the cause that ships are many times cast upon Pazem by foul weather at Sea from which I pray God deliver thee for I assure thee that if thy ill fortune should carry thee thither the men of Achem would eat thee alive and the Tyrant himself would have the first bite at thee there being nothing in the world these Inhumanes so much vaunt of as to carâ—y on the crest of their Arms the device of Drinkers of the troubled blood of miserable Caâ—sers who they say are come from the end of the world calling them Tyrannical men and Vsurpers in a soveraign degree of other mens Kingdoms in the Indiaes and Isles of the Sea This is the title wherein they glory most and which they attribute particularly to themselves as being sent them from Mecqua in recompence of the golden Lamps which they offered to the Alcoran of their Mahomet as they use to do every year Furthermore although heretofore I 〈◊〉 often advised thy Captain of Malaca to take careful heed of this Tyrant of Achem yet do not thou omit to advertise him of it once more from me for know that he never had nor shall have other thoughts then to labor by all means to expel him out of the Indiaes and make the Turk Master of them who to that end promiseth to send him great succors but I hope that God will so order it as all the malice and cunning of this disloyal wretch shall have a contrary success to his intentions After he had used this language to me he gave me a Letter in answer to my Embassage together with a present which he desired me to deliver from him to Captain de Faria this was six small Javelins headed with Gold twelve Cates of Calambuca Wood every one of them weighing twenty ounces and a box of exceeding value made of a Tortoise shâ—ll beautified with Gold and full of great seed pearl amongst the which there were sixteen fair pearls of rich account For my self he gave me two Cates of Gold and a little Courtelâ—â—â— garnished with the same Then he dismissed me with as much demonstration of honor as he had always used to me before protesting to me in particular that the amity which he had contracted with our Nation should ever continue inviolable on his part Thus I imbarqued my self with Aquarem Dabâ—lay his Brother-in-law who was the same he had sent Embassador to Malaca as I have related before Being departed from the Port of Panaiu we arrived about two hours in the â—ight at a little Island called Apofingua distant some league and an half from the mouth of the River and inhabited by poor people who lived by the fishing of Shadâ— The next morning leaving that Island of Apofingua we ran along by the coast of the Ocean Sea for the space of five and twenty leagues until such time as at length we entered into the Straight of Minhagaruu by which we came then passing by the contrary coast of this other Mediterranean Sea we continued our course along by it and at last arrived near to Pullo Bugay There we crost over to the firm Land and passing by the Port of Iunçalan we sailed two days and an half with a favorable wind by means whereof we got to the River of Parles in the Kingdom of Queda there we rode five days at anchor in expectation of a fit wind to carry us on During that time the Mahometan and my self by the counsel of certain Merchants of the Country went to visit the King with an Odiaa or Present of divers things that we thought were convenient for our design which was received with much demonstration of being very well pleased therewith When we came to his Court we found that with a great deal of pomp excellent musick dancing and largess to the poor he was solemnizing the funerals of his Father whom he himself had poynarded of purpose for to marry his own mother after he had gotten her with child Wherewithall not being contented to decline the murmur which so wicked and horrible an act might provoke unto he had made proclamation that on pain of a most rigorous death no person whatsoever should be so daring as to speak a word of that which had past and it was told us there how for that cause he had most tyrannically put the principal Personages of his Kingdom and a number of Merchants already to death whose goods he had confiscated to his own use and thereby enriched his Coffers with two millions of Gold So that upon our arrival we perceived such a general fear to be amongst the people as not the most hardy of them all durst so much as make the least mention in the world of it Now in regard the Mahometan my companion named Coia Ale was a man liberal of his tongue and that would say any thing which came into his head he perswaded himself in regard he was a stranger and the Captain of Malaca's Factor that he might with more liberty then those of the Country talk what he listed and the King not punish him for it as he did his Subjects But he found himself far short of his account and this presumption cost him his life For being invited to a feast by another Mahometan like himself a Merchant stranger born at Patana when as they were both of them high with wine and meat as I learned since they began to talk boldly and without any respect of the Kings Brutality and Parracide whereof the King being incontinently advertised by Spies which he had in every corner for that purpose he caused the house to be presently invested and all the guests to be apprehended to the number of seventeen persons These poor wretches were no sooner brought bound before him but immediately without observing any form of Justice or hearing what they could say for themselves either good or bad he commanded them to be put to a most cruel kind of death called by them Gregoge which is to saw off the feet hands and heads of them that are condemned to it as I beheld afterwards my self This execution done the King feaâ—ing lest the Captain of Malaca should be offended for that he had executed his Factor thus with the rest and therefore might arrest some goods that he had at Malaca sent the night following for me to the Iurupango where I was sleeping and altogether ignorant of that which had past understanding the Kings pleasure away I went and coming about midnight to the Palace I perceived in the outward Court a great many men in arms the sight whereof I must confess put me into a mighty amazement and mistrust because I could not imagine what should be the cause of it and doubting lest it might be some such Treason as at other times they had practised against us I would fain have returned but they that accompanied me judging that my fear proceeded from the Soldiers which I beheld there bid me be afraid of nothing for these
suffered by the way THe King of Bungo being extreamly grieved to see the disaster of his Son turned himself to me and beholding me with a very gentle countenance Stranger said he unto me try I pray thee if thou canst assist my Son in this peril of his life for I sware unto thee if thou canst do it I will make no less esteem of thee then of him himself and will give thee whatsoever thou wilt demand of me Hereunto I answered the King that I desired his Majesty to command all those people away because the coyle that they kept confounded me and that then I would see whether his hurts were dangerous for if I found that I was able to cure them I would do it most willingly Presently the King willed every one to be gone whereupon approaching unto the Prince I perceived that he had but two hurts one on the top of his forehead which was no great matter and the other on his right hand thumb that was almost cut off So that our Lord inspiring me as it were with new courage I besought the King not to be grieved for I hoped in lesâ— then a month to render him his Son perfectly recovered Having comforâ—ed him in this manner I began to prepare my self for the dressing of the Prince but in the mean time the King was very much reprehended by the Bonâ—oes who told him that his Son would assuredly die that night and therefore it was better for him to put me to death presently then to suffer me to kill the Prince out-right adding further that if it should happen to prove so as it was very likely it would not only be a great scandal unto him but also much alienate his peoples affections from him To these speeches of the Bonzoes the King replyed that he thought they had reason for that they said and therefore he desired them to let him know how he should govern himself in this extremity You must said they stay the coming of the Bonzo Teixâ—andono and never think of any other course for we assure you in regard he is the holiest man living he will no sooner lay his hand on him but he will heal him straight as he hath healed many othâ—rs in our â—ight As the King was even resolved to follow the cursed counsel of thâ—se servants of the Divel the Prince complained that his wounds pained 〈◊〉 in such sort aâ— he was noâ—â—ble to indure it and therefore prayed any handsome remedy might be instantly applied to them whereupon the King much distracted between the opinion of the Bonzoes and the danger that his Son was in of his life together with the extream pain that he suffered desired those about him to advice him what he should resolve on in that exigent not one of them but was of the mind that it was far more expedient to have the Prince drest out of hand then to stay the time which the Bonzoes spake of This counsel being approved of the King he came again to me and making very much of me he promised me mighty matters if I could recover his Son I answered him with tears in my eyes that by the help of God I would do it and that he himself should be witness of my care therein So recommending my self to God and taking a good heart unto me for I saw there was no other way to save my life but that I prepared all things necessary to perform the cure Now because the hurt of the right hand thumb was most dangerous I begun with that and give it seven stitches whereas peradventure if a Chirurgion had drest him he would have given it fewer as for that of the forehead I gave it but four in regard it was much slighter then the other that done I applyed to them tow wet in the whites of eggs and so bound them up very close as I had seen others done in the Indiaes Five days after I cut the stitches and continued dressing him as before until that at the end of twenty days it pleaâ—â—d God he was throughly cured without any other inconvenience remaining to him then a little weakness in his thumb For this cause after that time the Kâ—ng and all his Lords did me much honour the Queen also and the Princesses her daughters presented me with a great many Sutes of silks and the chiefest of the Court with Cymitars and other things bâ—sides all which the King gave me six hundred Taeis so that after this sort I received in recompence of this my cure above fifteen hundred Duckets that I carried with me from this place After things were past in this manner being advertised by letters from my two Companions at Tanixumaa that the Chinese Pirate with whom we came thither was preparing for his return to China I besought the King of Bungo to give me leave to go back which he readily granted me and with much acknowledgement of the curing of his Son he willed a Funce to be made ready for me furnished with all things necessary wherein commanded a man of quality that was attended by twenty of the Kings servants with whom I departed one Saturday morning from the City of Fucheo and the Friday following about Sun-set I arrived at Tanixumaa where I found my two Comrades who received me with much joy Here we continued fifteen days longer till such time as the Junck was quite ready and then we set Sail for Liampoo which is a Sea-port of the Kingdom of China whereof I have spoken at large heretofore and where at that time the Portugals traded Having continued our voyage with a prosperous wind it pleased God that we arrived safe at our desired Port where it is not to be believed how much we were welcome by the Inhabitants of the place Now because it seemed strange unto them that we had voluntarily submitted our selves in that sort to the bad faith of the Chineses they asked of us from what Country we came and where it was that we imbarqued our selves with them whereupon we freely declared unto them the truth of all and gave them an account of our Voyage as also of the new Land of Iapon that we had discovered the great abundance of silver that was there and the exceeding profit that might be made by carrying the commodities of China thither wherewith they were wonderfully contented and instantly ordained a general Procession to be made by way of thanksgiving unto God for so great a blessing But withall covetousness began in such sort to seize upon the hearts of most of the Inhabitants every one striving to be the foremost in this voyage as they came to divide themselves into troops and to make several parties so that even with weapons in their hands they went thronging to buy up the commodities of that Country which made the Chinese Merchants upon the sight of our unruly avarice set so high a price upon their wares that whereas a Pico of silk was at first not worth forty
please God it might be brought to pass CHAP. IX The Arrival of an Embassador at Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof his sending me to the said King my coming to Aaru and that which happend to me after my departing from thence FIve and twenty days after my coming to Malaca Dom Stephano de Gama being still Captain of the Fortress an Embassador arrived there from the King of Aaru for to demand succor of men from him and some munitions of War as Powder and Bullets for to defend himself from a great Fleet that the King of Achem was setting forth against him with an intention to deprive him of his Kingdom and so be a nearer neighbor unto us to the end that having gained that passage he might afterwards send his forces the more easily against our Fortress of Malaca whereof Pedro de Faria was no sooner advertised but representing unto himself how important this affair was for the service of the King and preservation of the Fortress he acquainted Dom Stephano de Gama with it in regard his Command of the place was to continue yet six weeks longer howbeit he excused himself from giving the succor which was required saying that the time of his Government was now expiring and that his being shortly to come in the duty of his charge did oblige him to take care of this business and to think of the danger that menaced him Hereunto Pedro de Faria made answer that if he would relinquish his Government for the time he had yet to come in it or give him full power to dispose of the publique Magazins he would provide for the succor that he thought was necessary In a word and not to stand long on that which past betwixt them it shall suffice to say that this Embassador was utterly denyed his demand by these two Captains whereof the one alledged for excuse that he was not yet entered upon his Charge and the other that he was upon the finishing of his whereupon he returned very ill satisfied with this refusal and so far resented injustice which he thought was done unto his King as the very morning wherein he imbarqued himself having met by chance with the two Captains at the gate of the Fortress he said aloud before them publiquely with the tears in his eyes O God! that with a soveraign Power and Majesty raignest in the highest of the Heavens even with deep sighs fetch'd from the bottom of my heart I take thee for Iudg of my cause and for witness of the just occasion I have to make this request to these Captains here and that in the name of my King the faithful Vassal of the great King of Portugal upon homage sworn by his Ancestors to the famous Albuqueâ—que who promised us that if the Kings of our Kingdom did always continue true and loyal Subjects to his Master that then both he and his successors would oblige themselves to defend them against all their enemies as belonged to their soveraign Lord to do wherefore since we have continued still loyal to this day what reason have you my Masters not to accomplish this obligation wherein your King and you are so deeply engaged especially seeing you know that only in respect of you this perfidious Tyrant of Achem takes our Country from us For there is nothing he so much reproacheth us withall as that my King is as good a Portugal and Christian as if he had been born in Portugal and yet now that he desires you to succor him in his need as allyes and true friends ought to do you excuse your selves with reasons that are of no validity The succor we require of you for to secure us and to keep this faithless wretch from seizing on our Kingdom is a very small matter namely forty or fifty Portugals that may instruct us in the military art together with four barrels of Powder and two hundred Bullets for field Pieces a poor thing in comparison of that you have Now if you can yet be perswaded to grant us this little ayd you shall thereby so much oblige our King as he will ever remain a faithful slave to the mighty Prince of Portugal your Master and ours in whose name I beseech you once twice nay an hundred times that you will perform that appertains unto your duty to do for this which I thus publikely demand of you is of so great importance that therein consists not so much the preservation of the Kingdom of Aaru as the safety of this your Fortress of Malaca which that Tyrant of Achem our enemy so extreamly desires to possess and to that purpose he hath gotten the assistance of divers strange Nations but because he finds that our Kingdom is a let to the execution of his design he endeavors to usurp it upon us and then he intends to guard this Straight in such sort as he will quite exclude you from all Commerce with the Spices of Banda and the Molucques and from all the Trade and Navigation of the Seas of China Sunda Borneo Timor and Jappon and this his own people stick not to boast of even already being also further manifested by the accord which he hath lately made with the Turk through the interposâ—ure of the Bassa of grand Cairo who in consideration thereof hath promised to ayâ— him with great Forces Wherefore at length give ear unto the request which I have made unto you in the name of my King and that so much concerns the service of yours for since you may yet give a remedy to the mischief which you see is ready to fall I desire you to do it speedily And let not one of you excuse himself by alledging that the time of his Government is almost at an end nor the other that he is not as yet entered upon his Charge for it is sufficient that you know you are both of you equally obliged thereunto Having finished this speech in form of a request which availed him nothing he stooped down to the ground from whence taking up two stones he knocked with them upon a Piece of Ordnance and then the tears standing in his eyes he said The Lord who hath created us will defend us if he please and so imbarquing himself he departed greatly discontented for the bad answer he carried back Five days after his departure Pedro de Faria was told how all the Town murmured at the small respect that both he and Dom Stephano had carried to that poor King who had ever been a friend both to them and the whole Portugal Nation and continually done very good offices to the Fort for which cause his Kingdom was now like to be taken from him This advice causing him to see his fault and to be ashamed of his proceeding he labored to have palliated it with certain excuses but at last he sent this King by way of succor fifteen quintals of fine Powder an hundred pots of Wild-fire an hundred and fifty Bullets for
