as their Lord. For Fear and Force a great Navy and standing Army of ten thousand Mercenary Soldiers are not as his Father said the Adamantine Chains which secure the Regal Power but the love and affection of Subjects to their Prince endeared to him by his Clemency and Justice which tho' they seem more pliant than the stiff and hard bonds of Severity are nevertheless the strongest and most durable Tyes to fix and establish a settled and lasting Empire Moreover it is mean and dishonourable that a Prince glorious in his Equipage splendid in the Gallantry and Magnificence of his Court should not at all excell a Peasant in Discourse and Conversation nor have his princely Mind accomplished as well as Body adorned according to his Royal Dignity Dion frequently entertaining the King upon this Subject and as occasion offered repeating some of the Philosophers Learned Arguments Dionysius grew impatiently desirous to have Plato's Company and to hear him discourse Forthwith therefore he sent divers Letters to him to Athens to which Dion added his entreaties also several Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect from Italy perswaded him to come and manage the plyable Youth of the King and by his grave and serious Advice restrain the unstable and desultory efforts of his new-acquired Power and Grandeur Plato as he says of himself being ashamed to seem busie only in words and sloathful in Action hoping withal that if he could work a Cure upon one Man the Head and Guide of the rest he might remedy the Distempers of the whole Kingdom of Sicily yielded to their Requests But Dion's Enemies fearing an alteration in Dionysius perswaded him to recall from Banishment one Philistus a Learned Man and very skilful in Tyrannical Policy whom they designed to set in opposition to Plato and his Philosophy For Philistus from the beginning was a great instrument to promote the Tyranny and being Governour of the Castle kept it a long time for that Faction There was a report that he had to do with the Mother of Dionysius the First and that he was not altogether ignorant of it But Leptimes having two Daughters by a married Woman whom he had Debauched gave one of them in marriage to Philistus without acquainting the King who being enraged put Leptimes's Mistress in Prison and Banished Philistus the Kingdom Whereupon he fled to some of his Friends at Adria in which retirement and leisure 't is probable he writ the greatest part of his History for he returned not into his Country during the Reign of that Dionysius But after his Death as is before related Dion's Enemies occasioned him to be recalled Home as fitter for their purpose and a firm Friend to the Arbitrary Government which he immediately upon his return endeavoured to abett and at the same time divers Calumnies and Accusations against Dion were by others brought to the King as that he held Correspondence with Theodotes and Heraclides to subvert the Monarchy for indeed 't is likely he had hopes by the coming of Plato to take off the unlimitted Power of Dionysius and make him more moderate and equitable in his Authority but if he continued averse to that and were not to be reclaimed he resolved to depose him and restore the Common-wealth to the Syracusians not that he approved a Democracy or Popular Government but thought it preferrable to a Tyranny when a good Aristocracy or Regency of the Grandees could not be procured This was the state of Affairs when Plato came into Sicily who at his first arrival was received with wonderful demonstration of Kindness and Respect for one of the Kings richest Chariots waited upon him when he came on shore Dionysius himself sacrificed to the Gods in thankful acknowledgment for the great happiness which had befel his Kingdom The Citizens also entertained marvellous hopes of a speedy and thorough Reformation For that at Court they observed a modest Decorum in their Feastings a grave composure in their Behaviour and the King himself returned kind and obliging Answers to all Petitions and Causes that came before him Men were generally grown very desirous of Learning and eagerly intent upon the study of Philosophy insomuch that the very Palace as 't is reported was covered with dust by the numerous Concourse of the Students in the Mathematicks that resorted thither Not long after at a Solemn Sacrifice in the Castle according to the Custom of the Country when the Priest as he was wont prayed for the long continuance of the present Government Dionysius standing by was heard to say What will you never leave off cursing me This sensibly vext Philistus and his Party who conjectured that if Plato by so little acquaintance had thus transformed and altered the young King's mind consequently by longer converse and greater intimacy he would get such Power and Authority that it would be impossible to withstand him They did therefore no longer privately and apart but joyntly and in publick all of them rail at Dion noising it about that he manifestly charmed and bewitched Dionysius by Plato's Sophistry to the end that when he was persuaded voluntarily to part with the Regency and throw off his Authority Dion might take it up and settle it upon his Sister Aristomache's Children Others seemed to take it in great scorn that the Athenians who formerly arrived in Sicily with a great Fleet and numerous Land-Army but were routed and beaten off with great loss without being able so much as to take the City of Syracuse should now by means of one Sophister overturn the whole Empire of Dionysius inveagling him to cashier his Guard of ten thousand Lances dismiss a Navy of four hundred Galleys disband an Army of ten thousand Horse and treble the number of Foot and go seek in the Schools an unknown and imaginary Bliss and learn by the Mathematicks how to be happy while in the mean time he resigned the substantial enjoyments of absolute Power Riches and Pleasure of Dion and his Sisters Children By these means at first Dion incurred the Kings suspicion and by degrees his apparent displeasure and aversion A Letter also was intercepted which Dion had writ to the Carthaginian's agents advising them that when they treated with Dionysius concerning a Peace they should not come to their Audience unless he were there and then he would effectually dispatch their business according to their minds When Dionysius had shewed this to Philistus and as Timaeus relates consulted with him about it he over-reached Dion by a feigned reconciliation fairly pretending to receive him again to his favour but leading him alone one day to the Sea-side under the Castle Wall he shewed him the Letter and taxed him with Conspiring with the Carthaginians against him when Dion assayed to offer something in his own defence Dionysius suffered him not but immediately forced him aboard a Vessel which lay there for that purpose and commanded the Sailors to set him ashore on the
