removing him from the Province only that he might more securely carry on his ill Designs He declared that he had resumed the Command of the Army with the same Fidelity he before held it At the same time he order'd Domitius to take Ship and avoiding the Shores and Islands to sail into Syria through the Main Sea He arms the Servants that follow'd the Camp and forms into Companies the Deserters that came in to him and as he sail'd with them to the Continent he intercepted a Regiment of New rais'd Men that were going to Syria He writes to the Petty-Princes of Cilicia to send him Succours and his Son Piso was wanting in nothing that was necessary for the War although he had dissuaded him from Undertaking it 2 There is nothing which a brave Man will not do when his Father's Life and Honour are at stake But his case is pitiable to the last Degree who is under a Necessity to declarâ— against his Prince or against his Fathâ—r to be a Rebel or Barbarous to renounce Country of Nature and to chuse of two Duâ—ies which are both indispensable LXXX Piso's Squadron meeting near the Coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia with that which was carrying Agrippina to Rome the Enmity was so great that both sides at first prepar'd for a Fight but being restrain'd by mutual Fears they proceeded no farther than hard Words Marsus Vibius summon'd Piso to come to Rome to defend his Cause who answer'd him scoffingly That he would appear there when the Praetor who took Cognizance of Poysonings should appoint a Day both for the Defendant and the Plaintiffs 1 No Man ought to rally with Iustice till he is strong enough not to â—all under its hands In the mean time Domitius who was come to Laodicea a City of Syria intending to go to the Winter-Quarters of the Sixth Legion which he suppos'd to be most inclin'd to innovations is prevented by Pacuvius who had the Command of it Sentius acquainted Piso with this by Letter and advises him to make no farther attempt to debauch the Army by his Emissaries nor to raise a War in the Province and drawing together all those whom he knew to have an Affection for the Memory of Germanicus or to be of an opposite Interest to his Enemies he speaks great things in praise of him and by the way often reminds them that it was against the Common-wealth it self that Piso made War and afterwards marches with a good Body that was ready for Battel LXXXI Notwithstanding things had not succeeded according to Piso's expectation he was not yet wanting to take the best Measures for his safety in his present Circumstances but possess'd himself of a strong Fortress in Cilicia named Celendris and of the Auxiliaries which the Petty-Princes of Cilicia had sent him and the New rais'd Soldiers which he had lately intercepted with his own and Plancina's Servants and what Deserters had come to him formed into a Legion all of them compleating the Number of one To whom he made a Speech declaring That as he was the Emperor's Lieutenant in Syrid it was not the Legions which opposed his Entrance into the Province for it was upon their Invitation that he return'd but Sentius who under pretended Crimes cover'd his own Malice against him That they might safely range themselves in Battel against Soldiers who would not â—ight when they saw Piso whom they heretofore stiled their Father and who they knew had the best Right if it were to be decided by Law and wanted not Courage if by Arms. After which he draws up his Troops in order of Battel before the Fort on a Steep and Craggy Hill the rest being environ'd by the Sea Opposite to them were ranged our Veteran Soldiers in good Order with a Reserv'd Body One side had the advantage in Soldiers and the other side in Ground But Piso's Soldiers wanted Courage and Hope nor had they any but Countrymen's Arms which were made in haste for the Present Occasion After once they were Engag'd the Victory was no longer doubtful than whilst the Romans were climbing up the Hill which they no sooner gain'd but the Cilicians â—led and shut themselves up in the Fort. LXXXII In the mean while Piso attempted to surprize the Fleet which lay at Anchor not â—ar off but not succeeding he returned and as he stood on the Walls sometimes lamenting his Fate sometimes calling to the Soldiers by Name and promising them great Rewards he endeavour'd to raise a Mutiny amongst them and did so far prevail that the Standard Bearer of the Sixth Legion went over to him with his Eagle Whereupon Sentius immediately order'd the Signal to be given by Sound of the Trumpets and Cornets the Works to be rais'd the Ladders to be set and the Stoutest Men to make the Assault whilst others ply'd the Enemy with Darts Stones and Fire-works thrown from Engines At length Piso's obstinacy being broken he desir'd 1 Superior Ministers who command in very remote Provinces ought not to stand still expecting fresh Orders when they have pressing Necessities to provide for for besides that these Orders would come too late because of the Distance of Places they ought on these Occasions to take a final Resolution and the rather because they to whom the Prince hath been pleas'd to commit his Authority ought to presume that he hath likewise left to them the Conduct of all unfore-seen Affairs which are not in their Instructions If Cardinal Iasper Borgia had not hasted to take possession of the Viceroyship of Naples and even by dextrous Management the Duke d'Ossoâ—e who would not leave it on pretence that his presence was necessary there and that he expected another new Order from thâ— Court of Madrid