must needs then be The Hundred which was ten tythings a Germanie Institution q Gapit Car. Calui apud siluacum where every man was bound to attend in the North called Wapentake then the Trything Thryhing or Leet the Jurisdiction of which extended over the third part of a Province containing three or four Hundreds r Ll. Ed. c. 34. The County Court called gerefas gemot the Sheriffs gemot or Court to be held by the Institution of King Edward the elder every fourth weeke where the Sheriff was to decide civill and prediall causes and every sfraec as there plea was to have an end at the day Å¿ Ll. Ed. sen c. 11. The supreme Provinciall Court was the Sciregemot or Shire Court the same which now we call the Sheriffs turne kept twice the yeare where the Thanes or Noblesse were bound with the Freeholders to be present the Bishop was Judge for Church-matters and the Alderman of whom below for things secular here was the Assembly of all the Hundreds t Ll. Eadg c. 5. ll Aethelst m. s c. 20. Il. Cnuti c. 7 â— p. 2. here Causes Civill and Criminall were determined This Court and its Jurisdiction was very ancient being famous and used in the same manner amongst the Franks and Lombards as may be seen by their lawes u Ll. Car. Lud. Im. l 4. c. 26. Car. m. Lom l. 2. tit 52. Ll. Aleman tit 36. VVilliam the first divided the Jurisdiction and confined the Bishop with his Causes Ecclesiasticall to a Court by himself which were discussed in the Hundred and Court of the Shire before which appears by that sanction of this King directed to the Earls Sheriffs and all the French and English so it speakes who have lands in the Bishopricke of Remigius Bishop of Lincolne though there onely the Hundred bee named w Not in eadm 167. yet there is added The Episcopall lawes which were not well kept nor according to precepts of holy Canons c. and as this is recited elsewhere They shall bring nothing to the Hundreds or Judgement of secular men x M. S tab Rob. Winch. Arch. Cant. in eadm 168. and every secular Court is alike forbidden to Church-men by the Canons In one or other of these Courts in the lesse or greater all causes were to be determined at mens homes and at their owne doors if the parties would rest there no man ought to sue out of the County to draw his Plea from thence without good cause which might be pretended then and in every remove ought really to be now as appears by the Tolt Pone Accedas ad Guriam and Recordare This good cause was if the Suitor could not have Justice at home or what he had was rigour and summum jus then might appeales be to the Palace to the King there whose Court is called the High Court of Justice for law and equity y Ll. Aelfr c. 38. Ll. Edg. c. 2.11 Cnuti c. 16. after the manner of the ancient Jewish Commonwealth a course observed sayes the most knowing Knight all Europe ore z Gloss tit Cancellaria Our antient Kings as he swore before the Realm and the Priesthood right Judgement to doe in the Realme and Justice to keep by counsell of the Peers of the Realme a Ll. Edu Con. c. 16. viz. In this Court every City and Borough had their Courts the Burgmote kept thrice the yeere the Wardmote the Husting the most antient and supreme Court of the City of London is of Saxon extract which every Munday used to be held now on Tuesday yet does the stile still say held on Munday Lincolne Winchester Yorke and Shepey have their Hustings it held Pleas as it does of things reall and mixt Judges there were too in the manner we finde after the Normans who changed only their name from Aldermen to Justices There was the Alderman of all England Chief Justice as Ailwin Founder of the Church of Ramsey was called upon his Tomb The Kings Alderman as the most knowing Knight thinks b Gloss tit Aldermannus like the Missi c In Capit Gar. m. Franc. ll as our Justices in Eire or of Assize The Alderman of the County Iesse then the Earle but equall with the Bishop which three sate together in the County the Earle was to take care of the Commonwealth the Bishop of the Church the Alderman of the County to declare and expound the law c Gloss ibid. Besides as to execution of publike Justice upon the contumacious he might which our Posse of the County resembles use force raise the people This difference is plaine in that law of King Aethelstane Be Æ¿erum of the estimation of heads d P. 55. part 2 ll v. ll Jnae c. 8 Faedus Regum Aeâ—fr Gath. m. s in gless citant where the were gild or price of an Archbishop and an Earls life who are joyned as equall is fifteen thousand thâ—imsa of a Bishops and Aldermans who next follow and are joyned but eight thousand c. Sometimes the same things are said of both the Earle and Alderman so that they may easily be thought in those places the same This was a Salic Institution to substitute thus two or three under the Earle whom they called Sagibarons as Ingulphus who is altogether for King Aelfred King divided the Governours of Provinces who before were called Vicedomini into two offices into Judges whom now we cal Justices and into Sheriffs yet he has in our Charter Bingulph a Vicedominus which Title the Justices yet in Ingulphus retained and Alferi a Sheriff e In An. 948. The Saxons had their Hold or Heretoch their Military Commander in every County Places had their Bilaga by-lawes besides the Common Law Law made by consent of Neighbours now by the Homage in a Court Baron Suiters in the Leet or view of Frankpledge in towns by the Inhabitants and Neighbours as M. Lamhard The Saxons our Ancestors retained the manner of the old Germans their owne Elders who in Tacitus Jura per pagos vieâ—sque reddehant made distribution of Justice not onely in one Towne or in the Princes Palace but also at sundry other speciall places within the Countrey and as he truly the Normans who invaded the Posterity of the same Saxons here did not so much alter the substance as the name of the Saxons order f Archâ—ion 89. But to satisfie those to whom the Normans may be as odious as their Conquest although perhaps they may be Normans themselves most likely descended by some Mother from them and may seem as fond as if now at Millaine or Pavie after so many hundred yeares they would indeavour to distinguish the Lombard and Insubrian the Insubrian Gaule from the Italian in France the Gaule and German-Franke in Spaine the Carpetane and Wisigoth I say to satisfie them I will prove by the testimony of those who lived then when this Norman change is imagined
Henry the 4 the 5 and and 6. and Edward the 4. Peace was but like the short Sun shine of a winter day overcast as soon as seen nay the reigns of some foregoing Princes as of King Stephen John and Henry the third were almost a continual civil war sometimes known under the notion of the Barons wars Then as sayes the first Statute of Westm in the Preface The estate of the realm and of the Church was ill kept the Religious of the Land many ways grieved The people otherwise intreated then they ought to be the peace lesse kept the laws lesse used and malefactors lesse punished then they ought q West 1.3 E. 1. Then the great men would not be justified have and receive Justice in the Courts of Justice r Stat. Marl v. 1. Plenty dissolution and dispersion of Monasteries c. Informers concealers multitudes of Atturnies more then are limited by law are next made causes by him s 4 Inst 76 His reasons of decrease of suits follow and are these The Statutes of 35 Eliz 3. and 21 of king James c. 2. Have given full remedies concerning Monasteries the 21 of that king c. 4. concerning informations the 4 of Hen 4. c. 18. has made provisions concerning Attornies they are to be examined by the Justices their names to be put into the Roll the good vertuous and of good name to be received and sworn well and truly to serve in their offices and specially still as the Statute not to make suit in a forreign Country The others to be put out and if any be notoriously found in default of Record or otherwise he is to forswear the Court and never after to be received The Statute 21 of king James in the 3 chap. has provided against Monopolies and new projects in the 8. against abuses in procuring of Supersedeas of the peace and good behaviour the 23 chap. against vexations delays by removing Actions out of inferiour Courts The 16. chap. appoints a limitation of Actions gives them age and death it allows in the common Action of Trespasse Quare clausum fregit where it is by negligence or involuntary to plead tender of amends the 13 chap. prevents and reforms Jeofailes the 28 ch repeals many obsolete Statutes the third of King Charles more The Petition of Right being a confirmation after other Statutes of the same kinde provides for the rights and liberties of all men for the quiet of their estates and persons t 3 Car. enough to satisfie those who are not desperately resolved the more reason they see given to take off their dislike to dislike the more But it may be feared as it is more easie to hate then to shew a cause Non amo te volusi worse then beastly wilfullnesse sometimes must be allowed and the mean and contemptible malecontents are not more guilty of this immodesty then many of the better sort and who indeed may be learned in their own Studies or Professions and therefore will conceive themselves able to judge all others not considering how ridiculous it would be to heare an old Physician censure the order of the Imperial and Swedish battels a mâ—er plain Captaine the Aphorismes of Hyppocrates a Grammarian or Pedant condemned to noise by rule the Mesolabes of Arebimedes The most Reverend Judges of the Common Law have ever been the most carefull of all men where things were intermixed out of their learning of the Laws though not out of their knowledge sometimes to call into the decision the learned of those Arts or Sciences to which they belonged That every man is to be belieued in his own art is their maxime We pray in aide saies Justice Saunders when any thing falls out in our Law concerning other Sciences and faculties This is honourable saies he and commendable in our Law by this as he goes on it appeares we despise not I may say how ever able for some of this robe whom I could name many easily match those who by their own favourers are thought to have gone furthest in generall learning other sciences then our own but allow and commend them as things worthy of commendations u Plowd com 124. v. r. 7.19 Upon this reason was Huls a Batchelor of both the Lawes sent for by the Judges in the time of King Hen. 6. to heare his Legick as t is said upon the difference of precise and causative compulsion w 7 H. 6.11 Again where an appeale was pretended for which excommunication should not disable the Judges enquired of the learned in the Canon law concerning the vigour of the appeal x â—â— H. 6.25 They use to enquire of Surgeons concerning maihem y Com. 125. â—1 H. 7.33 as Gaws dries case They ever give faith and they ought to give faith to the sentence of the Ecclesiasticall Judges still there This is the common received opinion of our bookes z r. 5. 1. p. 7 and in another place Though it be against the reason of the common law a V. 4.29 Our predecessours as the Justices Brown and Stamford in things touching Grammer have used to consult with Grammarians and to pursue their rules b Plowd com 122 127. and the books there This love of our selves is the most dishonest of all others an Empire in sciences is not often heard of some studies may imploy a long age those who will be thought so sublime that they fill all places beyond the Sunne and Heavens way sometimes may be observed to fly weakly to flag an Eridanus or perhaps the earth receives them In Gellius Favorinus a Philosopher no overweener I think much esteemed by this relator high in name and opinion out of this curiosity quarrels with the Lawes of the twelve Tables with no great good luck as he was met with he shall be my example how easie it is for him who will be at all to miscarry somewhere He had read over he saies the twelve Tables which was something his exceptions may seem the more reasonable as eagerly as Platoes ten books of Lawes One would think he was pleased wel enough with Platoes laws which he read so very eagerly yet the Athenians and Polybius justly reprove them for vain lawes which no Nation of Greece could ever be perswaded to use c Athen. l. 12. c. 22. Polyb. l. 6. The Lawes of the Tables which dislike him were these This de injuria paenienda SI INJVRIAM FAXIT ALTERI VIGINTI QVINQVE ARIS POENAE SVNTO which at three farthings the assis it was no more he saies was triviall and would deter no man from doing injuries Some things in the Lawes he supposes inconsistent as in that of the Talio SI MEMBRVM RVPIT NI CVM EO PACIT TALIO ESTO The Talio or like for like was to be unlesse he that did the mischiefe satisfied him that suffered by him and redeemed it This Talio the Philosopher thought was impossible to be just the breaking by retaliation might be