sudden he excelled all the Studies and Preparations of Demosthenes And Ariosto the Chian has related a certain Censure which Theophrastus passed upon the Orators For being asked what kind of Orator he accounted Demosthenes He answered Worthy of the City of Athens And then What he thought of Demades He answered Above it And the same Philosopher reports that Polyeuctus Sphettius one of the Magistracy about that time was wont to say That Demosthenes was the greatest Orator but Phocion the ablest Pleader being one who expressed the most Sence in the fewest Words And indeed it is reported that Demosthenes himself as often as Phocion went up into the Pulpit to plead against him would say to his Acquaintance Now stands up he that will cut asunder all I have said Yet it does not appear whether it was from the Eloquence of this Man or from his Life and Reputation that Demosthenes had such an opinion of him as thinking one Word or Nod from a Man in so high Credit to be of moe authority and force than the many and long Speeches of others Demetrius the Phalerean tells us having received the Relation as he says from Demosthenes himself now grown old that the ways he made use of to help the natural infirmities and defects of his Body were such as these His inarticular and stammering Pronunciation he overcame and rendred more distinct by speaking Orations with Pebbles in his Mouth His Voice he exercised by discoursing and pronouncing Speeches or Verses when he was out of Breath with running or going up steep Places And in his House he had a large Looking-Glass before which he would stand and repeat his Declamations It is reported that a certain Man coming to crave his advice and assistance and relating at large what blows he had received from his adversary sure said Demosthenes thou hast suffered nothing of all this thou talk'st of Upon which the Man straining his Voice and crying out a loud How Demosthenes have I suffered nothing I marry replied he Now I hear the Voice of one that has been injur'd and beaten Of so great consequence towards the gaining of belief did he esteem the tone and action of the Speaker The action which he used himself was wonderfully pleasing to the Common People but by those of the better sort of whom Demetrius Phalereus was one it was looked upon as low mean and unmanly Yet Hermippus says of Aesion that being asked his opinion concerning the ancient Orators and those of his own time he answered that one would have wondred to hear those Ancients with what decorum and grandure they address'd themselves to the People but the Orations of Demosthenes appear most admirable upon reading both for their artificial composure and strength of Argument The Speeches indeed which were penn'd by him a Man may well say were written with much severity and with some kind of bitterness but in his repartees on the sudden he was usually facetious and pleasant To Demades saying Demosthenes teach me So may the Sow teach Minerva He replied that Minerva of yours was lately taken playing the Whore in Collytus To a Thief whose name was Calchus attempting to upbraid him for sitting up late and writing by Candle-light I know very well said he that my Candle troubles you but wonder not O ye Men of Athens at the many Robberies which are so frequently committed since we have Thieves of Brass and Walls of Clay But concerning these matters though we have much more of this kind to say we will here put an end to our Discourse it being but just and reasonable that we now proceed to take an estimate of his Nature and Manners from his actions and management of Affairs in the Commonwealth His first entring into publick Business was much about the time of the Phocian War as himself affirms and may be collected from his Philippick Orations For these were made soon after that Action was over and the first of his Speeches relate to Affairs which hapned very near the same time The Accusation he had prepared against Meidias 't is manifest was writ by him when he was but Two and Thirty years old having as yet no interest or reputation in the Common-wealth And it seems to me that upon this Consideration only being afraid to proceed he let fall his Action and was reconcil'd for a Sum of Money For of himself He was no easie or good natur'd Man But of a disposition implacable and revengeful However finding it an hard matter and above his strength to deal with Meidias a Man so well secured on all sides with Money Eloquence and Friends he yielded to the intreaties of those who interceeded for him But had he seen any hopes or possibility of prevailing I cannot believe that 3000 Drachma's could have taken off the Edge of his Revenge The cause he undertook in the Commonwealth was fair and just the defence of the Grecians against Philip in which he behaved himself so worthily that he soon grew famous and was every where admired for his Eloquence and Courage in speaking He was adored through all Greece the Great King of Persia courted him and by Philip himself he was more esteemed than all the other Orators His very Enemies were forced to confess that they had to do with a Man of Worth and Honour for such a Character even Aeschines and Hyperides have given him where they accuse and speak against him So that I cannot imagine what ground Theopompus had to say that Demosthenes was of a wavering unsettled humour which could not long continue firm either to the same Men or the same Affairs whereas the contrary is most apparent for the same party and way of Government which he held with from the beginning to those he kept constant to the end and was so far from leaving them while he lived that he chose rather to forsake his life than his Party He was not heard to Apologize for his shifting of sides like Demades who would say he often spoke against himself but never against the City Nor as Melanopus who being generally against Callistratus but often bribed off with Money was wont to tell the People The Man indeed is my Enemy but we must submit for the good of our Country Neither as Nicodemus the Messenian who having first appear'd on Cassander's side and afterwards took part with Demetrius said These things were not in themselves contrary it being always most adviseable to obey the Conqueror But we have nothing of this kind to say against Demosthenes as one who would turn aside or prevaricate either in word or deed For he still kept one constant Tenor in his actions as if they had been all govern'd by one unalterable Scheme of Policy And Panetius the Philosopher said that most of his Orations are so written as if they were to prove this one conclusion that what is honest and vertuous is for it self only to be chosen as that of the
for his own expences it was much wondred that he took neither Fees nor Gifts from his Clients more especially that he did it not when he undertook the prosecution of Verres This Verres who had been Pretor of Sicily and stood charged by the Sicilians of many evil practices during his Government there Cicero caused to be condemned not by speaking but in a manner by holding his Tongue For the Judges favouring Verres had deferr'd the Tryal by several Adjournments to the last day in which it was evident there could not be sufficient time for the Advocates to be heard nor to bring the Cause to an Issue Cicero steps up and said there was no need of Speeches and therefore producing and examining Witnesses he required the Judges to proceed to Sentence And yet there are many pleasant things said to be spoken by Cicero in this Cause As when an emancipated Slave by Name Cecilius suspected of the Jewish Religion would have put by the Sicilians and undertaken the prosecution of Verres himself Cicero said but what has a Jew to do with Swines Flesh For the Romans call a gelt Pig Verres Verres reproaching Cicero for Effeminacy he reply'd you should have given this reproach within your own doors to your Children for Verres had a Son a pretty grown Boy who was supposed basely to prostitute his Beauty Hortensius the Orator not daring directly to undertake the defence of Verres was yet perswaded to appear for him at the laying on of the Fine and received an Ivory Sphynx for his reward Cicero in some passage of his Speech obliquely reflecting on him Hortensius told him he