dreampt of him supposing him to be as then rather vpon his way to encounter the Persian then to attempt him 10 This particular dilligence of the Ottomans is not to be limited all only with their land wars they haue performed as much by sea so vigilant and wary haue they shewed themselues in exalting the honour of their names and of their great estate by them maintained euen vnto this day And since they are so incredibly nimble and aduised in maritine exploits I hold it not from the purpose to touch briefly the order they obserue in assembling their forces They reiect the vessels and ships of great burden as ouer-heauy and vnwealdy if the wind faile them rather hindering then furthering him that conducteth them Their Gallies and Galliots are speedy well manned and well appointed 11 Wee on the contrary drag with vs a great number of ships and Gallions as our best strength and choice prouision but they are in proofe the cause of such incombrance to the seruice in hand as we for the most part waste the season vnprofitably and spend our opertunities in rigging and attending them being also oft times enforced to disorder our Gallies to the end these great cartes may keepe with vs. Hence groweth yet another discommodity and that is that hauing placed a kinde of hope in our ships we in forgoing them finde our selues too weake and failing of courage to assaile the enemy who is not to be forced to fight but when he please hauing too open a field to flie and espy his occasion as it hapned at Preueza the yeare 1537. and at the battaile of Lepanto which was the yeare 1571. for then the ships of the league remained behind with a good number of souldiours vnprofitable for that action in regard they could not ariue there time enough The yeare after they encountred the like discommodity since for the very same cause the army of the league goodly and mighty fought not at all neither performed ought worthy so great a preparation And when the Gallies of the Pope and Venetians met and that they attended Don Iohn who aboade still at Missina because of the then beginning troubles of Flanders the army of the Turk being then commanded by Oechially he once presented battaile but because of the aduantage of the winde which without other helpes draue our ships and fearing the incounter of our round vessels he made his escape by meanes of a certaine stratagem which for the strangenesse thereof put the counsailes and iudgments of our army to a plunge In verie deede it is worthy the noting for seeing the whole strength of our ships vnited with such confederat Gallies as were then there make towards him he gaue commandement that in euery one of his Gallies they should put fire to a barrell of powder and row backewards not making for al this any shew of flight the prowes of their gallies still appeering towards them and as soone as the smoake had couered his fleete he halled on a maine and in an instant hoissing vp al his sailes shaped his course to Napolis in Romania our ships not daring to follow him In regarde he had gotten the aduantage of them they bearing but their mizen sailes and knowing how dangerous it was for them being ignorant of his designes to breake company eight daies after we comming neere together there followed some light skirmishes but so soone as they perceiued vs to faint as being depriued of our ships they charged vs with the whole army in like sort as when we had them for succour they retired So as it was then found by experience that the great ships serued but to keepe vs from buckling with the enemy I haue made mention of this incountre in my commentaries of the notable occurrants of these times written in Latine and somewhat more at large then I heere deliuer for I was present in the army during all that voiage vnder the command of the Duke de Mayne CHAP. XIII That he hath gone himselfe in person to the war 1 A question concerning the Princes presence in the wars 2 The first commodity is if the Prince be there in person it ads courage to the souldiour 3 The second is it causeth plenty of all things in his army 4 The third it increaseth the army 5 The fourth it worketh facility and speede in aduice and execution 6 Of the power of Lieutenant Generalls in the wars 7 The fift commodity is the Princes authority and dignity 8 The first discommodity growing from the princes presence is that thereby the enemy proceedes more prouidently 9 The second that his Commanders vse lesse diligence in discharge of their places 10 The third is emulation of the leaders whence groweth contention 11 The fourth the emulation of the Lieutenant generall toward the Prince 12 Examples to this purpose pro and contra 13 The preposition defined by distinction 14 The Ottomans wars in their persons haue succeeded well 15 Exhortation to Christian princes to vndertake wars against the Turke 1 WHether the prince should in person goe to the war or else send his Lieutenant is a question often disputed with such reasons and earnestnesse by sundry graue personages as whatsoeuer may be now deliuered to that purpose would proue but an vnprofitable repetition of what hath bene formerly digested by so many rare spirits This then excusing me I will referre the deciding thereof to men of more experience then my selfe yet will I not forbeare by way of discourse to deliuer my opinion and cite such examples as may helpe for the clearing of these doubts First then we are to recken the commodities the Kings presence affoordeth in his armie and so in order of the other consequences 2 Whereof one of the principall is that it putteth spirit and courage into the souldiers it so neerely presseth them as they must of force as it were make their valour appeare especially when they ioine battell where the Maiestie and life of the Prince yea and their owne too is in hazard Then is it that the honest desire of preseruing their masters life groweth feruent in them and so much the more by how much it is farre more pretious then the life of a captaine or generall either mercenary or subiect which the Prince might haue sent to command them This occasion more then any other moueth them more freely to hazard their liues and meanes for their Princes seruice which they would not so couragiously performe vnder any other that should command in his stead They likewise expect greater and more assured rewards from him then from others 3 Againe the king is alwaies better followed he is attended on with the consequence of farre greater prouisions either of victuals munition money or whatsoeuer may be necessary for the enterprise than his lieutenant who hath his power limited his allowance stinted and cannot dispose but in part of the