was suffered in the Civil law parents by a law of the Tables might sell their children thrice g Sect. 18. The Lord had power of life and death over his slave h Insl l. 1. gloss servitus The Petronian law restreins from forcing them to fight with beasts at their pleasure not observed more then the Edict of Nero which deputed Cōmissaries to hear the complaints of slaves They put them to death for trifles Vedius Pollio threw a slave to be devoured of Lampries which he fed thus for breaking a glasse i Dio. l. 54. If a Lord was murdered by one servant it was the old custome saies Tacitus to condemne and put to death all the slaves according to which in the case of Pedanius secundus Provost of the City four hundred innocent men lost their lives k 14 Ann. Where law setled quietly without any awe upon those who are to receive it has too many of Draco's Rubrickes of blood it is terrible Our lawes are not cruelly bloudy they distinguish betwixt intentions and actions and actions as they have their degrees of mischief have their degrees of punishment King Edgar wills in a law That in offences clemency and forgiveness be used as much as justice so that punishment may b◠tolerable l Ll. Nol. 1. Ll. Cnuti 1 2. ve a command not forgot it has continued with the laws Godlike mercy ever saving more then justice strikes Wisdom and mercy justice and grace are joyned m Beact l. 2. as is observed in the beginning No free man can by this law be disseised of his free hold but by lawful judgement c. In those articles against the most worthy Earle Hubert de Burgo he concludes It seems to him That he ought not to answer without restitution being disseised of what he had since no disseised man is obliged to answer in any Gourt c. n Additam Par. 153. This is more visible by the law since As the Lord Cooke if a man be accused or indicted of Treason or Felony his Lands cannot be granted to any not so much as by promise no seisure can be made before attainder o Inst 36 48 Mag. Char. c. xxii Abjuration challenges to the Jury Clergy were no smal favours of the Law If a Felon demand his book and can not read and demand it again under the Gallows and read he shall have the benefit of it p 34. H. 6.49 One Indicted of Felony produces a Charter of pardon discordant to the Jnditement and to his name the Court perceiving the King meant to pardon him remanded him to sue for a better pardon q 46. Ass B. F. Office del Court as if mercy were given in charge to the Justices they ought of office to take notice of all generall pardons though the party plead them not r Dy. 28. and there if all Felonies under twenty shillings be pardoned the Judges ought to dismisse him to God as the Booke who is indited where the Theft is under that sum The Justices heretofore knowing the Felon to be a Clerke who tooke himselfe not to his Clergy would not give Judgement to hang him ſ 22. E. 3. If the Prisoner for Treason or Felony has any matter of Law to plead he is to be allowed his Counsell after the plea of not guilty where it will not be allowed the Court ought to be instead of Counsell for the Prisoner to see that nothing be urged against him contrary to Law and Right Nay any learned man present may give information to the Court in behalfe of the Prisoner for his benefit t 3. Inst c. 2. The Judges as in Humphrey Staffords case is observed u 1 H. 7.26 3 Jus 29. ought not to give their opinions before hand which is condemning a man before he be heard the way to make indifferency impossible whereas as the Lord Cooke untill the party has made his defence things may be represented much to the disadvantage and a small addition or substraction may alter the whole Case In Common Pleas where the Defendant has accepted the Writ or Title where he has lost his advantage by his conclusion or the issue be found against him yet if it appear to the Court that the Plantiffe has no Title no cause of Action Judgement shall not be given against the defendant w Plowd 66 Dy. 13.76.119 120. Every restraint of a free man though not within the walls of a prison is imprisonment x 2. Just 482. Rot. Pael 2. H 4 nu 60. No man is to be arrested or imprisoned against the form of the great Charter before recited y 2. Just 54. No man is to be imprisoned but for a certain cause to be shown z ibid. 53. to be conteined in the Warrant c. the conclusion of which ought to be and him safely to keep untill he be delivered by law c. As the fift of king Henry the fourth None are to be imprisoned but in the Common Goale to the end they may have their tryal at the next Goale delivery c. As Justice Fitz Herbert to keep a man in prison without coming to his answer is against Law a Na. Br. 118. c. The Abbot of S. Albanes would not make a Goale delivery at the time to save costs he lost his Franchise by it b 8. H. 4.18 The Abbot of Crowland forfeited his Franchise for deteining prisoners after acquittal and their Fees paid c 20. E. 4.6 such deteining after the Habeas Corpus is false imprisonment d 2. Just 53. there are many provisions for those who are grieved in these cases by Indictment Writs and Action e ibid. 55. Though the law requires safe and streit custody that must be without any torment or pain to the prisoner relief may be had against cruel and hard usage of a Goaler f 3. Just 35 91 92. The prison as Bracton is not for punishment but custody A certain Priest arrained in the time of King Edw. the second put himself upon the Country and stood at the bar in Irons but by command of the Justices he was freed from them g Fish Corene 432. and as to irons saies the Lord Coke there is no difference betwixt a Priest and a layman h 3 Inst ubi sup No felons comming to answer in judgement ought to be charged with irons i Brit. c. 5.14 c. 11.17 The law of the Land is a law of mercy for three causes as the Lord Coke 1. The innocent shall not be wasted by long imprisonment but speedily come to his trial 2 Prisoners for criminal causes brought to their trial ought to be humanely dealt with 3. The Judge ought to exhort them to answer without fear to assure them that justice shall be duly administred k 2 Ins 316 The Law has a most tender regard as is said of the life of man By a Canon
of it Many great Families have been advanced by the Law many of the best and noblest thought it no disparagement to professe it Some of our illustrious names may be met with amongst the Serjeants and Apprentices of our yeere books as well as in the Heralds books If like Boccace his Ghost all those who laid the foundations of their houses who first broke through the miste of time wherein they and their ancestors were hid before who first shewed their names to the world were to appeare before us in the habit of their sprouting up with all their sordid cheats with all the crafts several close arts of thriveing used by some displayed and revealed all the false sleights of the Town and Country laid open where every peny is got oftentimes too too dishonestly by the unworthiest sins a man can commit how would the gawdy off-spring curse his own rise the branch be ashamed of its own root vertue alone is honourable mony can neither make men wise valiant nor good Arts and Armes onely and really innoble that of all others most deservedly whose object is meerly the good of mankind which imployes men continually for the publique for the preservation of the people pacique imponere morem The souldier as Cicero may once profit his Country the Lawyer always Our most Reverend Judges and professors of the Laws have in all ages * Anciently part of the Persian kings title The ophyl risen with the Sun and given eyes to the blinde night But I have offered my selfe too far to ingrateful dangers Here I will stop and give over Not that much is not left out which might have been said of the sacred Law of the Land and the administration of Justice here Much is left out and I wish some more happy and more able would undertake the whole It is enough which again I may protest that I speak not in the midst of Fetters and that I have defended and the defence could not but be easie truth onely for its own sake yet I believe he who knows most who commands most in language and Sciences who pretends justly a title to the kingdome of the barre or schooles with all his mouths and tongues if he had more then one hundred could not do full right would be short and wanting here Not in our right hands as is said of those souldiers in Curtius but in our Laws our helpe our hope and liberty lie We need not aske for propriety not for peace not for order concord security not for wealth nor honours one wish comprehends them all carries all these with it the safety of the laws is all these propria haec sidona We have seen at large what excellent blessings we have received from the Law these blessings may be everlasting if that be made so I know nothing it ought to yield to and our Parliaments have thought so but eternity and the change by that FINIS The Table A. AIde to Knight the eldest son c. 127 Alodium alodiaries 129 130 c. Aelfred the King not the founder of the Saxon policy 85 86 Aequity and judging according to equity how to be understood 31 32 Aescuage 127 149 Aldermen amongst the Saxons 98 B. Barons Norman and English ever lovers of the Laws 107 280 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 Bocland 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 Britannie and the Britains under the Romans 71 72 73. The Civil Law the first Law heard of them amongst them 73 74 governed by Kings 72 C. Casars Commentaries l. 6. concerning the Gaules and their wives 75 L. Chancellours Oath 65 Chiefe Justice the greatest subject 159 288 289 Church highly favoured by Lawes 273 274 Circuits of the Iudges 163 Civilians what opinion they have of the Pandects c. 226 Clergy men heretofore Lawyers 292 Cnut the king composed the law called the law of St. Edward 88 Counsellours 175 Courts of Iustice are of Saxon original 94 95 96 Courts since 159 160 c. Courts standing and ever open 165 166 Customes unwritten why 89 D. Delayes odious in the law 169 170 c. De rerum venditione that constitution set forth at Yorke 74 Drenches 143 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 The Duilian baâ—k 218 E. Earles amongst the Saxons 98 Edilinges 140 Edward the third first changed the Welsh lawes 76 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what 200 Eleutherius his Epistle to Llever Maur a forged piece 73 F. Faulehen what 124 Feudes 121 Firdfare 149 Foleland 129.152 Forstale 134 Frankalmoigne 127 Frankleudes 129 130 The French Policie and ours much alike 126 Fyheren 124 Frilinges 126 Fundi limitrophi 119 G. Gavelkinde in Germany 125 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 The Germanes and their institutions have overâ—â—owen all Europe 78 79 80 Their lawes called salic more antient then Justinian 81 Glebal gold 120 Adscriptitius ibid. Grithbrece 134 H. Henry the eight imposed wholely the English lawes upon the Welsh 77 Heinfare 145 Hereban 150 Herefare 127 143 Hereot 127 14 High Court of Iustice 97 159 Hotoman his censure of Littleton 240 I. Infangennethiefe 134 Iudges not to decide causes according to discretion how to be intended 32 33 Their authority 199 c. Assistants to Kings and Parliaments there heretofore Barons 290 Honoured 292 293 Iuries tryals by them not brought in by the Conquerour 92 93 Iustice to obey laws 33 K. Kings of Macedon ruled by law 24 Of Mexico might not be touched 45 Kings of England their Oath 111 Might free men from the Firdfare Burgbote c. 151 Kisses given to Princes 118 L. Laudamentum 124 Laws the enemies of them 1 2 Necessity of them 18 35 Law what it is 34 35 Force is not law 23 24 25 Nor the arbitrary will of man 27 28 Why laws were written 30 31 How antient 35 Law of the land in Magna Charta is not waging law 50 51 Common Law 75 excells and may controle Statute laws ibid. Custome and expirience begot it 60 61 It is known and to be found in books 60 65 66 67 Its antiquity not Norman c. 64 c Laws of Hoel Dha and the Welsh 76 77 Salie Laws 86 81 82 The Saxon laws 84 the several kinds 88 Our fundamental laws Saxon 90 91 known by the name of St. Edwards laws 100 101 102 104 setled in the great Chaster 108 110 then called Common Law Letters of the Ionians and Phaenicians heretofore neer the same 37 Loudes 131 Liberty what is 45 46 c. Littleton vindicated 240 241 Lombards their laws 84 M. Manners and priviledges belonging to them amongst the Saxons 133 Method of our law 243 N. Normans themselves ever zealous for the laws of St. Edward 135 107 108 They as some received their lawes from the Saxons 112 O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 120 Operae liberterum 119 P Papinian Judge at York 74 Papists ever enemies to the lawâ—s 67 Parkes 136 Plea of Pinneden under Will the 1. 104 Pleadings 209 Polydore Virgil 92 93 Propriety 2 3 R Rectories and glebe-land whence 151 Reliefe 127 131 147 S Salbuch in Germany 83 Saxons their policy and government 85 86 Sac. 134. The Saxons subverted all things 77 78 Saxon tongue 215 216 217 Sicyon never changed her lawes in 740. yeers 53 Slaves thrown to Lampries 252 Soc 134 Socage 129 Spaniards retain the German customs 128 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 120 Subverters of the laws 66 67 T Team 134 135 Tenures all Europe ever 118 Reasons of them 119 120 All lands held of the King 149 Terms of the law 213 c. Thanes Thenes 137 138 c. Tol 134 Tribonian censured by Perrinus 226 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 V Vassi dominici 125 Vicedominus 99 Villeins 153 154 Vtwara W William the 1. his entry not so violent as is thought by some 143 144 Writs whence they issue 162. See 207 c. anciently the Kings letters there No man to answer or be called in question without a Writ 209 FINIS
intent to hurt the adversary they see not before how great it is and however are too weak of themselves were the right of their side and most plain to manage it to the best advantage It may seem strange too why the ordinary course of our Circuits should not now be sufficient why we should need quicker returns of this sun of Justice unlesse we think our selves the worst of all men and our age the most corrupt every day falling further from the piety of our forefathers and more prone to oppresse and devoure one another were there a recession from the known Law after a few of the first judgements not to go on far it may be feared there would be no small discord and contrarieties in the determinations where the Courts should be so numerous not derived from one fountaine nor judging by one rule that would be Law and right in one County which would be wrong in another and which is the greatest curse in the Law that which should be most certain would be without any certainty at all To proceed instead of Conservators of the peace at the common Law now antiquated there are Justices of peace of larger power then the Irenarchae of old appointed to take care not so much of the publique discipline and correction of manners as for the peace and security of the highwaies m Cod. Thead in rub de Irenarch l. 1. Their name shews why they were instituted They are in their sessions quarterly to heare and determine all Felonies breaches of the peace contempts and trespasses They are to suppresse riots and tumults to restore possessions forceably taken away to examine felons apprehended and brought before them To provide according to the Statutes for impotent people and maimed souldiers to punish rogues beggers forestallers and ingrossers c. to commit or bind over offenders to the Sessions or Gaole to take recognizances for the peace c. such a form saies the Lord Coke of subordinate government for tranquillity and quiet c. as no part of the Christian world hath the like if the same be duly executed n 4 Inst 170. suites There are other Coures for administration of justice of narrower jurisdiction and confined in smaller limits of some of which I have spoken before yet able to put an end so small differences and ordinary trespasses not to be prevented sometimes amongst neighbours if men would be so contented Who commonly themselves make the Courts below thin and are the causes of the troubles they seem to detest let the quarrel be as trivial as is imaginable for an Asses shadow yet as in some Countries the custome is to threaten they wil have a London proces for him the poorest clownes wil trudge to London on foot from the farthest parts of the North or West more miserably then Carriers horses and