was not skillful in solving Riddles no says Cicero and yet you have a Sphynx at home Verres being thus condemned and Cicero setting the Fine but at Seventy five Myriads he lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by Bribery to lessen the Summ. But yet the Sicilians in Testimony of their Gratitude sent and brought him many presents from that Isle when he was Aedilis of which he made no private Gain for himself but rather made use of their Generosity to bring down the Price of Victual He had a very pleasant Seat at Arpinum he had also a Farm near Neapolis and another about Pompeii but neither of any great value The Portion of his Wife Terentia amounted to Twelve Myriads and his own Inheritance was computed to Nine Myriads of Denarii of this he lived freely and temperately with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his Familiars He rarely if at any time sat down to Meat till Sun-set and that not so much for Business as for his Health and the Weakness of his Stomach He was otherwise in the care of his Body nice and delicate as by using himself to a set number of Walks and Rubbings and after this manner managing the habit of his Body he brought it in time to be healthful and able to endure great fatigue and labour He made over his paternal Seat to his Brother but he himself dwelt near Mount Palatine that he might not give the trouble of long Journeys to those that made suit to him and indeed there were not fewer daily appearing at his Door to do their Court to him than did to Crassus for his Riches or to Pompey for his power amongst the Soldiers the most admired and greatest Men of Rome of that time Yea Pompey himself paid observance to Cicero and Cicero's Power in the Common-wealth conferr'd much to the encrease of the Authority and Glory of Pompey When many and great Competitors stood with him for the Pretor's Office he was chosen before them all and managed the Decision of Causes with Justice and Integrity It is reported that Licinius Macer a Man of himself of great power in the City and supported also by the assistance of Crassus was accused before him of extortion and that in confidence of his own Interest and the diligence of Friends whilst the Judges were debating about the Sentence he went to his own House where hastily trimming himself and putting on a White Gown as already acquitted he returned again towards the Court but Crassus meeting him in the Porch and telling him that he was condemned by general Suffrage he went home threw himself upon his Bed and died immediately This Sentence gave Reputation to Cicero for his dexterity in over-ruling the Bench. When Vatinius one of a rough Nature insolent at the Bar to the Judges having his Neck swoln with scrophulous humours stood before the Tribunal of Cicero 〈…〉 d asking something which he denied and desired longer time to consider of had said he would not have disputed this had he been Pretor Cicero turning towards him replied but I have not so large and stiff a Neck as you have When there were but two or three Days remaining in his Office Manilius was brought before him and charged with Extortion Now this Manilius had the good opinion and favour of the Common People and was thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake whose particular Friend he was and therefore when he had asked a set time for his Tryal and Cicero had allowed him but one Day and that the next only the common People grew highly offended because it had been the custom of the Pretors to allow Ten Days at least to the Accused when the Tribunes of the People having called him to the Bar and accusing him of an unusual Practice he desiring to be heard said that as he had always used the Accused with Equity and Humanity as far as the Law allowed so he thought it hard to deny the same to Manilius and that he had studiously appointed that day of which only as Pretor he was Master and that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help him to cast the judgment of his Cause upon another Pretor These things being said made a wonderful change in the People and commending him much for it they desired that he himself would undertake the defence of Manilius which he willingly consented to and that principally for the sake of Pompey who was absent and therefore stepping up again he made an Oration of the whole Matter from the beginning briskly reflecting upon the Factious and the Enemies of Pompey Yet he was preferr'd to the Consulship no less by the Nobless than the common People for the good of the City and both parties joyntly assisted his promotion upon this account The change of Government made by Sylla which at first seem'd intolerable by time and usage did now appear to the People no ill way of settlement there were indeed some that endeavoured to alter and subvert the present State of Affairs but more for their own private gain than publick good Pompey being at this time employ'd in Wars with the Kings of Pontus and Armenia there wanted sufficient force at Rome to suppress those that affected change in the Commonwealth These had for their Head a Man of a bold
which the more close and smart Speaker that we shall let alone For there as Ion says We are but like a Fish upon dry Land Caecilius a Man apt to overshoot himself upon all occasions was not aware of this when too rashly he adventured to publish his Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero But if it were a thing obvious and easie for every man to know himself possibly that Saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had not passed for a Divine Oracle Now for Demosthenes and Cicero the Gods seem from the first to have made them much the same in their Natures and Constitutions and in their Fortunes much alike if we consider their Ambition their love of Liberty in the Common-wealth and their want of Courage in Dangers and Martial Affairs And I think there can hardly be found two other Orators who from small and obscure Beginnings became so great and mighty who both contested with Kings and Tyrants both lost their Daughters were driven out of their Country and return'd with Honour who flying from thence again were both seiz'd upon by their Enemies and at last ended their Lives together with the Liberty of their Country-men So that if there were a Trial of Skill between Nature and Fortune as there is sometimes between Artists it would be very hard to judge whether that made these men more alike in their Dispositions and Manners or this in their Adventures and affairs But we will speak of the Eldest first Demosthenes the Father of this Demosthenes was a Citizen of the best Rank and Quality as Theopompus writes he was sirnamed The Sword-maker because he had a large Work-house and kept Servants skilful in that Art at Work But of that which Aeschines the Orator said of his Mother that she was descended of one Gelon who fled his Countrey upon an Accusation of Treason and of a Barbarian Woman I can affirm nothing whether â—he spoke true or whether he slandred and belyed her This is certain that Demosthenes being as yet but seven years old was left by his Father in a plentiful condition for the whole Value of his Estate was little short of fifteen Talents But he was injur'd by his Guardians part of his Fortune being by them imbezzled and the rest neglected insomuch that even his Teachers were defrauded of their Salaries This was the reason that he had not so liberal Education and wanted such Learning as became an ingenious Youth Besides that his Mother for the tenderness and weakness of his Body did not put him upon Labour