tumults and ciuill commotions 3 Feare amongst subiects is vpheld by Iustice and plentie of thinges necessary 4 Praise of peace and Iustice 5 Execution of Iustice amongst the Turkes pleasing and tollerable though vniust 6 An exhortation to Christian Princes to administer Iustice IT hath oft hapned and in our times we haue had triall of it that the people though vnarmed haue in their despaire and fury disquieted a whole estate and brought the common-weale into an exceeding distresse and perplexity Furor arma ministrat saith Virgil Iamque faces sax a volant We haue the testimony of the Romans time in those ciuill wars which hapned in Italy in Sicily of the mischiefes which followed those rebellions as much hath beene seene to happen in these times in the I le of S. Domingo about the change of gouernment introduced vpon those conquered people forced to subiect themselues to a new kinde of seruitude In very deede that people is not weakely armed which hath a heart a good spirite and a nimble hand 2 This is the cause why the Turke to preuent these popular commotions hath depriued the people of all sorts of armes to the end they may forget both the vse and courage to handle them and that they may not by them take occasion to mutiny Now to prouide that so barbarous a yoake driue them not to despaire he maintaineth a general peace and tranquillity throughout his estate he hath a care that iustice be equally distributed that they haue plenty of victuals and all other vsuall commodities the better to lull asleepe their fury 3 By these meanes euery one maketh the best of his fortune and liueth quietly at home embracing that naturall desire of holding his owne which to performe euery man emploieth whatsoeuer may proceed out of himself moreouer this quiet and ease of minde doth so soften men as they rest free from the thought of plotting or vndertaking sturs and rebellions Iustice quiet and plenty are three things which haue for their opposites the violence of soldiours in time of war the corruption of Iudges in time of peace and scartsiy and famine in both The iniustice the abuse and auarice of officers and magistrates are those which procure the subuersion and vnauoidable ruine of a country I could adde to this discourse many examples domesticall proofes but not to enter into too deepe a sea I will spare them and will content my selfe to say only that all those of ancient times and such as haue had any touch of a good minde either Christians or infidels haue euermore confessed that the sincere execution of iustice is the strongest piller of all well ordered estates as on the contrary iniustice is the ouerthrow not alone of men and countries but of beasts also To returne to our matter it is sure that when the common subiect hath wherewith to nourish cloath and handsomely accommodate himselfe and family when in the middest of armes he is safe in his owne home when he standeth not in feare of forged crimes or bribery of Iudges then is it that he falleth asleepe in securitie and careth not but to entertaine that tranquillitie reiecting all thought of rebellions This is it which the Turke who warreth continually with his neighbours putteth in practise to maintaine peace throughout his dominions and to be beloued and faithfully serued of his subiects whom he tieth to him with those strong bands which are to say the truth besides Iustice and tranquillitie most proper for preseruation A great helpe heereunto is his continuall imploying his Captaines and Souldiers in the wars especially out of his owne countrey and to the spoile of his enemies 5 Peace is the horne and true mother of abundance Then is it that euery man tilleth his land without disturbance and quietly inioyeth and encreaseth his owne store since as the Poet saith Pax arua colit Iustice Queene of vertues is that which serueth as the base and most sure foundation to peace which could not otherwise subsist nor the lawes likewise then is it that they gaine strength and vigour 5 And though the forme of the Turkish Iustice be not without much vanitie and oppression and though all matters be determined amongst them by way of witnesses who are alike bought and sold and that iudgements passe as gold and siluer is stirring yet the quicke dispatch they receiue maketh them forget this inconuenience and though the sentence of such Iudges be often pronounced against all order of Iustice yet is there thus much good gotten by it that men consume not themselues bodie and goods in pleading and trotting after Lawyers and Atturnies which haue their consciences as large as the other who are bought more deerely besides the delay vexation and vncertainety of the iudgement And though the sentence of such men be much displeasing yet the people haue this to comfort them that they many times see them endure most notable and exemplary punishment for the Turke sometimes vpon the least complaint brought against them putteth them to death be they neuer so great personages as well to inrich himselfe with their spoiles as to manifest himselfe to be a Prince most respectiue of iustice and equity and to giue also a manner of satisfaction to his subiects so oppressed as Selim left that example of Bostand Bassa 6 Hence Christian Princes are to fetch an aduertisment how to be more carefull then they are in making their ministers obserue a more vpright and speedy distribution of iustice amongst their subiects not vpon the grounds and intents of this barbarous Turke but rather because they are one day to render an account before God who to this ende established them in place aboue others Questionlesse the long delaying of suites is the most damnable plague to be found at this day in all estates The abuses committed otherwise by the ministers of Princes are more to lerable then these where the whole is in question For this cause Princes ought to looke more neerely to this then to any other thing CHAP. V. The common remedy applied by the Turke against the force and fury of the people 1 Another way of preuenting popular seditions by hauing alwaies bands of foote and horse in a readinesse 2 The Turkes strength in his court 3 His other strengthes 4 Inconueniences that grew by the Romane Legions 5 Preuented by the Turke 1 THough the meanes formerly deliuered be sufficient to keepe the Turkes subiects from rebelling yet there are stronger by him practised wholly to preuent and extinguish euen the least sparke of sedition and to prouide against other like inconueniences He maintaineth a great number of horse and foot alwaies armed alwaies in pay and distributed in garrisons thorow out his Empire especially in places most proper to resist or assaile These curbe the people and vpon the least shew of rebellion lay hands on them represse their insolency and suffer not the least apparance of sedition to take roote remouing the causes euen at
diminution of the subiects obseruance 2 From whence the authoritie of the Nobilitie doth proceed 3 The detestable crueltie of the Turkish Emperour against the next of his bloud 4 Vsage of great men taken by the Turkes 5 The vncertaine fortune and estate of the Turkes officers 1 TO the end the dependencie and authoritie whereof wee haue hitherto entreated be without alteration maintained it is requisite that the Prince haue a care that there be none in his countrey who for their greatnesse may incourage the people and embolden them to attempt ought backt by their authoritie countenance and conduct 2 This greatnesse may grow from three principall causes either in regard they are Princes of the bloud or for that they are noted to be nobly descended and rich or else for the reputation they haue gotten and a long while preserued either by cunning or by their owne valour and merit things that winne credit and name amongst the common people Concerning the first cause the children brethren and kinsmen of the Turke are great by consanguinitie The Barons of the country obtaine the second ranke whereto the noblenesse of their family calleth them for the third such ministers and officers as beare a stroake and swaie in matters of the highest consequence are accounted great 3 The Ottaman Princes of nature barbarous and cruell ordinarily shelter themselues from these inconueniences with courses far from all humanity in as much as without all respect of Law religion or other ciuill consideration they vpon the least scruple that may be ridde their hands by execrable murthers of their neerest kinsfolkes and friends yea euen of their fathers and brethren alone to inioy and by their death to assure to themselues