of his Reign for the punishment of such as committed Murder or Man-slaughter in the Kings Court or did strike any man there whereby Bloodshed ensued the Trial of such Offenders was not thought fit to be within the Cognisance or Jurisdiction of any of the Courts of Westminster-hall or of any Court inferior unto them but ordained to be by a Jury of 12 of the Yeomen Officers of the Kings Houshold before the Lord Steward or in his absence before the Treasurer and Comptroller of the Kings Houshold And the Parliament in the first year of the Reign of Queen Mary repealing the aforesaid Act of the 32 year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth did touching the Great Master of the Kings House notwithstanding understand it to be reasonable that the Name Office and Authority of the Lord Steward should be again established And so little the Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary seemed to be a Grievance or illegal to be first complained of to the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold which Honourable Office and Place about the King appears to have been before that Great Office of Chamberlain of England by the mention of Hugoline Chamberlain to King Edward the Confessor and the Subscription of Ralph Fitz Stephen as a Witness to a Charter of King Henry the Second granted unto the Abby of Shirburn before they were to be subjected to Arrests or Imprisonments for Debt and other Personal Actions before Execution or Judgment had against them upon their appearance and not claiming or pleading their Priviledge for then or in such a case they have not sometimes been priviledged although the cause and reason of their Priviledge was as much after Judgement and Execution as before which a submission to the Jurisdiction of another Court and not claiming their Priviledge should not prejudice or take away no more than it doth in the Case of Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and their Servants who by their Priviledge of Parliament are not to be disturbed with Executions or any manner of Process before and after Judgment as Queen Mary did in a Case depending in the Court of Common Pleas betwixt Huggard Plaintiff and Sir Thomas Knivet Defendant direct her Writ to the Justices of that Court which was but as one of the old and legal Writs of Protection or something more especial certifying them That the said Sir Thomas Knivet was by her command in her Service beyond the Seas and had been Essoined and therefore commanded them That at the time appointed by the said Essoin and day given for his appearance he should not have any default entred against him or be in any thing prejudiced which the Judges were so far from disallowing as having before searched and finding but few and that before-mentioned Privy Seal in the 35 year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth in the Case of the Kings Yeoman of the Buttery being held by them to be insufficient but declared not whether in substance or Form howsoever there may be some probability that it was allowed by the entring of it upon Record they did as the Lord Chief Justice Dier hath reported it advise and assist in the penning and framing of the Writ for Sir Thomas Knivet whereby to make it the more legal Queen Elizabeth who was as tender of her Peoples Liberties as of her own yet was upon some occasion heard to say That he that abused her Porter at the Gate of her House or Palace abused her did cause a Messenger of her Chamber to be sent unto a Defendant in the Court of Requests commanding him in her Name not to vex sue or trouble the Complainant but suffer him to come and go freely unto that Court until such time as other Order be by the Council of the said Court taken therein And in the second year of her Reign an Injunction was awarded to the Defendant commanding him to permit the Complainant to follow his Suit in that Court without Arrest upon pain of one hundred pounds In the same year Sir Nicholas Bacon that great and well-experienced Lawyer and Statesman Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and a man highly and deservedly valued both of Prince and People did in the Case between Philip Manwaring Complainant Henry Smallwood and others Defendants so well understand the aforesaid Priviledges of the Kings Servants to be just and legal as upon a Bill exhibited in Chancery by the Plaintiff to stay a Suit in the Marches of Wales he ordered That if the Complainant should not by a day limited bring a Certificate from the Officets of the Queens House or otherwise whereby the Court might credibly understand that his Attendance in the Queens Service was necessary that Cause should be determined in the Marches of Wales In the eighth year of her Reign Thomas Thurland Clerk of the Queens Closet being Plaintiff in the Court of Requests against William Whiteacres and Ralf Dey Defendants an Order was made That whereas the Complainant was committed to the Fleet by the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas upon an Execution of 600 l. the Debt being only 300 l. it hath been given this Curt to understand by divers of the Queens Highness most Honourable Privy Council that Her Majesties pleasure is to have and use the present and speedy Travel of the said Thomas Thurland in and about divers of Her Highness weighty affairs in sundry places of England and Wales for and about the Mineral Causes there to the very likely Commodity and benefit of Her Majesty and all her Subjects It is therefore Ordered and Decreed by Her Majesties Council of this Court that the said Thomas Thurland shall and may with his Keeper appointed by the Warden of the Fleet Travel into any part of the said Realm about the affairs aforesaid without the disturbance Let or Interruption of the said Defendants And to that purpose an Injunction is granted against the said Defendants their Attornies and Solicitors upon pain of one Thousand pounds and commanded that neither they nor any of them shall vex sue trouble molest or implead the said Complainant or Richard Tirrel Esq Warden of the Fleet or any other person whatsoever for the Travelling or departing of the said Thomas Thurland from the said Prison of the Fleete with his Keeper appointed as aforesaid from the day of the making of this Decree until the feast of all Saints next ensuing if the said Complainant so long shall have cause to attend about the said affairs And many Cases might be instanced where that great Supporter of Monarchy Regality and Honour in Her best of Governments would not suffer the Just Priviledges of Her Court and Servants to be violated but would be sure severely to punish the Contradictors and Infringers of them About the eighteenth year of her Raign the Earl of Leicester Master of the Horse unto that Excellent Queen and great preserver of Her Peoples
libertatis privilegij praedictorum laesionem manifestam to the prejudice of the rights of the Crown and violation of the liberty and priviledge aforesaid hujusmodi vijs modis quibus poterint praecanere libertatem privilegia sua praedicta manu tenere cupientes And that they were desirous by all the ways and means they could to hinder such doings so prejudicial unto them and were resolved to maintain the Liberties and Priviledges of the Crown And not be able to protect his Houshold and domestick Servants in whose daily service and continual attendance both our Kings and their Subjects were more concerned than they could be by any the service or attendance of the Officers or Clerks in the Court of Chancery Which the Lords in Parliament did so well understand to be a Right inherent and due unto Royal Majesty as in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth they did in the Case of William Huggen one of the Queens Servants arrested upon an Execution send the Gentleman-Usher attending upon their House to the Prison of the Fleet to bring him before them and upon view of Precedents of some of their own Servants delivered though none of any the Kings or Queens did in conformity to the reason thereof cause the Plaintiff upon the Defendants promise to pay him to release him and the Under-Sheriff being committed to the Fleet was three days after upon his Petition discharged And in the first year of the Reign of King James The Earl of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House