nor did his Masters force him He was thin and sickly from the beginning of his Age and 't is said that in respect of his Bodily Infirmities the Boys in scorn put upon him the reproachful Nick-name of Batalus now this Batalus as some say was a weak effeminate Piper and Antiphanes made a Play on this Subject in derision of him Others make mention of Batalus as a Poet who wrote wanton Songs and Lampoons and it should seem that a certain part of the Body not fit to be named was about that time called Batalus by the Athenians But the Name of Argas for this also they report to have been a Nick-name of Demosthenes was put upon him for his Behaviour as being fierce and morose for some of the Poets call a Serpent Argas or for his way of speaking which was offensive to his Hearers for Argas was also the Name of a Poet who made very bad and harsh Sonnets But so much for this as Plato says The first occasion of his eager inclination to Oratory they say was this Callistratus the Orator being to plead in open Court for Oropus the expectation of the Issue of that Cause was very great as well for the Ability of the Orator who had then a most flourishing Reputation as also for the Fame of the Action it self Therefore Demosthenes having heard the Tutors and Schoolmasters agree among themselves to be present at this Trial with much importunity he perswades his Tutor to take him along with him to the Hearing who having some Acquaintance with the Door-keepers easily procur'd a place where the Boy might sit unseen and hear what was said Callistratus having got the Day and being much admired the Boy began to look upon his Glory with a kind of Emulation observing how he was Courted on all hands and magnified by the Multitude But much more did he wonder at the sorce of his Eloquence able to subdue and win over any thing From this time therefore bidding Farewell to other sorts of Learning and Puerile Disciplines he now began to exercise himself and to take pains in Declaiming as one that meant indeed to be an Orator He made use of Isaeus as his Guide to the Art of speaking though Isocrates at that time kept a School Whether as some say because he was an Orphan and was not able to pay Isocrates his Salary being 10 l. or because he preferred Isaeus his way of speaking as being more effectual and sit for Use and Business But Hermippus saith That he met with certain Memoirs without any Author's Name in which it was written that Demosthenes was a Scholar to Plato and by him was much furthered in the Study of Eloquence And he also mentions Ctesibius as reporting from Callias of Syracuse and some others that Demosthenes secretly got and throughly learned the Arts of Isocrates and Alcidamas As soon therefore as he was grown up to Man's estate he began to go to Law with his Guardians and to write Orations against them who in the mean time sound out many Subterfuges and Tricks to renew the Suits But Demosthenes as Thucydides has it being thus exercised by declaiming and succeeding in it though not without some toil and hazard could not for all this recover any considerable part of his Father's Estate however attaining hereby to a confidence in Speaking and some competent experience in it and having got a taste of the Honour and Power which are acquired by Pleadings he now ventured to come sorth and to undertake Publick Business And as 't is said of Laomedon the Orchomenian that by advice of his Physician he used to run long Stages for the curing of some indisposition of his Spleen and by that means having through Labour and Exercise fram'd the Habit of his Body betook himself to the Garland-Games and became one of the principal Runners at the long Race So it happened to Demosthenes who first applying himself to Oratory for recovery of his own private Estate and so getting an ability of speaking at length in publick Business as it were in those Games he began to have the pre-eminence of all those Citizens who contended for Mastery in Pleading at the Bar. But when he first addressed himself to the Popular Assemb 〈…〉 he met with great Discouragements and was derided for his odd and uncouth way of speaking for his Periods were confus'd and
Exile and by bill interdicted him Fire and Water prohibiting any within five hundred Miles in Italy to receive him into their Houses But all others who reverenced Cicero little regarded the Decree for shewing him all kind offices they attended him in his passage But at Hipponium a City of Lucania now call'd Vibo one Vibius a Sicilian by birth who amongst many other effects of Cicero's friendship had been made Surveyor of the works when he was Consul would not indeed receive him into his house yet sent him word he would appoint a place in the Country for his reception C. Virginius the Pretor of Sicily who had made use of Cicero in his greatest necessities wrote to him to forbear coming into Sicily At these things Cicero being disheartned went to Brundusium whence putting forth with a prosperous wind a contrary gale blowing from the Sea carried him back to Italy the next day he put again to Sea and having finished his Sail to Dyrrachium and putting on shore there it is reported that an Earthquake and storm at Sea happened at the same time from whence the Southsayers conjectured his Exile would not be long for those things were Prognosticks of Change Although many visited him with respect and the Cities of Greece contended which should honour him most yet he continued disheartned and disconsolate like an unfortunate Lover often casting a look back upon Italy and indeed he was become so mean spirited contracted and dejected by his misfortunes as none could have expected in a Man so thoroughly conversant in all sorts of Learning as he was And yet he often desired his Friends not to call him Orator but Philosopher because he had made Philosophy his business but had only used Rhetorick as an instrument of Governing the Common-wealth when there was necessity for it But the desire of Glory has great power in blotting the Tinctures of Philosophy out of the Souls of Men and of imprinting the passions of the Vulgar by custom and conversation in the minds of those that govern them unless the politician be very careful so to ingage in publick affairs as to interest himself in the affairs themselves but not in the passions that are consequent to them Clodius having thus driven away Cicero fell to burning his Villa's and afterwards his City house and built in the place of it a Temple to Liberty the rest of his goods he exposed to Sale by daily proclamation but no body came to buy them By these things he became formidable to the chiefest Citizens and having got together a Body of the Commonalty let loose to all manner of insolence and licentiousness he fell foul upon Pompey inveighing against several things done by him in the Wars for these matters Pompey falling under an ill Opinion with the People began to be displeased with himself for deserting Cicero and changing his mind wholly set himself with his Friends to contrive his return and when Clodius opposed it the Senate made a Vote that no publick Matter should be decreed or acted till Cicero was recalled But when Lentulus was Consul the commotions grew so high upon this Matter that the Tribunes were wounded in the Common Hall and Quintus Cicero's Brother was left as dead and hid amongst the slain upon this the People began to change their Opinion and Annius Milo one of their Tribunes was the first who took confidence to hale Clodius by force unto Judgment Many of the Common People and of the Neighbouring Cities joyning