and without harkening to what he might say she instantly returned to her lodging then caused her Vessâ—ls wherein she came thither to be made ready and the next day set sail for Biâ—tan where the King of Iantana was at that time who according to the report was made of it to us afterward received her with great honor at her arrival To him she recounted all that had past betwixt her and Pedro de Faria and how she had lost all hope of our friendship Unto whom it is said the King made this answer That he did not marvel at the little faith she had found in us for that we had shewed it but too much upon sundry occasions unto all the world Now the better to confirm his saying he recited some particular examples of matters which he said had befallen us conformable to his purpose and like a Mahometan and our Enemy he made them appear more enormous then they were So after he had recounted many things of us very ill done amongst the which he interlaced divers Treacheries Robberies and Tyrannies at length he told her that as a good King and a good Mahometan he would promise her that ere it were long she should see her self by his means restored again to every foot of her Kingdom and to the end she might be the more assured of his promise he told her that he was content to take her for his wife if so she pleased for that thereby he should have the greater cause to become the King of Achems Enemy upon whom for her sake he should be constrained to make War if he would not by fair means be perswaded to abandon that which he had unjustly taken from her Whereunto she made answer that albeit the honor he did her was very great yet she would never accept of it unless he would first promise as in way of a dowry to revenge the death of her former husband saying it was a thing she so much desired as without it she would not accept of the Soveraignty of the whole world The King condescended to her request and by a solemn Oath taken on a Book of their Sect confirmed the promise which to that effect he made her After that the King of Iantana had taken that Oath before a great Cacis of his called Raia Moulana upon a festival day when as they solemnized their Ramadan he went to the Isle of Compar where immediately upon the celebration of their Nuptials he called a Councel for to advise of the course he was to hold for the performance of that whereunto he had engaged himself for he knew it was a matter of great difficulty and wherein he should be forced to hazard much of his Estate The resolution that he took hereupon was before he enterprized any thing to send to summon the Tyrant of Achem to surrender the Kingdom of Aaru which in the right of his new wife belonged now unto him and then according to the answer he should receive to govern himself This Councel seemed so good to the King that he presently dispatched an Embassador to the Tyrant with a rich Present of Jewels and Silks together with a Letter containing these words Sibri Laya quendou pracama de Raia lawful King by a long succession of Malaca which by strong hand and the injustice of the faithless Kings of Jantana and Bintan hath been usurped from me To thee Siry Sultan Aaradin King of Achem and of all the Land of the two Seas my true Brother by the ancient Amity of our forefathers I thine Ally in flesh and in blood do give thee to understand by my Embassador that about the seventh Moon of this present year the noble Widow Anchesiny Queen of Aaru came to me full of grief and tears and prostrating her self on the ground before me she told me that thy Captains had taken her Kingdom from her as also the two Rivers of Lava and Panetican and slain Aliboncar her husband together with five thousand Amborraias and Ouroballons all men of mark that were with him and made three thousand children slaves which had never offended tying their hands behind them and scourging them continually without pity as if they had been the sons of unbelieving mothers Wherefore being moved with compassion I have received her under the protection of my faith to the end that I might with more certainty inform my self of the reason and right thou hadst so to do and perceiving by her oaths that thou hadst none I have taken her to my wife that I might the more freely before God demand that which is hers I desire thee then as being thy true Brother that thou wilt render that thou hast taken from her and thereof make her a good and full restitution And touching the proceeding that is to be held in this restitution which I demand of thee it is to be done according to the manner that Syribican my Embassador will shew thee And not doing thus conformable to what in justice I require of thee I declare my self thine Enemy in the behalf of this Lady unto whom I am obliged by a solemn Oath to defend her in her affliction This Embassador being come to Acheâ— the Tyrant received him very honorably and took his Letter But after he had opened it and read the contents he would presently have put him to death had he not been diverted by his Councel who told him that in so doing he would incur great infamy Whereupon he instantly dismissed the Embassador with his Present which in contempt of him he would not accept of and in answer of that he brought him he returned him a Letter wherein it was thus written I Sultan Aaradin King of Achem Baarros Pedir Paacem and of the Signories of Dayaa and Batas Prince of all the Land of the two Seas both Mediterranean and Ocean and of the Mynes of Menencabo and of the Kingdom of Aaru newly conquered upon just cause To thee King replenished with joy and desirous of a doubtful heritage I have seen thy Letter written at the table of thy Nuptials and by the inconsiderate words thereof have discerned the drunkenness of thy Councellors and Secretaries whereunto I would not have vouchsafed an answer had it not been for the humble prayers of my servants As touching the Kingdom of Aaru do not thou dare to speak of it if thou desirest to live sufficeth it that I have caused it to be taken in and that it is mine as thine also shall be ere long if thou hast married Anchesiny with a purpose upon that occasion to make claim to a Kingdom that now is none of hers wherefore live with her as other husbands do with their wives that tilling the ground are contented with the labor of their hands Recover first thy Malaca since it was once thine and then thou mayst think of that which never belonged to thee I will favor thee as a Vassal and not as a Brother as thou qualifiest thy self From my great
that having been convicted for sundry hainous crimes were also sent to the Parliament of Nanquin whâ—â—e as I have already declared is always residing a Chaem of Justice which is like to the Sovereign Title of the Vice-roy of China There is likewise a Parliament of some five and twenty Gerozemos and Ferucuas which are as those we call Judges with us and that determine all causes as well civil as criminal So as there is no appeal from their sentence unless it be unto another Court which hath power even over the King himself whereunto if one appeals it is as if he appealed to heaven To understand this the better you must know that although this Parliament and others such like which are in the principal Cities of the Realm have an absolute power from the King both over all criminal civil causes without any opposition or appeal whatsoever yet there is another Court of Justice which is called the Court of the Creator of all things whereunto it is permitted to appeal in weighty and iâ—portant matters In this Court are ordinarily assisting four twenty Menigrepos which are certain religious men very austere in their manner of living such as the Capuchins are amongst the Papists verily if they were Christians one might hope for great matters from them in regard of their marvellous abstinence sincerity There are none admitted into this rank of Judges under seventy years of age are elected thereunto by the suffrages of their chiefest Prelates most incorruptible men so just in all the causes whereof there are appeals before them as it is not possible to meet with more upright for were it against the King himself andagainst all the powers that may be imagined in the world no consideration how great soever is able to make them swerve never so little from that they think to be justice Having been imbarqued in the manner I spake of the same day at night we went lay at a great tower called Potinleu in one of the prisons whereof were mained nine days by reason of the much rain that fell then upon the conjunction of the New-moon There we happened to meet with a Russian prisoner that received as very charitably of whom demanding in the Chinese tongue which he understood as well as we what countrey-man he was and what fortune had brought him thither he told us that he was of Moscovy born in a town named Hiquegens and that some five years past being accused for the death of a man he had been condemned to a perpetual prison but as a stranger he appealed from that sentence to the tribunal of the Aytau of Batampina in the City of Pequin who was the highest of the two and thirty Admirals established in this Empire that is for every Kingdom one He added further that this Admiral by a particular Jurisdiction had absolute power over all strangers whereupon he hoped to find some relief from him intending to go and die a Christian among the Christians if he might have the good hap to be set at liberty After we had passed those nine days in this prison being reinbarqued we sayled up a great river seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at Nanquin As this City is the second of all the Empire so is it also the Capital of the three Kingdoms of Liampoo Fanius and Sambor Here we lay six weeks in prison and suffered so much pain and misery as reduced to the last extreamities we died incensibly for want of succour not able to do any thing but look up to heaven with a pitiful eye for it was our ill fortune to have all that we had stoln from us the first night we came thither This prison was so great that there were four thousand prisoners in it at that time as we were credibly informed so that one should hardly â—it down in any place without being robbed and filled â—ull of lice having layn there a month and an half as I said the Anchacy who was one of the Judges before whom our cause was to be pleaded pronounced our sentence at the Suit of the Atturny General the tenor whereof was That having seen and considered our process which the Chumbin of Taypor had sent him it appeared by the accusations laid to outcharge that we were very hainous malâ—factors though we denied many things yet in justice no credit was to be given unto us therefore that we were to be publickly whipped for to teach us to live better in time to come and that withall our two thumbs should be cut off wherewith it was evident by manifest suspicions that we used to commit robberies and other vile crimes furthermore that for the remainder of the punishment we deserved he referred us to the Aytau of Bataupina unto whom it appertained to take cognisance of such causes in regard of the Jurisdiction that he had of life and death This Sentence was pronounced in the prison where it had been better for us to have suffered death then the stripes that we received for all the ground round about us ran with blood upon our whiping so that it was almost a miracle that of the eleven which we were nine escaped alive for two of our company died three days after besides one of our servants After we had been whipped in that manner I have declared we were carried into a great Chamber that was in the prison where were a number of sick and diseased persons lying upon beds and otherways There we had presently our stripes washed and things applyed unto them whereby we were somewhat eased of our pain and that by men much like unto the fraternity of mercy among the Papists which only out of charity and for the honour of God do tend those that are sick and liberally furnish them with all things necessary Hereafter some eleven or twelve days we began to be pretily recovered and as we were lamenting our ill fortune for being so rigorously condemned to lose our thumbs it pleased God one morning when as we little dreamt ofit that we espied two men come into the chamber of a good aspect clothed in long gowns of violet coloured satin carrying white rods in their hands As soon as they arrived all the sick persons in the Chamber cried out Blessed be the Ministers of the works ofGod whereunto they answâ—red holding up their rods May it please God to give you patience in your adversity whereupon having distributed clothes and money to those that were next to them they came unto us and after they had saluted us very courteously with demonstration of being moved at our tears they asked us who we were and of what countrey as also why we were imprisoned there whereunto we answered weeping that we were strangers nativâ—s of the Kingdom of Siam and of a country called Malaca that being Merchants and well to live we had imbarqued our selves with our goods and being bound for Liampoo we had
iustice that conducted us they took their leaves of us in most courteous manner The next morning as soon as it was day they sent us the Letter sealed with three Seals in green Wax the Contents whereof were these Ye servants of that high Lord the resplendent mirrour of an uncreated light before whom our merits are nothing in comparison of his we the least servants of that holy house of Tauhinaâ—el that was founded in favour of the fifth prison of Nanquin with true words of respect which we owe unto you we give your most humble persons to understand that these nine strangers the bearers of this Letter are men of a far country whose bodies and goods have been so cruelly intreated by the furie of the sea that according to their report of ninety and five that they were they only have escaped shipwrack being cast by the tempest on the shore of the Isles of Tautâ—a upon the coast of the Bay of Sumbor In which pitious and lamentable case as we have seen them with our own eyes begging their living from place to place of such as charitie obliged to give them something after the manner of good folkes it was their ill fortune without all reason or justice to be apprehended by the Chumbin of Taypor and sent to this fifth prison of Faniau where they were condemned to be whipped which was immediatly executed upon them by the Ministers of the displeased arm as by their Process better appeareth But afterwards when as through too much crueltie their thumbs were to be cut off they with tears besought us for that Soveraign Lords sake in whose service we are imployed to be assisting unto them which presently undertaken by us we preferred a Petition in their behalf whereunto this Answer was made by the Court of the crowned Lyon That mercy had no place where justice lost her name whereupon provoked by a true zeal to Gods honour we addressed our selves to the Court of those four and twenty of the austere life who carried by a blessed devotion instantly assembled in the Holy House of the remedy for the poor and of an extream desire they had to succour these miserable creatures they interdicted that great Court from proceeding any further against them and accordingly the success was agreeable to the mercy of so great a God for these last Iudges revoking the others first Sentence sent the cause by way of Appeal to your Citie of Pequin with amendment of the second punishment as you may see more at large by the proceedings In regard whereof most reverend and humble Brethren We beseech you all in the Name of God to be favourable unto them and to assist them with whatsoever you shall thinke necessary for them that they may not be oppressed in thier right which is a very great sin and an eternal infamy to us who again intreat you to supply them with your Alms and bestow on them means to cover their nakedness to the end they may not perish for want of help which if you do there is no doubt but that so pious a work will be most acceptable to that Lord above to whom the poor of the earth do continually pray and are heard in the Highest of Heavens as we hold for an Article of Faith On which earth may it please that divine Majestie for whose sake we do this to preserve us till death and to render us worthy of his presence in the house of the Sun where he iâ— seated with all his Written in the Chamber of the zeal of Gods honour the ninth day of the seventh Moon and the three and twentieth year of the Raign of the Lyon crowned in the Throne of the World CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the Citie of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which hapned unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay THis Letter being brought to us very early the next morning we departed in the manner before declared and continued our voyoge till Sun-set when as we anchored at a little Village named Minhacutem where the Chifuu that conducted us was born and where his Wife and Children were at that time vvhich vvas the occasion that he remained there three dayes at the end whereof he imbarqued himself vvith his family and so we passed on in the company of divers other Vessels that went upon this River unto divers parts of this Empire Now though we vvere all tyed together to the bank of the Lauteaa where vve rowed yet did we not for all that lose the view of many Towns and Villages that were scituated along this River whereof I hold it not amisse to make some descriptions To which effect I will begin with the Citie of Nanquin from whence we last parted This City is under the North in nine and thirty degrees and three quarters scituated upon the river of Batampina which signifies The flower of fish This river as we were told then and as I have seen since comes from Tartaria out of a lake called Fanistor nine leagues from the City of Lancama where Tamberlan King of the Tartarians usually kept his Court Out of the same lake which is eight and twenty leagues long twelve broad and of a mighty depth the greatest rivers that ever I saw take their source The first is the same Batampina that passing through the midst of this Empire of China three hundred and threescore leagues in length disimbâ—ques into the sea at the bay of Nanquin in thirty six degrees The second named Lechuna runs with great swiftness all along by the mountains of Pancruum which separate the Country of Cauchim and the State of Catebenan in the height of sixteen degrees The third is called Tauquida signifying the Mother of waters that going North-west traverseth the Kingdom of Nacataas a Country where China was anciently seated as I will declare hereafter and enters into the sea in the Empire of Sornau vulgarly stiled Siam by the mouth of Cuy one hundred and thirty leagues below Patana The fourth named Batobasoy descends out of the Province of Sansim which is the very same that was quite overwhelmed by the sea in the year 1556. as I purpose to shew else-where and renders it selâ— into the sea at the mouth of Cosmim in the Kingdom of Pegu The fifth and last called Leysacotay crosseth the Country by East as far as to the Archipelago of Xinxipou that borders upon Mocovye and fals as is thought into a sea that is not navigable by reaâ—on the clymate there is in the height of seventy degrees Now to return to my discourse the City of Nanquin as I said before is seated by this river of Batampina upon a reasonable high hill so as it commands all the plains about it The climate thereof is somewhat cold but very healthy and it is eight leagues about which way soever it is considered three leagues broad and one long The houses in it are not above two stories high and all built