did procure Nicholas Reading one of his Majesties Servants arrested by an Execution at the Suit of Sir Edward Hales to be brought before the Lords in Parliament by a Writ of Habeas Corpus and so by the Plaintiffs consent released the Order mentioning that such an Arrest was contrary to the honor and priviledge of that Court. Or that not only the Judges of the superior Courts the Justices of Peace can as they have done it antiently and commonly imprison men for Contempts of them or their written Orders or verbal Commands without which they power could not Tueri Jurisdictionem uphold that Authority which the King had given them but the Constables of every Parish in London whose Offices and Authority at the first were saith the judicious and learned Lambard but as the fingers to the hands or body of the Constable of England a great Officer of the King and his Crown can in their Night-watches command better men than themselves to the Compters or London Prisons there to lodge the remainder of the night among the debauched or unruly sort of people calld Rats or Night-walkers but for angring his worship or not believing that he is a Prince of the Night the Kings Image and none of the smaller parcels of mortality and shall have so much connivence at his no seldom committed Follies as no other Habeas Corpus shall be granted to the injured person thn a submissive paying of his Fees of imprisonment and procuring himself as well as he can to be discharged by the greater discretion of the Lord Mayor or an Alderman before whom he is the next morning to be brought with his not to be discerned Fault or offences and if he should seek afterwards to be recompenced for such an affront is to expect as little favour as may be for himself and as much as may be for his adversary And that the King under whose Power and Authority they acted should not be able by his own immediate command or the Warrant of some of the great Officers of his Crown or Houshold to punish by imprisonment any contempts committed against himself and his soveraign power by the arresting of his domestick and houshold Servants without Licence who are neare unto his person and imployed in his hourly or daily service or attendance or that his power and Authority should not be efficacious or valid in his own case or immediate concernment and should be valid and sufficient to punish such as either contemned or abused his Justices and Servants extraordinary who are more remote from his person in the administration of his Justice As when Eustace de Parles and his brother were by King Edward the first in the one and twentieth year of his Reign committed to the Tower of London for abusing and striking in Westminster Hall William de Bereford one of his Justices of his Court of Common-Pleas And King Edward the third by his Justices and Authority punished the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the Forfeiture and Loss of their places seised the Liberties of the Town and delivered the Custody thereof to another during the Kings pleasure and made the Bayliffs of the Town to deliver in Court their Staves of Office for that they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain Malefactors condemned by the Justices of Assize and after their departure made a Mock game of them in sitting upon the Tribunal and Fining them and their Clerks Or that any should think it reasonable or no disservice of the King or his not to be incumbred Affairs to arrest any of his Houshold Servants without a Licence first obtained And shall at the same time decry or declaim against the Arresting of a Judge sitting in his delegated Court of Justice or travelling in the Circuit by and under the Kings Commission at the Suit of any private person or the Arresting and Imprisonment of an Admiral or Vice-Admiral going to Sea or a Commander or Governor of a Castle Fort or Garison upon the like occasion and think it reasonable that the King in reference to the Weal-publique in those his affairs and concernments should by priviledge protect and shelter them A right understanding whereof and of that which hath been before alleaged and the reasons supporting those Judgments of the not ignorant or unworthy but very learned grave and upright Judges in those former Ages and Times and of the Duties Honor and Respects which were and ought to be paid to the Soveraignty just and necessary means of Government assented unto by our Lawes and reasonable Customs of England and in praxi observantia junioris Aevi in the practise and course of Law in the succeeding Ages not denied by any positive or well interpreted Law may grant a Proeibition and give a Checque or Restraint to those opinions so of late hatch'd and hug'd against too many of the Actions of Authority in order to Government and the Weal-publique the necessity of preventing Evils before they happen or diverting abating or lessening them after they are happened and invite them to forsake their overmuch adoration of Sir Edware Cokes aforesaid Errors and believe Sir Thomas Ridley a Doctor of the civil Lawes and no stranger to our Common-Lawes who no longer ago than the beginning of the Reign of King James in his Book intituled A view of the Civil Ecclâ—siastical and Temporal
the Law and Domineer over it's proceedings one of them Threatning to Hang up the Lawyers Gowns in Westminster-Hall as the Colours and Ensigns of their once dearly beloved Covenanting but afterwards ill requited and beaten Scots brethren had been used For to Ask or Petition for a Licence or Leave of the Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain or other Great Officers of our Kings Houses or Palaces to whose Jurisdiction it doth belong before any Arrest or Prosecution at Law can be had against any of the Kings Servants is no more then our Laws well Interpreted do order and enjoyn to be done in all Actions Civil Real or Personal against Private and Common Persons or such as are not the Kings Servants for if the Action be laid or entred in the Court of Kings Bench it is to be made Returnable Coram Domino Rege before the King himself who by the Justices of that Court Assigned to hold such Pleas as the King in the Constitution and fixing of the Court of Common Pleas reserved to be heard by himself or those assistant Judges is supposed to Hear and Determine such causes as are proper for that Cour◠or if the Action be desired to be Tryed in the Court of Common Pleas upon the Kings Original Writ which may as it was by the Franks not unfitly be called Indiculus commonitorius A Monitory Letter or Writ of the Kings Issuing out of the High Court of Chancery under the Teste me ipso or witness of the King himself and is to be sued out giving the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas which is the Legal and Proper Court Ordained for such matters a Warrant Power or Commission to hold Plea therein for otherwise saith Fleta nec Warrantum nec Jurisdictionem nequè cohertionem habent supposeth a Petition of the Plaintiff to the King as the Supreme Magistrate for a Debt or Summe of Mony unjustly deteined from him or some Trespass or Damage done unto him for which he cannot Sue or Prosecute without a Writ Remedial or Original granted by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Commanding the Sheriff of the County or Place where the Plaintiff layeth or desireth to try his Action if it be in Debt to take security of the Complainant for the proof or making good of his Action and to Command the Defendant or Party Complained of to pay the mony demanded and that if the Defendant do not pay the Mony upon the Sheriffs or his Officers or Bailiffs coming to him then they are to Summon him to appear before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster at a Return or Certain time prefixed which at the least is to be fifteen days after the Teste or Date of the Original and many Times with a Longer Return and as many more days given if the Original be sued out but fifteen days before the Terms of S. Michael and Hillary Easter or Trinity Terms but of it be procured or sued out in the later end of a Michaelmas Term and returnable Octabis Hillarii will have more then fifty days betwixt the Teste and Return and if sued out in the end of an Hillary Term returnable the first Return of an Easter Term following