with Pompey he went with them and drove Clodius out of the Common Hall and Summon'd in the People to pass their Vote and it is said the People never passed any Suffrage more unanimously than this the Senate also joyning with the People sent Letters of Thanks to those Cities which had received Cicero with respect in his Exile and decreed that his House Villa's which Clodius had destroy'd should be rebuilt at the publick charges Thus Cicero returned Sixteen Months after his Exile and the Cities were so glad and the Men so zealous to meet him that what Cicero boasted of afterwards viz. That Italy had brought him on her Shoulders home to Rome was rather less than the Truth And Crassus himself who had been his enemy before his Exile went then voluntarily to meet him and was reconciled to please his Son Publius as he said who was Cicero's most affectionate Friend Cicero had not been long at Rome but taking the opportunity of Clodius his absence he goes with a great company to the Capitol and there tears and defaces the Tribunitian Tables in which was recorded the Acts that were done in the time of Clodius Clodius calling him in question for this Cicero answered that he being of the Patrician Order had got the Office of Tribune against Law and therefore nothing was valid that was done by him Cato was displeased and opposed Cicero not that he commended Clodius but rather disapproved his whole Administration of Affairs yet he contended it was an irregular and violent course for the Senate to Vote the abolishing of so many Decrees and Acts in which also were the Memoirs of his Government at Cyprus and Byzantium This occasion'd a breach betwixt Cato and Cicero which tho it came not to open enmity yet it made a more reserv'd Friendship betwixt them After this Milo kill'd Clodius and being arraign'd for the Murther he chose Cicero for his Advocate The Senate fearing least the questioning of so eminent and high Spirited a Citizen as Milo might disturb the Peace of the City committed the regulating of this and such other tryals to Pompey to preside for the security of the City and of the Courts of Justice Pompey therefore went in the Night and encompassed the outward part of the Forum with Soldiers Milo fearing least Cicero being disturb'd by such an unusual sight should manage his Cause ill perswaded him to come in his Chair into the Forum and there to repose himself till the Judges were set and the Court fill'd For Cicero as it seems was not only timorous in Arms but began his pleadings also with fear and scarce left trembling and shaking in some causes in the height and forms of his Oration Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato and endeavouring to out-do Hortensius who had made his plea with great applause he took so little rest that Night and was so disorder'd with much Thought and overwatching that he fell far short of his Antagonist Coming forth of his Chair to undertake the Cause of Milo and seeing Pompey placed above as in a Camp and Arms shining round about the Forum he was so confounded that he could hardly begin his Speech for the trembling of his Body and hesitance of his Tongue But Milo appear'd at the tryal brisk and confident disdaining either to let his hair grow or to put on the mourning habit which seems to be the principal cause of his condemnation And yet Cicero in these things
Eloquence all his Contemporaries in Harangue and Pleading Causes in Gravity and Magnificence of Style all that were eminent of the Demonstrative and in Accuracy and Artifice all of the Sophistick way That Cicero was very Learned and by diligent Study a general Scholar That he hath indeed left behind him many Philosophical Treatises of his own in the Academick way But yet it is very evident that in all his Speeches and Pleadings he affected to make Ostentation of his Learning And one may discover the different Temper of each of them in their Speeches For Demosthenes his Oratory was without all embellishment and jesting wholly composed to Gravity and Seriousness not smelling of the Lamp as Pythias scoffingly said but of the Temperance Thoughtfulness Austerity and Melancholy of his Temper But Cicero by his jearing Humour was often carried out to Scurrility and by disguising serious Arguments at the Bar with jests and laughter for the advantage of his Client he had no regard to what was decent As that he said in defence of Celius That he had done no absurd thing in such plenty and delicacy to indulge himself in Pleasures it being a kind of Madness not to enjoy those things we possess especially since the most eminent Philosophers have asserted Pleasure to be the chiefest Good It is reported That when Cicero being Consul undertook the defence of Murena against Cato's Prosecution that upon Cato's account he said many things Comically against the Stoical Sect for the absurdities of their Paradoxes as they called them so that a loud laughter passing from the Croud to the Judges Cato with a gentle smile said to those that sate next him O Gentlemen what a ridiculous Consul have we And indeed Cicero was by a natural Temper very much disposed to Mirth and delighted in Jeering and always appear'd with a smiling and serene Countenance But Demosthenes had constant Care and Thoughtfulness in his Look which he seldom or never laid aside and therefore was accounted by his Enemies as he himself confesseth morose and ill-manner'd And it is very evident cut of their several Writings that this never touched upon his own Praises but decently and without offence when there was need of it and for some weightier end but upon other occasions modestly and sparingly But Cicero's immeasurable boasting of himself in his Orations did proclaim in him an intemperate Thirst after Glory As when he cry'd out Let Arms resign their Honour to the Gown And to the Tongue the Victor throw his Lawrels down But at last he did not only extol his own Deeds and Actions but his Orations also as well those that were only spoken as those that were published as if he were vying youthful Confidence with Isocrates and Anaximenes the Sophisters not as if he were instructing and directing the Roman People the hardy warlike and irresistible Romans It is necessary indeed for a States-man to be an able Speaker but it is an ignoble thing for any Man to admire and rellish the glory of his own Eloquence And in this matter Demosthenes had a more than ordinary Gravity and Magnificence of Mind accounting his Talent in speaking but a mean Acquirement which needed great Candor in the Audience and adjudging those which are puffed up by such Reflections to be as indeed they are Servile and Mechanical But the power of perswading and governing the People did equally belong to both so that those who had Armies and Camps at Command stood in need of their assistance as Chares Diopithes and Leosthenes of Demosthenes's Pompey and young Caesar of Cicero's as Caesar acknowledges in his Commentaries to Agrippa and Mecaenas But what is thought and commonly said most to demonstrate and try the Tempers of Men viz. Authority and Place by moving every Passion and discovering every frailty never happened to Demosthenes nor had he the occasion of giving such Proof of himself having never obtained any eminent Office nor led any of those Armies into the Field against Philip which he rais'd by his Eloquence But Cicero was sent Quaestor into Sicily and Proconsul into Cilicia and Cappadocia at a time when Avarice was at the height and the Commanders and Governours who were employ'd abroad thinking it a mean thing to steal set themselves to seize