undoe themselves which is no hard matter with one journey rather then not discharge their full spight who if they return not back as merrily as they set out they may thank themselves But because delay is charged up on the Courts not onely as an heynous crime but such as must by all means be born with them inseparably inherent to them something I wil speak of that I wil make it evident that delay is more odious to the Law then to those who complaine of it and that it bred from nothing else but the corruption without We finde in the Saxon lawes not onely one which fines the Shieriffe for doubtlesse of him is the word gtrtfan there meant o V. Ll. edu sen c. 5.11 who sentences not according to right after the testimony of witnesses p ibid. Ll. c 5. but also another commanding the Shieriffe to keep his Court to have his Assembly which now we call the County Court as the words and institution of King Edward the elder every moneth And that every man may have justice and every plea an end at the day when it comes whoso omitteth this still as the Law he shall make amends c. q ibid. c. 11 like that of the twelve Tables SOL OCCASVS SVPREMA TEMPESTAS ESTO We need not wonder that suits could be so prepared or rather that so little could be in them that they could be dispatched in a day if the plainnesse of the age before noted be considered when the folcland the possession of the rural man passed without writing and the bocland not to be aliened if there were such a condition in the writing r Ll. Aelfr c. 37. in a few words No man might change any thing but in the presence of the gtrtfan or Baily or of the Masse Prieâ—t or of the Hordre or of the Lord or the soile c Å¿ Ll. Aethelst c. 10. and no man might buy beyond twenty pence but within a Town before the Portgreve other tenth man or with the Shieriffes witnesse in the Folcmote t ibid. c. 12 To look downward Magna Charta has it We sell no man nor deny or delay no man justice and right u c. 29. It is a maxime in Law Lex semper dilationes exhorret The Law alwaies as Markam eschewes delaies w 22 H 6.40 a.v. w. 1. c. 40 44 45. w. 2. c. 25. sta Glou. c. 2. The Barons of the Exchequer are commanded to doe right to all men without delaie x 20 E. 3. c. 2.28 E. 1. c. 10. they are sworn to it y 4 Jnst 109. The common Law requires often that full and speedy justice according to the words of those wâ—its be done to the parties z Na. Br. 23.182 4 Just 67. all writs of Praecipe quod reddat are That justly and without delay he render c. all Judiciall Writs are without delay c. When any Court makes delayes and will not give judgement the Writ de procedendo ad judicium lies The words of which are Because the rendring of judgement of the plea which is before you c. hath taken long delayes c. We command you that you proceed to give judgement thereupon with that speed which is according to Law and Custome When execution is denyed the Writ of execution of judgement lyes by which the Justices are commanded to canse execution to be done without delay of the judgement lately given a Na. Br. 20. v. 2. Jâ—s 270 271. There was a Court raised by Statute for redresse of delayes in the great Courts where yet the delaies are not imputed to any foul play of the Ministers of justice The words are Because diverse mischiefes have happened of that that c. the judgements have been delayed sometimes by difficulty sometimes by diverse opinion of the Judges and sometimes for some other cause it is assented c. a Prelate two Earles and two Barons henceforth at every Parliament shall be chosen which shall have Commission and power of the King to beare c. the complaints of those that will complain to
Hist Savil Edit 907. Sometimes the Chief Justice is called Warden of the Realm Vice Lord of England and Justice of England as the Alderman of England was most Honourable in the Saxon times So was the Justice after which was the same from the first time the word is heard of till Henry the third if we except Hugh of Bocland and Ranulphe of Glanville we shall not finde one of these Justices but he was a Bishop a Peere or at least of the Nobility of one of the illustrious families Aubreye of Ver Earle of Guisnes high Chamberlain of England Justice and as some Portgrave of London father of Aubreye of Ver the first Earl of Oxford which familie so Mr. Cambden justly is the most antient fundatissima familia amongst the English Earles as Matt. Paris was ready in the variety of causes exercised in them a In Sitph reg And of Geofrey Fitzpeter Then dyed Geofry Fitzpeter Earle of Essex and Justice of great power and authority a generous man skilful in the lawes allyed either by blood or friendship to all the great men or Barons of England b Id. in Johrege Henry after king son of Henry the second was chiefe Justice of England By the Statute of 31 of Hen. the 8. c c. 10. which ranks the publique great Officers The Lord Chancellour or Lord Keeper is the first man The great Chamberlain of England Constable Marshal and Amiral are to sit below him the Justices are accounted Peers and fellows of Peers Magna Charta sayes No free man shall be amerced but by his Peers and according to the manner of his offence It is observed As to the amercement of an Earle Baron or Bishop for the Parity of those who should amerce them when this Charter was made that the Justices and Barons of the Exchequer were sufficient Bracton as the most learned Mr. Selden cites him sayes Earles or Barons are not to be amerced but by their Peeres and according to the manner of their offence as the Statute is and this by the Barons of the Exchequer or before the king d 1. H. 6 7 v. D. Spelmver he Baron Scaccer All Judges sayes the same Mr Selden were held antiently as Barons which appears in an old law of Henry the first which is Regis Judices sint Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eis terras habent per quos debent causae singulorum alterna prosecutione tractari Villani vero Cotseti vel Ferdingi Cocseti vel Perdingi in legibus nuper editis sed perperam vel qui sunt viles inopes personae non sunt inter Judices numerandi e c. 29. The Barons of Counties who had free lands in them were to be Judges not common base fellows hence as Mr. Selden again are the Iudges of the Exchequer called Barons The black book of the Exchequer makes it manifest the Judges of the Exchequer before Hen. 3. or Edw. the 1. for thereabouts the Exchequer had its ordidinary and perpetual Barons were of the Baronage by these words f part 1. c. 4 There sits the chief Iustice of our Lord the King first after the King c. and the great men or Barons of the Realm most familiarly assistants in the kings secrets By the decree of king Iames g 28. Mai. 10. Jac. reg The Chancelour and under Treasurer of the Exchequer Chancelour of the Duchie chiefe Justices Master of the Rolles chiefe Baron of the Exchequer all the other Judges and Barons are to have precedency of place before the younger sons of Viscounts and Barons and before all Baronets c. there the degree of the Coif is called an honourable order the Serjeant is called by Writ The words used to be we have ordained you to the state and degree of a Serjeant at Law Vos and Vobis in election of Serjeants and summons of Judges to Parliament ever applyed to persons of quality are used One Statute speaks where he taketh the same State upon him h 8 H. 6. c. 10. And another At the Creation of the Serjeants of the Law i 8 E. 4. â— 2. Which is observed ever to be applyed to dignity k Rep. 10. Epist The Patrons of causes called pleading advocates and Narratores Counters of the Bench or Prolocutors of old as Paris l Hist 516. vit Abb. 142. all Lawyers were antiently of the Clergie And those now who are so curious for neatnesse of that order may thank their predecessours for that rudenesse which is so unpardonable by them in the Latine of the Law No Clerk but he was a Lawyer saies Malmesbury in * Lib. 4. Ed. 1. Savil. 123. William the second we read that Mr. Ambrose the Clerke of Abbot Robert of St. Albanes most skilful in the law an Italian by Nation amongst the first of the lawyers of England for time knowledge and manners is sent to Rome m Vitae Abb. St. Alb. 74. Adam of Linley is said to be Abbot John the 1. his Counsellor in all his weighty affaires a curteous man honest and skilful in the lawes n Ibid. after Archdeacon of Ely for most of them held Church-livings he was after speciall Counsellour and Clerk saies this this Monke to the Archbishop of Canterbury Stephane John Mansel of whom we read so much in the History of Hen. the 3. is called the Kings speciall Councellour and Clerk as much as Atturney generall since o Ibid. 142 Hence it is that the ancient habit of secular Judges was the same and yet is with that of the Ecclesiasticks p D. Wats Gloss ad Paris William of Bussey Seneschal and chiefe Counsellor of William of Valentia would have losed saies the same Monk the staies of his Coife to shew his Clerkly tonsure his shaven crown q 984 985 Hist And again he sayes The Clerks who such Writs dictate write signe and give counsell r 206. Aâ—â—it They are restrained by Pope Innocent the 4. his Decretales who forbid any such to be assumed to Church dignities c. unlesse he be learned in other liberall Sciences Philosophy and Divinity were laid by as the words there the multitude of clerks ran to the hearing of secular laws Å¿ ibid. 190.101 Hugh of Paâ—shul clerk is made justice of England by Hen. the 3 t Hist 405 So was the famous John Mansel before Keeper of the great Seale There have been seven Wardens of the Kingdome or Viceroyes of the Clergy twelve great chiefe Justices neere 160 times have Clergy men been Chancellours about 80. of them Treasurers of England all the Keepers of the privy Scale of old the Masters of the Rolls till the 26. of King Hen. the 8. the Justices of Eire of Assise till Edw. the third were of that order u D. Spel. Epist ad concâ—l men whom the Lawes were beholding to w 1 Inst â—ect 524. rep 5. Câ—wd 2. Just 265. else they had been told
the poore which will not please much These meek ones are meerly for taking away neither hath this Communion been faithfully observed by themselves The successor of the great Prophet at Munster their stie or kennell not only claiming the throne of his father David as they speak but the Empire of the whole Earth So only power and riches in others are abominable and unlawfull Sleid. l. x. And in the siege of that place their mock-King had his private store-houses for himselfe his phrenetic apron Peeres and whores whom hee feasted daily while the racaille the rascallity of the herd drop down on heaps starved in the streets But although we cannot imagine Adam the most wise and most excellent of men and the Patriarches of the new world who out-lived the ages of Kingdomes and Common-wealths who had lives as long as the arts are said to be so rude to live on prey and the snatch with as little honesty and civility as wee finde amongst the Alarbes or those of Florida whose character is that they are barbarous sordid and inhumane although I say wee cannot imagine this and it is demonstrated that there was dominion and propriety in the Golden Age as men love to call the first time yet there was no such great need then as since to make division either of cattell or pasture for gold and silver were then of no use and in Mexico and the West served onely of late for armes and common utensils the number of men being small and not divided perhaps so much as into large families when dens and woods are fancied houses and coverts and skins of beasts clothes when to omit fancies men were more civilly bred and knew more from the instructions of the Patriarkes then as it is likely any since whom they obeyed and reverenced willingly more out of piety then fear as in a paternall government where the Father as chiefe of the house was the Prince and Priest of the Family and every wrong was done to a brother an unkle or a kinseman But when men began to spread into Families Tribes and Nations not contented with the homelinesse and simplicity of their Fathers nor with things freely growing and at hand every man imployed himselfe to get those things which he conceived necessary either for his subsistance or pleasure which no man would have done if like Virgils Bees or Oxen he had not toyled to his own benefit This made Noah plant his Vineyard and others busie themselves to finde out all those arts which might either make the earth fruitfull or delight and profit themselves so that as we finde it in all Histories there was a necessity for propriety then And as with great reason and I may say of divine right propriety came in without great wrong and universall confusion it cannot be taken away the least concession the least slackning of this law of propriety must be fatall a huge licence and deluge of injuries would follow when our experience makes it manifest that lawes in force and all the Courts of Judicature cannot reftrein the injustice of wicked men from griping the just and lawfull inheritance of others kill and possesse would bee familiar Our owne advantage would be the measure of right we should return to or rather set up that state which is called meerely naturall in which it is said every man might do what he listed and against any man in which every man might possesse and injoy what hee would and could wrest and force from another Those who removed the Terminall stones or boundary markes were punishable by the Civill Law w Modest l. 2. de term â— moto which certainly as many others in the twelve tables might be taken out of the Jewish Lawes given by God By whom Cursed is he that removeth the marke of his Neighbours land a plain grant of propriety if any thing can be plain at all As is observed This hath been generally received amongst all Nations if we except some few such as the Canibals of Guadalupea who yet devoure not one the other x Pet. Mer. Dec. or such savages living ever upon spoyle and inhumane robbery whom no civill eye will take to be reasonable nor manly not by the outside Cicero in the case of hunger would not take bread from another who deserved it not my life saies hee is not more worthy then such affection of minde not to hurt or wrong any man for my owne sake y Offic. 111. Zenophon tels those of Sinope that either amongst the Greekes or Barbarians where the market was denied him his manner was to take what he wanted by force yet out of necessity z Cir. min. exped 463. Armatus leges ut cogitem this was the Philosophy of the field That of Curtius has more justice in it Melior est causa suum non tradentis quam poscentis alienum His cause is better who yeilds not up his owne then his who demandeth that which is another mans If this violence were common law and allowed one hour of our greatest peace if any peace could be would bee lesse secure more pernitious then the plunder and sack of unruly warre which how boisterous soever it be like rivers overswolne returnes often into its own channell and leaves the harrassed Citizen or naked Peasant to begin sadly the world again to lay the foundation of a new fortune which may be more firme which at least for a while he may enjoy alone in the other case our owne unworthy sloth would be Zenophons necessity The Scythians as Arian having no certain seats nor possessing any thing the love of which might restrein them continually are in war disquieting themselves others a Arrian 202. Whatsoever can be said for necessity it is impious and unreasonable to frame pretences of injustice upon necessity of our own making Piety too upon which in all our distresses before our own industry we are to rely would bee no more thought of Nemo tamen armatus opem a diis petere sustinuit The fancy that there could bee any continuall justice in such communion were all mens desires and appetites more alike and equal then we can look they should be and the supposition that after the manner of a few Spartans and their Phiditia whither yet every man brought his owne proportion of meat all mankind nay the herd of these meek ones who are only to inherit the earth could incorporate into an universall Utopian communion and agreement where the Lamb and the Wolfe should reconcile all dispositions and tempers mix freely and sympathise would be as impossible as monstrous as that new and more then African generation or Common wealth where the damned are allowed procreation and shall beget others to be damned This alone may condemn these Commoners and their Communion It was never known that any of them who cry up division had any thing to divide Other hereticks there are to serve their turn at Rome if no where else