will have no less then 60 days betwixt the Teste or Date and the Return or if it Issue out in the end of a Trinity Term returnable the first return of a Michaelmas Term following will have no less then one hundred days betwixt the Teste or date thereof and the Return and more if it be in any of the later Returns of any of the said Terms in all which if the summons had but fifteen days betwixt the date of the Original Writ and the time prefixt the Defendant hath by intendment of Law so much Time or Respite for the payment of the mony in the shortest prefixion but a great deal more in those which are longer which by the reason and equity of our Laws is not to be understood to be easie or probably upon the Instant of the Sheriff or his Officers Commanding the Debtor to pay it but upon a reasonable and possible Time betwixt the Teste and return allowed for the payment thereof very Rich and sufficient able men not having always so much mony at hand to pay at an instant and the monyes demanded do many times in the end of the suit although it be not upon a bond or bill with a penalty or doubling of the summe appear not at all to be due or for some or a great part thereof to be unjustly required and if upon a Bond or Bill with a forfeiture doubling the principal Money or in an Action of Covenant Detinue Annuity or Accompt cannot think it just or reasonable presently to pay as much Mony as an unjust Complainant will not seldom if he may be his own Carver exact of him and in all Actions Personal whether it be for Debt or Damage some part of the time between the obteining the Kings Licence or leave to Sue in the Case of those which are not his Houshold Servants is between the Teste and Return of the Original necessary to be imployed for the Plaintiffs giving to make good his Action for more but never less our Ancient Records do often mention until some of our later ages and the Judges thereof since the Raign of King Edward the fourth in favour of the Disabilities and Inconveniencies which might happen in the Cases of many of the Common or Impoverished sort of people who otherwise would be debarred from the Justice which our Laws intended them were content to dispense with it by reteining only the reason of the Law and allow of the Sheriffs Indorsing and Returning upon the Writ the feigned names of John Doe and Richard Roe for the Sureties put in by the Complainants to make good their Complaints or Actions who being before hand not a little furnished with their weapons of offense may without any difficulty not seldom suddenly surprise the altogether unprepared Defendants our Laws not without cause believing it to be possible that Rich men might oppress the poor and that it is many times easier to offend then to defend and therefore that way of Inforcing the Plaintiffs to give Sureties or Pledges to prosecute their Actions was heretofore so strictly observed as if no Sureties or Pledges to Prosecute were put in by the Plaintiff he could not prosecute the Defendant at Law and if he made not his Action or Complaint appear to be just had in those more Legally Thrifty Times for the Kings Rights and benefit a fine set or Imposed upon him by the Judges pro falso clamore for his causeless accusation which doth frequently occur in the fine or Iter Rolls of the Judges of Assise in the Raign of King Edward the first and was Estreated and Returned into the Exchequer to be leavied upon his Lands Goods or Estate And all that or some of that
Utlawed person could not be restored till he had been by the Court committed to the Prison of the Fleet for his contempts purchased and pleaded his Charter of Pardon from the King under the Great Seal of England and appeared to the Action when the King and his service and attendance was the only cause that he did not or could not attend or appear thereunto or put in Bayl to answer it when there was no danger of his absence or flying away from the Kings Service which is or ought to be not a little advantageous or beneficial unto him And when the Plaintiff at whose instance such a prosecution was made might with as much ease and as little charge and a far less expence of time have petitioned the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold and obtained a license to have taken his course at Law against him And if the Lord Chamberlain had given the Defendant a reasonable time or prefixion for the Plaintiffs satisfaction as his Lordship usually doth it would probably not have exceeded the time of six months which is by our Laws the shortest time wherein a Defendant can be Utlawed which as Bracton saith ought not to be suddenly done but to have five months warning or time given in regard of the severity thereof when a man is Utlawed and is thereby to forfeit bona catalla patriam amicos his Goods Chattels Countrey and profits of his Lands to be as an exile or banish'd man was not to be received or entertained by his Friends could not bring an Action for any thing due unto him untill the Utlary be reversed but was as antient as the Saxon times accounted to be a Friendless and Lawless man And it would be a great piece of incivility to prosecute such a Servant of the Kings in ordinary so busied and imployed about his person and not first of all to Petition for his license when in an ordinary way and with no great charge and a great deal sooner than the Defendants appearance to his Action can be enforced by an Utlary it might have been so easily procured and possibly the Kings great occasions and expence of money for the Publick and their defence and protection wherein the good and safety of that Plaintiff was amongst the rest included might be the cause that he could not pay such Servant in ordinary his wages and that such Servant could not so soon as he otherwise would have satisfied the party prosecuting there being no reason to be assigned by any whose exuberant phancies have not altogether divorced them from it that one that is but imployed upon a seldom and temporary imployment of the Kings and is not his Servant in ordinary nor the business he is imployed in so continually near and relating to his person should during that his temporary imployment and of a far less concernment as to go on a Message for him or in company of some Ambassador be priviledged during his absence in his Person Goods and Estate and a Servant in ordinary continually attending his Sacred Person should be only protected in his Person but not in his Estate or that the priviledges and immunities so antiently due and appropriate to his Servants in ordinary and near his person should be curtailed and have less allowed them than Strangers and such as are only imployed for some small time or occasion Or that the Utlawing of any of his Servants in ordinary should forfeit their so just Rights and Priviledges when as by the Law and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom they are not to be Utlawed or put in Process of Utlary without license or leave first asked and no man should be Utlawed or punished for a default of not appearing or have any Process of arrest or contempt awarded against him where he had a reasonable excuse or impediment or cause of Essoyne as by Inundation of Waters being sick or in the parts beyond the Seas or so great a one as the Service of the King for if Utlaries in such a case unduly obtained should cause a forfeiture of just and legal Customs and Priviledges any that had a mind to do a mischief to a supposed adversary might as well contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament in the time of Parliament find or make a pretence to Utlaw any of the Members of either of the Houses of Parliament and make that to be as it were a forfeiture of their Priviledges and a justification which they can never make out of the infringing of them and the Parliament-men of the House of Commons might be Utlawed persons which the Law forbids and by tacite and many times undiscerned Utlaries might lose and be deprived of their Priviledges And the parties offending or endeavouring such breaches of Priviledge should not take advantage de son tort of their own wrongs or tortious doings which our Common Law maxime doth abhorr and the Civil Law doth as little like or allow when its Rule is that Nemo commodum consequi debet ex suo delicto no man is to take