the quiet possession of their kingdome Selim the first murthered two of his brethren procured the death of all his nephewes yea and of his father also He would often say that there was nothing more sweet then to raigne out of the suspition and shadow of his kindred and that he deserued pardon for what he had committed since it was the same play and vsage he should haue receiued if any other but himselfe had attained to the crowne Amurath the third which now raigneth made his entry by the death of his brother and searched the establishing of his Empire euen in the belly of his mother then great with childe making for this end one end of her what she went withall these cruelties are monstrous in the sight of God and man and full of horror and infamie yet hath it not beene knowen for all this that euer any citie any people or armie did reuolt or mutine This inhumanitie is amongst them growne to that lawfull and ordinarie consequence as they vsually put it in practise without feare of blame or reproch The examples thereof are as infinite as their memories stinking and abhominable In a word this butchering is amongst them an hereditary succession descending from one to another which God would reuenge with our hands if we would amend our liues 4 As for the Barons and Lords of the countrey Mahomet the first destroied their seed expelling them out of his estate as he did all the originarie Turkish Princes his allies and if by chance there remaine any of the Ottoman race he is so kept downe as he traileth as they say his belly vpon the ground liuing most poorely without all charge and manage of affaires so as neither valour nor riches can make him appeere or shine in the worlds eie rather he remaineth eclipsed amongst the vulgar sort without honour credit or estimation As for the Princes and mightie men of the countrey by them subdued they know well enough how to ridde their hands of them in sort as we haue before declared so as neuer Empire was raised or maintained with more execrable murthers then this hath beene in these daies they neither sparing Princes of their bloud nor the chiefe Potentates of their prouinces for they blinde them if not kill them 5 Now concerning the ministers and officers who by long managing of waightie affaires haue attained to Honorable places authority and reputation there is not one be hee neuer so great which at the least winke wrath and pleasure of his Lord loseth not his life immediatly Baiazet caused Acomat Bassa to be put to death an excellent man of armes and a woorthy Captaine saying the too much reputation of the seruant was a cause of the too great ielousie of the master Selim likewise put many to death and amongst others Mustafa Bassa whom he caused to be strangled at Prusa and after to be cast out to the dogs This was his recompence for fauoring him in the vsurpation of the Empire against Baiazet his father then liuing and for making riddance of his two brethren Acomat and Corcut. He suspected it was he that had reuealed his secret as indeed he had to Aladin and Amarath children of his brother Acomat because contrary to his expectation he sought their death It is in a manner an ordinary course with Princes that one light offence obscureth and maketh them forget a thousand good seruices performed for the good of their affaires For my part I am of opinion that this rage and inhumane cruelty familiar with the house of the Ottomans is but a true and iust iudgment of God who will by their parricid handes chastice the Apostasies and wickednesse of one by another considering the greater part of them are Christians who haue denied their faith and by that miserable act climed vp to the height of those eminent charges and dignities they possesse As not long since his diuine Maiestie permitted a poore simple souldiour to kill Mahomet Bassa a man most mighty in credit and authority but more rich of power and meanes yet such a one as had beene a Christian and had taken vpon him the orders of Priesthood CHAP. VII How he confoundeth the practises of forraine Princes his neighbours 1 The diuorce of the Greeke church from the Romish confirmeth the Turkish Empire 2 What were requisite to stir vp the Turkish subiects to rebellion 3 The Greekes vtterly destitute of meanes for such proceedings 4 His owne subiects throughly curbed 1 ONe of the most assured meanes practised by the Turke as an infallible course of setling his estate against the intelligence which his people might hold with Christian princes is the diuorce separation he maintaineth betweene the Greeke the Romish church supposing while this schisme shall continue amongst them that they will neuer establish betweene them a sound amity This made the conquest of Constantinople easie vnto them this hath forwarded the proceeding of his victories and as it were put into his hands all those rich and goodly Prouinces whereof he is at this day the peaceable but Tyrannicall owner moreouer he so narrowly obserueth our vnhappie discord as he by a perpetuall counsaill endeuoureth all he can possibly that the Patriarkes render no obedience to the Pope neither is it
long since Zacharias Patriarcke of Constantinople was like to be staked for hauing admitted the new Callender and the reformation of the course of the yeere made in the time of Gregorie the 13. 2 Now to returne to the principall point it is to be presupposed that the proiects and carriage of popular rebellions cannot be vndertaken without the support and direction of the mightiest for wealth meanes and authority in the country which we would surprise and that Princes will not bouge to set a foote these plots and enterprises but by offered occasion of some fortresse which importeth the assurance and consequence of the estate and may serue for a refuge to recouer their decaied strength or else that their destigne relieth vpon some promised succour or finally vpon the consideration that those who inuite them to this conquest are so strong within themselues as they may hope for an honorable issue of their enterprise 3 These are all necessary particularities but not any of them resteth now in the hands of the Greekes abased by extreame seruitude and so far from hauing any fortresse at their deuotion as they cannot once stir without being discouered and though they were disposed to vndertake they haue at their backe so great a number of men at arms as at the least breath of a rebellion they would cut them off before they should haue meanes once to peepe forth of their shels 4 The Turke againe maketh them sure to him so many waies though all barbarous and vnciuill as he scarcely alloweth his subiects leaue to draw their breath nor suffreth his mighty men once to hold vp their heades or forraine Princes to be able in due time to attempt ought against him The end of the second Booke THE THIRD BOOKE CHAP. I. The causes of the fall and ruine of estates 1 Estates are subiect to change 2 Some of longer some of lesse continuance 3 Great small and meane estates and their causes of ruine externall internall and mixt 4 Lesse estates come to their endes soonest by externall causes 5 The great by internall 6 The meane more durable yet subiect to alteration 1 THe order that nature obserueth in all things created doth plainly enough teach vs that whatsoeuer is borne passeth and hastneth towards death and that all things which haue a beginning necessarilie and interchangably roule towards their end This proceedeth either of an ordinarie and naturall course or of the violence and alteration of compound bodies Hence we drawe this construction that estates change monarchies faile and the ruine of