the good I have done you for Gods sake To conclude all the vessels where these things are exposed to sale are seldom less in number then two hundred besides thousands of others which sell such like wares in a far greater quantity We saw likewise many Barcasses full of men and women that played upon divers sorts of instruments and for mony gave them musick that desired it There were other vessels laden with horns which the Priests sold therewith to make feasts in Heaven for they say that those were the horns of several beasts which were offered in sacrifice to the Idols out of devotion and for the performance of vows that men had made in divers kind of misfortunes and sicknesses wherein they had at others times been And that as the flesh of those beasts had been given here below for the honour of God to the poor so the souls of them for whom those horns were offered do in the other world eat the souls of of those beasts to whom those horns belonged and thereunto invite the souls of their friends as men use to invite others here on earth Other vessels we saw covered with blacks and full of tombs torches and great wax lights as also women in them that for money would be hired to weep and lament for the dead others there were called Pitaleus that in great barques kept divers kinds of wild beasts to be shewed for mony most dreadful to behold as Serpents huge Adders monstrous Lizards Tygers and many others such like we saw in like sort a great number of Stationers which sold all manner of books that could be desired as well concerning the creation of the world whereof they tell a thousand lies as touching the States Kingdoms Islands and Provinces of the world together with the Laws and Customs of Nations but especially of the Kings of China their number brave acts and of all things else that happened in each of their reigns Moreover we saw a great many of the light swift Foysts wherein were men very well armed who cried out with a loud voice that if any one had received an affront whereof he desired to be avenged let him come unto them and they would cause satisfaction to be made him In other vessels there were old women that served for midwives and that would bring women speedily and easily a bed as also a many of Nurses ready to be entertained for to give children suck There were barques likewise very well adornâ—d and set â—orth that had in them divers reverend old men and grave matrons whose profession was to make marriages and to comfort widows or such as had lost their children or suffered any other misfortune In others there were a number of young men and maids that lacked Masters and Mistresses which offered themselves to any that would hire them There were other vessels that had in them such as undertook to tell fortunes and to help folks to things lost In a word not to dwell any longer upon every particular that was to be seen in this moving Town for then I should never have done it shall suffice me to say that nothing can be desired on land which was not to be had in their vessels and that in greater abundance then I have delivered wherefore I will passe from it to shew you that one of the principal causes why this Monarchy of China that contains two and thirty Kingdoms is so mighty rich and of so great commerce is because it is exceedingly replenished with rivers and a world of Chanals that have been anciently made by the Kings great Lords and people thereof for to render all the Country navigable and so communicate their labours with one another The narrowest of these Chanals have bridges of hewed stone over them that are very high long and broad whereof some are of one stone eighty ninety nay an hundred spans long and fifteen or twenty broad which doubtlesse is very marvellous for it is almost impossible to comprehend by what means so huge a masse of stone could be drawn out of the Quarry without breaking and how it should be transported to the place where it was to be set All the ways and passages from Cities Towns and Villages have very large causeys made of fair stone at the ends whereof are costly pillars and arches upon which are inscriptions with letters of gold containing the pray sers of them that erected them moreover there are handsome seats placed all along for poor passengers to rest themselves on There are likewise innumerable Aqueducks and fountains every where whose water is most wholesom and excellent to drink And in divers parts there are certain Wenches of love that out of charity prostitute themselves to travellers which have no mony and although amongst us this is held for a great abuse and abomination yet with them it is accounted a work of mercy so that many on their death-beds do by their testaments bequeath great revenues for the maintenance of this wickedness as a thing very meritorious for the salvation of their souls moreover many others have left lands for the erecting and maintaining of houses in deserts and unhabited places where great fires are kept all the night to guide such as have strayed out of their way as also water for men to drink and seats to repose them in and that there may be no default herein there are divers persons entertained with very good means to see these things carefully continued according to the institution of him that founded them for the health of his soul. By these marvels which are found in the particular Towns of this Empire may be concluded what the greatness thereof might be were they joyned all together but for the better satisfaction of the Reader I dare boldly say if my testimony may be worthy of credit that in one and twenty years space during which time with a world of misfortune labour and pain I traversed the greatest part of Asia as may appear by this my discourse I had seen in some countrys a wonderfull abundance of several sorts of victuals and provisions which we have not in our Europe yet without speaking what each of them might have in particular I do not think there is in all Europe so much as there is in China alone And the same may be said of all the rest wherewith Heaven hath favoured this clymate as well for the temperature of the air as for that which concerns the policy and riches the magnificence and greatness of their estate Now that which gives the greatest luster unto it is their exact observation of justice for there is so well ruled a Government in this Country as it may justly be envied of all others in the world And to speak the truth such as want this particular have no gloss be they otherways never so great commendable Verily so often as I represent unto my self those great things which I have seen in this China I am on the one
weight measure and true account therefore take heed to what thou doest for if thou comest to sin thou shalt suffer for it eternally Upon his head he had a kind of round bonet bordered about with small sprigs of gold all enamelled violet and green and on the top of it was a little crowned Lion of gold upon a round bowl of the same mettal by which Lion crowned as I have delivered heretofore is the King signified and by the bowl the world as if by these devices they would denote that the King is the Lion crowned on the throne of the world In his right hand he held a little rod of ivory some three spans long in manner of a Scepter upon the top of the three first steps of this Tribunal stood eight Ushers with silver maces on their shoulders and below were threescore Mogors on their knees disposed into three ranks carrying halberts in their hands that were neatly damasked with gold In the vantgard of these same stood like as if they had been the Commanders or Captains of this Squadron the Statues of two Giants of a most gallant aspect and very richly attired with their swords hanging in scarfs and mighty great halberts in their hands and these the Chineses in their language call Gigaos on the two sides of this Tribunal below in the room were two very long tables at each of which sat twelve men whereof four were Presidents or Judges two Registers four Solicitors and two Conchalis which are as it were Assistants to the Court one of these Tables was for criminal and the other for civil causes and all the officers of both these Tables were apparelled in gowns of white Satin that were very long and had large slieves thereby demonstrating the latitude and purity of justice the Tables were covered with carpets of violet damask and richly bordered about with gold the Chaems table because it was of silver had no carpet on it nor any thing else but a cushion of cloth of gold and a Standith Now all these things put together as we saw them carried a wonderful shew of State and Majesty But to proceed upon the fourth ringing of a bell one of the Câ—â—chalis stood up and after a low obeysancâ— made to the Chaem with a very loud voice that he might be heard of every one he said Peace there and with all submission hearken on pain of incurring the punishment ordained by the Chaems of the Government for those that interrupt the silence of sacred Iustice. Whereupon this same sitting down again another arose and with the like reverence mounting up to the Tribunal where the Chaem sat he took the Sentences from him that held them in his hand and published them aloud one after another with so many ceremonies and compliments as he employed above an hour therein At length coming to pronounce our judgment they caused us to kneel down with our eyes fixed on the ground and our hands lifted up as if we were praying unto Heaven to the end that in all humility we might hear the publâ—cation thereof which was thus Bitau Dicabor the new Chaem of this sacred Court where justice is rendred to strangers and that by the gracious pleasure of the Son of the Sun the Lion crowned on the throne of the world unto whom are subjected all the Scepters and Crowns of the Kings that govern the earth ye are subjected under his feet by the grace and will of the most High in Heaven having viewed and considered the Appeal made to me by these nine strangers whose cause was commanded hither by the City of Nanquin by the four and twenty of austeer life I say by the oath I have taken upon my entry into the Charge which I exercise for the Aytao of Batampina the chief of two and thirty that govern all the people of this Empire that the ninth day of the seventh Moon in the fifteenth year of the reign of the Son of the Sun I was presented with the accusations which the Cumbim of Taypor sent me against them whereby he chargeth them to be theeves and robbers of other mens goods affirming that they have long practised that trade to the great offence of the Lord above who hath created all things and withall that without any fear of God they used to bathe themselves in the blood of those that with reason resisted them for which they have already been condemned to be whipt and have their thumbs cut off whereof the one hath been put in execution but when they came to have their thumbs cut off the Proctors for the poor opposing it alledged in their behalf that they were wrongfully condemned because there was no proof of that wherewith they were charged in regard whereof they required for them that in stead of judging them upon a bare shew of uncertain suspitions voluable testimonies might be produced and such as were conformable to the divine Laws and the Iustice of Heaven whereunto answer was made by that Court how justice was to give place to mercy whereupon they that undertook their cause made their complaint to the four and twenty of austeer life who both out of very just considerations and the regard they had to the little support they could have for that they were strangers and of a Nation so far distant from us as we never heard of the Country where they say they were born mercifully inclining to their lamentable cries sent them and their cause to be judged by thiâ— Court wherefore omitting the prosecution thereof here by the Kings Proctor being able to prove nothing whereof he accused them affirms only that they are worthy of death for the suspicion and jealousie they have given of themselves but in regard sacred justice that stands upon considerations which are pure and agreeable to God admits of no reasons from an adverse party if they be not made good by evident proofs I thought it not fit to allow of the Kings Proctors accusations since he could not prove what he had alledged whereupon insisting on his demand without shewing either any just causes or sufficient proof concerning that he concluded against those strangers I condemned him in twenty Taeis of silver amends to his adverse parties being altogether according to equity because the reasons alledged by him were grounded upon a bad zeal and such as were neither just nor pleasing to God whose mercy doth always incline to their side that are poor and feeble on the earth when as they invoke him with tears in their eyes â—s is daily and clearly manifested by the pitiful effects of his greatness so that having thereupon expresly commanded the Tanigores of the house of mercy to alledge whatsoever they could say on their behalf they accordâ—ngly did so within the time that was prefixed them for that purpose And so all proceedings having received their due course thâ— cause is now come to a final Iudgment wherefore every thing duly viewed and considered without regard had to any
humane respect but only to the merit and equity of their cause and according to the resolution of the Laws accepted by the twelve Chaems of the Government in the fifth book of the will and pleasure of the Son of the Sun who in such cases out of his greatness and goodness hath more regard to the complaints of the poor then to the insolent clamors of the proud of the earth I do ordain and decree that these nine strangers shall be clearly quit and absolved of all that which the Kings Proctor hath laid to their charge as also of all the punishment belonging thereunto condemning them only to a years exile during which time they shall work for their living in the reparations of Quansy and when at eight months of the said year shall be accomplished then I expresly enjoyn all the Chumbims Conchalis Monteos and other Ministers of their government that immediately upon their presenting of this my Decree unto them they give them a passeport and safe conduct to the end they may freely and securely return into their Country or to any other place they shal think fit After this sentence was thus published in our hearing we all cried out with a loud voice The Sentence of thy clear judgment is confirmed in us even as the purity of thy heart is agreeable to the son of the Sun This said one of the Conchalis that sate at one of the tables stood up and having made a very low obeisance to the Chaem he said aloud five times one after another to all that presse of people which were there in great number Is there any one in this Court in this City or in this Kingdom that will oppose this Decree or the deliverance of these nine prisoners Whereunto no answer being made the two boyes that represented justice and mercy touched the ensignes which they held in their hands together and said aloud Let them be freed and discharged according to the sentence very justly pronounced for it whereupon one of those Ministers whom they call Huppes having rung a bell thrice the two Chumbims of execution that had formerly bound us unlosed us from our chain and withall took off our manacles collers and the other irons from our legs so that we were quite delivered for which we gave infinite thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ because we always thought that for the ill conceit men had of us we should be condemned to death From thence so delivered as we were they led us back to the prison where the two Chumhims signed our enlargment in the Jaylors book nevertheless that we might be altogether discharged we were to go two months after to serve a year according to our sentence upon pain of becoming slaves for ever to the King conformable to his Ordinances Novv because vve vvould presently have gone about to demand the alms of good people in the City the Chifun vvho vvas as Grand Provost of that prison perswaded us to stay till the next day that he might first recommend us to the Tanigores of mercy that they might do something for us CHAP. XXXIII What past betwixt us and the Tanigores of mercy with the great favors they did us and a brief Relation of the City of Pequin where the King of China kept his Court. THe next morning the four Tanigores of mercy came to visit the Infirmiâ—y of this prison as they used to do where they rejoyced with us for the good success of our Sentence giving us great testimony how well contented they were with it