Philip III. had run a great Risque of losing that Kingdom or at least of having an Insurrection in it Conjuratio Ossâ—niâ—â—â— that upon laying down his Arms he might be permitted to remain in the Castle untill the Emperor was consulted Whom he would have to be Governor of Sâ—ria But this was not granted nor could he obtain any thing more than a Passport and Ships to carry him to Rome LXXXIII After the News of Germanicus's sickness was noised at Rome and reported as is usual when bad News comes from far worse than it was Grief Anger and Complaints fill'd the City It was for this said they that he was sent to the remotest Parts of the Emprie and Piso made Governor of the Province of Syria This is the Effect of Livia's secret Conferences with Plancina 1 The Liberty of thâ— Tongue saith Mariana punishes the Excesses and the Injustices of Princes who cannot be Masters of Tongues as they are of Bodies History of Spain lib. 16. cap. 16. It is true enough what was said by Old men on Drusus's account that Emperors don't like a Modest and Courteous Disposition in their Sons for both Father and Son have been destroy'd for no other Reason but because they design'd to restore
Winter-Quarters Germanicus with the rest Embark'd on the River of Amisia to return by Sea which was so calm at first that there was no noise heard but of the Oars or Sails of a thousand Ships but the sky being all on a sudden darkned with black Clouds which pouring a Hail-storm upon them and tempestuous Winds blowing at the same time from all quarters the Waves ran so high that they were neither able to steer their Ships nor see their Way The Soldiers unacquainted with such disasters were under a great Consternation and whilst they endeavour'd aukwardly to help they hinder'd the Seamen At last the Heavens and the Sea yielding to the Force of the Southwind which gathering strength from a vast tract of Clouds the rapid Rivers and High Mountains m Tacitus saith That Mountains are the Cause and the Matter of Tempests Moâ—tes causa materia tempestatuâ—â— In Agricola of Germany as well as from the Cold Neighbourhood of the North is generally very violent in those parts and dispersed these Ships through the Ocean or split them on Rocky Islands or threw them on Quick-sands 1 It hath been often observ'd that Captains who have been Successful in Expeditions at Land have always been Unfortunate in those at Sea Every thing succeeded to Germanicus when he fought at Land and all things conspir'd against him when he was on the Seas On the contrary the Prince of Orange who was the Founder of the Common-Wealth of Holland was always beaten at Land where he lost four or five Battels whereas in a continu'd War of ten years he gain'd every Battel that he fought against the Spaniards at Sea Memoirs de M. Aubery du Maurier Thus it was not without reason that that brave Spaniard Iulian Romero who had signaliz'd himself by so many Exploits in Land-fights having been worsted in a Sea-fight out of which he swam for his Life said to the Governor Don Lewis de Requesens Your Excellency knoweth well that I was no Seaman but a Good Foot Soldier I desire you therefore to trust me no more with a Fleet for if you should commit a Hundred to me it is much to be fear'd that I should lose them all Bernardin de Mendâ—za Cap. 2. Lib. 11. of his Memoirs of the Low-Countreys whence those that were upon the return of the Tide got off with great difficulty were afterwards driven at the Mercy of the Winds the Mariners not being able to cast Anchor or to pump out the Water which broke into them Their Horses Arms and Baggage were thrown over board to lighten the Vessels which were often driven on their sides the Waves beating over them XXIV As Germany hath the most boisterous Sea and the sharpest Climate so this Wreck exceeded all others for the Greatness and Uncommoness of it They had no prospect but of an Enemies Country or of a Boundless and Bottomless Ocean wherein some of our Ships were sunk others cast on remote and desart Isles where the Soldiers were starv'd for want of Food except some that kept themselves alive with the Flesh of the Horses which the Waves had thrown up on the same Shores n Don Iuan Antonio de Vera relates a Disaster altogether like this which â—eâ—el the Fleet of Charles V. at Algiers Most of the Galleys saith he were broken to pieces and most of the Ships perished in the Emperor's sight who had neither Bisket nor Powder left insomuch that for the Subsistence of his Army that Night and the Day following they were forc'd to kill Horses and to distribute them through the Quarters At last after he had marched twenty Leagues he Embarked his Troops at the Cape of Metafuz and when there remain'd not a sufficient Number of Ships to receive them he caused all the Horses to be thrown into the Sea which increased the general Grief every one being troubled to see these poor Creatures swim and as it were beg help from the Men who abandon'd them for according to the Proverb a Man ought to have Humanity even for the Beasts that serve him In the Epitome of the Life of C. V. Cabrera recites a Consolatory Letter which his Son Philip wrote him upon this Disaster wherein he said to his Father That to return from difficult Enterprizes without Victory never took from Kings nor Great Captains that Glory which is always due to Martial Valour the most Prudent and most Prosperous having lost as well as won that he ought so much the more to comfort himself because he had yielded to nothing but the Force of Fortune which had conspir'd with the