one serueth as the raising to the other 2 Againe as of humaine bodies some are more strong vigorous and of a better composition then others and so are of longer continuance so we see the same difference in kingdomes and estates in as much as some preserue themselues longer either because by their nature they are more surely founded as for example the Signory of Nobles is more lasting then the popular estate and a Monarchal estate more then a common-weale because a Monarchy keepeth the causes of corruption more aloofe from her or is policed with better lawes or because of the situation which is naturally more strong then the other as we see at this day in the Signorie of Venice 3 But because this assertion is subiect to diuers obiectiōs we will diuide it only into two propositions First then of principalities some are small some great some indifferent either in regard of their subsistance or first essence or of the comparison which may be made betweene them and their neighbours Secondly the efficient causes of the vtter ruine of estates are either inward or outward or mixt The inward are to be fetched and conceiued in respect of the negligence ignorance and riot of Princes which giue themselues ouer to all voluptuousnesse whereto may be added the factions secret practises ambitions and desperate humors of subiects with sundrie other occasions all fit to bring estates to their vtter ruine The outwad causes are the stratagemes armes and force of the enemie The mixt are such as participate of both as are the rebellions of the people treasons of particular men put in execution by forraine ayd and force Since then it is so that all principalities are subiect to ruine by one of these three causes we are now to vnfold what maladies may infect as well great and indifferent as small estates and draw all within the compasse of inward outward and mixt causes Now like as in naturall things naturall corruption is more tolerable then violent so must we consider whether the alteration and impairing of estates and common weales chance by reason of age or by the violence of some not forseene cause 4 Returning then to our former diuision and well examining it wee shall finde that small Estates come to their ends rather by meanes of outward causes brought in by force and violence then otherwise In as much as their power being insufficient to withstand their mighty neighbours ambitious attempts they are at the first incounter ouerset with the storm of his conquests in this maner the seueral Signories of Lombardy fel in subiection either of the Duke of Milan or of the Venetiās the free cities of Thoscany became a pray to the Duke of Florence The Princes of Africke to the King of Fez-Marocco and Algiers 5 On the contrarie great Empires are vsually subuerted by meanes of inward causes either by ease plenty which customarily makes Princes to swell with insupportable pride by voluptuous riot whereto people amidst their abundance are most prone or else by insolency and presumption seazing the great ones of the country when they see themselues much followed and reuerenced all fit inticements to dispose a hart but indifferently generous to plot for his owne raising Nec quenquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem Pompeiusue parem Then is it as one saith that Caesar cannot brooke a superior and that Pompey stomaketh an equall 6 Meane estates vndergoe danger as well as the two former yet far lesse since they hold the meane as the other the extreams for they are not so vnfurnished of strength as that it would be easie for euery one to inuade and oppresse them neither are they of that greatnesse and wealth as to afforde matter to particular men to grow mighty or else abandon themselues immoderatly to delights pleasures or to transport themselues beyond the limits of reason This is it that so long preserued the common weales of Sparta of Venice which euermore respectiuely intertained a meane and equality The mixt causes of the ruine of Estates are inward treacheries and outward force Treason hatched within an Estate much more indammageth a great then a small or meane Empire For a monarke is not able to turne his eie vpon euery corner of his Kingdome and sturring spirits are fortified in their attempts either with the hope of impunity the nourse of vices in all Estates and gouernments or with the opinion
inwarre 1 From the diuision of estates deliuered by vs in the former chapter this is to take his foundation and by these causes wee are to make choice of that of the three which is the surest by what accidents or infirmities both the one and the other may vndergoe a change either outwardly or inwardly and in which rank of the three wee are to lodge the Turke Some one perhaps will iudge this question superfluous and vnprofitable seeing his renowne his conquests and his long rule doe but too much teach vs what he is notwithstanding all this I should not thinke it besides the purpose a little to particularize the causes of his greatnesse 2 The estate of the Turke is held without question to bee one of the greatest and mightiest as well in regard of the large circuit it containeth as of his power he is great because of so many Prouinces reduced to his obedience and though he haue not so great a share in Europe as the Romaines sometimes had he hath to counteruaile this more aduantaged himselfe in Asia and Africke for when the fortune of the Romaines was at the greatest and that they had their armes most at libertie yet went they not beyond Euphrates It is very true that Traian went farther but all the Prouinces he subdued were soone abandoned by Adrian his successor The Turke hath not done so for he hath extended his dominion as far as Tigris he possesseth all Mesopotamia or as they terme it Diarbecke From thence he reacheth as far as Balsera or the Gulfe of Persia which the Romans neuer saw and the Gulfe of Arabia And to say better all is his from the red sea to the Cittie Aden which is in the maine continent beyond the mouth of this sea more then an hundred and fiftie miles he hath also inlarged his dominions toward the South far beyond Aegypt In Africk all is his except three places of strength which the king of Spaine holdeth Pegnon de Veles Oran and Melila Mauritania also is his only three fortresses excepted which are Tanger Arsilla and Mazagan conquered by the Portugall when I name Africk I intend that country commonly termed Barbary and not Ethiopia 3 Hauing now seene the largenes of his dominions we are next to discourse of his meanes and power I finde that he hath better established the one and the other then the Romans euer did whē they were at their intirest greatnes because in such a most large compasse of his country there is no king or common weale beareth sway to distinguish his dominions which was otherwise with the Romanes who had many such wedged in within the continent of their Empire There is not any one of his subiects that dareth to say that the house wherein he dwelleth or the land he tilleth is his owne They acknowledge to hold all they haue of him he ordinarily intertaineth diuers great and mighty armies both by sea and by land So as it must needes be granted that he is greater in his estates meanes and power then euer were the Romans for he so peaceably maintaineth what he hath conquered as he can no waies vndergoe the troubles and wars which the Romans endured at the hands of Mithridate the Parthians Farnaces and others Moreouer next Europe the Gaules are not his enemies The Cymbrians are his associats so as he fostereth such a tranquillity and obedience on all sides as he amasseth