by open force so that it seem'd no heinous matter to take Bribes But he that did it most moderately was in good Esteem and yet then gave great demonstration of his contempt of Riches and as great of his Humanity and good Nature And at Rome also when he was created Consul in Name but indeed received Sovereign and Dictatorian Authority against Catiline and his Conspirators he attested the truth of Plato's Prediction That then the miseries of States would be at an end when by a happy Fortune the Supream Power with Wisdom and Justice should meet together in the same Subject It is said to the Reproach of Demosthenes that his Eloquence was mercenary that he privately made Orations for Phormio and Apollodorus though Adversaries in the same Cause That he was charged with Monies received from the Kings of Persia and condemned for Bribes from Harpalus And should we grant all those that have written these things against him which are not a few to have falsified yet it cannot be denyed but that Demosthenes wanted Courage to look off of those Presents which in Respect and Gratitude were sent him from the Persian Kings and that one addicted to Maritime Usury was like to do otherwise But that Cicero did refuse from the Sicilians when he was Quaestor from the King of Cappadocia when he was Proconsul and from his Friends at Rome when he was in Exile many Presents though urged to receive them has been said already Moreover Demosthenes his Banishment was infamous upon Conviction for Bribery Cicero's very Honourable for ridding his Country of pernicious Fellows and therefore his Banishment was not at all regarded But for this Man's sake the Senate changed their Habit and put on Mourning and would not be perswaded to make any Act before Cicero's return were decreed And yet Cicero passed his Exile sitting down idly in Macedonia But the very Exile of Demosthenes made up a great part of the Services he did for his Country for whilst he travelled the Cities of Greece he every where as we have said assisted the Grecians driving out the Macedonian Legats and approving himself a much better Citizen than Themistocles and Alcibiades did in the like Fortune And after his return he again apply'd himself to the same Publick Services and continued opposing Antipater and the Macedonians But Lesbius reproacheth Cicero in the Senate for sitting silent when Caesar a beardless Youth asked leave to put in for the Consulship against Law And Brutus in his Epistles charges him with cherishing a greater and more heavy Tyranny than that they had removed But above all none but must pity Cicero's Death for an Old Man to be carried up and down by the kindness
Throne And for that reason his veracity was the less questioned when he charged Cyrus as tho' he had been about to lie in wait for the King in the Temple and to assault and assassinate him as he was putting off his Garment Some affirm that he was apprehended upon this impeachment others that he had entered the Temple and was pointed out there as he lay lurking by the Priest But as he was going to Execution his Mother claspt him in her Arms and having bound him with the tresses of her hair she joyn'd his neck close to her own and by her bitter lamentation by her most formal intercession to Artaxerxes for him she revers'd the decree and he remanded him to his former Province In which he sate uneasie nor did he so well remember his delivery as his chain being through his rage more eagerly desirous of the Kingdom than before Some say that he revolted from his Royal Brother because he had not a revenue proportionable to the daily expence he was at in the support of his Family in that proclaiming him no less fool than Rebel For had he had nothing else yet he had a Mother ready with a stretcht-out hand to supply him with whatever he could desire whether for his use or Grandeur But the great number of Soldiers who being hired from many places were maintained as Xenophon informs us for his service by his Confidents both Domestick and Foreign do sufficiently evince his riches For he assembled them not together in a Body as yet concealing his enterprize But he had Agents every where listing strangers upon several pretences Now both Parysatis being at Court with his Majesty remov'd all jealousies and Cyrus himself always wrote in an humble and dutifull manner to him one while soliciting Princely bounty another drawing a Counter-charge against Tisaphernes as if his emulation and contest had been wholly with him Moreover there was a certain natural dilatoriness in the King which was mistaken by many for Clemency Yet indeed in the beginning of his Reign he seem'd to exemplifie the gentleness of the first Artaxexes being more accessible in his Person and excessive in the distribution both of honours and rewards to the deserving He was obliging even in his punishments taking out the sting and contumely of them and in the intercourse of gifts he delighted no otherwise in those that offer'd them to than in those that receiv'd them from him appearing still when he gave chearful and generous Nor truly was there any thing however inconsiderable given him which he did not deign kindly to accept of insomuch that when one Omises had presented him with a very large Pomegranate by this light said he this man were he entrusted with it would soon turn a small City into a great one Afterwards some offering him one thing some another as he was in his Progress a certain poor Labourer having got nothing in a readiness to make a present to him of ran streight to the River side and taking up water in his hands he offer'd it to him with which Artaxerxes was so well pleased that he sent him a large goblet of massy Gold and a thousand Darius's And to Euclidas a Lacedemonian speaking many things to him like a frontless arrogant fellow he commanded one of his Tribunes thus to express himself from him that I give thee leave to say what thou wilt to me but remember that I as King may say and do too what I please At a Hunt Tiribazus having shew'd him that his Robe was rent he demanded of him what he should do He answering it may please your Majesty to put on another and give me that the King did so saying withal I bestow this on thee Tiribazus but I charge thee not to wear it He little regarding the injunction laid upon him tho' he was no obstinately ill but only an empty half-witted Man streightway put the Gown on his back and bedeckt himself with jewels of Gold and Womanish attire at which the whole Court was angry it being absolutely against the Laws of Persia for any but the Kings to wear them But his Majesty laugh'd at him and told him thou hast my leave to wear those Golden toys as a Woman and the Robe of State as a Fool. And whereas none usually sate 〈…〉 down to eat with the King beside his Mother and Wife the former being plac'd above the other below him Artaxerxes invited also to his table his two younger Brothers Ostanes and Oxathres But the Chariot of his Wife Statira presented the Persians with the most taking sight being always drawn with its Curtains down and allowing the Ladies of the Country both to salute and approach her Which thing endear'd his Government to the People Yet some over busie Factious men that delighted in innovation gave it out as their opinion that Cyrus being a man of a great spirit and excellent Warriour and a generous Master was in these circumstances desirable and that the largeness of their Empire absolutely required a daring and ambitious Prince Cyrus then not only relying upon those of his own Low Province near the Sea but upon many of those in