Elements against his Prudence and Greatness that he ought never to be angry with accidents which depended purely on Chance that one hath acquitted himself well when he has projected and ordered things well that the good Fortune of Augustus and that of King Ferdinand Grandfather to his Imperial Majesty by the Mother's side appeared prodigious and that nevertheless if we compare their Successes with their Misfortunes it is hard to say whether Fortune was a Mother or a Step-mother to them Cap. 2. Lib. 1. of his History The Galley in which Germanicus was came alone to the Coast of the Chauci where as he continu'd several days about the Rocks and Promontories hoping to get sight of some of his Ships he was always condemning himself as the Cause of this Calamity and so sensibly was he touch'd with it 1 There are Men saith the same Antonio de Vera who to shew that they are above Events affect a Stoical Constancy in their Afflictions and Glory as of a Greatness of Soul in not shedding a Tear or changing their Countenance under the most sensible Calamities But for my part I believe this is altogether contrary to what they ought to do because such People by their insensibility or their hardness offend the Providence of God who sends them these Afflictions A certain Person hath said with great judgment that Iob that he might not be charged with Pride lamented his Calamity and expressed his Grief even to the rending of his Cloaths not that he had lost his Patience but to shew his Docâ—lity and Submission And this Doctrine concludes yet more strongly when a Peoâ—le fall under some very great Misfortune by obeying the Will of their Prince for in this case indeed the Prince may glory of Constancy in not appearing 〈◊〉 but not of his Gratitude St. Paul saying that he who hath not care of his own hath 〈◊〉 the Faith and is worse than an Infidel And if a Passage of the Holy Scriptures is not suâ—ficient to convince the Author who blames the Tenderness and Grief which Charles V. expressed under this Adversity he will have it may be a greater Difference to the Authority of Tacitus who saith that Germanicus being afflicted for the loss of part of his Army ran up and down accusing himself as the Cause of this Disaster and was about to have kill'd himself
over Religion Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587. But nothing went nearer Tiberius than the great Affection of the People for Agrippina whom they called The Glory of their Country 6 Those Commendations the People give to one of Royal Birth whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince always cost him dear for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour but make the Prince desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference Witness Saul who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them The Acclamations of the Parisians in Favour of the Duke of Guise that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him And not without Cause for the Ceremony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation 1587. Besides Tiberius whose Maxim it was To moderate the Honours done to Women and even those to his Mother who had given him the Empire could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina whom the People so much adored the only Blood of Augustus and the last Remains of ancient Probity and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus Germanicus's Father For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia and attended the Body to Rome upon the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii d The Latin says Iuliorum but that is a transposing the Letters of Liviorum For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their Ancestors The Iulii were not related to Drusius but the Livii were by his Mother And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies he was praised in the Rostra e Rostra a goodly fair Edifice in which was an Orator's Pulpit deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium in a memorable Sea-â—ight and from thence in Latin Rostra hath this Place taken its Name and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman It signified little said they that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country considering the Difficulty of bringing it so far home but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Accident deprived him His Brother went but one Day 's Iourny to meet the Body and his Uncle only to the Gates What is become of the Ancient Customs Why was not his Effigies f The word Effigies ought not to be used here says Fremont de Ablancourt because it is not spoken here of any thing set up and that word cannot properly be used but on such an occasion Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis carried and Verses sung in Honour of his Memory Why was he not praised and lamented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning 1 If Princes are not really concerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick they ought at least to seem so And that Tacitus means by these Words Doloris imitâ—menta When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon the Portuguese thought it strange that their new King Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick contrary to the Custom of their Kings who upon the Death of their Ministers and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown kept up some days And to make an odious Comparison some remembred that Emanuel his Mother's Brother lockt up himself for three days upon the Death of a famous