inestimable treasure 4 And more a thing worth the noting in three hundred yeeres space since he began first to reigne he hath receiued but foure notable ouerthrowes that excepted which he receiued the yeere past neere Tauris But the Romaines in lesse time receiued more and greater at the only hands of the Carthaginians In sum there is not that nation in the world which can vaunt of so many victories in so short a space or to haue triumphed of the captiuity or death of so many kings and great Princes as the great Turke or that haue with such happie successe and discipline so soone raised so mightie an Empire as his is at this day Is it not a fearfull matter to heare it related that Mahomet the second an infidel hath had such fauour of the heauens as to haue beene able in the space of 32. yeeres raigne to subdue two Empires vsurpe twelue kingdomes and take by force two hundred cities That which affordeth the greatest cause of wonder is that all this hath succeeded in the very time when the art of military engines fortifications were in their perfection and wherewith we might haue armed our selues to withstand him In conclusion what shal we say of Selim the first who in lesse then foure yeeres space vanquished the Mamelucks subdued all Syria Palestina the red sea a great part of Arabia and all Aegypt These are questionlesse goodly and notable Tropheys of the Turks greatnesse but most dishonorable and dangerous for all Christendome CHAP. IIII. Whether the Empire of the Turke draw towards an end 1 The Ottaman Empire leaneth toward ruine 2 The reasons are the bordering princes vpon the Turkes estate and their prouiding for their safety 3 Made wise by others harmes they stand vpon their defensiue war 4 They are bridled by strong fortresses 5 Contrary arguments 1 WE haue discoursed as briefely as might be of the fall and ruine of estates of their efficient causes and vpon what coniectures a man might gather them It is now time that we see and examine in like sort whether the empire of the Turke be nere his end and abatement of his greatnesse according as a man may draw from coniectures it leaneth towards his declining and though the foundation heereof be built vpon reasons so cleere and euident as they are not to be contraried yet will I alledge one that carrieth more apparence then all the other and that is that the greatnesse of his empire is at the highest that it may be by the ruine of Princes by him expelled vanquished and made away one after an other whilest he hath in the meane time triumphed of their estates and rich spoiles but now that he hath none to oppose him with hopes of so fauourable issue as had the other his ambition heart and courage will grow idle and languish whence in time will spring the ruine of his Empire Is he not already come to that passe The Princes that confine vpon him though more weake then he to bid him battaile assaile or defend haue neuerthelesse so ordered their affaires and meanes as they are able at this day to sheeld themselues sufficiently from his attempts 2 Amongst others the King of Persia doth he not so ballance his power as he hath giuen him many great ouerthrowes and one lately as I haue said neere Tauris The Tartarians also hold him plaie and more prouoke him then he them and of late they got from him Caffa a strong and wealthy towne moreouer whilest he was busied about the wars of Persia the Georgians took and
mightiest all the power and swaie In which it will follow that the other shall not vndertake or performe ought but by his aduice direction and assistance If he will make a stand they are not to go forward if he list to march elsewhere then their desires carrie them they must follow him If his affaires presse him to alter his resolution and minde and that hee will retyre to his home they are constrained to doe the like so as all their charge paines and holy intentions are vtterly ouerthrowne and they oftentimes rest exposed to the iniurie and reuenge of their dangerous neighbour against whom they iointly rose in armes 7 These are to say the trueth considerations and inconueniences of that value and consequence measuring them by their parts and not by the whole as we must conclude that none but God is able to tune this league to an agreeing harmony which we are most humbly to craue at his Almightie hands with a strong faith a true amendment of life and a more perfect charitie then this age affoordeth CHAP. VIII The defects which may be obserued in the leagues of the yeere 1537 and 1571. 1 The conditions successe and errors of the league in anno 1537. 2 Of that of 1570. 3 How a league may be established to auoide the formerly committed errors 1 COntinuing the matter of the former chapter it will not be beside the purpose by the way to touch the defects which were found in two the most memorable leagues that haue beene made in our time betweene the Princes of Christendome The first resolued vpon in the time of Pope Paul the third betweene him the Emperour Charles the fifth and the Venetians It was then beside the conditions agreed vpon that the Emperour and the Knightes of Malta should set foorth 82. Gallies the Venetians a like number the Pope 36. only Andrew Doria was chosen Generall of the Emperours army Vincentio Capelli of the Venetians and Marco Grimani Patriarch of Aquileia of the Popes hauing for his Lieutenant Paul Iustinian and for the maine land seruice Ferdinand Gonzaga was chosen Generall Moreouer it was concluded betweene the princes that whatsoeuer they should get from the Turkes with the forces of the league either in Greece or Dalmatia should be left to the Venetians as in recompence of their so great expence and losse that they should suffer by warring vpon the Turke Soliman seeing the forces of the league assembled made hast to lanch his Gallies foorth into the maine Such was his diligence as they were within a few daies in a readinesse and went for Candy where they made some hauocke but of no great moment After these roades Barbarossa made a stay of al the army in the gulfe of Larta there to attend the Christians which came onward but so slowly as the season passed without performing ought or without that they once met together and that which was yet worse our men inforced by tempest retired themselues to Corfú whence they set foorth Barbarossa followed them as far as Antipaxo within an hundred miles of Corfú but perceiuing them to prepare themselues to fight he speedily retired to the gulfe of Larta so as our army was resolued for Dirachium otherwise called Drazo or la Velona but that being a dangerous harbour for the gallies they turned their force vpon Castell Nouo which they carried by assault an exploit to say the truth of that small importance respecting their charge and prouision as it wan them as much dishonor as profit the towne being won the Spaniards seazed themselues of it The Venetians disputed it as a thing appertaining to them according to the articles of the league but it was to small purpose wherefore quieting themselues since it was not to be remedied they tooke an occasion thereupon to shift themselues of the league The yeere following Soliman recouered Castle Nouo with the losse of those Spaniards which kept it who were all put to the sword those which escaped induring a most miserable seruitude and though the peace treated by the Venetian was somewhat disaduantageous yet they indured that more willingly then to be otherwise dealt with then was agreed vpon other causes might be alleaged as the ceasing of trafficke and many other discommodities besides the impouerishing of their Estate all which necessarily attende