profit by his offence against the Law For in vain should the Kings Servants be by the Constitution of Clarendon in the Reign of King Henry the second freed from Excommunications or the Ministers or Priests be by the Act of Parliament in the 50th year of the Reign of King Edward the third and the first year of the Reign of King Richard the second exempted from being arrested in the Church or Church-yard if an Utlary which being very antiently used in Criminal matters but not in Civil in Bractons time in the Reign of King Henry the 3d. taught the way and manner of it in Civil should be able to forfeit it or take them away for in and before that Kings Reign Bracton saith Videtur nulla esse Vtlagaria si factum pro quo quis Interrogatus est Civile sit non Criminale pro quo quis vitam amittere non deberet vel membra it seemeth there ought to be no Utlary where the Defendant or party is prosecuted for any Civil matter not Criminal wherein he was not to lose either life or members And very unbecoming the Majesty and Honour of a King it would needs be to have any of his Servants Utlawed and pursued with Process of Utlary whilst they are attending upon him and made to be as the out-cast and reproach of the people and not be able to protect them in their just Rights and Liberties or that any of our Kings Servants should Lupina capita gerere be as men wearing Wolves heads which was the antient mark or note of infamy of such as were Utlawed in Criminal matters instead of honourable Liveries or marks of the Kings Servants in ordinary When in the 6th year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th Roger Oliver the Son of John Oliver being in obsequio Regis in Comitiva Johannis Lardner Capitanei Castri de Oye in partibus Piccardiae pro munitione
the Court of Common-Pleas nor by a Writ of Pone upon a Certiâ—rari out of the Chancery under his Teste meipso as â—f he were there present to direct it to be tryed in the Court of Kings-Bench coram nobis by a supposition that it should be there determined before himself neither did some of our Kings need to have holden Parliaments by their Substitutes or Commission as King Edward the third did in his absence to his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal and at another time unto Lionell Duke of Clarence another of his Sons if he could by any just or legal intendment have been supposed to have been there alwayes absolutely and to all purposes virtually present But if there should be a refusal by any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary to appear upon any Writs or Process issuing out of any of his Courts of Justice whilst they are in the Service of the King their Master yet when the King shall have discharged that refusal or contempt if it should be so called by a greater and more necessary command in the case of any of his Servants attending upon Him that contempt is no more to be insisted upon for if in such a case of his moeniall Servants his command in the necessary attendance upon his person or affairs in one place shall not amount to a Supersedeas or discharge of any supposed contempt of his Writs and Process and delegated Mandates in another And his commissionated Courts of Justice should adjudge his Servants to be guilty of a contumacy or contempt against his Courts of Justice in not obeying of his Process whilst they do attend upon his person in the safety and well being of Him and all his Subjects and of the Courts of Justice themselves they must separate themselves from themselves and themselves from the King which intrusted them with that authority by too much supposing his authority to be in themselves mistake fancy that authority in them to be Superiour to him that gave it erect to themselves a kind of Superiority over him which gave them that authority by and under which they do act and are impowred the bounds and limits whereof they should not go beyond or exceed For although there may be a contempt charged upon some one or more of the Kings many Servants attending in his Court or Pallace for disobeying or not performing some of his personal commands and upon the same party much about the same Time for a contempt for not obeying or performing the Precept or Process of his subordinate Judges by not appearing to some Action prosecuted before them and so a double contempt or contumacy against the King yet the contempt to the Kings personal command is and must needs be greater then that which is to his Justices or Courts of Justice and is more immediate then that which is but mediate concerns but some one particular Plaintiff not seldom in a malicious or unjust cause of Action or if just for some trivial hot headed uncharitable and unneighborly cause of Action as for Trespass of a Horse or Cow broken into his Pasture by the default or occasion of his own ill Fence or Hedges when the Beast knew as little of reason or property as the Plaintiff did of Religion or the rules of Christianity when that which is more immediately to the King may not a little but greatly concern the well or ill being of the whole Nation or of multitudes and in that general and universal concernment of the angry prosecutor himself when that which is but mediate and a lesser contempt to some one of the Kings Courts of Justice in not appearing to some of their Writs or Process made out in the Kings name and by his authority concerneth only a few particular persons And theâ—efore we should too much thwart those common principles of reason and understanding to deny the greater command its power and efficacy before the lesser and that of the King before that of his Justices or to punish and arrest any of the Kings Servants if they were not so justly entituled to the Priviledges aforesaid for all or the most part of Arrests by order or course of any Courts of Justice in civil Actions before appearance are grounded either upon contempts or propter suspitionem sugae to prevent running away for disobeying the lesser authority and a private and particular concernment to obey the greater or the commands of the King in just and lawful things as a Servant in matters relating to his service and in that to the weal publique or greatest concernment and may well be excused for failing in the lesser or private when he is by his Oath usually administred unto the Kings Servants truly and diligently to attend and wait and not to depart out of the Kings Court without licence had or obtained of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold unto whom it appertaineth and to obey all and singular commandments given in charge on the behalf of the King and is not by his Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to lessen or abridâ—e any of the Kings Royal Jurisdictions Preheminences and Priviledges from and under which are legally derived the aforesaid Rights and Priviledges of his Servants who if they were not priviledged are not in the contrariety and conflict of superior and inferior commands to neglect those of the Superior where he is so bound and ingaged by the duty of a Subject and Servant and so many obligeing Oaths to obey the Writs or Precepts of an Inferior to whom they are under no Obligation of Oaths nor are to be compelled to break those Oaths and Obligations or to do impossible things when as id possumus quod de Jure possimus things unlawful should be ranked amongst the impossibles our Laws do assure us that Lex non cogit impossibilia that the Law doth neither ordain nor compel impossible things to be done or doth punish for the not doing of them But if a restless Spirit of opposition to the Kings Rights or Regalities shall not permit an acquiescence unto that which hath been already said in defence of that part of it which concerns the Priviledges of his Servants but that an objection must be picked up to support their factious incivilities that the King ought not to punish or imprison any for the breach of his Servants Priviledges in the causing of any of them to be Arrested or Outlawed without leave or licence first procured when the Writs and Process tending thereunto are made in his own Name and under his smal or lesser Seals as to Writs and Process issuing out of the Courts of Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas delegated and entrusted by him unto the two Lord Chief Justices thereof the answer will have no difficulty if it shal be as it ought to be acknowledged that those Writs Process seldome expressing that the Defend is the K. Servant are of course made