Pilor Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Union du Portugal a la Castille VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius and to put a stop to them he declares by an Edict That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth but none had been so passionately regretted This was commendable both in him and them if a Mean was observed That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men 2 It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes For the People not being able to discern right would have the Prince espouse their Passions and accommodate himself to their Humour and he on the contrary would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they understand not The People are not capable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to or unbecoming his Dignity for a People that Command the World and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths That the Season for Sorrow is when Grief is fresh but after three Months 't was reasonable to lay it aside as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter and Augustus after he had lost his Children 3 When the Prince would justifie an Action which he knows the People do or may interpret amiss he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predecessors for the later the Example is it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought That it was not necessary to give ancienter Instances how the People had bore with Constancy the Defeat of their Armies g The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia both fought on the 17th of Iuly in different Years and four others that of Ticinum Techia Lago di Perugia and Cannae where so many Roman Knights were killed that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings an Account of the number of the Slain by that of their Rings the Death of their Generals h Of the Scipio's in Spain and so many others and the entire Extinction of many noble Families i All the Fabii who were 306 near Relations perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera but by good Fortune there was one staid at home because of his being very young who restored the Family That Princes are Mortal but the Commonwealth Eternal 4 Kingdoms says Ant. Perez are in respect of Kings the same as Species are to their Individuals The Philosophers say the Species are Eternal because naturally they never end though Individuals perish like Accidents Kings make not Kingdoms but Kingdoms make Kings Dans ses secondes Lettres that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments and enjoy themselves at the Megalensian Games k Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess called by the Romans Magna Mater Her Statue was brought in great
the good Grandmother 3 As Historians ought not to approve the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men yet they ought less to pass them in silence for the end of their Writing is to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother And when no Answer was given to the Accusers and the Witnesses against her their Hatred gave way to Compassion The Consul Aurelius Cotta being asked his Iudgment for when the Emperor propounds the Consuls speak first he gave it That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals part of his Goods Confiscated the rest given to Cneius Piso on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius that M Piso be degraded 4 Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws 't is not for them but the Prince to shew Mercy This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous but conformable to the Laws the chieâ— end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders Besides Princes love to have Iudges severe so that if they please to shew any Mercy the Criminals may be the more obliged to them However the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Conâ—ciences prescribe and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves on supposition that the Prince will moâ—â—rate the Sentence 25000 Crowns allowed him and he banished for Ten years and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta XVIII Tiberius moderated the Sentence and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals 5 It is Wisdom in â— Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men that carry along with them marks of Infamy and reflect on the Honour of their Family Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gonâ—alo Pizarro's Crime who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru which his Brother had Conquered without ever consenting to the Title of King which those of the Country offered him declares by an Act signed with his own Hand That Gonâ—alo was never a Traitor tho' condemned as such commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Histories where he was called so Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case parallel to Piso need only read there when Mark Anthony that actually engaged in a Civil War and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there And as for Marcus Piso he would not suffer him to be attainted and granted him all his Father's Estate for he was never covetous as I have often said and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge he forbid them saying Such Offerings ought to be for Foreign Victories but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tiberius and Augusta to Antonio and Agrippina and to Drusus for revenging Germanicus's Death but never mentioned Claudius L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate whether that was a willful Omission and then Claudius was entred with the others The more I consider modern or ancient Histories I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs for in Fame Hope and Estimation all were rather destined to the Soveraignty than he whom Fortune had reserved for the future Prince 1 There are often Instances in Elective Governments that the People who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State speak of divers Princes every one according to his Fancy or Desire till at last they Name him that is chosen Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court where so many Changes happen nor so maâ—y unexpected Elections as at Rome Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes out of which I shall give you an Extract It seems says he those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected make Age the principal Condition of Election concluding the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate which is very wrong for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII at 34. Clement VII at 45. Others take it for granted they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope because the Italian Cardinals that are always more numerous than the Tramontans will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation Without going farther for an Example we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming but had never seen Rome nor Itaâ—y And Cardinal Pâ—ol had been Pope but that his Pious Modesty refused the Adoration at midnight Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient were not they Spaniards Others say That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born and the last had so many Relations that there is no Family in Italy has more Men Lands and Charges than the House of â—araffa And besides Clement VII was not only very Noble but an absolute Lord tho' under the modest Title of Governor of a great part of Tuscany How oâ—t was it said that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines they resolved it should never return into any Religious Order Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier and the other a Dominican in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals there were only two Religious Felix Peretti a Franciscan was made Pope Testimonials sufficient that neither young Men nor Strangers neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded as their Politicks would predict There are those also lay it down for a Rule that they will never make a severe Man nor one that is very liberal or that loves War Pope Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes That whatever the world may say and the Cardinals Cabal together yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God Disc. 1 du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater Instance of this than what is mentioned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France of the Election of Cardinal Borghese who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto the Heads of the two Châ—ef Factions in the Conclave agreed to Elect. Upon that says
Emulation and Force slew all near them but many times to hasten the Victory they left Men half dead others untouched behind them In the mean time the Horse fled and the Chariots mingling with the Foot gave a new Terror but their Carier was stopped by the unequal Ground and close Ranks It did not in the least look like a Horse-Fight for keeping their Ground they bear down all before them by the Weight of their Horses wandring Chariots with frighted Horses but no Drivers over-run Friend and Foe as they through fear cross'd or met them XXXVII The Britains who were on the Tops of the Hills and had not yet any Share in the Engagement being free and at leisure disdained our small Force and began to descend by degrees and had enclosed our prevailing Troops if Agricola suspecting the Design had not detached four Squadrons of Horse which were kept for a Reserve to oppose them who made them flie as fast as they came to assault so they were caught in their own Trap Some Squadrons who fought in the Front were commanded to leave the Fight and to pursue those that were put to flight There was a dismal Spectacle in the open Plains where you might see our Men following wounding and taking some killing others when fresh offered themselves Now whole Regiments fled as they thought most convenient and turned their Backs to a far less Number of their Pursuers Some naked and disarmed rushed on the Sword 's Point and offered themselves voluntarily to Death All the Field was strewed with Weapons and Limbs and dead Bodies and the Earth was dyed with Blood many tho' expiring retained their Fierceness and Courage As soon as they approached the Woods they turned and encompassed their forward Pursuers wholly ignorant of the Ways And if Agricola who was always present had not commanded the stoutest but lightest Cohorts to encompass them like a Tyle making some of the Horse dismount to search the thickest whilst the rest scoured the thinnest parts of the Wood they had suffered extreamly by their Confidence But as soon as they perceived they were followed by our Men marching regularly and in good order they all â—led not in Troops as before having an Eye to each other but separate and dispersed every one taking such Path or By-way for his Security as his Fear directed 't was Night and Weariness ended our Pursuit The Enemies Loss was computed to be Ten thousand ours but Three hundred and forty Men amongst