the intertainement of armies 2 The last league of the yeere 1571. yeelded not much better fruits for after a great charge and the gaining of so famous a victorie no other good redounded thence to the Christians but that the Turke made an assay of their valour and by little and little the confederate forces diuided themselues the Venetians departing vpon occasion of almost the same iealousies as in the former league 3 It will be now time to deliuer how all these inconueniences may be stopped and the league become firme and durable without consideration of any particular interest to the end that euery one may voluntarily in deuotion consent thereto to the glory of God with a free heart and an vndaunted magnanimitie In which case the conditions being rather free then forced on either side we may reape thereby fruits woorthy and honorable These two leagues heeretofore mentioned hapned in a time so dangerous for the Venetians as it was more then necessarie that the Christian Princes though not interessed should vnite their forces to assist and protect the other So the one standing in the water vp to the throat and incompassed with danger and the other on the contrary free from feare of perill they entred into the couenants and conditions of the league not such as they ought to haue beene to make them lasting but such as were presented to men standing in neede of them who inforced by necessitie might not refuse them to the end to cleere themselues of a neere threatning mischiefe Leagues wil then be durable when they shall be stablished at a time whē men are free and exempt from all constraint and not to attend as they do till the Turke affright one of the confederates and that he be alreadie come into the field so strong both by sea and land as the Venetians or some other of the confederates are already by him assailed At such a time to seeke a remedy by their hastie assembling is the way to imprint a certaine feare in their people and make them flocke together in the fold as sheepe in presence of the woolfe It is requisite then that the league be contracted at leisure in a time of peace and in a season when the associates may be inuited not by any vrgent danger but voluntarily and with such an alacritie of heart as they may vnite their persons their meanes their powers and their courages all together to offend the common enemy CHAP. IX A league which may be treated without danger of the former defects 1 The qualities of perfect leagues 2 The conditions of leagues and what each of the confederates is to attempt
meanes whereby he may be inwardly weakened and whether by the infirmities which are begotten in other estates that of the Ottomans may be likewise distempered and corrupted of the inward causes of this corruption some concerne the Heads and Ministers others are deriued from among the people I will then produce some few examples noting the errors of such as sway a Soueraigne authority and so orderly come to the other to collect thence what may serue to procure the Turkes ruine 2 That which would fall most to our purpose would be if the great Turke should die without heires of the true line and race of Ottoman For in such a case it is likely the Beglerbyes Vizirs Bassas Sangiacks and the greatest personages of the Turkish nation would each one for himselfe indeauour to possesse himselfe of whatsoeuer he could most easily compasse 3 The second cause would be if in regard of his cruelty or negligence the Prince should giue his subiects occasion to hate and contemne him but the mischiefe would proue yet greater if it did arise from the cowardlinesse or sloath of the Prince For his strength consisting wholly in the great numbers of his souldiours ordinarily intertained how could he possibly containe such mighty armies in deuotion and quietnesse if he did not daily busie them in the exercise of war And lesse how could so many nations be held within compasse of feare and obedience without the feare of ordinary armes It is not to be doubted then if they had a Prince who were giuen ouer to idlenesse and a loose life or that they discried him to be a coward slothfull but they would be forward to draw their swords against him and thence worke their owne destruction Baiazet the second had proofe of this for abandoning himselfe to all pleasures and resoluing vpon a priuat and retired course of life to spend his time in reading good authors his sonne sought his destruction and in the end fauored by the Ianizzars depriued him of his life and kingdome For though Baiazet repressed the first violence of his sonnes ambition yet he was at the last forced by the Ianizzars not only to pardon his rebellion but also to send him with an army against his other sonne Accomat who supposing his father ment to prefer Selim before himselfe who was the elder caused the noses and eares of his fathers messengers most shamefully to be cut off the enormity of this fact ill digested and worse interpreted was that which cancelled the greater faults of Selim to take vengeance of this last lesse outrage whence it came to passe in the end that these same Ianizzars possest Selim of the empire who soone after put to death his vnhappy father Amurath the third now raigning hauing withdrawne himselfe from the actions of war to liue in ease and quiet hath lost much of his souldiours and seruants ancient obedience zeale and obseruance such as they were wont to carry towards their Soueraignes greatnesse The Bassa of Cairo who had the gouernment of Aegypt named Ragusei being summoned according to their Emperious custome to make his appearance at the port flatly refused to come thither and made his escape with a world of treasure which he had amassed by extorsions and pilling of the people during the time of his administration The Ianizzars which were at those times appointed for the wars of Persia would not once moue a foote to march thitherward but as halfe in a mutiny said plainly they would not any more go vpon any enterprise vnlesse the great Turke their Lord would vnchamber himselfe from among his concubines and vndertake the voyage himselfe in person so as he was constrained by vertue of giftes and increase of pay to win them to the war Moreouer of late after the ouerthrow of Tauris the Turke hauing appointed a new generall for the succoring of his vanquished army and reenforcing of such as remained within the cittadell all the commandements he could lay vpon him could not preuaile so much with him as to get him to march forward rather he grew to capitulate with him and that finished he made the most adoe in the world to muster vp twenty thousand men who refused likewise to goe to that war otherwise then vpon all the aduantages they could deuise to demand not like subiects and slaues but as if they had beene neighbours allies and confederates These breaches already made in the obedience they were wont to render thir lord and Master may perswade vs that they will easily rebell vpon the first occasion that shall present it selfe without respect of their Princes greatnesse or obseruation of their ancient military policy 4 The third occasion might befall if there were many brethren to debate the Empire after the death of their father as it hapned between Zizimus and Baiazet sonnes of Mahomet and betwene Acomat and Selim sonnes of Baiazet This Baiazet was fauoured of the Ianizzars against his brother Zizimus was vpheld onely by the aid of the Soldan of Cairo and King of Persia Selim likewise was borne by the Ianizzars and Bassas and Acomâ—nt by forraine Princes they incountred and fought cruel battailes whose victories brought the whole