for which we returned them many thanks not without shedding abundance of tears whereat they seemed to be not a little pleased and willed us not to be troubled with the term we were condemned to serve in for they told us that in stead of a year we should continue but eight months there and that the other four months which made the third part of our punishment the King remitted it by way of alms for Gods sake in consideration that we were poor for otherwise if we had been rich and of ability we should have had no favour at all promising to cause this dimunition of punishment to be endorsed on our Sentence and besides that they would go and speak to a very honourable man for us that was appointed to be the chief Marshal or Monteo of Quansy the place where we were to serve to the end he might shew us favour and cause us to be truly paid for the time we should remain there Now because this man was naturally a friend to the poor and inclined to do them good they thought it would be fit to carry us along with them to his house the rather for that it might be he would take us into his charge we gave them all very humble thanks for this good offer of theirs and told them that God would reward this charity they shewed us for his sake whereupon we accompanied them to the Monteos house who came forth to receive us in his outward Court leading his wife by the hand which he did either out of a greater form of complement or to do the more honour to the Tanigores and coming neer them he prostrated himself at their feet and said It is now my Lord and holy brethren that I have cause to rejoyce for that it hath pleased God to permit that you his holy servants should come unto my house being that which I could not hope for in regard I held my selfe unworthy of such favour After the Tanigores had used many complements and cereremonies to him as is usuall in that Country they answered him thus May God our Soveraign Lord the infinite source of mercy recompence the good thou dost for the poor with blessing in this life for believe it dear brother the strongest staff whereon the soul doth lean to keep her from falling so often as she happens to stumble is the charity which we use towards our neighbour when as the vain glory of this world doth not blind the good zeal whereunto his holy Law doth oblige us and that thou mayst merit the blessed felicity of beholding his face we have brought thee here these nine Portugals who are so poor as none in this Kingdom are like to them wherefore we pray thee that in the place whither thou art going now as Monteo thou wilt do for them all that thou thinkest will be acceptable to the Lord above in whose behalf we crave this of thee To this Speech the Monteo and his wife replyed in such courteous and remarkable terms as we were almost besides our selves to hear in what manner they attributed the successe of their affairs to the principal cause of all goodness even as though they had the light of faith or the knowledg of the Christian verity Hereupon they withdrew into a Chamber into which we went not and continued there about half an hour then as they were about to take leave of one another they commanded us to come in to them
savoury viands for to relish ones drink all in so great abundance that it would be very superfluous to say more of it but what I speak is to shew how liberally God hath imparted to these miserable blinded wretches the good things which he hath created on the earth to the end that his holy Name may therefore be blessed for evermore CHAP. XXXV The Prison of Xinanguibaleu wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria and another inclosure called the Treasure of the dead with the revenues whereof this prison is maintained DEsisting now from speaking in particular of the great number of the rich and magnificent buildings which we saw in this City of Pequin I will only insist on some of the Edifices thereof that seemed more remarkable to me then the rest whence it may be easie to infer what all those might be whereof I will not make any mention here to avoid prolixity And of these neither would I speak were it not that our Lord may one day permit that the Portugal Nation full of valour and of lofty courage may make use of this relation for the glory of our great God to the end that by these humane means and the assistance of his divine favor it may make those barbarous people understand the verity of our holy Catholique faith from which their sins have so far esloigned them as they mock at all that we say to them thereof Hereunto I will adde that they are extravagant and senceless as they dare boldly affirm that only with beholding the face of the Son of the Sun which is their King a soul would be more happy then with all other things of the world besides which perswades me that if God of his infinite mercy and goodness would grant that the King of the people might become a Christian it would be an easie matter to convert all his Subjects whereas otherwise I hold it difficult for so much as one to change his belief and all by reason of the great awe they are in of the Law which they fear and reverence a like and whereof it is not to be believed how much they cherish the Ministers But to return to my discourse the first building which I saw of those that were most remarkable was a prison which they call Xinanguibaleu that is to say The inclosure of the Epiles the circuit of this prison is two leagues square or little less both in length and bredth It is inclosed with a very high wall without any battlements the wall on the outside is invironed with a great deep ditch full of water over the which are a many of draw-bridges that are drawn up in the night with certain iron chains and so hang suspended on huge cast pillars In this prison is an arch of strong hewed stone abutting in two towers in the tops whereof are six great sentinel bells which are never rung but all the rest within the said inclosure do answer them which the Chineses affirm to be above an hundred and indeed they make a most horrible din. In this place there are ordinarily three hundred thousand prisoners between seventeen and fifty whereat we were much amazed and indeed we had good cause in regard it is a thing so unusual and extraordinary Now desiring to know of the Chineses the occasion of so marvellous a building and of the great number of prisoners that were in it they answered us that after the King of China named Crisnago Docotay had finished a wall of three hundred leagues space betwixt this Kingdom of China and that of Tartaria as I have declared other where he ordained by the advice of his people for to that effect he caused an Assembly of his Estates to be held that all those which should be condemned to banishment should be sent to work in the repairing of this wall and that after they had served six years together therein they might freely depart though they were sentenced to serve for a longer time because the King pardoned them the remainder of the term by way of charity and alms but if during those years they should happen to perform any remarkable act or other thing wherein it appeared they had advantage over others or if they were three times wounded in the Sallies they should make or if they killed some of their enemies they were then to be dispensed with for all the rest of their time and that the Chaem should grant them a certificate thereof where it should be declared why he had delivered them and how he had thereby satisfied the Ordinances of War Two hundred and ten thousand men are to be continually entertained in the work of the wall by the first institution whereof defalcation is made of a third part for such are dead maimed and delivered either for their notable actions or for that they had accomplished their time And likewise when as the Chaem who is as the chief of all those sent to the Pitaucamay which is the highest Court of Justice to furnish him with that number of men they could not assemble them together so soon as was necessary for that they were divided in so many several places of that Empire which is prodigiously great as I have delivered before and that withall a long time was required for the assembling them together another King named Gopiley Aparau who succeeded to that Crisnago Dacotay ordained that the great inclosure should be made in the City of Pequin to the end that as soon as any were condemned to the work of this wall they should be carried to Xinanguibaleu for to be there altogether by which means they might be sent away without any delay as now is done So soon as the Court of Justice hath committed the prisoners to this prison whereof he that brings them hath a Certificate they are immediately left at liberty so that they may walk at their pleasure within this great inclosure having nothing but a little plate of a span long and four fingers broad wherein these words are engraven Such a one of such a place hath been condemned to the general exile for such a cause he entred such a day such a month such a year Now the reason why they make every prisoner to carry this plate for a testimony of their evil actions is to manifest for what crime he was condemned and at what time he entred because every one goes forth conformably to the length of time that shall be since he entred in These prisoners are held for duly delivered when they are drawn out of captivity for to go and work at the wall for they cannot upon any cause whatsoever be exempted from the prison of Xinanguibaleu and the time they are there is counted to them for nothing in regard they have no hope of liberty but at that instant when their turn permits them to work in the reparations for then they may be sure to be delivered according
who with each of them a Cenâ—er in his hand went two and two about then at the sound of a bell prostrated themselves on the ground and censed one another saying with a loud voice Let our cry come unto thee as a sweet perfume to the end thou mayest hear us For the Guard of of this Tent there were threeâ—core Halberdiers who at a little distance invironed it all about They were clothed with guilt leather and had Murrians on their heads curiously engraven all which were very agreeable and majestical objects Out of this place we entred into another division where there were four Chambers very rich and well furnished in the which were mâ—ny Gentlemen as well strangers as Tartars From thence passing on whithâ—r the Mitaquer and the young boys conducted us we arrived at the door of a great â—ow room in form like to a Church where stood six Ushers with their Maces who with a new complement to the Mitaquer caused us â—o â—nter but kept out all others In this room was the King of Tartaria accompanied with many Princes Lords and Captains amongst whom were the Kings of Pafua Mecuy Capinper Raina Benan Anchesacotay and others to the number of fourteen who in rich attire were all seated some three or four paces from the foot of the Tribunal A little more on the one side were two and thirty very fair women who playing upon divers instruments of musick made a wonderful sweet Consort The King was set on his Throne under a rich Cloth of State and had about him twelve young bâ—ys kneeling on their knees with little Maces of gold like Scepters which they carried on their shoulders close behind him was a young Lady extreamly beautiful and wonderfully richly attired with a Ventiloe in her hand wherewith she ever and anon fanned him This same was the sister of the Mitaquer our General and infinitely beloved of the King for whose sake therefore it was that he was in such credit and reputation throughout the whole Army The King was much about forty years of age full stature somewhat â—â—an and of a good aspect His beard was very short his Mustaches after the Turkish manner his eyes like to the Chineses and his countenance severe and majestical As for his vesture it was violet colour in fashion like to a Turkish Roak imbroydered with pearl upon his feet he had green Sandals wrought all over with gold pearl and great purls among it and on his head a sattin cap of the colour of his habit with a rich band of diamonds and rubies intermingled together Before we past any farther after we had gone ten or eleven steps in the room we made our complement by kissing of the ground three several times and performing other ceremonies which the Truch-men taught us In the mean time the King commanded the musick to cease and addressing himself to the Mitaquer Ask these men of the other end of the world said he unto him whether they have a King what is the name of their Country and how far distant it is from this Kingdom of China where now I am Thereupon one of ours speaking for all the rest answered That our Country was called Portugal that the King thereof was exceeding rich and mighty and that from thence to the City of Pequin was at the leâ—st three years voyage This answer much amazed the King because he did not think the world had been so large so that striking his thigh with a wand that he had in his hand and lifting up his eyes to Heaven as though he would render thanks unto God he said aloud so as eveâ—y one might hear him O Creator of all things are we able to comprehend the marvels of thy greaâ—ness we that at the best are but poor worms of the earth Fuxiquidane fuxiquidane let them approach let them approach Thereupon beckening to us with his hand he caused us to come even to the first degree of the Throne where the fourteen Kings sat and demanded of him again as a man astonished Pucau pucau that is to say how far how far whereunto he answered as before that we should be at least three years in returning to our Country Then he asked why we came not rather by Land then by Sea where so many labours and dangers were to be undergon Thereunto he replyed that there was too great an extent of land through which we were not â—ssured to pass for that it was commanded by Kings of several nations What come you to seek for then added the King and wherefore do you expose your selves to such dangers Then having rendred him a reason to this last demand with all the submission that might be he stayed a prety while without speaking and then shaking his head three or four times he addressed himselfe to an old man that was not far from him and said Certainly we must needs conclude that there is either much ambition or little justice in the Country of these people seeing they come so far to conquer other Lands To this Speech the old man named Raia Benan made no other answer but that it must â—eeds be so for men said he who have recourse unto their industry and invention to run over the Sea for to get that which God hath not given them are necessarily carried thereunto either by extream poverty or by an excess of blindness and vanity derived from much covetousness which is the cause why they renounce God and those that brought them into the world This reply of the old man was seconded with many jeering words by the other Courtiers who made great sport upon this occasion that very much pleased the King in the mean time the women fell to their musick again and so continued till the King withdrew into another Chamber in the company of these fair Musicians and that young Lady which fanned him not so much as one of those great Personages daring to enter besides Not long after one of those twelve boys that carried the Scepters before mentioned came to the Mitaquer and told him from his sister that the King commanded him not to depart away which he held for a singular favour by reason this message was delivered to him in the presence of those Kings and Lords that were in the room so that he stirred not but sent us word that we should go unto out tent with this assurance that he would take care the Son of the Sun should be mindful of us CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising of his Siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country and that which passed until his Arrival there WE had been now full three and forty dayes in this Camp during which time there past many fights and skirmishes between the besiegers and the besieged as also two assaults in the open day which were resisted by them within with an invincible courage like resolute men as they were In the mean time the King of Tartaria seeing how contrary