whom was Aulus Atticus a Captain of a Cohort who by his youthful Heat and unruly Horse was carried into the midst of the Enemy XXXVIII The Night was joyful to the Victors full of Booty and Gladness the scattered Britains Men and Women dragged along the Wounded called upon the Unhurt and Strong left their Houses and burnt them in a Rage then they sought Hiding-places and as soon quitted them Sometimes they consulted together and began to have fresh Hopes now and then they were dejected at the Sight of their dear Pledges but more frequently enraged so that many to express their brutal Kindness to their Wives and Children slew them out of pure Compassion The next Day made a fuller Discovery of our Victory all Things were silent the Mountains desolate the Houses burning and smoaking afar off and our Scouts met No-body when they were sent out or descried any thing but the uncertain Track of their Flight the Enemy appeared no-where in Companies and the Summer being spent we could not extend the War Therefore Agricola led our Men into the Borders of the Horrestians where receiving Hostages he commanded the Admiral of the Fleet to â—ail round Britain some of his Men going aboard and the Terror of the Roman Name preceding Agricolaâ— marched the Horse and Foot gently through the new Conquest that the slowness of his Motion might strike them with a Fear and so he put his Army into Winter-Quarters and his Fleet having a good and a happy Voyage arrived at the Port Trutilensis from whence â—ailing along the nearest side of Britain returned thither again XXXIX Agricola by Letter certified the true State of Affairs without any vaunting Expression or pompous Words which Domitian according to his Custom received with a sad Heart and a joyful Countenance He was conscious of his own ridiculous sham Triumph over Germany his Captives being the Purchase of Money not of Blood and were trimmed and and cloathed artificially for the Mock-Solemnity But here was a Victory celebrated by the whole World and obtained by the Slaughter of many thousands It was a terrible Mortification to see his Glory eclipsed by a Subject He had in vain laid aside the Study of Eloquence and Political Arts if a private Hand snatched from him the Military Laurel other Disgraces might easily be dissembled but this was an Ornament â—it for no body but a Prince to wear being continually vexed with such Thoughts he was often alone in his Closet a shrewd Sign of some intended Mischief but he judged it best to stiâ—le his Hatred till Agricola's Fame and the Armies Love was abated Agricola was still Governour of Britain XL. Therefore he ordered some Triumphal Ornaments and the Honour of an Illustrious Statue and commanded in the Senate that whatever was usual to compleat and set forth a Triumph should be appointed And all this he did in the highest Strain of Complement He made all People believe that Syria should be Agricola's Province then void by the Death of Rufus the Lieutenant and always reserved for the best Men. Many believed that his freed Man who used to execute his most secret Commands was sent to him with a Commission for Syria with this Instruction That he should deliver it if he found him in Britain and that meeting him as he was crossing the Sea he neither delivered that or his Message but returned to Domitian But it is doubtful whether this be a Truth or a Report cast abroad by the Artifice of the Prince Agricola in the mean while gave up the Province quietly to his Successor And that his Entrance might not be remarkable for the Resort or Multitude of People that came out to meet him he avoided the Civility of his Friends by coming according to Order to the City and Court by Night where he was received with a short Salutation and no Discourse and immediately retired into the Herd of Attendants Now to the end that he might lessen his Military Glory a thing uneasie to the Slothful with other good Qualities he allowed himself more Ease and Quiet being sober in his Garb familiar in his Speech and never going but with one or two of his Friends so that many who were wont to judge of Great Men by their Pomp and Grandeur were at a loss being mightily disappointed when they saw Agricola few understanding the Secret of his Management XLI In those Days he was often accused and absolved when absent His Crimes were not the Cause of his Danger nor
approve most of Old Mony and what has been long known especially the Serrati and Bigati They prefer Silver before Gold not out of any Love to it but because the Pieces of Silver are more useful to those who buy cheap Wares They have no great Plenty of Iron as may be inâ—er'd from the make of their Darts Few use Swords or large Launces they carry Spears or according to their own expression Framâ—as the Iron narrow and short but so pointed and adapted for use that with the same Weapon as they see occasion they fight at hand or at a distance and the Horseman is very well satisfied with a Shield and a Framea The Foot cast Darts and every one of them a considerable number and throw them a prodigious way and are either naked or only covered with a short Iacket They don't value themselves upon their Furniture Their Shields are only distinguished by select Colours Few have Coats of Male scarce any of them have either Headpiece or Helmet Their Horses are neither remarkable for their Shape or Speed nor are they taught the Manage according to our manner they are made dexterous at their Career or in single Wheeling so clos'd in the Ring that all stand even Weighing all things their chiefest