the higher Countrys near the King attempts a War against him He wrote likewise to the Lacedemonians exciting them to his assistance and to supply him with some stout men assuring them that to the Foot-men that should appear he would give Horses and to the Horsemen Chariots that upon those who had Farms he would bestow Lordships that those who were Lords of Villages he would make so of Cities and that those who would be his Soldiers should receive their pay not stinted by account but in a full heapt measure Besides among many other things he fondly extoll'd himself for he said he was informed with a greater Soul that he was more a Philosopher and a better Magician and that he could both drink and bear more Wine than his Brother Artaxerxes who as he averr'd through fear and effeminacy did neither in his Chaces ride his horse nor in dangers sit without tottering upon his Throne The Lacedemonians his Letter being read sent a Billet to Clearchus commanding him to obey Cyrus in all things So Cyrus march'd towards the King having under his Conduct a numerous host of Barbarians and but little less than thirteen thousand Stipendary Grecians assigning first one cause then another for his expedition Yet the true reason lay not long conceal'd but Tisaphernes went to the King in person to declare it Thereupon the Court was all in an uproar and tumult the Queens Mother bearing almost the whole blame of the enterprize and her retainers being not only suspected but accused But she who gave her the most disturbance was Statira who passionately resented this War and cry'd out what is now become of your Promises What of your Intercessions By which having free'd him that had been guilty of Treason against his Brother you have embroil'd us in War and Troubles For which words
Parysatis hating Statira and being naturally implicable and savage in her anger and revenge she consulted how she might destroy her But since Dinon has left it upon Record that her bloody project took effect in the time of War and Ctesias after it I shall not quarrel the Chronology of the latter it being very unlikely that he who was a Spectator of the whole Scene of affairs should not know where to fix the Aera of one so considerable Nor indeed had he any cause designedly to misplace its date in his Narrative of it though in his History upon other occasions he frequently makes excursions from truth to meer Fiction and Romance Now as Cyrus was upon the march towards the Court tidings were brought him as though the King did deliberate about it and were not in haste to fight and presently to joyn battle with him but to wait in the heart of his Kingdom till there should be a general confluence of his Forces thither from all parts of his Dominions And to convince him of this news he had cast a Trench in his way ten fadoms in breadth and as many in depth the length of it being no less than four hundred furlongs Nor did he regard Cyrus after he had pass'd over it being within that place for which it was made a fence till he had advanc'd almost to the City of Babylon Then Tiribazus as the report goes being the first that was so hardy to tell his Majesty that he ought not to defer the conflict nor quitting Medea Babylon and Susa poorly to skulk in Persea as having an Army far more numerous than his Enemies and an infinite Company both of Nobles and Captains that were greater Soldiers and Politicians than Cyrus himself he resolv'd to begin the fight as soon as 't was possible for him Thereupon at first and in an instant appearing gloriously at the head of nine hundred thousand well marshall'd men he so startl'd and surpris'd the Rebels who with a boldness equal to their contempt march'd against him neither in order nor well arm'd that Cyrus with much noise and tumult was scarce able to range and compose them Then the King leading on his men silently and by leisure made the Grecians stand amaz'd at his good discipline who expected irregular shouting and leaping a huge confusion and distraction in so infinite a multitude as that was He also wisely plac'd the choice of his armed Chariots in the Front of his own Phalanx over against the Grecian Troops that by the fierceness of their onset they might cut down their ranks before they clos'd with them But forasmuch as this battle hath been describ'd by many Historians and particularly by Xenophon who represents it to the eye by pointing at things not as tho' past but present and by his lively draught of it engages his hearer when recited in a seeming concern and danger it would be folly in me to give any larger account of it then barely to mention those things which he has omitted and yet deserve to be recorded The place then in which the two Armies were drawn out for the fight was call'd Cunaxa being about five hundred furlongs distant from Babylon where Clearchus beseeching Cyrus before the dispute to retire behind the Battalion of Macedonians and not expose himself to hazard for his honour they say he thus replied What strange advice is this Clearchus Would you have me who aspire to the Empire appear to all these unworthy of it But as Cyrus's offence was in rushing headlong into the midst of dangers and not keeping aloof from what threatned him with ruine so Clearchus was as much too blame if not more who refus'd with his men to confront the main body of the Enemy where the King stood and joyn'd his right wing to the River for fear he should be surrounded For aiming altogether at safety and desiring nothing but to sleep in a whole Skin it had been his best way not to have stirred from home But he having come armed a vast distance from the Sea-coast no other thing inducing him to it but that he might settle Cyrus in the Imperial Throne and yet afterwards looking out for a Place and Station wherein he took footing not that he might preserve him under whose pay and conduct he was but that he might himself engage with more ease and security seem'd much like one that through fear of present dangers had quitted the consideration of his all at stake and been false to the design of his expedition For it is evident from the very event of the battle that none of those who were in array round the Kings person were able to stand the Shock of the Grecians Charge and had they been beaten out of the Field and Artaxerxes either fled or fallen that Cyrus by his conquest had purchas'd not only safety but a Crown And therefore Clearchus is more to be condemned for his caution which was manifestly the destruction of the Life and Fortune of Cyrus than he could be for his heat and rashness For had the King made it his business to discover a place where having posted the Grecians he might incounter them with the least hazard he would never have found out any other but that which was most remote from himself and those near him from whence when he was routed he was insensible of it and tho' Clearchus had the Victory yet Cyrus being ignorant of it made no advantage of it before his fall Yet he knew well enough what was expedient to be done and accordingly commanded Clearchus with his men to stand in the middle of his Forces Who when he had reply'd that it should be as well manag'd as possible afterwards spoiled all For the Grecians where they were hew'd down the Barbarians till they were weary and chas'd them successfully a very great way But Cyrus being mounted upon a fierce head-strong and unlucky Horse as Ctesias says call'd Pasacas Artagerses the Leader of the Cadusians galloped up to him crying aloud O thou most unjust and senseless wretch who art a reproach to that most August and Honourable Name among the Perseans Cyrus thou art come leading on the renowned Grecians in an ominous Voyage to the plunder of thy Countrymen Thou fondly hopest too unnatural Traitour as thou art to destroy thy Sovereign and Brother who as thou shalt soon experimentally perceive is master of ten thousand times ten thousand better men than thou art For thou shalt certainly here lose thy head before thou seest the face of our King which when he had said he cast his Javelin at him But his Coat of male stoutly repelled it and Cyrus was not wounded yet the stroke falling heavy upon him he reel'd upon his Steed Then Artagerses turning his Horse Cyrus luckily threw a Dart and struck the point of it through his neck near the Shoulder-bone So that thereupon it is indeed almost universally own'd that Artagerses was slain by him Now as to the death