Estate in danger Baiazet and Selim remained conquerours each one his party by meanes of the great numbers of men that accompanied them and of the valour of the souldiours of the old bandes which serued vnder them Notwithstanding all these opportunities which God so to the purpose prepared not one Christian Prince once stirred or so much as made offer to arme in fauour of the weaker of those which contended which would no doubt haue entangled both of them in a long and dangerous strife enough finally to haue ruined or much decaied the house of the Ottomans when they should haue called such an one to their succour as would haue rather blowen then quenched their fires Amongst all the Princes of Christendome there was none but the great master of Rhodes which sent some supplies of artillery to Zizimus and which after receiued and defended him from the hands of Baiazet when he was driuen to retire himselfe to his protection 5 These domestique quarrels cannot now become so strong especially such as might happen betweene brethren as then they might considering that the Mamelucks who as neighbours might haue fomented and giuen intertainment to such differences are now extinct and their name no more mentioned They were in their time the only emulators of the Turkes glory Rhodes hath made an exchange of her fortune and is now in the power of this tyrant Cypres beareth the like yoake These two Ilands affoorded an especial commodity to sow dissentions among the Turks to fauour and succour one of the parties 6 The fourth cause would easily arise from the presumption and head-strong rashnesse of the Ianizzars likely enough to attempt and execute as much as sometime did the Pretorian bands of the Romans who made slender account to fill the Empire with slaughters
loyalty and obedience especially if we set before them be it vnder a true or false title the certaintie of some mightie succour whereof they may see the preparatiues for so they will the more couragiously attempt against the life and estate of their Prince 4 Moreouer it is not to be forgotten that when such practises shall be discouered by the Turke and that he shal see the Christians more diligent then hitherto they haue beene to sound the affections of his seruants and subiects he will thereupon enter into such a distrust of them as euen that will make him offer them some hard measure This distrust will be enough to beget a thousand suspitions and hard conceits in his seruants and subiects either for the managing of affaires or for the danger that the opinion of loyaltie incurreth when it hath to deale with such a distrustfull and suspitious Prince as this would prooue so as by little and little it would worke vs out some occasion fitting our purpose especially if whilest this practise were hatching and on foote the children of the Turke should take armes one against the other or that during their fathers life they should dispute the possession of the Empire for the ice being already broken there would be a more easie passage and better successe then if it had not beene taken in hand at all 5 But because an especiall iudgement patience and much wisedome are requisite in such businesses we must make choice of men furnished with all these parts to the end they may wisely know when to take their opportunities and times to sow these dissentions and that there be not want of mony to distribute amongst this people which are farther in loue therewith then any other nation the world affoordeth CHAP. XV. How the people of the Turke may be wrought from his obedience 1 How the Turkes Christian Subiects are to be wrought to rebellion 2 A place must be chosen for refuge of such as rebell 3 The vaine fooleries of their Alkoran are to be discouered 4 How bookes written to that purpose may come to his subiects hands 5 How such bookes are to be composed 6 What fruites are to be hoped from their reading 7 Exhortation to the Ianizzars 8 The conclusion of this worke 1 THe Turke hath two sorts of people subiect to his Empire one followeth the sect of Mahomet the other the truth of the Gospel of Iesus Christ The Mahometanes are quiet as those which being of one and the same law haue no cause to make any tumult The Christians cannot stirre as being ouer topped and awed by a greater power then their owne which curbeth them so as there is no better way to moue them to rebel then to make them handle as it were and see the assurance of an approching succour to prouide them of armes and all other furniture for the wars for otherwise it is impossible they should dare to make the least shew once to mooue whilest they haue the enemie ouer them alwaies in a readinesse and armed who would in a moment confound them especially being as they are naked and vnprouided of armes offensiue or defensiue Selim the second doubting the woorst by the counsaile of Occhially caused al the Christians inhabiting the sea coasts to retire themselues farre vp into the maine land to the end the presence of the Christian forces should not incourage them against him as it hapned at such time as Andrew Dorea atchieued the enterprise of Patras and Coron 2 If the Christians should euer vndertake the like dissigne they ought to take especiall heede how they vnship their succours in those parts of the continent where the horse are at hand since they were likely enough by their strength to choake at the first the reuolt of the Christians for so mighty are they in horse and of such speed and dexterity as they would in an instant beare downe before them whatsoeuer should oppose them Wherefore it would be better to enter by Albania and by places mountanous and of difficult accesse where the horse are not able to serue as in the plaine This is as much as we ment to say of such Christians as are vnder the Turkes dominions all which I will imagine want not will to rebell if the Princes of Christendome would furnish them of meanes 3 Now let vs see what way were best to be taken to prouoke the Mahometans to reuolt and to fill their countries with troubles and ciuill dissentions If we will but consider how their religion is fraught with vntruthes their Alcoran abounding in follies we shall finde it easie to picke matter enough out of it to set them together by the eares especially if wee doe but disperse among them certaine bookes fit to conuert them or make them doubt of the foolish superstitions they obserue composing them for Europe in the Sclauonian tongue and for Asia in the Arabian 4 But because it would be hard to conuey these bookes into the countries of the Turkes obedience but that they would soone perceiue the deuice and speedily remedy it It were best beginning far off in the Indies and in the parts of Asia and Africke held by the Portugales for because of the trafficke which is great in those parts many Turkish Marchants and others ariue there from all quarters They come to Mozambique in Africke to Zophala and Quiloe in Asia They descend also as low as the Moluccas Cochien Goa Dia Ormus and sundrie other parts appertaining to the crowne of Portugale These bookes also might be dispersed abroad in the countrie of the Gentiles which are friends and confederates of the Christians as in Calicut Zailan Cambeia and others and the like at Oran Arzilla and in other parts of Arabia subiect to the crowne of Spaine and Portugall and in all other parts of Europe which border vpon the Turkes 5 There must be a care had that the title of the booke be so coloured as it doe not at the first discouer the intent of the author but rather that it intice them to peruse it with a certaine curiosity and shew of pleasantnesse and delight It is requisite also that the discourse be not fraught with any disputations or subtill point against the Articles of their beleefe but that contrariwise it be full of tales and matter fit to moue laughter yet with some well conueied passage which may by the way discouer or make them doubt of the fables of their Alcoran 6 The Turkish Marchants or others into whose hands this booke should light would cōfidently reade it in those parts where the Turke is not obeied And though perhaps they durst not aduenture to carry it with them yet the impression and substance of what they had read would remaine fixt in their mindes so as they would after relate it as newes to their friends and families in such sort as it would grow by little and little to be diuulged thereabout whence would spring a longing in others which should