a Virgin That after Sisters the next kinsmen were to inherit Antiquity is a notion considerable makes thus much that laws under which people for many ages flourished which use and experience have by a long prescription beyond all memorie of men approved may bee thought essentiall parts and we may say of them as is said in Curtius of the Macedons and their Alexander Amisso rege nec volebant salvi esse nec poterant But some there are whose reason is implicite though their faith be not which here might be more tolerable still calling for reason which I wish they knew when it stood before them readie without more adoe where they doe not understand where they find not the reason of things to revile the Law and cry out it is without reason It may be thought we are claiming the Libertie of the Quodlibets where what we please may be disputed without any imputation of slander or impictie though never so absurde foolish or blasphemous where the disputant used to be safe being armed with this title and I conceive it ought now to be allowed to some But to proceed the wise and modest cannot but know and consider it that at this distance and after so many ages the reasons of constitutions ought not to be enquired after otherwise many of those things which now are certaine would be subverted as Suarez The reason of the Legislator cannot alwayes be knowne This I say of all Lawes c L. 2. de Legib. c. 14. all have certaine principles and foundamentals to be granted not now to bee disputed humane Lawes are nothing else but rules by which Justice is taught yet why this particular way of remedie should be laid for that part or such a rule for another mischiefe for no doubt they would desire remedies for mischiefes which might have been and as properly for there may bee severall meanes to one end supplied another way would be a very vaine thing now to seeke into This is the opinion of those of the Civill Law though they cannot as they say give a reason of all their fiore Fathers Institutions d Leg. non omzium yet they will tell you as they have cause for it that there is reason enough in their Law and that obvious enough to those that take paines to find it in their books It has reason everywhere saies Gentilis e l. 2. Epist c 2. but not every where conspicuous Alciat blames Bartolus for denying reason to be the essence of the Law f Alciat l. 1. de verb signif what is said by Diodorus upon that Law of Charondas for the gardianship protection and education of Orphans may be said of all Lawes when understood by long studie for Revelation can doe nothing here The Law of Orphans saies he is full of grace and favour but if any shall weigh and interpret it by the superficies and barke of the words be will thinke but meanly of it but whoso looks profoundly and diligently into it he that searches to the bonc and marrow will judge it to bee made by the wisest counsell worthy singular admiration g Biblioth l. xii The age of the Law of the Land shewes its reasonablenesse Curtius did not speake at randome where hee saies nothing can be lasting which is not propped up by reason the ground of the Law is as Saint German reason the Petition of right has these words against reason and the Franchises of the Land The fifth of Rich. the 2. wills that the Barons of the Exchequer Doe right according as Law and Reason demandeth the fourth of Edward the third hath Right and Reason The mischiefe or danger attending and going along with this prying and disquisition into the Lawes is commonly a change of the Lawes which is followed by a change of manners at least if that be all Those busie Libertines Extravagants New-fangled Fantasticks whose conceptions are so admirable and who can so easily over-doe that which by the testimonies of all orders of Englishmen of all ages as I shall show in my next Chapters has beene concluded to be most excellent would serve their Countrey better and show more care of its quiet and peace if they would obey these Lawes alreadie setled then by troubling themselves others in that which very likely neither themselves nor others shall be happie in if it take effect and how ever ere this Goal be reached too much must be ventured in the way the multitude is not to be let lose for it the rable ignobile vulgus either in the Citie or Countrie have their Trades their Husbandrie to attend to busie themselves in those are their Artes Laws and Government policie are above them Nan est consilium in vulgo Mount Sinai wher the Law was given was sanctified God appointed bounds to be set about it the people were not to touch the border of it nor to come neer it If this sweet and beautifull garden be over-grown with a few weeds it would be no discretion to turn Herds of uncleane Swine in to root them out Some Chariotiers drive not easily let the House bee fowle as Augeus Stables we should not open the flood-gates of the deep strike like Aeolus the den of the Windes and pray in aide of the stormes and tempests and the Sea it self to cleanse it rather then the precious Pallas of their braines should not bee brought forth Some new Lusinia or Vtopia might be found out where with more innocencie their new Common-wealth might be set up He that will judge saies Aristotle h 2 Top. It is better to judge according to the Lawes then out of a mans owne knowledge and sentence although a man out of knowledge may see clearly yet I may say the Lawes have more eyes then Argus they see with the eyes of many ages with the eyes of all the most noble most wise most learned Counsellers of State and Judges of all the most judicious pious and peaceable Citizens of this our Countrey The ignorance of the Judge is the calamitie of the innocent i 2 Just 30 So it must be here of the Law I speak not of polishing refining or ading to the Lawes to compleat them where they are not full may be over-reached by the cunning of injust men had not this been often done the Lawes had not gained the perfection they have now attained but I say this is not to be expected not to be pretended to in the street where nothing but noise and clamour can be had nor can he who removes the angular stones be said to repaire Aristotle thought that Lawes received were not to be changed although there were some incommodiousnesse in in them k Pol. 2. And Cleon speaketh thus in Thucydides his sence and words A Citie with the worst Lawes immoveable is better then one with good Lawes not binding or as I may say subject to to the capricious humors of every peevish shallow tradesman of
we cannot say of servants meaning servants by the Civil Law or Law of Nations after their conversion injoyned by St. Paul strictly to obey d Ephes 6. Coloss 3. Liberi free men are called so from Liberty as servants from servitude being opposites Liberty in the proper and strict sense being spoke of the one as servitude of the other though now improperly other kinds of things may and do come under those appellations Such liberty then as may be suffered by Laws and amongst men incorporated in a government is sufficient and whosoever will be displeased at it all that can be had Living under such a law as ours shall be shown to be where mens persons are free and their estates in which they have a propriety unless in such cases whereby their publique offences that freedom according to the plain words of known Law is justly forfeited as where the Jury in attaint are sentenced to lose their Frank Law e 46. E. 3.22 or in such cases where all the parts are to contribute to the good of the whole as either to the maintenance of a warre undertaken by the publike and supreme power or to the splendour of their home peace which as it must certainly be of value out of gratitude for the benefits injoyed under it all are bound to is Liberty as the Magna Charta f c 29. No Free-man so here is this liberty shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised of his freehold liberties or free Customes nor be outlawed banished nor in any manner destroyed c. but by lawful judgement of his Peers or by Law of the Land Which is not waging of Law as a most learned Author would have it g Tit. of Honour 1. edit 344. This chapter of the Magna Charta is partly repeated in a later Statute h 25. E. 3 4 v. 5 E. 3.9 21. E. 3.3 v. Vâ—â— Abb. S. Alb. 143 and there Law of the Land is expounded Indictment Processe by Writ Original and course of the Law another Statute recites it and instead of the words Law of the Land puts in Processe of the Law as equivalent and Synonyma signifying the same thing i 37. E. 3.18 and again a Statute of that King says No man shall answer without presentment before the Justices or matter of Record or by due Processe and Writ Original according to the old Law of the Land k 42. E. 3.3 So we see the free man hemmed in with all his liberties and free customes if he abuse them if he be found guilty of a publike crime or of any injustice or wrong done to his neighbour for which according to the Law of the Land and the judgement of his Peers or equals such liberty ought no longer to be his Sanctuary then as having forfeited his birthright of the Law he becomes a servant as the Statute may be taken imprisoned disseised of his free hold or liberties Outlawd or in any wised stroyed The same Magna Charta wils l c. 14. That no Freeman be amerced for a small offence but according to the manner of that offence c. The Statute of Merton provides m c. 10. That every Free man which is legally free who oweth suit to the County Tithing Hundred or Wapentake or to the Court of his Lord c. Here is the Free man again yet indebted he oweth suit and is chargeable with those duties the Law has obliged him to Legal liberty there may be there ought to be if these pretenders ever turmoiling and troubling others more peaceable and modest then themselves could overturn and alter government as often as the unquiet Florentines did theirs could make it their perpetual motion who changed ten time in a very few yeers n Mach. Hist 57.67 69.99 90.115.166.171.237 the proscriptions and slaughter of the best Citizens and the pangs and throwes of every change considered This liberty would not be worth the blood she must swim through to her throne and perhaps then there would be little liberty for any but those who conduct her thither liberty so this Historian upon the motions of his City is oppressed by the name of liberty Salust in his description of the Aborigines gives the best character of these lawless libertines in these words They were a kind of savage wilde men without Laws without command or government free and loose Such I take ours to be and such their liberty which may and will ever be pretended but without extirpation of all Religion humanity order and civil policy can never be had And if onely Cato's wise and just or honest man be at liberty and all wicked men slaves and villains o Plut. in Catone Vtic. I believe few of this Sect let them move every stone they can are likely to be free man is a labyrinth full of windings let the outside be never so specious and taking it may be a great distance from the heart there is no safety but in distrust we should suspect every thing which our own experience hath not assured us of most of all when Lawes which are the heart and vital parts in a Government are practised upon we idlely and fondly charge destiny and the period and ruine of things upon fatal families or boundary yeers when the truest cause of the calamity is our own unworthy lightnesse The reason why the Commonwealth of Sicyon survived the policie and Estates of all Greece besides is made this in seven hundred and forty yeers they never set forth new Edicts nor went beyond any of their Laws never exceeded them all things below are in continual motion have their infancy their manhoood and old age which is change and death their rise and fall yet as regular diet and temperance preserve the weakest most declining bodies so although considering the multitude of wicked men and what may hurt without no Government in judgement can subsist at all without the peculiar never failing assistance of the divine power yet may good Laws well obeyed prop up and keep off the fate of that which else would tumble presently And all things else would be more constant if man were so CHAP. II. Of the Law of England and what it is Its Antiquity not Norman King Edward the Confessor his Lawes brought down to Magna Charta and there setled The fundamentals are Saxon-English The English-Norman Laws since because of new offences of Tenures AS wisdome goes and must go it has ever been easier to gain the reputation of wisdom then of goodnesse The good man was he who loved his Country more then himself who obeyed and reverenced the Laws for Justice sake and if possibly would not have outlived them rather just then shiftingly politick The answer to the question Who was the good man used to be Qui leges juraque servat he that kept the Laws The Ancients of the greatest experience and learning peaceably ever observed the Laws of their several Countries neither were those