course of Law its Process may inform us that the King hath notwithstanding such a power superintendency of Justice inherent in him over all the Courts of Justice high or low in the Kingdome as upon the Sheriffs retorn quod mandavit Ballivo libertatis that he made his Warrant to the Bayliff of such a Liberty to arrest such a Defendant and that the Bayliff nullam sibi dedit responsionem had made him no retorn nor answer he may thereupon by his Justices cause a Writ to be made to the Sheriff commanding him quod non omittat propter aliquam libertatem Ballivi libertatis c. quin capiat that he do not omit to enter into the said Bayliffs liberty and arrest the Defendant and may also when a Defendant is outlawed cause at the instance of the Plaintiff a Capias Vtlegat Writ to be made to take arrest the utlawed person with a non omittas propter aliquam libertatem power and authority to enter into any Liberty under the name of his Attorney General as an Officer intrusted with the making of the said Writs of Capias Vtlegatum and that Offices either granted by the King for term of Life or in Fee or Fee-Tayle are forfeitable by a Misuser or non user by not executing that part of the Kings Justice committed to the care and trust of the Officers thereof And so necessary was the Kings Supreme Authority heretofore esteemed to be in the execution and administration of Justice as in the Case between the Prior of Durham and the Bishop of Durham in the 34th year of the Reign of King Edward the first where amongst other things an information was brought in the Kings-Bench against the Bishop for that he had imprisoned the Kings Officers or Messengers for bringing Writs into his Liberty to the prejudice as he thought thereof and that the Bishop had said that nullam deliberationem de eisdem faceret sed dixit quod ceteros per ipsos castigaret ne de cetero literas Domini Regis infra Episcopatum suum portarent in Lesionem Episcâ—patus ejusdem he would not release them but would chastise them or any other which hereafter should bring any of the Kings Letters or Writs within his Bishoprick to the prejudice of the Liberties thereof And in the entring up and giving the Judgment upon that Information and Plea saith the Record Quia idem Episcopus cum libertatem praedictam a Corona exeuntem Dependentem habeat per factum Regis in hoc minister Domini Regis est ad ea quae ad Regale pertinent infra eandem libertatem loco ipsius Regis modo debito conservanda exequenda Ita quod omnibus singulis ibidem justitiam exhibere ipsi Regi ut Domino suo mandatis parere debeat prout tenetur licet proficua expletia inde provenientia ad usum proprium per factum praedictum percipiatur in regard that when the Bishop had the liberty aforesaid by the Kings Grant or Charter from the Crown and depending thereupon he is in that as a Servant or Minister of the Kings concerning those things which do belong unto the Kings Regality within the Liberty aforesaid to execute and preserve it in a due manner for and on the behalf of the King so as there he is bound to do Justice to all men and to obey the King and his Commands as his Lord and Soveraign although he do by the Kings Grant or Charter take and receive the profit arising and coming thereby Wherein the Judges and Sages of the Law as in those Ancient Times they did not unfrequently in matters of great concernment have given us the reason of their Judgment in these words Cum potestas Regia per totum Regnum tam infra libertates praedictas quam extra se extendant videtur Curiae toti Consilio Domini Regis quod hujusmodi imprisonamenta facta de hiis qui capti fuerunt occasione quod brevia Domini Regis infra libertatem praedictam tulerint simul cum advocatione acceptatione facti Et etiam dictis quae idem Episcopus dixit de Castigatione illorum qui brevia Regis extunc infra libertatem suam portâ—rent manifeste perpetrata fuerunt when as the power and authority of the King doth extend it self through all the Kingdome as well within Liberties as without it seemed to the Court and all the Kings Counsel that such imprisonments made of those which brought the Kings Writs within the Liberty aforesaid the Bishops justifying and avowing of the Fact and the Words which the Bishop said That he would punish all such as should bring any Writs to be executed in his Liberty were plainly proved Et propterea ad inobedientiam exhaereditationem Coronae ad diminutionem Dominii potestatis Regalis Ideo consideratum est quod idem Episcopus libertatem praedictam cujus occasione temerariam sibi assumpsit audacim praedicta gravamina injurias excessus praedictos perpetrandi dicendi toto tempore suo amittat Cum in eo quo quis deliquit sit de Jure puniendus Et eadem libertas Capiatur in manus Domini Regis Et Nihâ—lominus corpus praedicti Episcopi capiatur Wherefore because it tended to disobedience and a disherison of the Crown and diminution of the Kings Power and Authority It was adjudged that the Bishop for his rash presumption and boldness and for committing the aforesaid wrongs and injuries should forfeit his Liberty aforesaid for that every man is to be punished according to the nature of his offence And it was ordered That the Liberty should be seized and taken into the Kings hands and that the Body of the Bishop notwithstanding should be taken into Custody For the Kings Justice to which his Coronation Oath is annexed is inseparable from his Person so fixed to his Diadem and Regal Authority as it is not to be absolutely or any more then conditionally deputed and intrusted to any other or otherwise then with a reserve of the last Appeal and his Superiority and therefore King Edward the first in some of his Writs Commissions or Precepts saith that he but not his Judges was Deâ—itor Justitiae so a Debtor to Justice as not to deny it to any of his People complaining of the want of it and ad nos pertinet the care thereof belongeth to the King and to that end appointed his high Court of Chancery and his Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and required all the Officers Clerks of that Court to take care that pro defectu Justitiae nullus recedat a Cancellaria sine Remedio no man for want of Justice do go away from the Chancery destitute of remedy from whence also lyes an Appeal to the King himself in Parliament and in the Case of Sir William Thorpe Chief Justice of England in the 24th year of the Reign of King Edwardâ— the third being put
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and oâ—ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione sâ—andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in
married him To which Information the Sub-Escheator pleading that he did not seize the Lands which he that followed the Suit for the King proved that he did and Reginald de Legh pleading that the said Ralph before his death upon view of the said Wards Writings and Evidences finding that he had no Right thereto did acquit and release it and that the like appearing to the said Reginald by the sight of the said Writings he did satisfie and agree with the Friends of the said Ward for the said Marriage but confessed that he did take notice that the Sub-Escheator had seized the said Lands but the said Sub-Escheator perceiving that the King had no Right thereunto did relinquish it to the Friends of the said Heir And as well the said Reginald as the said Sub-Escheator petunt dicunt quod si videatur consilio Domini Regis quod in aliquo deliquerunt quod Dominus Rex suam inde faciat voluntatem did petition and pray that if it should appear to the Court that they had offended in any thing the King might do his Will and Pleasure therein a Modesty and Submission too little used now of later Times whereupon the Court declaring Quod potius pertineat Ministris Domini Regis maxime Justiciariis suis Statum Domini Regis jura Haeredis in custodia ipsius Regis Existentium manu tenere quam in aliquo infringere That it belong'd rather to the Ministers and Officers of the King more especially his Justices to maintain his Estate and the Rights of the Heir within his custody than in any thing to infringe them did adjudg that the said Reginald and