Fortress because of the fear they were in of the Turkish Army which was every hour expected in the Indiaes by reason of the death of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya whom the said Governor had put to death the Summer before In regard this affair was of great importance it was the cause that all the Captains assembled together to deliberate thereupon At length to meet with the present necessity they concluded that three of those five ships appertaining to the King should go to Diu conformable to the contents of the said Mandate and that the other two which belonged to particular Merchants should pursue their course to Goa The Kings three ships sailing to Diu and the other two Merchants towards Goa it pleased God to conduct them safe thither Now as soon as the Kings three ships came to the mouth of the River of the Port of Diu which fell on the fifth of September the same year 1538. Antonio de Silvâ—ra the Brother of Louys Silvera Earl of Sortelha who was Captain there at that time gave them all the testimony that possibly he could of the joy he took at this their arrival For proof whereof he bestowed liberally on every one keeping a set table for above seven hundred persons which they brought along with them besides his secret rewards and extraordinary gifts whereby he supplyed the necessities they had suffered during their Voyage Whereupon the Soldiers considering how this Captain entreated them very royally that he payed them before-hand distributed their pay and munition unto them with his own hands caused the sick to be carefully tended and shewed himself most ready to assist every one it so wrought upon them that of their own accord they offered to stay there for to serve him being no way constrained thereunto as they use to be in those Countries in all the Fortresses which expect a siege This done as soon as the three ships had sold the Merchandise they had brought they set sail for Goa carrying none with them but the Officers of the Vessels and some Seaâ—men to conduct them where they abode till such time as the Governor had given them dispatches for to go to Cochin where being arrived they took in their lading and returnâ—d all five safe into Portugal Seventeen days after we were arrived at the Fortress of Diu where at that time two Foists were ready prepared to go to the Streight of Mecqua for to discover and find out the design of the Turkish Army whose coming was greatly feared in the Indiaes because one of those Foists was commanded by a Captain that was a great friend of mine who gave me good hope of the Voyage he was bound for I imbarqued my self with him Relying then on the promises which the Captain made me that by his favor and means I should quickly be rich the only thing in the world that I most desired and suffering my self to be deceived by my hopes I imagined that I was already Master of great wealth never considering how vain and uncertain the promises of men are and that I could not reap much benefit by the Voyage I was going to undertake by reason it was dangerous and unseasonable for Navigation in that Country Now being departed from Diu we sailed in a time full of storms because it was about the end of Winter which seemed to begin anew so impetuous were the winds and so great was the rain Nevertheless how violent soever the Tempest was and dark the weather we letted not to discover the Isles of Curia Muria and Avedalcuria at the sight whereof we thought our selves quite lost and without hope of life Whereupon to decline the danger we turned the prow of our Vessel to the South-east knowing no other mean then that to avoyd shipwrack But by good fortune for us it pleased God that we let fall an anchor at the point of the Island of Socotora there we presently anchored a league below the place where Don Francisco d' Almeyda caused a Fortress to be built in the year 1507. when he came from Portugal as the first Victory that ever was in the Indiaes In the said place we took in fresh water and some provision of Victuals that we bought of the Christians of the Country which are the descendants of those whom the Apostle S. Thomas converted in those parts Being refreshed thus we parted from thence with a purpose to enter the Straight so that after we had sailed nine days with a favorable wind we found our selves right against Mazua There about Sun set we descryed a sail at Sea whereunto we gave so hard chace that before the first watch of the night we came up close to her and then to satisfie the desire we had for to learn something of the Captain by gentleness touching the Turkish Army we demanded of him whether it was parted from Sues or whether he had not met with it in any place and that we might be the better informed we spake aloud to all those that were in the ship But in stead of answer without speaking a word and in contempt of us they gave us a dozen pieces of Ordnance whereof five were small and the other seven field Pieces together with good store of Musquet shot And withall in a kind of jollity and as it were beleeving that we were already theirs they made all the ayr about resound again with their confused cries After this to brave and terrifie us the more they flourished a many flags and streamers up and down and from the top of their poop they brandished a number of naked Scymitars commanding us with great threatening to come aboard and yield our selves unto them At the first view of so many Rhodomontades and bravings we were in some doubt and amaze which caused the Captains of our Foists to call the Soldiers to Councel for to know what they should do and the conclusion was to continue shooting at them till the next morning that so by day-light they might be the better fought withall and invested it being agreed upon of all sides that they were not to be let go unpunished for their presumption Which accordingly was performed and all the rest of the night we gave them chace plying them with our Ordnance So morning come their ship being shot through and through in many places and cruelly battered all over they rendred themselves into our hands In the incounter there were threescore and four of their men killed and of fourscore that remained the most part seeing themselves reduced to extremity cast themselves into the Sea choosing rather there to be drowned then to be burnt in their ship with the artificial fires that we had hurled into her so that of all the fourscore there escaped but five very sore hurt whereof one was the Captain This same by force of torture whereunto he was exposed by the Command of our two Captains confessed that he came from Iudaa and that the Turkish Army was already departed
his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master I Angeessiry Timorraia King of Batas desiring to insinuate my self into thy friendship that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King who is also mine with Gold Pepper Camfire Benjamon and Aloes upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct written and assigned with thine own hand by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety Furthermore in favor of this new amity I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses and therefore mayst well spare them for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present This granted I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca with whom I swear to thee I will never have peace as long as I live until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children which call upon me for vengeance and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother who having given them suck and brought them up hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity to the end Signior that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee as well for the service of God as for the good of thy people From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Portugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem and the King of Batas proceeding from this that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas who was a Gentile the imbracing of Mahometâ— Law conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his for which purpose he should quit his wife that was also a Gentile and married to him six and twenty years Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto the Tyrant incited by a Cacis of his immediately denounced War against him So each of them having raised a mighty Army they fought a most bloody Battel that continued three hours and better during the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him after he had lost a great number of his people he made his retreat into a Mountain called Cagerrendan where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals they concluded a Peace upon condition that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony for to pay his Soldiers and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant who had been the cause of making that War This accord being signed by either part the King returned into his Country where he was no sooner arrived but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army and discharged all his Forces The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him he cunningly fell upon two places named Iacur and Lingua that appâ—rtained to the King of Batas which he suddenly surprized when they within thâ—m least thought of it for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death and seven hundred Ouroballones so are the noblest and the valiantâ—st of the Kingdom called This while the King of Batas much resenting and that with good cause so great a Treachery sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect who hold him for their god of Justice never to eat either fruit salt or any other thing that might bring the least gust to his palate before he had revenged the death of his children and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss protesting further that he was resolved to dye in the maintenance of so just a War To which end and the better to bring it to pass the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men as well natives as strangers wherewithall he was assisted by some Princes his friends and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity we have spoken of before with Pedro de Faria who was very well contented with it in regard he knew that it greatly imported both the service of the King of Portugal and the conservation of the Fortress besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs together with his own particular and all the rest of the Portugals profit in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us Pedro de Faria dismissed him having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded and something over and above as fire-pots darts and murdering Pieces wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented that he shed tears for joy nay it was observed that passing by the great door of the Church he turned himself towards it with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven and then as it were praying to God Almighty Lord said he openly that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches which are the spirits formed by thy Will here I promise thee if it may be thy good pleasure to give us
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
came two Lanteaas from Land to us which are Vessels like to Foists with great abundance of refreshments and those that were in them having saluted us after their manner went aboard the great Junk wherein Antonio de Faria was but when they beheld men such as we were having never seen the like before they were much amazed and demanded what people we were and wherefore we came into their Country Whereunto we answered by an Interpreter that we were Merchants born in the Kingdom of Siam and were come thither to sell or barter our Commodities with them if so be they would permit us To this an old man much respected of all the rest replyed that here was no Traffique used but in another place â—urther forward called Guamboy where all strangers that came from Cantan Chincheo Lamau Comhay Sumbor Liampau and other Sea-coast Towns did ordinarily trade Wherefore he counselled him to get him suddenly from thence in regard this was a place destined only to the fishing of Pearls for the Treasure of the house of the son of the Sun to the which by the Ordinance of the Tutan of Comhay who was the soveraign Governor of all the Country of Cauchenchina no Vessel was permitted to come but only such as were appointed for that service and that all other ships which were found there were by the Law to be burnt and all that were in them but since he as a stranger and ignorant of the Laws of the Country had transgressed the same not out of contempt but want of knowledg he thought fit to advertise him of it to the end he might be gone from thence before the arrival of the Mandarim of the Army which we call General to whom the Government of that fishing appertained and that would be within three or four days at the most being gone not above six or seven leagues from thence to a Village named Buhaquirim for to take in Victual Antonio de Faria thanking him for his good advice asked him how many Sails and what Forces the Mandarim had with him Whereunto the old man answered that he was accompanied with forty great Junks and twenty five Vancans with oars wherein there were seven thousand men namely five thousand Soldiers and the rest Slaves and Mariners and that he was there every year six Months during the which time was the fishing for Pearls that is to say from the first of March to the last of August Our Captain desiring to know what duties were payd out of this fishing and what revenue it yielded in those six Months the old man told him that of Pearls which weighed above five Carats they gave two thirds of the worser sort hâ—lf less and of seed Pearl the third part and that this Revenue was not always alike because the fishing was sometimes better in one year then in another but that one with another he thought it might yield annually four hundred thousand Taâ—is Antonio de Faria made very much of the old man and gave him two cakes of Wax a bag of Pepper and a tooth of Ivory wherewith both he and the rest were exceedingly well pleased He also demanded of them of what bigness this Isle of Ainan might be whereof so many wonders were spoken Tell us first replyed they who you are and wherefore you are come hither then will we satisfie you in that you desire of us for we vow unto you that in all our lives we never saw so many young fellows together in any Merchants ships as we now see in this of yours nor so spruce and neâ—t and it seems that in their Country China Silks are so cheap as they are of no esteem or else that they have had them at so easie a rate as they have given nothing near the worth for them for we see them play away a piece of Damask at one cast at Dice as those that come lightly by them A speech that made Antonio de Faria secretly to smile for that thereby he well perceived how these fishermen had a shrewd guess that the same were stollen which made him tell them that they did this like young men who were the sons of very rich Merchants and in that regard valued things far under that they were worth and had cost their fathers dissembling then what they thought they answered in this manner It may very well be as you say Whereupon Antonio de Faria gave a sign to the Soldiers to leave off their play and to hide the pieces of Silk that they were playing for to the end they might not be suspected for Robbers by these folks which immediately they did and the better to assure these Chineses that we were honest men and Merchants our Captain commanded the scuttles of the Junk to be opened that we had taken the night before from Captain Sardinha which was laden with Pepper whereby they were somewhat restored to a better opinion then they had of us before saying one to another Since now we find that they are Merchants indeed let us freely answer to their demand so as they may not think though we be rude that we know nothing but how to catch fish and Oysters The old man desiring to satisfie Antonio de Faria's demand Sir said he since now I know what you are and that only out of curiosity you fairly require to learn this particular of me I will clearly tell you all that I know thereof and what I have heard others deliver concerning it that have been elder then my self and which have a long time governed this Archipelague They said then that this Island was an absolute State under a very rich and mighty King who for an higher and more transcendent title then other Monarchs his Contemporaries carried caused himself to be stiled Prechau Gamâ—u He dying without heirs so great a discord arose amongst the people about the succession to the Crown as encreasing by little and little it caused such effusion of blood that the Chronicles of those times affirm how only in four years and an half sixteen Lacazaas of men were slain every Lacazaa containing an hundred thousand by means wheroof the Country remained so deserted of people that unable to defend it self the King of Cauchin conquered it only with seven thousand Mogores which the King of Tartarie sent him from the City of Tuymican that then was Metrapolitan of all his Empires This Island of Ainan being conquered the King of Cauchin returned into his Country and for Governor thereof left behind him a Commander of his named Hoyha Paguarol who revolted from him for certain just causes as he pretended that invited him thereunto Now to have the assistance and support of the King of China he became his Tributary for four hundred thousand Taeis by the year which amount to six hundred thousand duckets in consideration whereof the King of China obliged himself to defend him against all his enemies whensoever he should have need This accord continued beâ—ween them the space
been cast away just against the Isles of Lamau having lost all that we had and nothing left us but our miserable bodies in the case they now saw us moreover we added that being thus evil intreated by fortune arriving at the City of Taypor the Chumbin of Justice had caused us to be apprehended without any cause laying to our charge that we were thieves and vagabonds who to avoid pains-taking went begging from door to door entertaining our idle laziness with the alms that were given us unjusty whereof the Chumbin having made informations at his pleasure as being both Judg and party he had laid us in irons in the prison where for two and forty days space we had indured incredible pain and hunger and no man would hear us in our justifications as well because we had not wherewithall to give presents for to maintain our right as for that we wanted the language of the Country In conclusiâ—n we told them how in the mean time without any cognisance of the cause we had been condemned to be whipped as also to have our thumbs cut off like thieves so that we had already suffered the first punishment with so much rigour and cruelty that the marks thereof remained but two visibly upon our wretched bodies and therefore we conjured them by the charge they had to serve God in assisting the afflicted that they would not abandon us in this need the rather for that our extream poverty rendred as odious to all the world and exposed us to the induring of all affronts These two men having heard us attentively remained very pensive and amazed at our speech at length lifting up their eyes all bathed with tears to heaven and kneeling down on the ground O almighty Lord said they that governest in the highest places and whose patience is incomprehensible be thou evermore blessed for that thou art pleased to harken unto the complaints of necessitous and miserable men to the end that the great offences committed against thy divine goodness by the Ministers of Iustice may not rest unpunished as we hope that by thy holy Law they will be chastised at one time or other Whereupon they informed themselves more amply by those who were about us of what we had told them and presently sending for the Register in whose hands our sentence was they straitly commanded him that upon pain of grievous punishment he should forthwith bring them all the proceedings which had been used against us as instantly he did now the two Officers seeing there was no remedy for the whipping that we had suffâ—red presented a Petition in our behalf unto the Chaem whereunto this Answer was returned by the Court Mercy hath no place where Iustice looseth her name in regard whereof your request cannot be granted This Answer was subscribed by the Chaem and eight Conchacis that are like criminal Judges This hard proceeding much astonished these two Proctors for the poor so named from their office wheâ—efore carried with an extream desire to draw us out of this misery they presently preferred another Petition to the Soveraign Court of Justice of which I spake in the precedent Chapter where