Hovedens words this I will note here that Henry the second made Ranulphe of Glanville chief Justice of England by whose wisdome the laws underwritten were made which we call of England make no new law nor that chief Justice a law-maker they explain what is intended by the laws of Henry the first his Grandfather for the laws there underwritten w Hoved. pars pest 6â—0 are meerly King Edwards laws confirmed by William the first king Richard the first swears to keep the good laws c. x Paris in Rich 1. without saying of St. Edward which yet can be no other those as is shown had got the name those must be meant by the expression good lawes the kings before and after swore to keep them K. Iohn absolved from the Popes thunder though at his Coronation by that oath to destroy bad laws substitute the good to exercise right Justice he had sworn the same y Ma. Par. 197. is forced to swear that he will as there revoke or restore the good laws of his ancestors here the expression good lawes is interpreted and especially the lawes of king Edward z Id. 239. In the same place where king John commands that the lawes of his Grandfather Henry be kept this must be intended of the first laws of his great Grandfather Henry the seconds Grandfather so often mentioned in the controversie betwixt Henry the second and that Martyr of the Roman make without a cause disobedient unruly Becket a Hov. 492. in H. 2 called by that king as before his Grandfathers lawes I say his great Grandfather Henry the first before here recited where Henry the first grants lagam Edwardi regis the Law of king Edward A Charter of which Stephen the Archbishop of Canterbury produces in the very next page of Mat. Paris after the absolution which well might be produced several transcripts of that Charter being sent by Henry the first to be preserved in the Abbies of all the Counties and there tells the Barons of the kings promise which he forced him as he says at his absolution to make that was to take away all injust laws and the good and just laws to wit as he still the laws of king Edward to revoke for restore and cause to be observed by all in the realm And now as he goes on there is found a certain Charter of king Henry the first by which if ye will your lost liberties you may to the Antient state revoke the transcript agreed word for word with the Charter b Ma. Pa. hist 55.210 the great sticklers for the lost liberties for the good and just laws for St. Edwards laws are all of them Normans or Norman-French such as came in since Edward and being setled here for some generations now made a great part of the whole amongst which are Fitz-walter Marshal of the Hoste of God and of holy Church this was his stile in the succeeding wars Vescy Percy Ros de Bruis Stuteville as there Saerie of Quincy Earle of Winchester the Earle of Clare descended from the Norman Gislebert Bigod Vere Fitz-Warin Marshal Beauchamp Manduit Fitz Allen Mandeville * Estoteville Munhrey * Mowbrey Montfichet Munifichet Montacute de Gant Laval c c id 254. These when king John asked them what laws they would have answered not Sir We are the Norman Conquerours give us this people for a spoile a prey make them our villains but quite another thing they offer him a Scedule for the greatest part as this Monk containing the antient laws and customes of the realm the chapters of the laws and liberties says he which the great men the Barnage or Baronage as in other places he cals them sought to be confirmed were partly written above in the Charter of king Hen. partly taken out of the ancient laws of king Edward d id ibid. Alll which lawes with much adoe were confirmed by king John this Scedule is the same and everywhere agrees with our Magna Charta or grand Charter and that of the Forrest granted and confirmed by king Henry the third called then by this Author the long required liberties e id 323. or rather by the whole Clergy and Nobility who tel the king they would give him the fifteenth which he desired if he would grant them the long required liberties which says this Historian the king granted and presently Charters were writ one of the common liberties c. And strengthened with his seal and one sent into every County But says he the tenors of the Charters is had above more expresly for here he recites not a word of them So that as he still the Charters of both the kings are not not found in any thing unlike u 5. H. 3 l. 1. Mort. dancest In. 323. in an 1224 the 8 of the King as he yet th charters has an 9. In the year foregoing this King was sought to by the Archbishop of Canterbury Stephen and the other great men the Barons at Oxford where he held his Court to confirm the liberties and free customes c w id 316. Which he did not then do but sent his letters or writs to all theâ— Sheriffs of the realm to cause twelve knights or legal men of every County to enquire upon oath what were the libertics in England in the time of king Heary his Grandfather so he is yet called x id 317 Ma. Wâ—st the breakers of the Charters are Excommunicated with candles burning cast away extinguished and cast away stinking y Id. 861. Thus we see the stream of the laws of king Edward the ancient liberties and free customes some times running freely sometimes weakly sometimes stopped in their course at last have brake through all the Dams have mixed and incorporated with the great Charter whose basis and foundation they are z Nobilis D. Rog. Twisâ— den praefat in Ll. w. 1. H. 1 there still in being and still the fountain of the Common Law The great Charter raised upon this basis in one of the Statutes of confirmation is commanded by king Edward the first to be allowed by the Justices in judgement as the Common Law a 25. E. 1 c. 1 So that well might the Lord Cook say The great Charter is but a confirmation or restitution of the Common Law b Iast 81 It hath been confirmed above 30 times and by a Statute if any Statute be made against one of these Charters it is to be void c 42 E. 3 c. 1 â— which if it were intended not of the time past but of the time to come I see no such absurdity in it as some mens over wise policies would fancie some parts of it being as moral and immutable as the Decalogue it selfe As those That no man shall distraine for more service then is due no man shall be amerced for a small fault but after the manner of his fault no man shall bee destroyed
without triall justice shall not be sold nor deferred c. The observation of these Lawes was a condition of Peace which ever appeased the antient distempers and cemented what was loose and dis-joynted in the great body The Lawes toe of St. Edward are inserted into the oath of the Kings of England usually taken at their Coronations which were not onely superfluous and abundant but an impious vanity if there were no such lawes any where after the solemnity of this religious and sacred bond to be observed The manner of taking the Oath as we find is this The Archbishop asks the King VVhether he be willing to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors and whether the Lawes and Gustomes by the antient just and devout Kings granted to the people of England with the confirmation of his Oath he will grant and keep to the same people and especially the Lawes Customes and Liberties by the glorious King Edward to the Clergie and people granted d Ex libro regali After he is led to the high Altar where he swears to observe them c. Further so farre are some from allowing our Lawes to be Norman that they are of opinion the Normans received theirs from us as they most of their Customes being so derived as William of Rovel in his Preface to his Commentary upon the grand Customary Edward the Confessor being a long while in Normandy gave Lawes to the Normans and made the Customes of England and Normandy e D. Spel. gloss v. jurata which if it were not so nothing is lost by it nor does it make any of these truths suspitious * Sup. 55. that so few of these Lawes are come to our hands of which something is said before and of their Book-Cases or Judgments none at all There never could be any such Volumes of them heard of as are fancied besides the honest simplicity of the first ages and the strictnesse of rules spoke of writings and deeds either to pass Lands or Priviledges were not in use till King VVithred neer 700. years after our Saviour that King being so illiterate that he could not write his name as himself confesses f Concil Sax. 198 King Aelfred little lesse then two hundred years after this complaines of the ignorance then that there were scarcely any on this side Humber who could understand the ordinary common prayers or translate a piece of Latine into English but in the beginning of his reign on the South of the Thames he remembred not a man who could have done it g Ibid. 379 Epist Aelfredi ad Walsagepiscep and although this King of sacred memory if perhaps as I cannot thinke he was not the Solon and Arthitect of our Saxon English order yet a great restorer of it built gloriously upon the frame he found yet these were lesse then beginnings would likely have been where such a Prince had been the Workman he could not intend them the Danes like a fatall whirlewinde tearing up root and branch every where ruining had long before broke into the Land which two hundred yeers together they miserably harassed with whom he fought fifty six battells and as may be imagined had not leisure to performe the duties of peace but in his armes sometime hid in the poore shed of an Herdsman as the most knowing Knight a King without a Kingdome a Prince without people so that hee could not thinke of his Lawes h Concil 378. and although there was some breathing and the storm had some intermission some calmes were in the two hundred yeeres some in his reign yet such ravage and spoil had these barbarous theeves made and so universall might the Confusions and Disorders be we may conceive it would be the labour of no short peace to restore things fallen or shaken to their first condition without making any the least progression this being not to be done till the corruptions which warre licentiousnesse and carelesse negligence have bred in the parts most sound are plucked up and the weeds throwne out which must be the worke of time The proceedings too of the Saxons our Ancestors as M. Lambard in judgement was de plane and without solennity enough to cleare this though the Saxon Lawes then were enough for the Commonwealth yet they had no great extent whatsoever unto S. Edward gathered out of the Lawes of those who followed this King and saw more quiet dayes or out of the whole body of the Saxon Lawes could not reach farre but not out of any defect in the Law it selfe then the cause why the law runs in a larger channell and spreads into more veines now is not any artifice or injust dealing of those who practice it but the improvement of estates by good husbandry much traffique whence contracts are more frequent As Sir John Davies there is more Luxury and excesse in the world more force deceit and oppression more covetousnesse and malice breach of peace and trust which as they gather strength and multiply so must the laws there is a necessity that as these mischiefs increase there should be supplements of laws to meet with them Mr. Daniel observes of the Assize of Clarendon long after the Saxons that it consisted as it does of very few points and that the multitude of actions which followed in succeeding times grew out of new transgressions c. When the Romans were little better then shepheards and herdsmen it is said a few Ivory tables contained their laws after they came to be Lords of the world thousands of Books were writ of the Romans Civil Law Albericus Gentilis justly reprehends Ludovicus Vives who maintained as he that all things might be finished by a few laws as the same Mr. Lambard speaking of the Law of England positive or written Law neither is nor can be made such a perfect rule as that a man may thereby truly squâ—e out justice in al cases which may happen for written lawes must needs be made in generality and grounded upon that which happeneth for the most part because no wisdome of man can foresee every thing in particularity which experience and time doth beget i Archeior 76 77. There is a curse of peace the highest prosperity has its dangers there can be no safety in it the rich man is more infirm more unsound then the poore pride and malicious contention are diseases he is seldom free from it is well said of wicked men and their injustice there is need of many laws to bridle them of many Officers to execute of many lawyers to interpret those laws We know all laws come not in by heaps but as time corrupts things and new wrongs and offences are discovered by the same degrees Thus the Sumptuary laws amongst the Romans came in the Fabian of Plagiaries the Julian of publike or private force de ambitu and the rest all our Statute laws which are remedying So must it be and so it has been in all Commonwealths of