Sub-Escheator should be sent prisoners to the Tower there to remain during the Kings pleasure and that the said Reginald should satisfie the King for the Marriage of the said Heir and the said Lands should remain in the Kings hands with a Salvo Jure saving of the Right of all Pretenders thereunto In the three and thirtieth year of the Reign of the aforesaid King upon the Petition in Parliament of Ranulph the Son of Hugh le Mareshal that whereas he was Demandant by a Writ of Entry against the Rector of Ashrugg for a Messuage and divers Lands and he alledged that he could not answer without the King It was answered Rex vult quod respondeatur quod Justiciarii procedant sed certificent Regem super hoc ante redditionem Judicii c. The King willeth that the Tenant do answer the Demandant and that the Justices do proceed but certifie the King thereof before they give Judgement And if then and ever since our Kings have had a Super-intending decision and confirming Power of Judgement in matters of Justice and that without it nothing can by our Laws and reasonable Customs be done in Parliament the highest of all their Courts where the King is as it were the Ens Potentiale and is no less than the Constituent Principle and Soul that animates all their Sanctions where the Laws and Judgements receiving life and vigor from Him and have their Energy do not seldom appear to have been made with Rex voluit the King willeth Rex providit the King provideth Rex mandavit the King commandeth Rex statuit the King appointeth Rex ordinavit the King ordaineth c. all the Courts of Justice and Equity in Westminster Hall and all the Inferior Courts of Justice will not be able to produce if Prescriptions could avail against the Kings Rights and Means of Government any Prescription or any Law Custom or Allowance to exempt them from the Kings Supream Jurisdiction whose Royal Ancestors and Predecessors did heretofore upon all extraordinary occasions so much praeside and intermeddle in their Courts of Justice as Fleta an Author of good account who as hath been before mentioned did about the later end of the Reign of King Edward the Second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the Third write his Book of the Laws of England and Customs of Courts at that time used doth declare the usage then to be That when the King in his Progress or Removal from his Palace at Westminster to any other County or Place to reside for a time as our Kings did heretofore often use to do and was in any other County the Steward of his Houshold as Deputy to the Chief Justice issued forth his Writ to the Sheriff of the Place or County where the King was to reside to cause to come before him at a certain day wheresoever the King should be in his Bailywick all Assizes of Novel Disseisin Mort d'Auncester last Presentations Grand Assizes all Juries Inquisitions and Attaints Pleas of Dower and which were summoned to be determined before the Kings Justices at the first Assizes when they should come into those Parts And all Pleas Juries Inquisitions and Attaints assigned to be heard before the said Justices but were not determined giving the parties a day to prosecute if they pleased and likewise to come before them at a day prefixed And to cause to be brought before them all Prisoners Bails and all Attachments which appertain to the Goal-Delivery quod quidem mandatum frequentur retro trahitur per ejusdem Senescalli mandatum Which Tryals might notwithstanding saith Fleta be recalled by the Stewards Mandate which would necessarily produce some delay of Justice or disturbance of the Peoples affairs or expectations Eo quod Rex forte novis emersis propositum suum mutaverat in regard that the King upon some new Emergencies had altered his minde or purpose But if the King did not decline or forbear his intended Progress then was holden the Goal-Delivery by the Steward And all Duels or Tryals by Battels Appeals and all criminal Matters were determined by him with what conveniency he might and afterwards all Causes concerning Trespasses done within the Verge and after that the Assizes and Juries Obligations and Contracts wherein the Debtors had of their own accord bound themselves to be tryed before the Steward and Marshall of the Kings House placita autem quae ibidem terminari non poterint de Comitatu in Comitatum die in diem poterit adjornare vel in Banco vel ad primas Assisas vel alibi secundum quod fuerit faciend ' donec fuerunt omnia terminata but those Pleas which could not be there determined were to be adjourned from day to day or County to County or to the Common-Bench or unto the first Assizes or elsewhere as it should be thought meet until all were rightly determined Et haec omnia ex Officio suo licite poterit facere non obstante alicujus libertate And all this he might by his Office lawfully do notwithstanding any mans liberty And surely such a Super-intendency of the Soveraign was as much allowed to be Law as Reason in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when upon an Affray in London for rescuing a Soldier a
and unfitting a course or method of Government For can any man that is Master of the least grain of Reason or Prudence think it safe for a Kingdom so to restrain if it could be a Soveraign Prince when a person in time of Pestilence or otherwise shall with a Plague-Sore running upon him come into the presence of the King who in case of Leprosie when it was more frequent than now it is can for the preservation of His People from the infection thereof make His Writ de Leproso amovendo command the Leper to be removed to some other place that He should have no power to bid any of His Servants to cause him to be taken away or put in prison Or that King James when his Life was assaulted by the Assassinate which Earl Gowrey had appointed to murther him did transgress any Law of Scotland Nature or Nations when he did arrest and struggle with him until the loyal Sir John Ramsey came to his Rescue Or that that prudent Prince after his coming into England did break any Law of England Nature or Nations or not perform the Office of a King when by his own Authority he did without sending to the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench or a Justice of Peace for his Warrant cause Sir Thomas Knivet and others to apprehend Guydo Faux but some minutes before the Match should have been secretly and undiscovered laid in order to the firing of the Gunpowder and other Matterials which were shortly after to take fire for the accomplishment of the intended treason of him and his wicked Complices to destroy the King Prince Nobility and the Chiefest of his People assembled in Parliament and all that were in or near the Cities of London and Westminster by the Gunpowder Plot of blowing up the Houses of Parliament And whether a King may not in the like case of Contempt or Danger as well do it as he may do where a Souldier prest in the Kings Service upon a Certificate by the Captain into the Chancery being the Watch-Tower or Treasury of the Kings Justice that he absented himself send his Writ or Mandate to one of his Serjeants at Arms to take him which Sir Edward Coke saith may be done per Legem terrae by the Law of the Land and may upon a Certificate of an Abbot or Prior into the Chancery do the like by his Writ to the Sheriff to take a man professed in Religion that is Vagrant and alloweth it to be Lex Terrae a Legal Process so to do in honorem Religionis in honour and respect to Religion or may not as wel imprison a man for a Contempt as Discharge him Or why He may not Arrest or cause any man to be Arrested for Felony or Treason or but suspition thereof when Sir Edward Coke is of opinion any man may do in the Kings Name upon a common Fame or Voice or Arrest a man by warranty of Law and of his own Authority which woundeth another dangerously or keepeth company with a notorious Thief whereby he is suspected or if the King shall not upon necessity or extraordinary occasions be enabled to do it for that supposed rather than any reason at all that he ought not so to do in regard that no man can have an Action against Him for any wrong or injury done unto him by the King How have our Lawes and reasonable Customes for many Centuries and Ages past submitted unto and not at all complained of the Kings Seizure of Lands but