Strength is in their Foot and therefore they fight intermixâ—d the Swiftness of the Foot suiting and agreeing in the Engagement of the Horse who picked out of all their Youth they place in the Front of the Army and the Number is limited a Hundred out of every Town for so they 're called amongst themselves and that which was at first but a Number has now gained a Name and a Reputation The Army 's drawn up in form of a Wedge they look upon it to give ground when press'd so they rally again to be more of Conduct than Fear Their Bodies they carry off in doubtful Battels It 's the greatest Scandal to relinquish their Shield neither is it lawful for those who have forfeited their Honour either to be present in their Religious Duties or to go to Council and many who survive the Wars put an end to the Disgrace by the Halter They make choice of their Kings for their Noble Extraction their Commanders for their Courage nor have their Kings a boundless and unlimited Power Their Captains they prefer more for Example than Command if active if of Presence of Mind and behave themselves well at the head of the Army but it 's not permitted to reprimand nor put in Chains nor indeed chastise to any but to the Priests not as if it were for a Punishment or by Orders of the Captain but as if their God commanded it who they believe assisting in their Engagements They carry the Eâ—â—igâ—es and certain Banners taken down from the Groves into the Battel And what is the chief Incitement to their Courage is not Chance nor a fortuitous Embodying which composes the Squadron or pointed Battel but their own Family and nearest Relations and hard by arâ— their Children from whence the Lamentations of their Women and Cries of their Infants may be heard these are the most sacred Witnesses and the highest Applauders of every Man's Bravery To their Mothers and Wives they declare their Hurts nor are they afraid to suck or number their Wounds They carry Provisions to and animate them when they 're fighting It 's recorded That certain Troops beginning to stagger and giving Ground were made to rally again by the Women by their Importunities the exposing of their own Breasts and demonstrating their approaching Captivity which upon the account of their Women they bear with much more reluctancy so the Affections of those Cities are the most effectually secur'd to whom amongst their Hostages the Noblest Virgins are committed Moreover they suppose there 's something sacred in them and that they can foretell Events neither do they reject their Counsel or neglect to follow their Advice We have seen Velleda under the divine Vespasian long ador'd among many as a Deity Yet also in time past they reverenc'd Aurinia and divers others not with Flattery nor as if they would make them Godesses They adore Mercury most of all their Gods to whom upon solemn Days they judge it justiâ—iable to offer up Human Sacrifices Hercules and Mars they pacifie with lawful Creatures Part of the Suevians also sacrifice to Isis but I 'm in the dark what was the Cause and Original of this strange Sacrifice unless her Image fashion'd in the shape of a Galley instructs us that their Religion was adventitious They 're of an Opinion from the Magnitude of the Celestial Bodies that the Gods cannot be confin'd within Walls or be represented in any Human Shape They consecrate Woods and Groves and call that Privacy from the Names of their Gods which only in their Worship they behold Divinations by Birds and Chances they most of all others superstitiously observe The Custom in managing their Lots is plain and inartificial A Branch pulled from a Fruit-bearing Tree they cut into Slips and at a venture and casually scatter them being distinguish'd by some Marks upon a white Vestment if it be a publick Concern the Priest of the City but if private the Father of the Family praying to the Gods and looking up to Heaven thrice takes up every one apart and being held up gives an Interpretation according to the former Mark if they discourage there 's no more consulting about the Affair that day but if favourable yet the Credit of the Success is further required And this also is more notable they argue upon the Notes and Flying of Birds It s peculiar to that Nation to experiment the Presages and Admonitions of their Horses They are publickly fed in those Woods and Groves white and polluted by no Human Labour who being put in the Sacred Chariot the Priest or King or the Governour of the City attends upon 'em observing their Neighings and Whynnyings Nor is there greater Credit given to any Divination not only amongst the Plebeians but the amongst the Nobility and Priesthood for they believe themselves to be the Attendants and these the Conâ—idents of the Gods There is also another Observation of their Sooth-saying whereby they explore the Events of their greatest Battles They engage a Captive that some how or other has been surpriz'd of that Nation with whom they 're at War with a pick'd Man of their own both arm'd after their Country Fashion and who gains the Victory it s look'd upon as ominous to the other side Of little Affairs the Princes of greater all in general advise So notwithstanding that those things whose Arbitration is in the Power of the Populace are fully canvass'd amongst the Princes They assemble on certain Days either upon a New or Full Moon unless any thing accidental or unexpected falls out for in transacting Business they believe this juncture of time the most auspicious Neither do they reckon by Days as we do but by Nights so they make