complaine volenti non sit injuria he might have refused the thing his acceptance binds him to the charge coincident Hotoman describes a fief to be a benefice for which some duties are done to testifie the gratefulnes of the taker t Disp c. 1. I should think here would be the injustice That the whole benefice should be enjoyed by the Tenant and the Granter from whom it moved be allowed none of his owne reservations to himselfe I beleeve there are few men now without harths or housholds Gods who would resufe a good manner because these tyes hang upon the Labell Sir Themas Ridleyn a Civilian fetches the Feudes chiefly from the Lombards u View c. 71. much augmented and adorned by them they might be w Gloss D. sp 256. which Lombards were Cousin-Germanes of the English Saxons whose Companions in the Conquest of Italy part of the Saxons were and their charges are almost the same with ours yet in the volume of the antient Lombard Lawes the word feud is not to be found seldome the word benefice but their are many things directly tending to this purpose as also in the Laws of the Franks called the Capitulars our English Saxon those of others The word feud is of Saxon originall feb fech from whence it comes being the same with fee in use now The greatest part of the words taste not onely of the Germane but of it 's more ancient dialect the old Saxon. x D. spelm ibid. The feuds came but of late to be a volume of the Civill Law composed by Obert de Horto and Gerard Niger under the Emperour Fredericke the first surnamed Barbarossa antiently the fee was held meerly at the will of the Lord y Ger. nig l. 1. T. c. 1. after for a yeare for life made perpetuall and hereditary by Conrad the salic the yeare 1025. amongst the Germans where the discent was as we call it by Gavelkinde amongst the French in the reign of Hugh Capet which he began in the yeare 988. in the yeare 913. as Munster will have it Conrad the first changed this custome he gave the Dukedome of Saxonie to Henry the Faulconer as a fief hereditary to the end these are his words that he might be the more vigilant to combate the Obotrites now those of the Dukedome of Mecklenburge and the enemies of the Faith After as he Otho the first who began his reign 938. and his Successors did the like z Cosmegr 346. after his defeat of the Hongres a ibid. 359. Lothaire the Emperour forbad Lords to take away the Vassals fee without his crime which some interpret signall ingratitude b Feud l. c. tit 20.23 to which Conrade addes unlesse he be convinced of the crime by the judgement of his Peers or equals of the Court c ibid. which is called Landamentum It is said of the Germans the Emperour because he cannot judge causes in all places conferres upon illustrious men viz. Princes Earledomes and feudal banners d Specul Sax. Artic. 52. as another they have their fanleben or principall fees the collation and investiture of which belongeth onely to the Emperour e Stat. German p. 2.52 These were the fees of the great Captaines or Barons called by them freyberen under which are the Medii Liberi who followed the Warre and ought homage to another as Servitors noble f Munst 145. the Land they called Terra salica was the same with our Knight service g Bodin l. sixieme c. 5. this was simply called a fee military held of the Barons and Vavasours of all which the Iaws speak where are mentioned the great Captaines who received the regall fiefs called vassi dominici who held in chiefe the middle of a lower sort who received siefs from them and the lowest to whom those gave h Feud l. 1. tit 1. sec 4. Et tit 15. Frederick the first is made to speake thus We in the presence witnes of all the Teutonic's Lombards and of the Bishops and lay Princes and Barons and Vanasours c. i Raedenic l. 2. c. 31. There is a Gavelkind as well in their honours of the greatest Houses as of the Lands which held in the Crowne it selfe till Charlemaigne and is abolished in the House of Hessen but fince the last peace The words of the Lord Arundel of Wardours creation made Earle by Rodolph the 11. for his good service and valour against the Turkes at Strigoniun and the parts about were we have created him and all and every of his Children Heires and Posteritie and Descendents lawfully of both Sexes for ever to bee born Counts and Countesses c. The ancient Saxons were divided into three sorts the Edhilinges or Nobles the Frilinges or Freemen the Lazzi or Villeins which agreed exactly with our distinctions though now their remaines nothing of the latter but the memory of it with us not yet worne out a mongst the Germans and as to some duties as tilling the Lords ground carrying in his corne c. the complaint of the mutinous Clownes of the schwabische kraisse or circle of Suevia was true that their condition was little better then servile k Sleid. com l. 5. fiefs are every where in France upon the reasons before brought in as all their old Laws Institutions by Pharamond and his German Frankes the Conquerours of the Gaules The Nobles from the time of Hugh Capet tooke their surnames from their fiefs the French have their fief dominant en royale or tenure in capite held immediately in chiefe of the King and whereof many others hold their fief of Dignities either held immediately or of some fief so held then called fief mesne a Barony or Chastelleny the feudum vexillare or fief Rdnneret The fief ample or Knights fee held of the Lords Mesne Barons or Chastellaines and their fief roturior ignoble as our Socage Wardship Fealty Homage Courts Customes Iurisdiction over Vassals are incidents of the noble fiess a name as Berault which comprehends all the species but the last they have their Cotier paying the Cens a quit rent or tilling the Lords ground c. The Cens was a Custome of the Romans and imposed in imitation of them their Villain or basest servile Tenant is yet in being they have their Court feudale or fonciere which is as our Court Leet or Baron a Court of base Jurisdiction to which the Lords Vassals owe their suites and services so of Escheates there is little difference betwixt them us in them and in the right d'Aubaine where a Stranger possessed of Lands or Goods dies not naturalized The right of bannery is the same with us which is the priviledge of having a common Mill Oven c. whereto the tenants of the Maner must resort so of the dehris for wrecs or shipwrackes of right of warren fishing and fowling of Hereot a Custome of of the Germans yet of Reliefe of escuage
them of such delaies c. and to cause the same Justices to come before them c to hear the cause and reasons of such delayes which cause and reasons so heard by good advise of themselves the Chancellour Treasuâ—er the Justices of the one Bench and other c. shall proceed and make a good judgement c. if the difficulty were so great to require it they were to bring the tenor to the next Parliament Where a finall according as this Statute was to be taken according to which the Judges were commanded to proceed to give judgement without delay b 14 E. 3. c. 5. Causes have used to be adjourned out the Courts and to be determined by an assembly of all the Judges called since the Exchequer chamber as in Chudleighs case c V. 1. warranted saies the Lord Coke by the common Law and ancient presidents before this Statute The frequent use of which so he has been the cause why the Court founded upon that Statute of Edw. the 3. hath been rarely put in ure d 4 Just 68. There is a Court erected by Parliament for errours in the Kings Bench as it is called by the Statute e 27 El. 8 3â— El. c. 1. and for those who love no errours another Statute commands That judgement be given after the demurer is joyned and entred notwithstanding any defect in proces or pleading other then such as the party demurring shall particularly expresse f 27 El. c. 5 If things were truly looked into we should finde delayes and other indirect courses to proceed from the artifice and unjust subtilties of suitors of those who prosecute bad causes to infest and wrong other men and from the cheating Mountebanks a skum of litigious men of no rank nor quality nor of any study in the Law who undertake them Impostors more doted on then those of the profession famous for their integrity and industry really and honestly understanding Impostors rather to be listed under the notion of Incendiaries and common Baretors then of any others catching at any thing refused by the honest learned practiser venturing to soder the most broken title by sleights and false daubings to the ruine at last of those who imploy them though not without some mischiefe and infinite vexation of the adversary and the injust Client having consumed himselfe much is encouraged not to flinshe for what follows is blown up with fresh hopes tampered with new shifts and arts of reviving till he has given himselfe wholly up till he is wilful and at last like a Gamster swearing over his last stake he loves every tergiversation and struggles with all his power and cunning to avoid the disgrace and losse of being overthrown when he must see while there is any justice left it cannot be avoided but when this blow hits him though himselfe was the worker and the motion began and continued from his own hand then he implores the faith of God and man Hence is a never dying quarrel to the Lawes the justly deserved calamity is imputed to nothing else If deceits and wrong may not be secure and happy the Lawes shal be cursed and blasphemed like Tacitus his Gods rather carefull of any thing else then to provide as he prophanely for our safety But in these exceptions to the Lawes the kindnesse would be wonderfull if the professours should goe free as it might we meet with an old censure which at the first fight seems something Councellours which includes the professors of all Laws alike it is this That the Lawyers of the best quality and fame one and another all of them seldome refuse any man and since their cannot be a right of both parties oftentimes defend the wrong which in good conscience they ought not nor cannot wish should prevaile To this I reply every right is not clearly seen nor every wrong suddenly known * 4 Reppreface of late some Statutes are long and full of perplexities ill penned here are late and new inventions in assurances which the eye of the Law before never beheld Many unskillful Empericks are employed about wills and Conveyances where if the words of their general president or receipt if they have any will fit the sense of the party who conveys 't is well and lucky otherwise the patches of their own prove dangerous And some ambiguities in clauses and expressions may happen which cannot easily be tryed by any law before nor can any Councellour very often assure himselfe he may give his opinion conjecturally and probably and that is all accidents alone the act of God may make things litigious which it is not in the power of the most wise to prevent The lawyer himself too may not stranges a a man make his mistakes something may slip from him imperfect which may trouble others to judge Suarez speakeâ— excellently of this For whereas says he such is humane condition that a man can scarcely explicate his sense in so perspicuous words but that often ambiguities happen especially in laws of men which are briefly and generally delivered therefore in applying them to various cases in particular many time doubts arise to take away which the Legislator either not in being or at hand to declare his intent The opinion of wise men and interpretation doctrinal is necessary out of which necessity comes the skill of the Civill Law weighty because in every Art the judgement of the skillful of that Art is of great moment and inducing at least probability that is all for if all were of one minde they would make a moral certainty in these things g l. 6. deleg c. 1. The Statute raising the Court for delays before-mentioned makes it plain there may be not onely difficulties but diversities of opinions in the Judges too h 14. E. 3. c. 5. there may be postnate cases which could not be foreseen in the laws where all remedies could not be comprehended nor are all things which follow in confimili casu The Statute of exemplifications begins For the avoiding of all such doubts questeons and ambiguities as have risen and been moved c. in and upon the 3 and 4 of Edward the 6. i 15 E. v. 32 H. 8 c. 26. The declarative Statutes are commonly made to take away doubts and incertainties before Nor is this any wonder that the Councellor should guesse at the case when in the extraordinaries in things strange and undiscovered the Judges themselves sometimes are divided Of the case of the Shellies and the Unckle the Nephew in Queen Elizabeth her time the Lord Cooke reports thus After the said case was openly and at large argued by the Councel of either party in the Queens Bench three days the Queen hearing of it for such was the rarenesse and difficulty so he of the case being of importance that it was generally known and out of her gracious disposition to prevent long tedious and chargeabl suits betwixt parties so neer of blood which would be
the undoing of both of them Gentlemen of a good and ancient family commanded the Lord Chancellour to assemble all the Justices of England before him upon conference to give their resolutions Which they did one Justice disagreeing Chudleight case in the same report is said to be so difficult and of so great consequence it was thought necessary that all the Justices of England openly in the Exchequer Chamber upon solemn Arguments should show their opinions in it where the chief Baron and Justice Walmesly are dissenters as also Justice Gawdy in part Till the first of king James there were but four Judges of either Bench and many times as the same Lord Cook k 4. Rep. Pâ—af in cases of great difficulty the Judges being equally divided in opinion the matter depended long undecided for prevention of which this King added a Judge to either Bench. Retractations may be allowed in law as well as in divinity a man may differ with himselfe believe and apprehend truely and ingenuously and with Judgement this way or that way and after when he shall hear the reasons of others and the same case debated solemnly by the most grave most wise and most reverend of the profession not onely startle and doubt but but believe and like the contrary of what he liked before truly and ingenuously still without any blemish of dishonesty or falsenesse to be stuck upon him for it truth is said to be the adaequation of the speech with the species and if here any miâ—take be as there may the falsenesse is in the notions not in the man who speaks and thinkâ— he speaks truth I know no reason where there is no leading judgement to sway why the professors of the lawes should certainly be supposed to know the right and on which side it is as if infallibility were so ready or likely to be where as the Mirrour joyns them There is no law nor usage and where there are no presidents to direct Cases not being included in any words of law may be compared with the reasons of other cases according to similitude fancied and opinion so produced is but an incertain and weak knowledge thus or thus which yet may well be otherwise every man knows how far the Topic argumentation comes short of the necessary further as Sir John Davies When is right or wrong manifested upon the comencement of a suit before it is known what can be alledged and proved by either party The Councellor when he is first reteined hears onely one part of the matter and that also from his Client who ever puts his case with the best advantage for himselfe after pleading of the parties when they are at issue when they have examined witnesses in course of equity or are discended to a tryal in course of law after publication and hearing in the one cause and full evidence delivered in the other then perhaps may the Councel of either side dicern the rigt from the wrong and not before But then are the causes come to their catastrophe and the Councellours act their last part l Praef. ded f. 6 7. Thus as there are diversities of opinions amongst the professours of the lawes we see there are invincible reasons why sometimes there must