suspected to be forfeited or of Lands aliened without Licence or pardon of Alienation and the like Or why should not our Kings have as much liberty as the holy King Edward the Confessour might have had if he would to have commanded a Thief to be apprehended for stealing in the Royal Lodgings when he bad him onely be gone lest Hugeline his Chamberlain should come in and take him Or as legally as King Edward the Third and his Council did commit one that was found arm'd in his Palace to the Marshalsea whence he could not be bayl'd or deliver'd until the Kings Will and Pleasure should be known Or as it was adjudged in the thirty nineth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when in an Action of Trespass the Defendant justified the doing thereof by the Command of the King when he was neither Bayliff nor Officer of the Kings and it was adjudged by the Judges that he might so do without any Deed or Writing shewed for it or if they should mistake in their Arrests or Imprisonments of suspected Traytors or Felons should not have as much liberty as a Justice of Peace hath in criminal matters or as the Judges have in his Courts of Justice in civil Actions where the parties that mistake or bring their Actions where they should not or Arrest one man in stead of another are onely punished with Costs of Suit or Actions of False Imprisonment but not the Judges or Justices of Peace for howsoever some Flatterers when King Richard the Third having murthered his Nephews and usurped the Crown and sate one day in the High Court of Chancery had in some of the Pleadings or Causes heard before him alledged that the King could do no wrong and some of our Lawyers have since so much believed it as they have reduced it into a kind of Maxime and given it a place in some of their Arguments Reports Yet Bracton in the Reign of King Henry the Third and Justice Stamford in the Reign of Queen Mary did believe the King might unwillingly by Himself or His Officers or Ministers do wrong and declared the Law to be both in Bractons and Stamfords time that in such Cases the Subjects where they have any matter of Complaint or Grievance need not want their legal Remedies by Traverse Monstrans de Droit or Petition the reason of the latter being as Stamford saith because the Subject hath no other Remedy against the King but to supplicate him by Petition for the Dignity sake of the Person And a late Experience hath told us how a Dispute betwixt our two Houses of Parliament whether a Great Person accused of Delinquency might be Arrested and put under Custody before his Charge or Accusation could be made ready gave the Party opportunity to escape into the Parts beyond the Seas and the Disputants leisure and time enough to agree of the matter And it should be remote enough from any the suspition of Errour or over-credulity for any man to think an Arrest or Imprisonment by the immediate Command of the King in the case of Treason or Felony or but suspition of either of them not to be as legal as that of a Justice of Peace made by a Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England in his Name and by his Authority derived under him And those who will take out Sir Edward Coke's before mentioned Lessons and enter themselves into
operate or deserve to be a Cause to Priviledge themselves their Estates or Maenial Servants from Arrest or disturbance and such a Priviledge in Parliament in the time of an Adjournment which hath sometimes continued for several Months should be allowed and thought reasonable when their business which was the cause of it was all that time in suspence or abayance and that the King who granted and allowed those Priviledges should not enjoy the like for his own Servants who are dayly busied in the Safety Honour and attendance of his Person and the great Affairs of the Kingdom and that such a Cause should produce that effect for them and their Servants and the King who desireth but the like effect or production from one and the same Cause should not enjoy it for his own Servants and that â—adem ratio should not in the Kings Case as well as in the Case of any of his Subjects produce and be a Cause of the like Law or Liberty who doth not claim the Hearing of those causes where the Plaintiffs are not his Servants as the King of France who by his Commissions of Commitimus Impowers a Court to hear and determine Causes and concernments of his Servants but only that they should ask leave before they proceed against them in any of his Courts of Justice which the Plaintiffs shall make choice of Shall the Generall or Commander of the Armies or Guards Forts or Garrisons of the King and the Admirall of a Navy or Ships have a power not to permit any of their Officers or Souldiers to be Arrested or Imprisoned without Licence first obtained and shall the Servants of the King in the attâ—ndance upon his Sacred Person in the Watch and Care of them and the Publick Welfare as well in the time of War and Peace which not seldome disapoints the horrid effects of a people-tormenting War not have a like Priviledge Are the superiour Courts of Justice not blamed when the Judges thereof by the Kings Authority can supersede Actions in Inferiour Courts many times but upon the pretence of Actions depending in their Superiour Courts as to reverse an Utlary or the like in eundo redeundo when it is not every day or all days or but some hours business or can the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas Priviledge the Serjeants at Law and forbid that they should be Sued in any other Court when they do plead at other Courts as well as in the Court of Common Pleas and are so numerous as if one by an Arrest or Impriment should not be able to move or plead his Clients business the Client having all the Writings in his own or his Attorneys custody may have and retain another Serjeant at Law who can as well understand his business to look unto it and not only protect them but the Clerks of the Serjeants at Law and in the Vacation and at their Chambers far distant from Westminster Hall when the business of the Law and Courts of Justice are laid to sleep and take their rest and that the Justices of that and other the Superiour Courts can by the Kings and not their own immediate Authority Priviledge Prothonotaries and all other Officers and Clerks of their several Courts and their Clerks when they have or may have other Clerks to do their business And the Warden of the Fleet Cryers and Tipstaves in times of Vacation and as there shall be occasion Unattach Goods and discharge Bonds and Sureties given for Appearance when there cannot be any just cause or necessity untill the Term ensuing for their attendance and Priviledges and keep from Arrest by the Inferiour Courts their Attorneys who are no Members of their Superiour Courts and even the Attorneys Clarks And not only allow that Priviledge to the immediate Officers of their Courts but extend it unto their Clarks that are subservient unto them and not deny it as hath been before remembred unto a Filacers horskeeper Their Writs of Priviledge in the Kings name declaring and publishing that such breaches of Priviledge are in nostri â—ontemptum curiae nostrae in Contempt of the King and his Court that such Priviledged person eundo redeundo in going and coming to his Courts oâ— Justice is and ought to be sub protectione nostra under the Kings protection tam ex Regia dignitate quam ex antiqua consuetudine as well in regard of his Dignity as by antient Custom is to be Ptiviledged Did Justice Vernon one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the time of Vacation when a man indebted having to an Action given special Bail before him at his Chamber in Serjeants-Inne in Chancery-lane and coming out of the Gate was Way-laid and Arrested by some Serjeants at Mace or Catchpoles of London and Arrested upon some other mans Action lay down made an Out-cry and refused to be their Prisoner of which the Judge being informed commanded the Catchpoles and Prisoner to be brought to his Chamber where they being something Surly and refusing to deliver him he threw of his Gown and taking one of them by the shoulder whereof I was an eye Witness did so shake him and threaten to commit him and his fellow Catchpoles as he enforced them to release the Prisoner and suffer him to