the first without respect to any This is the reason that there hath neuer beene knowen any popular rebellion in his estate 2 The port of the great Turke as they tearme it as who would say his courte and gard consisteth chiesely and ordinarily of foure thousand horse distributed into foure companies to wit the Spahioglani who are in al a thousand besides their seruants which march not in their rancke but apart and of these euery one hath seauen or eight These range themselues on the right hand of their Lord wheresoeuer he become and the Solastri equall in place and authority on the left These two sortes are accounted as children of the great Turke and are nourished and brought vp in the Sarraglio at his charge as hath beene said and there trained vp in all exercises of armes After these march the companies of the Vlifezgi Charipici inferiour to the other in rancke and authority Those on the right hand these on the left either consisting of a thousand horse And wheresoeuer the great Turke goe they neuer forsake him These foure thousand horse together with twelue thousand Ianizzars are the strength and gard of the person and port of the Turke with these forces he is alwaies able to hold in awe and subiection a city more populous then Constantinople and not stand in feare of any attempt against his person 3 In other places of his Empire he bestowes other great numbers of the Ianizzars to be assistant to the Gouernors and Bassas besides the succours they are to haue of such horse and foote as those are bound to furnish on whom the Turke hath at other times bestowed such arable lands as haue beene conquered by armes whence he draweth one man or more as the necessity of his affaires requireth and according as is the value of what they possesse These are called Mozzellini Such as are tied to this contribution may be compared to the Feudataries of our Prince towards whose seruice they are to finde a light horse or musket and some of them two more or lesse according to the imperiall institutions of such fees and tenures as so binde them After all those we haue named march the Alcanzi or Aconizij as a man would say Aduenturers which haue no wages are appointed to march a daies iourny before the campe pilling harrowing and hauocking all before them whereof they are to answeare the fift parte clcere to the great Turke of these there are thirty thousand besides them there are the Azapi of meane quality but such as serue his turne for Gally-slaues mariners and pioners to intrench fill vp ditches raise engines and perform other such like seruill offices their number is 40000. Ouer and aboue these vnder two Beglerbees or Lientenants generall the one in Europe the other in Asia he hath neere an hundred thousand horse in ordinary intertainment The Beglerby of Grecia or Europ which is as much to say as Prince of all Princes hath his place of residency at Sophia a towne of Seruia That of Asia abideth at Culhea a towne of Galatia Each of these hath vnder his obedience many Sangiacks as much as to say sherifes or bailifs the very children of the great Turke which gouerne in the Prouinces where they command are bound to obey them This great multitude of horsemen are so well mounted and armed as none can chuse or wish a more fit or direct meanes then their ordinary strength to hinder all popular reuolts or rebellions be they neuer so great That which hapned to Gazeles after the death of Selim doth sufficiently approue it he thought to stirre against Soliman and to moue Syria to rebell but he was preuented by that mighty power which Soliman found euen then in a readinesse wherewith he ouerthrew him These ordinary prouisions of war are the more terrible and effectual in regard that all the people of his obedience are intirely disarmed of whatsoeuer offensiue weapons 4 The Romans obserued this custome to distribute diuers of their legions about the frontiers of Germany alongst the Rhene and Danowb to the same end and purpose as the Turke entertaineth his horse But it seemeth that he proceedeth therein more discreetly then did the Romans for they kept all their forces together in one place and vnder one Generall of whom depended the absolute command of the armies whence it fell out that to accommodate themselues they ouerthrew the houses of particular men ruined and famished the countrey as well by the hauocke they made which alwaies attendeth so great a multitude as by their large prouisions most necessary for an armie The other prouinces farre distant were exempt from this oppression yet not from contribution but those which sustained the armie were so ouerburdened as their miserie incited them to rebell and shake off their obedience But contrariwise the Turke which disperseth his horse and foote into diuers Prouinces vnder the command of sixtie and six Sangiacks draweth not after him such disorder or ill satisfaction as did the Romans Their great assemblie in one place was cause of seditions debates mutinies and other mischiefes most difficult to be preuented They did not perceiue how this manner of proceeding was a means that the Souldiers grew too much to affect their Captaines and that the Captaines found themselues by them enabled to attempt as they often did many things to the preiudice of the Empire And in very deed it oftentimes hapned that their armies made choice of their General for Emperour in despite of the Senatours authoritie either in regard of the valour they knew to be in them or of some pecuniarie corrupting their affections which the Senate could not remedy And in trueth it was a very easie matter for the Generall so farre from home and holding his forces vnited in one body to practise the Colonels and the Colonels to bargaine and buie the harts and affections of the Souldiers by them to possesse the Empire so as sometime the armie of Spaine chose their Generall Emperour and at the same time that of Germany theirs whereof we haue many examples as also of the calamities and miseries which did thence accrew to the Estate and subiects 5 It is an inconuenience whereto the Turke cannot be subiect for keeping his troups and armies so spread abroad and disperst they haue not the meanes to mutinie especially being in no place ouer strong nor yet grow to affect their Beglerbyes or Gouernours whom they seldome see or repaire to much lesse can the Beglerbee in his owne behalfe easily winne or entice the hearts of the Sangiacks or affections of the Souldiers as he might well doe if the troupes were alwais together in time of peace and abroad in one and the same prouince CHAP. VI. How the Turke represseth the power of the great men of his estate 1 The authoritie of a Prince if his vertue be not eminent aboue all the great men of his kingdome is by their vertue obscured whence groweth the