the Menigrâ—pos and Talegrepos were Judges an Assembly which in their language is called The breath of the Creator of all things In this Petition as sinners confessing all that we were accusâ—d of we had recourse to mercy vvhich sorted well for us for as soon as the Petition was presented unto them they read the Processe quite through and finding that our right was overborn for vvant of succour they instantly dispatched away two of their Court vvho with an expresse Mandate undâ—r their hands and Seals went and prohibited the Chaems Court from intermedling with this cause which they commanded away before them In obedience to this Prohibition the Chaems Court made this Decree We that are assembled in this Court of Iustice of the Lyon crowned in the throne of the world having perused the Petition presented to the four and twenty Iudges of the austere life do consent that those nine strangers be sent by way of appeal to the Court of the Aytau of Aytaus in the Citie of Pequin to the end that in mercy the sentence pronounced against them may be favourably moderated Given the seventh day of the fourth Moon in the three and twentieth year of the raign of the Son of the Sun This Decree being signed by the Chaem and the eight Conchacis was presently brought us by the two Proctors for the poor upon the Receit whereof we told them that we could but pray unto God to reward them for the good they had done us for his sake whereunto beholding us with an eye of pitie they answered May his Celestial goodness direct you in the knowledge of his works that thereby you may with patience gather the fruit of your labours as they which fear to offend his holy Name After we had past all the adversities and miseries whereof I have spoken before we were imbarqued in the company of some other thirty or forty Prisoners that were sent as we were from this Court of Justice to that other Soveraign one by way of appeal there to be either acquitted or condemned according to the crimes they had committed and the punishment they had deserved Now a day before our departure being imbarqued in a Lanteaa and chained three and three together the two Proctors for the poor came to us and first of all furnishing us with all things needful as clothes and Victuals they asked us whether we wanted any thing else for our Voyage Whereunto we answered that all we could desire of them was that they would be pleased to convert that further good they intended to us into a Letter of Recommendation unto â—he Officers of that holy Fraternity of the Citie of Pequin thereby to oblige them to maintain the right of our cause in regard as they very well knew they should otherwise be sure to be utterly abandoned of every one by reâ—son they were strangers and altogether unknown The Proctors hearing us speak in this manner Say not so replyed they for though your ignorance discharges you before God yet have you committed a great sin because the more you are abased in the world through poverty the more shall you be exalted before the eyes of his divine Majesty if you patiently bear your crosses whereunto the flesh indeed doth always oppose it self being evermore rebellious against the Spirit but as a Bird cannot fly without her wings no more can the soul meditate without works As for the Letter you require of us we will give it you most willingly knowing it will be very necessary for you to the end that the favour of good people be not wanting to you in your need This said they gâ—ve us a sack ful of Rice together with four Taeis in silver and a Coverlet to lay upon us Then having very much recommended us unto the Chifuu who was the Officer of
of Quiay Hinarol in the City of Nanquin whereupon Christophoro Borralho presenting them with the letter they received it with a new ceremony full of all curtesie saying Praysed be he who hath created all things for that he is pleased to serve himself of sinners here below Whereby they may be recompensed at the last day of all days by satisfying them double their labour with the riches of his holy treasures which shall be done as we believe in as great abundance as the drops of rain fall from the clouds to the earth After this one of the four putting up the Letter said unto us that as soon as the Chamber of Justice for the poor was open they would all of them give an answer to our business and see us furnished with all that we had need of and so they departed from us Three days after they returned to visit us in the prison and in the next morning coming to us again they asked us many questions answerable to a memorial which they had thereof whereunto we replyed in every point according as we were questioned by each of them so as they remained very well satisfied with our answers Then calling the Register to them who had our papers in charge they inquired very exactly of him touching many things that concerned us and withall required his advice about our affair that done having digested all that might make for the conversation of our right into certain heads they took our process from him saying they would peruse it all of them together in their Chambers of Justice with the Proctors of the house and the next day return it him again that he might carry it to the Chaem as he was resolved before to do Not to trouble my self with recounting in particular all that occurred in this affair until such time as it was fully concluded wherein six months and an half were imployed during the which we continued stil prisoners in such misery I will in few words relate all that befel us unto the end when as our business was come before the twelve Conchalis of the criminal Court the two Proctors of the house of mercy most willingly took upon them to cause the unjust sentence which had been given against us to be revoked Having gotten then all the proceedings to be disannulled they by petition remonstrated unto the Chaem who was the President of that Court How we could not for any cause whatsoever be condemned to death seeing there were no witnesses of any credit that could testifie that we had robbed any man or had ever seen us carry any offensive weapons contrary to the prohibition made against it by the Law of the first book but that we were apprehended quite naked like wretched men wandering after a lamentable shipwrack and that therefore our poverty and misery was worthy rather of a pitiful compassion then of that rigour wherewith the first Ministers of the arm of wrath had caused us to be whipt moreover that God alone was the Iudg of our innocency in whose name they required him once twice nay many times to consider that he was mortal and could not last long for that God had given him a perishable life at the end whereof he was to render an account of that which had been required of him since by a solemn oath he was obliged to do all that should be manifest to his judgment without any consideration of men of the world whose custom it was to make the ballance sway down which God would have to be upright according to the integrity of his divine Iustice. To this petition the Kings Proctor opposed himself as he that was our adverse party and that in certain articles which he framed against us set forth how he would prove by ocular witnesses as well of the Country as strangers that we were publique thieves making a common practise of robbing and not merchants such as we pretended to be whereunto he added that if we had come to the Coast of China with a good designe and with an intent to pay the King his due in his Custom-houses we would have repaired to the ports where they were established by the Ordinance of the Aytan of the Government but for a punishment because we went from Isle to Isle like Pirats Almighty God that detests sin and robberâ— had permitted us to suffer shipwrack that so falling into the hands of the Ministers of his justice we might receive the guerdon of our wicked works namely the pains of death whereof our crimes rendred us most worthy In regard of all which he desired we might be condemned according to the Law of the second book that commanded it in express terms And that if for other considerations no way remarkable in us we could â—y any law be exempted from death yeâ— nevertheless for that we were strangers and vagabonds without either faith or knowledg of God that alone would suffice at leastwise to condemn us to have our hands and noses cut off and so to be banished for ever into the Country of Ponxileytay whither such people as we were wont to be exiled as might be verified by divers sentences given and executed in like cases and to that effect he desired the admittance of his articles which he promised to prove within the time that should be prescribed him These articles were presently excepted against by the Proctor of the Court of Justice established for the poor who offered to make the contrary appear within a certain term which to that end and for many other reasons alleadged by him in our favour was granted him wherefore he required that the said articles might not be admitted especially for that they were infamous and directly contrary to the Ordinances of Justice Whereupon the Chaem ordered that his articles should not be admitted unless he did prove them by evident testimonies and such as were conformable to the Divine Law within six days next ensuing and that upon pain in case of contravention not to be admitted to any demand of a longer delay The said term of six days being prescribed the Kings Proctor he in the mean time producing no one proof against us nor any person that so much as knew us came and demanded a delay of other six days which was flatly denied him in regard it but too well appeared that all he did was only to win time and therefore he would by no means consent unto it but contrarily he gave the Proctor for the poor five days respit to alledge all that further he could in our defence In the mean time the Kings Proctor declaimed against us in such foul and opprobrious terms as the Chaem was much offended thereat so that he condemned him to pay us twenty Taeis of silver both for his want of charity and for that he could not prove any one of the obligations which he had exhibited against us Three days being spent herein four Tanigores of the house of the poor coming very early
where the Tanigores spake to them again about us and recommending us unto them more then before the Monteo caused our names to be written down in a book that lay before him and said unto us I do this because I am not so good a man as to give you something of mine own nor so bad as to deprive you of the sweat of your labour whereunto the King hath bound you wherefore even at this instant you shall begin to get your living although you do not serve as yet for the desire I have that this may be accounted to me for an alms so that now you have nothing to do but to be merry in my house where I will give order that you shall be provided of all that is necessary for you Besides this I will not promise you any thing for the fear I am in of the shewing some vanity by my promise and so the Divel may make use thereof as of an advantage to lay hold on me a matter that often arrives through the weakness of our nature wherefore let it suffice you for the present to know that I will be mindful of you for the love of these holy brethren here who have spoken to me for you The four Tanigores thereupon taking their leave gave us four Taeis and said unto us Forget not to render thanks unto God for the good success you have had in your business for it would be a grievous sin in you not to acknowledge so great a grace Thus were we very well entertained in the house of this Captain for the space of two months that we remained there at the end whereof we parted from thence for to go to Quansy where we were to make up our time under the conduct of this Captain who ever after used us very kindly and shewed us many favours untill that the Tartars entred into the Town who did a world of mischief there as I will more amply declare hereafter Before I recount that which happened unto us after we were imbarqued with those Chineses that conducted us and that gave us great hope of setting us at liberty I think it not amiss to make a brief relation here of the City of Pequin which may truly be termed the capital of the Monarchy of the world as also of some particulars I observed there as well for its arches and policy as for that which concerns its extent its government the laws of the Country and the admirable manner of providing for the good of the whole State together in what sort they are paid that serve in the time of war according to the Ordinances of the Kingdom and many other things like unto these though I must needs confess that herein I shall want the best part namely wit and capacity to render a reason in what clymate it is scituated and in the heigth of how many degrees which is a matter the learned and curious most desire to be satisfied in But my designe having never been other as I have said heretofore then to leave this my book unto my children that therein they may see the sufferings I have undergone it little imports me to write otherwise then I do that is in a gross and rude manner for I hold it better to treat of these things in such sort as nature hath taught me then to use Hyperboles and speeches from the purpose whereby the weakness of my poor understanding may be made more evident Howbeit since I am obliged to make mention of this matter by the promise I have made of it heretofore I say that this City which we call Pequin and they of the Country Pequin is scituated in the heighth of forty and one degrees of Northerly latitude the walls of it are in circuit by the report of the Chineses themselves and as I have read in a little book treating of the greatness thereof and intituled Aquisendan which I brought since along with me into Portugal thirty large leagues namely ten long and five broad Some others hold that it is fifty namely seventeen in length and eight in bredth and forasmuch as they that intreat of it are of different opinions in that the one make the extent of it thirty leagues as I have said before and others fifty I will render a reason of this doubt conformable to that which I have seen my self It is true that in the manner it is now built it is thirty leagues in circuit as they say for it is invironed with two rows of strong walls where there are a number of towers and bulwarks after our fashion But without this circuit which is of the City it self there is another far greater both in length and bredth that the Chineses affirm was anciently all inhabited but at this present there are only some Boroughs and Villages as also a many of fair houses or castles about it amongst the which there are sixteen hundred that have great advantages over the rest and are the houses of the Proctors of the sixteen hundred Cities and most remarkable Towns of the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Monarchy who repair unto this City at the general Assembly of the Estates which is held every three years for the publique good Without this great inclosure which as I have said is not comprehended in the City there is in a distance of three leagues broad and seven long fourscore thousand Tombs of the Mandarins which are little Chappels all guilded within and compassed about with Ballisters of iron and latin the entries whereinto are through very rich and sumptuous arches near to these Chappels there are also very great houses with gardens and tufted woods of high trees as also many inventions of ponds fountains and aqueducts whereunto may be added that the walls of the inclosure are on the inside covered with fine porcelain and on the fanes above are many Lions pourtrayed in gold as also in the squares of the steeples which are likewise very high and embellished with pictures It hath also five hundred very great Palaces which are called the houses of the Son of the Sun whither all those retire that have been hurt in the Wars for the service of the King as also many other souldiers who in regard of age or sickness are no longer able to bear arms and to the end that during the rest of their days they may be exempted from incommodity each of them receives monthly a certain pay to find himself withall and to live upon Now all these men of War as we learned of the Chineses are ordinarily an hundred thousand there being in each of those houses two hundred men according to their report We saw also another long street of low houses where there were four and twenty thousand oar-men belonging to the King Panoures and another of the same structure a good league in length where fourteen thousand Taverners that followed the Court dwelt as also a third street like unto the other two where live a great number