be such diversities and I would gladly know where there is any general agreement of mindes A great man of the Clergy but no great lover of the laws or lawyers notes one Judge very hastily determining against others do not Councels often do the same the later quite thwarting those which went before and what he grants are not Divines divided against Divines not only in things of Ceremonie but of Faith If we look upon other Arts and Sciences we might think all things made from Heraclitus his principles that strife was the father what dissonance of opinions what knots never to be untyed sayes the incomparable Petrarch upon the discourse of discord are there amongst the Philosophers Who can number the varieties of their Sects what conflicts amongst Rhetoricians what discords of all Arts what clamours amongst the Lawyers those of the Civil Imperial lawes how well they agree the immortality of causes proves Sick men can witnesse what concord there is amongst Physicians what unlikenesse of mindes is there about things sacred and Religion where the differences are oftner tryed in the field then in the Schools m Petr. de remed utr fort 429. l. 2. By no other law is it said is unlawful maintenance Champerty or buying Titles so severely punished as by ours By what other law askes the most learned Knight is the Plaintiffe for false clamours or injust vexation or the Defendant for pleading a false Plea amerced the amercements in Magna Charta of which hereafter were instituted to deter men from injust suits and defences n 2 Inst 28 the French impost of 100 sous upon the Processe is thought injust yet sayes the Republique never was any so necessary in this Realm where there are more suits then in the rest of Europe which have sprouted chiefly from the time of Charles the sixth when by Edict the ancient custome to condemn those in costs who had lost the cause was cassed o Bod. Rep. 889. By the Saxon lawes he that denyed another his right either in bocland or folcland before a Judge without any right forfeited to the king 30s so the next time the third time the kings oâ—er hyrnysse 120. s. for his contempt p Ll. Ina c. 8. Ll. Edu sen c. 2. Ll. Cnuti c. 7. such lawes as these which might fright troublesome spirits are of high necessity yet I think where mens own Consciences restrein them not the punishment of laws would not prevaile with all men Nor can we expect any continual peace from vexatious suits nor any security from delayes deceits in them till a Christian generous honesty diffuse it self every where and there be a general perfection of charity and love in every man which is not easily to be hoped for France may be famous for its sprightlinesse Spain for its gravity Germany for the arts what clime is renowned for any such honesty Unles the new Atlantis can be found again and its Idea of a Commonwealth the Magick Region of the Moon throughly discovered and it lye hid there Or * Euphorn Barclaie may be believed of his Lusinia so unlike the whole world beside Of which that it breeds men worthy the genius of the place and of their own fortune for so he says if it be the Country some think he means he may be credited for the rest of the innocency piety of the people it is more then I can say of my own knowledge and I would lead no mans Faith where things are not plain and certain Other causes of multiplicity of suits in these latter ages are observed by the Lord Cooke to be first peace noted before * c. 2. In the reigns of the kings Edward the 3. Richard the 2
chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas having abjured c. for murder His wife and son Petition the Parliament for a Manour which the Lord of the Fee had seised as Escheated in which Sir Thomas had onely an estate for life joyntly with his wife but the inheritance was in the son by fine There were summoned says the Record as well the Iustices of either Bench as the rest of the realme c. expert in the laws and customes c. The resolution speakes Before the Councel c. there being called the Treasurer and Barons and Iustices of either Bench it is agreed c. The famous case of conveening Clerks before the secular Magistrate was debated in the time of a Parliament of Hen. the 8. the Iustices c. being present and ruled according to the opinion of chiefe Iustice Fineux a most reverend Judge y 7. H. 8. Kelle vay 183. Reasonablenesse of time for tenant at Will discharged to carry away his goods of incortain fines of Copy holds c. is to be adjudged by the discretion of the Judges z Inst 57.59 Distresses are by the Statute of Marlbridge to be reasonable a c. 4. No more is said The Judges have ever yet determined that reasonablenesse as they have ever ordinarily what is reasonable in other things just and injust right and wrong what are evil customes and what not according to the Laws they have the use and customes of judgement saies a Statute b De Bigaem c. 1. Good reason then that they be Judges of that use and those customes They may claime this authority by a long prescription it has been allowed them in all Parliaments and by all Parliaments hitherto c V. 1 H 7. 3.4.20 3 Just 3. They in all the books doe not onely expound interpret and deliver the sense of Statutes but in Parliaments too upon consideration of a Bill in the 43 and 44 of Queen Elizabeth it was resolved so we finde a book speak By the chiefe Iustices Popham and Anderson and by divers other Iustices assistants to the Lords of Parlia ment in the upper House That leases to the Queen c. against the provision of the 13 of El. are restrained by the same act d 5. Rep. p. 2.14 The Lord de la Wares case concerning disability temporary and absolute was in a Parliament sitting referred to a Committee which at the Lord Burgley's Chamber in White-hall heard what could be said by Councel in the presence of the two chief Justices and of divers other Justices by whom it was resolved e Rep. 11.1.39 El. Here is an allowance of the latter as wel as former ages whatsoever the change may be let us change till we shall not know our selves if we retaine any face of Law or Judicature so it must be I never heard nor those who have heard more of such a Law yet which could be learned practised and understood without study and which all men but those who had studied and understood it might be Judges of The professed enemies of the Laws of England as such lawes have not been many no not in very many ages much stirre there was much disquiet ere they were had or rather restored Never any tumults all the Histories ore to undoe what was setled I doe not remember any other Law named against it but the Law of Wat Tylers mouth f From this day saies Tiler in London all Law shall fall from Wat Tylers mouth which we can make nothing of we heare of Kets Oke of reformation nothing of his Lawes The Lawes never were made the title of a rising yet I believe under such leaders little of the building would have stood whole Those of the Roman heresie are and have been inveteratly spightfull have more then once attempted to blow the Lawes and the Nation into the ayre together according to that divine determination of the Jesuiticall Oracle that the innocent may be destroyed with the wicked the Wheat plucked up with the tares g Act. p. 93. They would have blown up all our Laws though all of them are not accused not slandered by them not in what I have seen of theirs though likely they shal all have their turns not one of them not yet perhaps traduced by them as they are offended by it if it keep their mischiefes from ripening and be executed against them though much more ancient then our quitting them and their heresies and approved by their own Clergy here but it shall be reproached by them as one of our Statutes Our Laws though necessary and religious against them being called by them cruel Laws h 3 Jac. c. 1. The Statutes of praemunire and provision c. are abominable Parsons the Jesuit that fury of sedition charges the Law of Cawdries case highly and with the least dangerous Ponyards and daggers of his society wounds as he thought the reverend reporter Andrew Eudaemon as others Cacodaemon Johannes in love with the Straw miracle of the Gunpowder Martyr Garnet condemnes our Laws and Courts and the triall by twelve men like Polydore Virgils Ghost in his words He was of Crete so he saies and if we believe him in that we must believe him in nothing else The Jesuits were ever undermining ever active full of plots and treasons and their hatred cannot be imputed to any other cause but this for the ills they had done they feared the barre yet this arrogance they might take from the house of pride of which they were The Prince of which has ever till we left him where he had left the purity of the first ages encroached upon our Lawes and government praetending every where a certain assistance of the holy Spirit for which he is to be obeyed a course I would advise those to take who inveigh next and have nothing to say to the purpose The Pope as the Venetians in the interdict tell the French Kings Ambassadour attributes to himselfe authority to define and determine even against the opinion of all the world what Lawes are just and unjust as Dr. Marta Besides the kisse of the blessed feet he has the free faculty of making and abregating Laws i D' jurisd c. 46. Whence this authority is derived some are not assured they referre it to the spirituall authority with which the temporall is imagined to be indirectly given Others speak plainly that he is a temporall Monarch over all the earth that he might receive appeals from Princes give Laws to them and annul those made by them That Ecclesiasticks are to examine whether the Lawes of Princes be just and whether the people be obliged to obey them if we doubt this think it with the most if we tell the flatterers and Parasites of this chaire the former ages heard nothing not a word of all this They may reply in the words of Paul the 5. That the former Popes did not wel understand themselves a great and certain mark of this
admirable not at all the more unhappy for it I know no reason why the same words should be thought unhandsome in our law and elegant and beautiful in another and as laws which is noted if all the hast imaginable were made for a change could not in our daies arrive at that fulnesse and excellency to comprehend and redresse thousands of those wrongs which now we finde remedies for The decemviri imployed about the Tables thought they could have comprised all accidents they fell short in their account all the bookes in the world saies Bodin cannot comprehend every case which may happen for after all the additions possible it wil be found that perfection of lawes must be the labour of ages and that experience is the best and onely happy Lawgiver So would there be the same length of time required for the new termes Time is followed at the heeles by corruption and ere our descendents shall make up what we shall leave imperfect if our change be not disliked and changed by them they that shall invent the last terms perhaps without some key or other wil not be able to understand the first The length and change of time will make the next as obscure as these if we look upon our own language and not so far back as Robert of Gloucester and others of the most ancient English writers if Sir Geofry Chaucer and John of Lidgate be compared who calls him master and betwixt whom there are not many yeeres it may be seen how quickly it altered as since the raigne of King Henry the eight we know it has sufficiently changed again It was the observation of the illustrious Viscount that books writ in modern Tongues could not be long lived he expresses it in the term for bankrupts cito decocturos they would quickly break which was the reason why he caused that most excellent piece his Augmentation of Sciences to be translated into Latine c. So that I cannot yet finde why the antiquity of our termes should be a cause of change It is ridiculous to think otherwise The Lawyer must speak the words of the Law nor can the proces and forms of the bar be expressed in neat and fine language Cicero l. 1. de Orat. Orat. pro Caetin Gell. l. 20. c. 10. de voc ab ex jure manuÌ„ consertum Cicero himselfe is observed in matters of Law to speak like a Lawyer ordinarily using the terms Ennius does the same in those Pellitur e medio sapientia vi geritur res Spernitur orator bonus horridus miles amatur c. Nou ex jure manum consertum sed mage ferro Rem repetunt regnumque petunt vadunt solida vi * l. 16. c. 10. And in this Proletarius publicitus scutoque feroque c. And as no other Law can gain any thing of ours in reason as little can they gain of us in phrase if the stile be compared with the purity of the speech they are written in the stile of the Imperial laws with the purer Latin This I wil illustrate only with the designe to make it cleare that this homelinesse of ancient habit is not a rude fashion taken up alone by our Law I wil observe somewhat of the Civil Law out of the professors of it that we may see our Lawes onely have not been censured are not onely subject to censure Perinus in Justinians life runnes in a long invective against Tribonian as he is called the architect of the Pandects and of the whole Law whom out of Suidas he calls wicked impious a contemner of Religion far from Christianity a deceiver and fraudulent perswading the Emperour that he should be assumed like Enoch corrupt basely covetous so that the law lost much in the infamy of so wicked and pestilent an author Where he speaks of the Laws he saies Tribonian and his fellowes were like cruell Chiriergions who cut to the quicke and which he cites Budaeus for That they have left the Pandects rather curtailed then compendious fearing out of superstition dregs and things obsolete they have heaped up matter out of the drier volumes and drawn that which wil not quench any mans thirst So that as he goes on in the framing the Pandects you would rather think they slept then that they digested any thing rightly and compendiously Justinian in the Proem to his Institutions supposes an huge confusion before callâ— this a desperate worke and walking in the middest of the deep The body of it then was confused of infinite extent sayes the Glosse The Code sayes Sis Th. Ridlye a Civilian is a barbarous Thracian phrase latinised such as never any mean Latinist spake for themethod it is rude unskilfull where it departeth from the Digests yet the knowledge of it is more expedient then the knowledge of the Digests because it determineth neteers in daily use of life f View of the Civil and Eccles law The Digest is said to differ but little from the best Romane speech but what it has in words it wants in substance as the same Knight the learning of it stands in discussing subtile questions and enumeration of opinions in which there is more wit then profit Againe this Digest or Pandect as an old Glosse strangely a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 totum * c. Pandectarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrina which is said to be drawn out of 150000. or as others 300000. verses of the old Law indigested and abolished needed exposition and amendment The Compilers were not so quicksighted but that sundry antinomies as this Knight and Budaeus or contrary laws past them they were too subtily Writ and needed explaining besides in the Digest every case falling out in common use of life was not decided for it is enough that Lawes look upon that which is likely most often to happen nor as our Knight was it possible every moment new matter fals out for which former Lawes made no provision which was the reason why the Code was set forth and why the Athenticks or Novelles followed Being the Princes resolution of doubts confusedâ—y put out as the Civilians abroad confesse g V. Lex Ju. Civ ve bo Novellae The Feudes as the same knight were drawn partly out of the Civil Law partly out of the Customes of Millain but without either form or order h Ib. View 69. before the Cornelian Law of Jurisdiction of the Praetors they were wont led away wich covetousnesse or ambition out of favour or spight variously to give judgement Changing and altering the laws they had set forth in writing The Cornelian law commanded i Dio. Cuss l. 36. 1 That in the entry to their office They should publish what law they would use and observe it I will not say there is any such incertainty now yet where there are so many Doctors interpreting the Text so many Comments such multituddes again interpreting them without a miracle there cannot but be