unworthy of himself But Ismenias being commanded to do obeisance to the King dropt his Ring before him upon the ground and so stooping to take it up he seem'd to pay him homage For some secret intelligence that pleas'd him he bestowed upon Timagoras the Athenian ten thousand Darius's by the hand of his Secretary Beluris and fourscore Milch Kine were driven after him standing in need of Milk from the Cow by reason of his indisposition Moreover he sent him a Bed Furniture and Valets the Grecians having not skill enough to make it as also Chair-men to carry him being infirm in Body quite to the Sea side Not to mention the Treat made for him at Court which was princely and splendid Insomuch that Osthanes the Kings Brother thus spoke to him Be mindfull of this Table which is not put before you thus spread for nothing Which was rather a reflection upon his Treason than to remind him of his Brothers bounty The Athenians therefore condemned Timagoras to death for taking Bribes But Artaxerxes gratify'd the Grecians in one thing in lieu of the many wherewith he plagu'd them and that was by taking off Tisaphernes their most hated and malious Enemy whom he put to death Parysatis adding her charge to those accusations that were already drawn up against him For the King persisted not long in wrath with his Mother but was reconciled to her and sent for her being assur'd that she had Wisdom and Courage fit for an Empire and there being now no cause discernable but that they might converse together without suspicion or offence And from thence forward humouring the King in all things according to his hearts desire and by brooking nothing ill which he did she got a mighty influence upon him and prevail'd in whatever she requested of him She perceiv'd he was desperately in love with Atossa one of his own Daughters and that he conceal'd and checkt his passion chiefly for fear of her self tho' if we may believe some Writers he had privately enjoy'd the young Princess already Now as soon as Parysatis suspected the intrigue she was more fond of her Grand-daughter than before and extoll'd both her vertue and beauty to him as being truly Imperial and Majestick In fine she persuaded him to marry the Maiden and to declare her to be his lawfull Wife in spight of the opinions and determinations of the Greek Sages forasmuch as she said he was designed by Providence for a Law to the Persians and to be the great Arbitrator of good and evil Some Historians further affirm in which number is Heraclides the Cumean that Artaxerxes married not only this one but his second Daughter Amestris also of whom we shall speak by and by But he so intirely lov'd Atossa when she became his Consort that tho' Leprosie had run through her whole body he was not in the least offended at it but putting up his prayers to Juno for her he ador'd her alone among the Deities being prostrate upon the earth His Nobles also and Favourites made such Offerings to that Goddess by his direction that all a long for about two miles betwixt the Court and her Temple the road was choaked up with Gold and Silver with purple and Horses devoted to her He wag'd War out of his own Kingdom with the Aegyptians under the Conduct of Pharnabazus and Iphicrates but was defeated by reason of their dissensions So in his expedition against the Cadusians he went himself in person with three hundred Thousand Footmen and ten Thousand Horse And making an incursion into their Country which was scarce through its roughness passable and withal very misty having neither Seed-time nor Harvest but with Pears Apples and other Tree-fruits breeding up Warlike and valiant men he unawares fell into great distresses and dangers For there was nothing to be got fit for his men to eat of the growth of that place nor to be imported from any other He would only have beasts for burthen slaughter'd insomuch that the head of an Ass was sold for near forty shillings In short the King himself was at a loss for provision and there were but few horses left the rest they had spent for food Then Tiribazus a man for his Valour often in great favour with his Prince and as often for his buffoonery quite out of it particularly at that time being low and despicable did yet preserve the King and his Army There being two Kings amongst the Cadusians and both of them encamping separately after he had made his application to Artaxerxes and imparted his design to him he went to one of the Princes and sent away his Son privately to the other So each of them deceived his man assuring him that the other Prince had deputed an Embassador to Artaxerxes suing for friendship and alliance with him alone and therefore if he were wise he told him he must apply himself to his Master before he had decreed any thing and that he would lend him his assistance in all things Both of them gave credit to these Words and because they suppos'd there was a mutual grudge betwixt them the one dispatcht away Envoys along with Tiribazus the other with his Son But Tiribazus staying somewhat long the surmises and accusations of his Enemies made an impression upon Artaxerxes Who was very Melancholick and being sorry that he had confided in Tiribazus gave ear to his Rivals who impeacht him But at last he came and so did his Son both of them bringing the Cadusian Agents along with them and so there was a League and Peace sign'd with both the Princes And now Tiribazus being great and splendid return'd with the Persian Monarch who plainly prov'd that cowardice and effeminacy are the effects of a base degenerous Nature guided by erroneous notions and not of niceness and superfluous excesses as most men suppose For notwithstanding his Jewels of Gold his Robe of State and the rest of his costly attire worth no less than twelve thousand Talents with which he was constantly clad his labours and toils were no less than those of the meanest persons in his Army Nay turning up his Horse with his Quiver by his side and his Shield on his Arm he led them through craggy and steep ways insomuch that the other Souldiers observing his cheerfulness and unwearied strength took wing and went the more swiftly along with him Whose daily march was above two hundred furlongs After he had arriv'd at one of his own Mansions which had lovely Parks nobly kept in order though situated in a Region naked and without Trees the weather being very cold he gave full Commission to his Soldiers to provide themselves with wood by cutting down any without exception even the Pine and Cypress When they were at a stand and for sparing them being large and goodly Trees he taking up an Ax himself fell the greatest and fairest of them After which his men us'd their hatchets and piling up many Fires past away the Night with