of light women exempted from the tribute which they of the City pay for that they are Curtisans whereof the most part had quitted their husbands for to follow the wretched trade and if for that cause they come to receive any hurt their husbands are grievously punished for it because they are there as in a place of freedom and under the protection of the Tutan of the Court Lord Steward of the Kings house In this inclosure do likewise remain all the Landresses by them called Maynates which wash the linnen of the City who as we were told are above an hundred thousand and live in this quarter for that there are divers rivers there together with a number of wells and deep pools of water compassed about with good walls Within this same inclosure as the said Aquisendan relates there are thirteen hundred gallant and very sumptuous houses of religioâ—s men and women who make profession of the four principal Laws of those two and thirty which are in the Empire of China and it is thought that in some of these houses there are above a thousand persons besides the servants that from abroad do furnish them with victuals and other necessary provisions We saw also a great many houses which have fair buildings of a large extent with spacious inclosures wherein there are gardens and very thick woods full of any kind of game either for hawking or hunting that may be desired And these houses are as it were Inns whither come continually in great number people of all ages and sexeâ— as to see Comedies Playes Combates Bul-baitings Wrastlings and magnificent Feasts with the Tutons Chaems Conchacys Aytaos Bracalons Chumbims Monteos Lauteas Lords Gentlemen Captains Merchants and other rich men do make for to give content to their kindred and friends These houses are bravely furnished with rich hangings beds chairs and stools as likewise with huge cupbards of plate not only of silver but of gold also and the attendants that wait at the table are maids ready to be married very beautiful and gallantly attired howbeit all this is nothing in comparison of the sumptuousness and other Magnificences that we saw there Now the Chineses assured us there were some feasts that lasted ten days after the Carachina or Chinese manner which in regard of the state pomp and charge thereof as well in the attendance of servants and wayters as in the costly fare of all kind of flesh fowl fish and all delicacies in musick in sports of hunting and hawking in playes comedies tilts turnayes and in shews both of horse and foot fighting and skirmishing together do cost above twenty thousand Taeis These Inns do stand in at least a million of gold and are maintained by certain Companies of very rich Merchants who in way of commerce and traffique employ their mony therein where by it is thought they gain far more then if they should venture it to sea It is said also that there is so good and exact an order observed there that whensoever any one will be at a charge that way he goes to the Xipaton of the house who is the superintendant thereof and declares unto him what his designe is whereupon he shews him a book all divided into chapters which treats of the ordering and sumptuousness of Feasts as also the rates of them and how they shall be served in to the end that he who will be at the charge may chuse which he pleases This book called Pinetoreu I have seen and heard it read so that I remember how in the three first Chapters thereof it speaks of the feasts whereunto God is to be invited and of what price they are and then it descends to the King of China of whom it sayes That by a speciall grace of Heaven and right of Soveraignty he hath the Government of the whole earth and of all the Kings that inhabit it After it hath done with the King of China it speaks of the feasts of the Tutons which are the ten Soveraign dignities that command over the forty Chaems who are as the Vice-royes of the State These Tutons also are termed the beams of the Sun for say they as the King of China is the Son of the Sun so the Tutons who represent him may rightly be termed his beams for that they proceed from him even as the rayes do from the Sun But setting aside the bruitishness of these Gentiles I will only speak of the Feast whereunto God is to be invited which I have seen some to make with much devotion though for want of faith their works can do them little good CHAP. XXXIV The Order which is observed in the Feasts that are made in certain Inns and the State which the Chaem of the two and thirty Vniversities keeps with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin THe first thing whereof mention is made in the Preface of that Book which treats of Feasts as I have said before is the Feast that is to be made unto God here upon earth of which it is spoken in this manner Every Feast how sumptuous soever it be may be paid for with a price more or less conformable to the bounty of him that makes it who for all his charge bestowed on it reaps no other recompence then the praise of flatterers and idle persons wherefore O my Brother saith the Preface of the said Book I counsel thee to imploy thy goods in feasting of God in his poor that is to say secretly to supply the necessities of good folks so that they may not perish for want of that which thou hast more then thou needest Call to mind also the vile matter wherewith thy father ingendred thee and that too which is far more abject wherewith thy mother conceived thee and so thou wilt see how much inferiour thou art even to the bruit beasts which without distinction of reason apply themselves to that whereunto they are carried by the flesh and seeing that in the quality of a man thou wilt invite thy friends who possibly by to morrow may not be to shew that thou art good and faithful invite the poor creatures of God of whose groans and necessities he like a pitiful Father taketh compassion and promiseth to him that doth them good infinite satisfaction in the house of the Sun where as an Article of faith we hold that his servants shall abide for evermore in eternal happiness After these words and other such like worthy to be observed the Xipaton who as I told you is the chief of them that govern this great Labyrinth shews him all the Chapters of the Book from one end to the other and bids him look what manner of men or Lords he will invite what number of guests and how many days he will have the feast to last for addeth he the Kings and Tutons at the feasts that are made for them have so many Messes of meat so many Attendants such Furniture such Chambers such vessel such plate such sports
from Heaven is profitable to our fields that are sowed with Rice Finding my self somewhat perplexed with the novelty of these terms and this manner of salutation I made him no answer for the instant which made the King say to the Lords that were about him I â—magine that this strâ—nger is daunted with seeing so much company here for that peradventure he hath not been accustomed unto it wherefore I hold it fit to remit him unto some other time when as he may be better acquainted and not be so abashed at the sight of people Upon this Speech of the Kings I answered by my Truchmâ—n that whereas his Highness had said that I was daunted I confessed that it was true not in regard of so many folks as were about me because I had seen far many more but that my amazement proceeded from the consideration that I was now before thâ— feet of so great a King which was sufficient to make me mute an hundred thousâ—nd years if I could live so long I added further that those which were present there seemed to me but men as I my self was but as for his Highness that God had given him such great advantages above all as it was his pleasure that he should be Lord and that others should be meer servants yea and that I my self was but a silly Ant in comparison of his greatness so that his Majesty could not see me in regard of my smalness nor I in respect thereof be able to answer unto his demands All the Assistants made such account of this mad answer of mine as clapping their hands by way of astonishment they said unto the King Mark I beseech your Highness how he speaks to purpose verily it seems that this man is not a Merchant which meddles with base things as buying and selling but rather a Bonzo that offers sacrifices for the people or if not so surely he is some great Captain that hath a long time scoured the Seas Truly said the King I am of the same opinion now that I see him so resolute but let every man be silent because I purpose that none shall speak to him but my self alone for I assure you that I take so much delight in hearing him talk that at this instant I feel no pain At those words the Queen and her daughters which were set by him were not a little glad and falling on their knees with their hands liâ—â—ed up to Heaven they thanked God for this his great goodness unto him CHAP. XLV The great mishap that befel the King of Bungo's Son with the extream danger that I was in for the same and what followed thereupon A Little after the King caused me to approach unto his bed where he lay sick of the Gout when I was near him I pree thee said he unto me be not unwilling to stay here by me for it does me much good to look on thee and talk with thee thou shalt also oblige me to let me know whether in thy Country which is at the further end of the world thou hast not learn'd any remedy for this disease wherewith I am tormented or for the lack of appetite which hath continued with me now almost these two months without eating any thing to speak of Hereunto I answered that I made no profession of physick for that I had never learnt that art but that in the Junck wherein I came from China there was a certain wood which infused in water healed far greater sicknesses then that whereof he complained and that if he took of it it would assuredly help him To hear of this he was very glad insomuch that transported with an extream desire to be healed he sent away for it in all haste to Tanixumaa where the Junck lay and having used of it thirty dayes together he perfectly recovered of this disease which had held him so for two years together as he was not able to stir from one place to another Now during the time that I remained with much content in this City of Fuchea being some twenty dayes I wanted not occasions to entertain my self withall for sometimes I was imployed in answering the questions which the King Queen Princes and Lords asked of me wherein I easily satisfied them for that the matters they demanded of me were of very little consequence Other-whiles I bestowed my selfe in beholding their Solemnities the Temples where they offered up their prayers their warlike Exercises their naval Fleets as also their fishing and hunting wherein they greatly delight especially in the high flying of Falcons and Vultures Oftentimes I past away the time with my Harquebuse in killing of Turtles and Quailes whereof there is great abundance in the Country In the mean season this new manner of shooting seemed no less marvellous and strange to the inhabitants of this Land then to them of Tanixumaa so that beholding a thing which they had nâ—ver seen before they made more reckoning of it then I am able to express which was the cause that the Kings second Son named Arichaudono of the age of sixteen or seventeen years and whom the King wonderfully loved intreated me one day to teach him to shoot but I put him off by saying that there needed a far longer time for it then he imagined wherewith not well pleased he complained to his Father of me who to content the Prince desired me to give him a couple of charges for the satisfying of his mind whereunto I answered that I would give him as many as his Highness would be pleased to command me Now because he was that day to dine with his Father the matter was referred to the afternoon howbeit then too there was nothing done for thâ—t he waited on his Mother to a Village adjoyning whither they came from all parts on pilgrimage by reason of a certain feast which was celebrated there for the health of the King The next day this young Prince came with only two young Gentlemen waiting on him to my lodging where finding me asleep on a Mat and my Harquebuse hanging on a hook by he would not wake me till he had shot off a couple of charges intending as he told me afterwards himâ—elf that these two shoots should not be comprised in them I had promised him Hâ—ving then commanded one of the young Gentlemen that attended him to go softly and kindle the Match he took down the Harquebuse from the place where it hung and going to charge it as he had seen me do not knowing how much powder he should put in he charged the Piece almost two spans deep then putting in the bullet he set himself with it to shoot at an Orange tree that was not far off but fire being given it was his ill hap that the Harquebuse brake into three pieces and gave him two hurts by one of the which his right hand thumb was in a manner lost instantly whereupon the Prince fell down as one dead which the two Gentlemen perceiving they ran
away towards the Court crying along in the streets that the strangers Harquebuse had killed the Prince At these sad news the people flocked in all haste with weapons and great cries to the house where I was Now God knows whether I was not a little amazed when coming to awake I saw this tumult as also the young Prince lying along upon the floor by me weltring in his own blood without stirring either hand or foot All that I could do then was to imbrace him in my arms so besides my self as I knew not where I was In the mean time behold the King comes in a Chair carried upon four mens shoulders and so sad and pale as he seemed more dead then alive after him followed the Queen on foot leaning upon two Ladies with her two daughters and a many of women all weeping As soon as they were entred into the Chamber and beheld the young Prince extended on the ground as if he had been dead imbraced in my arms and both of us wallowing in blood they all concluded that I had killed him so that two of the Company drawing out their Scymitars would have slain me which the King perceiving Stay stay cried he let us know first how the matter goes for I fear it comes further off and that this fellow here hath been corrupted by some of those Traitors kinred whom I caused to be last executed Thereupon commanding the two young Gentlemen to be called which had accompanied the Prince his Son thither he questioned them very exactly Their answer was that my Harquebuse with the inchantments in it had killed him This deposition served but to incense the Assistants the more who in a rage addressing themselves to the King What need Sir have you to hear more cried they here is but too much let him be put to a cruel death Therewith they sent in all hast for the Iarabuca who was my Interpreter to them now for that upon the arrival of this disaster he was out of extream fear fled away they brought him straightly bound to the King but before they fell to examining of him they mightily threatned him in case he did not confess the truth whereunto he answered trembling and with tears in his eyes that he would reveal all that he knew In the mean time being on my knees with my hands bound a Bonzo that was President of their Justice having his arms bared up to his shoulders and a Poynard in his hand dipped in the blood of the young Prince said thus unto me I conjure thee thou Son of some Divel and culpable of the same crime for which they are damned that inhabit in the house of smoak where they lye buried in the obscure and deep pit of the Center of the earth that thou confess unto me with a voice so loud that every one may hear thee for what cause thou hast with these sorceries and inchantments killed this young innocent whom we hold for the hairs and principal ornament of our heads To this demand I knew not what to answer upon the suddain for that I was so far besides my self as if one had taken away my life I believe I should not have felt it which the President perceiving and beholding me with a terrible countenance Seest thou not continued he that if thou doest not answer to the questions I ask thee that thou mayst hold thy self for condemned to a death of blood of fire of water and of the blasts of the wind for thou shalt be dismembred into the air like the feathers of dead fowl which the wind carries from one place to another separated from the body with which they were joyned whilest they lived This said he gave me a great kick with his fooâ— for to rowse up my spirits and cried out again Speak confess who they are that have corrupted thee What sum of mony have they given thee how are they called and where are they at this present At these words being somewhat come again to my self I answered him that God knew my innocence and that I took him for witness thereof But he not contented with what he had done began to menace me more then before and set before my eyes an infinite of torments and terrible things wherein a long time being spent it pleâ—sed God at length that the young Prince came to himself who no sooner saw the King his Father as also his Mother and Sisters dissolved into tears but that he desired them not to weep and that if he chanced to die they would attribute his death to none but himself who was the only cause thereof conjuring them moreover by the blood wherein they beheld him weltring to cause me to be unbound without all delay if they desired not to make him die anew The King much amazed with this language commanded the Manacles to be taken off which they had put upon me whereupon came in four Bonzoes to apply remedies unto him but when they saw in what manner he was wounded that his thumb hung in a sort but by the skin they were so troubled aâ— it as they knew not what to do which the poor Prince observing Away away said he send hence these divels and let others come that have more heart to judg of my hurt since it hath pleased God to send it me Therewith the four Bonzoes were sent away and other four came in their stead who likewise wanted the courage to dress him which the King perceiving was so much troubled as he knew not what to do howbeit he resolved at length to be advised therein by them that were about him who counselled him to send for a Bonzo called Teixâ—andono a man of great reputation amongst them and that lived then at the City of Facataa some seventy leagues from that place but the wounded Prince not able to brook these delayes I knâ—w not answered he what you mean by this counsel which you give my Father seeing me in the deplorable estate wherein I am for whereas I ought to have been drâ—st already you would have me stay for an old rotten man who cannot be here until one hath made a journy of an hundred and forty leagues both in going and coming so that it must be a month at least before he can arrive wherefore speak no more of it but if you desire to do me a pleasure free this Stranger a little from the fear you have put him in and clear the room of all this throng he that you believe hath hurt me will help me as he may for I had rather die under the hands of this poor wretch that hath wept so much for me then be touched by the Bonzo of Facaâ—aâ— who at the age he is of of ninety and two years can see no further then his nose CHAP. XLVI My curing the young Prince of Bungo with my return to Tanixuâ—â—a and imbarquing there for Liampoo and also that which hapened to us on land after the shipwrack we