escape And shall not the King who is the Constituent Principle and primum incipiens the only cause suppoâ—t and maintenance as well as giver of all Immunities Exemptions Franchises and Priviledges of the Kingdom Not be able to do as much as those unto whom he hath granted and permitted it and protect and Priviledge his Domestick Servants or men imployed by him but like an old Isaac over liberal to a Craving Jacob have nothing in reserve of Priviledges or Favors for his Servants who have attended our David when he was in all his Troubles and deserved better than many a participation of his Blessings or shall his Subjects like the Sullen and Selfish Nabal have so little regard of him or his Servants that do help to guard their flocks as to receive his Benefits and make notwithstanding their grumbling Ingratitude and refractory Humours the only Retorn or acknowledgment of them Hath he and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors as the Grecian Monarchs and Common-Wealths antiently used to do from whence the Romans after they had shut their Temple of Janus and made their Military Glories impart some of their Honour to the more Civil Imployments and gown also learned it taken such a care to protect Honour and Priviledge his Ministers of Justice and their subordinate Officers in the Courts thereof whilst they officiate in his Service therein Did the Wisdom of our King and Parliament in the 32d year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th think it no inconvenience but a benefit to the people that the greater and more necessary concerns should give may to the lesser when they Ordained which hath been ever since
Occasion what was the Reason the Lord Mayors Officers were not to be put upon such Offices and was answered with a Reason given because they were to attend him Replied do not you think that to be a Reason as much or more in my case as your own Must Westminster the Abby or Church whereof was first founded by King Lucius a Brittish King upon a piece of Land so incult as it was called Thorney or the Island of Thornes then accompted to be two miles distant from London measured it may be unto Ludgate and after the better building and enlarging thereof by King Edward the Confessor honoured as it hath been ever since Regum nostrorum sepultura Regalium repositorium with the usual and designed place of the Buriall of our Kings and the Custody and keeping of the Royal Vestments and Ornaments used at their Coronations an Honourable Office and Trust now Claimed and enjoyed by the Dean of that Collegiate Church confess and acknowledge that by the happy Neighbourhood of our Kings Royal Palace near adjoyning together with their High Court of Chancery Courts of Justice and Exchequer the receipt of their once great and largely extended revenue attending therein help and succour of the Royal Houshold and Hospitality and those Crums of Comfort Meat and Drink and Provisions not used fragments broken meat offall and wast of the Wine and Food which dayly came from the many plentifully furnish'd Tables and expence of Victuals of the Kings house Servants and retinue Fed and Nourrished many of her Families by which and many Priviledges granted unto her by our Kings is now from a shrub come to be as one of the Cedars of our Lebanon and augmented and encreased from a few scattered Cottages Sheds Booths and Tents about the Abby and the Kings house and Palace to a Village from a Village to a Town and from a Town to a City with a Pomerium Fauzburgs or Suburbs so large as it stretcheth it self from Tutlefields in a continued Building and Streets to Temple-Barre and the Inns of Court and in many other places is so contiguously joyned to London as it makes her self to be as it were her younger sister And must she not blush at the same time that any of her Inhabitants should Exercise or be guilty of so foul an Ingratitude as to Arrest without Licence any of the Servants of the King whose Royal Progenitors and Predecessors have nursed and brought her to that perfection And hath London like the Members of the body natural found herself as to her retayling Trade to be the better when it was nearer to the head and heart and did therefore so follow the warmth and hopes of Gain and increase of Trade and Imployment thereby as she hath swelled her Suburbs bigger than her self As although her Forreign Trade is brought unto her from the Sea and Eastward yet she hath immensly built her self as the ingenious Mr. Grant one of her Citizens hath of late observed Westwards to be as near as she could unto her Kings Palace and his Courts of Justice which not only daily receiveth the feet of many of the people of the Nation but of Strangers coming as far as ever the Sheban Queen did to Solomon Can any of her Citizens be so stupid or ingratefully ignorant as not to understand that that great City and the Commerce and Gain thereof which is now so highly valued by them is and hath been by the Neighbour residence of our Kings and Princes and their Courts of Justice so greatly as it appears to be enlarged and multiplied in their Inhabitants Riches variety and Excellency of her Artificers Magnificence State and Beauty of her Churches and Buildings And hath so much extended her Trade and Merchandise both by Land and Sea through all the Circuite and Travails of the Sun and to the utmost parts of the Earth as her multitude of Ships at Sea and a floating Forrest as it were of them daily or weekly going out and returning home upon the River of Thames hath made her one of the greatest Emporiums in the World and Glorious in the midst of many Waters in so much as she hath by her strength and Honour at Sea and her Might and Interest at Land Hang'd the Shield and Helmet in her set forth her Comelines and made her self not only the Mistress of the Trade of our Isles at home but of our many growing rich Plantations in America And can that City of London the magazine of Mechanick Arts and multitudes of People as it is at this day and taketh her self to be not a little honoured by being called the Emperial Chamber of our Kings of England Have so little acquaintance with the Dictates of reason and gratitude or a care of their own Interest as to forget the Founders and Cause of that their Plenty and Happiness and upon every little occasion of a Debt or money owing them to Worry take by the Throte Arrest and Imprison any of the Kings Servants with the Pay me what thou owest me when more than half of it and much of it unjustly was gained of the Debtor and at the same time refuse to pay unto the King the Master of that Servant the debt of Gratitude Duty Honour Reverence good Manners and Civility which they owed unto him either of which would have shewed them the way to complain unto him of such and indebted or ill dealing Servant and Petition for his leave or Licence to Arrest or out-law him before they do it When they that do so much and undutifully undervalue his Courts Servants and Royal residence and Neighbourhood may be assured by the Annalls and Histories of England that their Predecessors in the Reign of King Richard the 2d when their Forreign and home Trade was not the Tenth of what it is now as the small Revenue of the Customs in the latter end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth will manifest when the highest improvement of her Care and Carmardens discovery could bring her Customs and Profits by Merchandise but to 50000 l. per annum were so sensible of that Kings removal of his Court from London displeasure and Indignation heightned by a Riot committed upon the Servants and house of the Bishop of Salisbury Lord Treasurer for that one of the Bishops Servants had taken a horse loafe out of a Bakers Basket as he passed along the Streets for which notwithstanding the Mayor and Aldermen had appeased the Tumult the Liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands the Mayor Committed to the Castle of Windsor and the Aldermen and some other substantial Citizens to other Castles a Warden appointed to Governe the City as they deemed themselves in a lost and ruining Condition untill by the special Suit of the Duke of Gloucester they had procured the King upon the Payment of Ten thousand pounds and many rich gifts presented to him and the Queen to return to London where with great joy they