great distraction in opinions Hence it is that Gentilis and Alciat require that the authorities and cases of the Doctors be weighed not numbred k Gentil l. 3. Epist Alciat l. 4. perarerg c. 17. Which is otherwise in our Law where the judgement of any man whatsoever is not of authority nor is any thing binding but the determination of Courts and the rule of judgements before Lawes are not causes of strife but the variety of senses which is put upon them we are told of a constitution of Pope Nicholas the third upon the rule of that Monster Francis of Assise in the argument ambiguous and doubtful enough yet did it never trouble the Order all Glossers and Commentators being forbidden to meddle with it l Concil Trid. 660. He that puts out the Imperial institutions sayes he has added the cases or Themes as they call them of Cornelius Vibulanus Having rejected the old as barbarous and uselesse and that he has cut off part of those Notes taken out of the Commentaries of the Doctors which are called small accessions because so he very many of them were partly wide of the marke nothing to the purpose partly absurd andridiculous Till of late there was never any glosse upon our Littleton and now that which is is made up out of the resolutions and judgements of Courts not as if Littleton needed any confirmation One of whose cases was acknowledged for Authentick by four Judge in the time of king James with this expression That they owed so great reverence to Littleton they would not suffer his case to be disputed or questioned m Mich. 21 Jac. B. C. The Civil Law hath its circumstances and exceptions the anomale before and in the contestation of the suit to the Fact of the intention of deceit fear c. temporary perpetual It s formulae or solemn forms by which let the matter of Fact be never so orderly related if either no conclusion or an unfit one be collected from it the whole libell falls Sometimes sayes a French Civilian of the Parliament of Paris a Proces is determined by contrary arrests differing from others preceding then which is pittiful this clause is added to the Text of the arrest Without drawing it to consequence or the motive I believe not alwayes is registred France sayes this Bodin again bas more laws and Customes more Proces and suits then the rest of Europe beside and more have been prosecuted in the last six score yeeres then in a thousand before which have througed in more and more as he goes on since that Charles the seventh and his successours have begun to people the realm with lawes made after the mode of Justinian with a long train of reasons against the forme of the antient Ordinances of the kings and sage Legislators he addes Where laws are few and simple rather commanding then intreating and reasoning Commonwealths have flourished to a wonder under them Whereas others with their Godes and Pandects in a few yeers have been destroyed or troubled with seditions or the mischiefs of Proces and wranglings immortal n Repul l. 1927 l 6. By the multitude of Authors and Doctors as the illustrious Viscount the law is torn in pieces the Judge astonished and the proceedings everlasting o Angm. Scient 691 We may see as this French man again enough of these suits aged one hundred yeers as that of the Earldome of Rais so well managed that the parties who made the entrance into it are all dead and the Proces yet alive Nor are the terms of the ancient laws of the Tables to us now who know not the propriety of the first Latin much more winning more graceful then ours Where they are certainly antient they will seeme as hard to the first sight as any and their sense as strange after as the sound of others As that Senates should be used for revolters reconciled reunited Fortes for good men never revolted p Tab. c. 49 Pauperies in the law Siquadrupes pauperiem fecerit c. Should signifie hurt or damage q c. 15. Proletarius a word which a Lawyer in Gellius takes to be of Grammer learning and when he was shown it in the tables is content to say he had not learned the Law of the Faunas and Aborigines a poor Roman whose rate in the publique valuation of good was 1500 Asses or one that did nothing for the publick but get children r Gel. l. 16. c. 10. Tab c. 44. A famous Grammarian being asked what those words out of the ancient Actions in jure manum conserunt sayes the tables ex jure manum consertum mean sayes he taught Grammer A way of suing they signifie which he had never heard of Å¿ v. Gell. L. xx c. 10. Godwin antiquit l. 3. c. 21. That retanda flumina in an old Edict should be rivers to be cleered of trees growing in the Channel or upon the banks and hanging over from retae such trees t Gell. 11. c. 17. This of the tables will appeare as strange as any thing QVI. SE. SI ERYT TEST ARIER LIBERI PENS VE FVERIT NI TESTIMONIVM FARIATVR IMARN BYS. INTE STABILIS QVE ESTO u Idd. 15. c. 13. A. Gellius in his ch where he asks the question upon manum consertum speaks thus of the learning of the laws and the termes I have thought fit to insert into my Commentaries whatsover I have learnd from the Lawyers and their bookes because he that lives in the midst of things and men ought not to be ignorant of the most famous words of civil actions Amongst the later terms which are proper and necessary for the sense they serve many of them would trouble much our over curious Sirs they would not willingly be brought to an acquaintance with them Such are Suitas The quality of the heir inducing a necessity of succession the definition of which has perplexed some of the Authors not a little yet no worse doubtlesse then the Haecceitas of the Metaphysicks as is confessed by them it is unheard of of old but say they in those things which by degrees are received and become of use we ought not too strictly to eye our selves to the Canons of the Grammarians Alciaet who is known to all the world often used the word superesse rebus Which is used for overseeing and managing anothers businesse more then Gellius ever knew or thought of where he blames another false and strange signification of the word which sayes he was inveterate and got strength not onely amongst the rabble but in the Courts it being ordinary to say bic illi superest for he is the Advocate of such one w l. 1. c. 22 neer the last sense Secta which is used for Reason interleverit for deleverit insidiare for insidiari infecta for corrupta honestus for dives which is a great depravation reformare for rescindere prodere for dimittere per aversionem emere which
second of Richard the second m 2 R. 2. c. 1 Wills that the great Charter and the good laws of the land be firmly holden The 3d. That the good laws and customes c. be bolden n 3 R. 2. c. 1 v. 5 R. 2. c. 1 7 R. 2. c. 2. 9 R. 2. c. 1. The 4. of Hen. the 7. And over that his Highnesse shall not let c. but that he shall see his laws to have plain and true execution and his subjects to live in surety of their lands bodies and goods according to his said laws c. o 4 H. 7.12 c. 9. The 32. of King Hen. the 8. saies The King calling to mind c. that there is nothing within this Realm that conserveth loving subjects in more quietness rest peace and concord then the due just ministration of his laws c. The first Parliament of King James has The fundamentall and ancient lawes which this King as there is said expressed many waies how far he was from altering or innovating whereby c The peoples security of lands livings and priviledges both in generall and particular are preserved and maintained and by the abolishing or alteration of which it is impossible but that present confusion wil fall upon the whole State c. p 1 Jac. reg c. 2. Twice in Petition of Right is this expression and other the good Laws and Statutes once the laws custows once franchise of the land The conclusion is all which they humbly pray as their rights liberties according to the laws Statutes q 3 Car. Reg. If publike authority authority of Parliaments authority of the English Nation in all ages can make an authentike and valid testimony by that authority we see our Lawes are facred pious good mercifull and just their ends aym meerly at the peace and happinesse of the Nation the only ends which Lawes should aym at and these being had he must forfeit the Noble reason of man who desires a change which whensoever it shall happen by the judgement of a Parliament like the change of death must be fatal to the State Though here is already the weight I promised and such as all English men should allow I wil adde a testimony or two more of private men not of the profession yet no strangers in the Law as the most knowing Sir Henry Spelman Of all municipal lawes our law plain and without dresse as she is is the most noble Lady replete with all justice moderation and prudence c. As Sir Thomas Smith the people here are accustomed to live in such sort that the rich have no more advantage then the poor Dr. Cowel a most knowing Civilian very judicious in our laws sayes of the two Benches They decide all causes religiously according to the rescript of the Common law r Justit Angt. 24. sect 2. a most learned Knight of our age praises highly our forefathers for their vertue abroad and their exquisitenesse of counsel and judgement at home amongst whom as he in Livies expression The commands of the laws were ever more powerful then those of men and Iustice was administred with that sineerenesse and judgement you would believe it to have proceeded from Papinian himselfe of all men who are shall be or have been the most skilled in the laws Å¿ D. Rog. Twisden praefat ad Ll. Guil. 1. Hen. 1. Our laws are not written in any general tongue and so cannot easily be known by forreigners but by the effects long continuance here or acquaintance and seldome so strangers every where for the most part desiring to take notice of every thing else rather then of laws The French man who wrote the estates of the world discoursing of the charges practised in other provinces in his time sayes But the liberty of England is marveilous in this regard no Country any where being lesse charged t Les Esta c. p. sciâ—ur D. T. V. Y. v. Sir Rob. D alingt survâ—y of Tuscany The Lord of Argenton as much experienced as any man in his age or perhaps since who had seen Venice and the order of things there and praises it sufficiently yet speaks in his plain manner of England Now according to my judgement amongst all the Seigneuries of the world which I have had any knowledge of where the Commonwealth is best managed and where there is lesse violence used upon the people it is England u Liure 5. It was otherwise of France in the days of his Master Lewis the 11. In many places so grievous were the Taxes men women and children were forced to draw the plough by their necks and that by night for fear of the Collectors w P. Mat. Lon. 11. If we look upon the Peasants of France flead alive the Villano or Contadino of Italy either under the Spaniard or Venetian Where Fruit and Salades * Sir Rob. Dalingtons Survey of Tuscany nay and Asses dung all things whatsoever pay Tribute but mens sighs where one word gabelle is of the largest extent and more used then all the other in the Languages leave out the chains of the Turkish Gallies and the most sad thraldom of those Natives of America under the Spanish Conversion of the newest Fashion Baptized but as Bede says of the Protomartyr Albane in their own blood we shall finde nothing so miserable so unhappy in Nature Our Yeoman as Sir Tho Smith is a free Englishman a man well at ease and having honestly to live He savours says a Reverend Church man of our Nation of civility and good manners living in far greater reputation then the Yeoman in Italy France Spain Dr. Heyl. Geegr or Germany I may say for some of them more freely more plentifully then the Gentry of either Spain or Italy being able to entertain a stranger honestly dyet him plentifully and lodge him neatly We may read the words of a Parliament to this purpose after the discovery of the Powder-plot No Nation of the earth hath been blessed with greater benefits then this now enjoyeth x 3. Jac. and whatsoever benefits we have received we owe them all to the Laws they are derived to us thence we can attribute them to nothing else Honour given to the Professors of the Laws As Justice is the most excellent of all vertues seated in the Will as more sedate and nearer to the reason its object being the profit of others So it is with good cause preferred before Fortitude as Peace before War which ought to be ruled by a certain Justice and if all men were just there would be no need of Fortitude The ancient Chief Justice whatsoever may be talked of the Constable or others was the Great Officer of State and as he had more power so had he the precedency of all men else Odo Earl of Kent Chief Justice in the time of William the 1. is called Prince of the Palace by Ingulphus y