tears Whereupon turning him towards us who all this while lay prostrated on the ground with our hands lifted up as if we were worshipping God I must confess said he unto us that I have so great compassion of your misery and am so grieved to see you so poor as you are as I assure you in all verity that I had rather if it were the good pleasure of the King be like unto one of you as wretched as you are then to see my self in this office which questionless was conferred on me for my sins wherefore I would be loth to offend you but the duty of my place obliging me thereunto I must desire you as friends not to be troubled if I ask you some questions which are necessary for the good of Iustice and as touching your deliverance if God affords me life be assured you shall have it for I am most confident that the King my Masters inclination to the poor is truly Royal. These promises exceedingly contented us and to thank him for them we had recourse to our tears which we shed in abundance for our hearts were so full as we could not possibly bring forth a word to answer him The Broquen caused four Registers the two Peretandaos of the Court aforesaid and some eleven or twelve other Officers of Justice to come immediately before him Then rising on his feet he began with a severe countenance and a naked Scymitar in his hand to examine us speaking so loud as every one might hear him I Pinaquila said he Broquen of this City of Pungor by the good pleasure of him whom we all hold for the hairs of our heads King of the Nation of the Lequios and of all this Country of the two Seas where the fresh and salt waters divide the Mynes of his treasures do advise and command you by the rigour and force of my words to tell me clearly and with a clean heart what people and of what Nation you are as also where your Country is and how it is called To this demand we answered according to the truth that we were Portugals Natives of Malaca It is well added he but what adventure brought you into this Country and whither did you intend to go when as you suffered shipwrack We replied thereunto That being Merchants who make no other profession then of traffique we had imbarqued our selves in the Kingdom of China for to go from the Port of Liampoo to Tanixumaa where we had formerly been but that arriving near to the Island of Fire we were surprized by a mighty tempest so that not able to oppose the violence of the Sea we were constrained to lie at the mercy of the winds for the space of three dayes and three nights together and that at the end thereof our Junck ran her self upon the Sands of Taydican where of ninety and two persons that we were threescore and eight were drowned no more escaping of that great number but these four and twenty of us which stood before him all covered over with wounds that were saved as it were by miracle through the spâ—cial grace of God At these words standing a little in suspence By what tytle replied he did you possess so much riches and so many pieces of silk which were in your Iunck and that were worth above an hundred Taeis as I am informed Truly it is not credible that you could get so much wealth any other way then by theeving which being a great offence against God is a thing proper to the servants of the Serpent of the house of smoak and not to those of the house of the Sun where they that are just and of a pure heart do bathe themselves amidst perfumes in the great Pool of the most Almighty We answered hereunto that assuredly we were Merchants and not thieves as he was pleased to charge us because the God in whom we believed forbad us by his holy Law either to kill or to rob Hereupon the Broquen beholding them which were about him Doubtless continued he if that which these men affirm be true we may well say that they are like unto us and that their God is much better then all others as me thinks may be inferred from the truth of their words Then turning himself towards us he examined us as before with a stern countenance and the behaviour of a Judg that exerciseth his charge with integrity In this examination he bestowed almost an hour and in the last place said unto us I would fain know why those of your Country when as heretofore they took Malaca carried thereunto by extream avarice did kill our men with so little pity which is still made good by divers widdows who in these Countries have survived their husbands To this we made answer how that hapned rather by the chance of war then out of any desire of robbing which we had never used to do in any place wheresoever we came What is this you say replied he can you maintain that he that conquers doth not rob that he which useth force doth not kill that he which shews himself covetous is not a thief that which he oppresseth performs not the action of a Tyrant and lo all these are the goodly qualities which are given to you and whereof you are said to be culpable and that by the affirmation of verity it self whence it is manifest that Gods abandoning of you and permitting the waves of the Sea to swallow you up is rather a pure â—ffect of his justice then any injury that is done to you This said he arose out of the Chair where he was set and commanded the Officers to return us back to prison promising to give us audience according to the grace which it should please the King to shew us and the compassion that he would have of us wherewith we were very much afflicted and in great dispair of our lives The next day the King was advertised as well of our imprisonment as of the â—nswers we had made by the Broquens letters wherein he had intermingled something in favour of us by means whereof he did not cause us to be executed as it was said he had resolved to have done upon certain false reports which the Chineses had made to him of us In this prison we continued very near two months with much pain never hearing in all that time so much as any word spoken of that first proceeding against us Now forasmuch as the King desired to be more amply informed concerning us by other more particular inquiries then the letters of the Broquen he senâ— a certain man unto us named Randinaa for to come secretly to the prison where we were to the end that under the pretext of being a Merchantâ— stranger he might exactly learn the cause of ouâ— arrival in that place and that upon the report he should make thereof to the King he might proceed to do that which should seem just unto him Howbeit though this was closely
carried yet was it our good fortune to be advertised of it the day before his coming to us so that we had time enough to arm our selves outwardly with all the apparances of misery and affliction we could possibly devise and counterfeit which expedient next to Gods assistance stood us in more stead then any other we could have thought upon This man then came one morning well accompanied to the prison and after he had viewed us all one after another he called to him the Iurabaca who served to interpret for him Ask these men said he what is the cause that the mighty hand of God hath so abandoned them as to permit their lives through an effect of his Divine Iustice to be subjected to the judgement of men without having so much remorse of conscience as to set before their eyes the tâ—rrour of that dreadful vision which doth use to fright the soul at the last gasp of a mans life for it is to be believed that they who have done that which I observe in them have heaped sin upon sin We answered him thereunto that he had a great deal of reason for what he spake in regard it was very probable that the sins of men were the principal cause of their sufferings howbeit that God as the Soveraign Lord of all did nevertheless in that case accustome to take pity of them with sobs and tears continually called upon him and that it was also his bounty wherein all our hope was placed to the end he would be pleased to inspire the Kings heart with a will to do as justice according to our works for that we were poor strangers destitute of all favour a thing whereof men make most account in this woâ—ld That which you say replyed he is very well provided that your hearts be conformable to your words and then you are not to be found fault with for it is most certain that he which enammels all that our eyes do behold for the beautifying â—f the night and that hath likewise made whatsoever the day doth shâ—w us for the sustenance of man who are but worms of the earth will not refuse you your deliverance seeing you beg of him with so many sighs and tears wherefore I intreat you not to dissemble with me but truly to confess what I desire to understand from you at this present namely what people you are of what Nation in what part of the world you live in and how the Kingdom of your King is named whereunto you shall adde the cause that hath brought you hither and to what place you were going with so much riches which the Sea hath cast up on the shoars of Taydican whereat all the Inhabitants have so wondred as they were perswaded that you were Masters of all the Trade of China To these and other like questions which this Spie asked of us we returned him such answers as was most behoofull for us to give him wherewith he was so contented that making us many offers he promised to move the King for our deliverance In the mean time he spake not a word to us of the occasion for which he was sent but still fained himself to be a stranger and a Merchant like one of us Howbeit when he went away he carefully recommended us to the Jaylour and willed him not to let us want any thing promising to satisfie him for it to his content In acknowledgment whereof we gave him many humble thanks with tears in our eyes whereby he was greatly moved to compassion so that he gave us a Bracelet of gold that weighed thirty Duckats and also six sacks of Rice and withall desired us to excuse hâ—m for the smalness of the present he had given us After this he returned back to the King unto whom he rendred an account of all that had past with us assuring him that we were not such as the Chineses had made him to believe and offered for proof thereof to pawn his life an hundred times if need were which was the cause that the King abated much of the suspicion wherewithall they had inveighed him about our manner of lying But as he was resolving to give order for our enlargement as well upon the report of this man as in regard of the letter which the Broquen had written him there arrived at the Port a Chinese Pyrat with four Juncks unto whom the King gave his Country for a place of Retreat upon condition that he should share with him the moity of the booty which he should take by means whereof he was in great favour with the King and all them of the Country Now forasmuch as our sins would have it that this Pyrate was one of the greatest enemies the Portugals had at that time by reason of a fight that we had had with him a little before in the Port of Lamau where Laâ—cerote Pareyra born at Lyma commanded in chief and in which he had two Juncks burnt and three hundred of his men slain this dog was no sooner advertised of our imprisonment and how the King was resolved to free us but that he imbroyled the business in a strange manner and told him so many lies of us that he lacked but little of perswading him that ere long we would be the cause of the loss of his Kingdom For he assured him that it was our custom to play the Spies in a Countâ—y under pretence of trading and then to make our selves Masters of it like robbers as we were putting all to the sword that we met withall in it which wrought so powerfully with the King that he revoked all that he had resolved to have done and changing his mind he ordained that in regard of what had been told him we should each of us be dismembred into four quarters and the same set up in the publique streets that all the world might know we had deserved to be used so CHAP. XLVIII The King of the Lequios sending a cruel Sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which hapened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo AFter that this â—ruel Sentence of death had been pronounced against us the King sent a Peretanda to the Broquen of the City where we were prisoners to the end that within four dayes it should be executed upon our persons This Peretanda departed presently away and upon his arrival at the City he went and lodged himself at a certain widows house that was his sister a very honourable woman and from whom we had received much alms This same man having secretly imparted unto her the cause of his coming how he was not to return but with a good Certificate unto the King of the performance of this exâ—cuâ—ion she went strait-way and acquainted a Niece of hers with it who was daughter to the Broquen of the City in whose house lay a Portugal woman the wife of a Pilot who was a
Junck where looking very carefully unto them yet could I not in two dayes get one word from them But at length by the means of yolks of egs and good broaths which I made them take they came again to themselves so that in six or seven dayes they were able to render me a reason of their accident One of those Portugals was called Christovano Doria who was since sent into this Country for a Captain to Saint Tomé the other Luys Taboâ—da and the third Simano de Brito all men of credit and rich Merchants These same recounted unto us that coming from the Indiaes in a vessâ—l belonging to Iorge Manhoz that was married at Goa with a purpose to go to the Port of Charingan in the Kingdom of Bengala they were cast away in the sands of Rucano for want of taking heed so that of fourâ—core persons that they were in the vessel onely seventeen being saved they had continued their course all along by the Coast for five dayes together intâ—nding if possibly they could to recover the river of Cosmira in the Kingdom of Pegu there to shâ—p thâ—mselves for the Indiaes in some vâ—ssâ—l or other thaâ— they should meet with in the Port but whilest they were in this resolution thâ—y were so driven by a most impetuous Westerly wind that in one day and a night they lost the sight of Land finding themselves in the maâ—n Sea without Oars without Sayls and all knowledge of the winds they continued in that State sixteen daâ—s together at the end whereof their water coming to sail all died but those three he saw before him Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in our course and within four days after we met with five Portugal vessels which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca Having shewed them Pedro de Faria's Order I desired them to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems Army that ranged all over the Coast lest through their imprudence they should fall into any mischief and thereof I demanded a Certificate from them which they willingly granted as also furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary Having made this dispatch we continued our course and nine days after we arrived at the Bar of Martabano on a Friday the seven and twentieth of March one thousand five hundred forty and five having past by Tarnassery Tovay Mâ—rguin Iuncay Pullo Camuda and Vagaruu without hearing any tidings of those hundred Portugals in search of whom I went bâ—bâ—cause before that they had taken pay in the service of the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano who according to report had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa that held him besieged with an Army of seven hundred thousand men as I have declared before howbeit they were not at this time in his Service as we shall see presently It was almost two hours within night when we arrived at the mouth of the River where we cast anchor with a resolution to go up the next day to the City Having continued some time very quiet we â—ver and anon heard many Cannon shot whereat we were so troubled as we knew not what to resolve on As soon as the Sun rose the Nâ—coda assembled his men to Councel for in Semblable occasions he always used so to do and told them that as sure as they were all to have a share in the peril so it was fit that every one should give his advice about it Then he made them a Speech wherein he represented unto them that which they had heard that night and how in regard thereof he feared to go unto the City Their opinions upon it were very different howbeit at length they concluded that their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in such doubt To this end we set Sail having both wind and tyde and doubled a poâ—nt called Mounay from whence we discovered the City invironed with a world of men and upon the River almost as many vessels and although we suspected what this might be because we had heard something of it yet left we not off from sayling to the Port where we arrrived with a great deal of care and having discharged our Ordnance according to the usual manner in signe of peace we perceived a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore wherein there was six Portugals at which we exceedingly rejoyced These presently came abord our Junck where they were very well entertained having declared unto us what we were to do for the safety of our persons they councelled us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world as we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night to Bengala because if we had followed that designe we had 〈◊〉 been lost and taken by the Fleet which the King of Bramaa had in that place consisting 〈◊〉 seventeen hundred Sayls wherein were comprised an hundred Gallies very well furnished with strangers They added withall that they were of opinion I should go ashore with them to Ioano Cayâ—yro who was Captain of the Portugals for to give him an account of the cause that brought me thither the rather for that he was a man of a sweet disposition and a great friend of Pedro de Faria's to whom they had often heard him give much commendation as well for his noble extraction as for the goodly qualities that were in him besides they told me that I should find Lançarote Gueyreyro and the rest of the Captains with him unto whom my aforesaid Letters were directed and that I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the Service of God and the King This counsel seeming good unto me I went presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Ioano Cayeyro to whom I was exceeding wâ—lcome as likewise to all the rest that were in his quarters to the number of seven hundred Portugals all rich men and of good esteem Then I shewed Ioano Cayeyro my Letters and the Order that Pedro de Faria had given me Moreover I treated with him about the affair that led me thither whereupon I observed that he was very instant with the Captains to whom I was addrest who answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all occasions that should be presented howbeit since the Letter of Pedro de Faria Governour of Malaca was grounded on the fear that he was in of the Army of the Achems composed of an hundred and thirty Sayl whereof Bijaya Sora King of Pedir was General and it having fallen out that his Admiral had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the Country with the loss of seventy Lanchares and six thousand men it was not needful they should stir for that occasion for according to what they had seen with their own eyes the Forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned as they did not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss he had sustained To this they added many other reasons
it in the Kings head that you can be any ways profitable unto him It were fitter for you therefore to shave away your beards that you may not deceive the world as you do and we will have women in your places that shall serve us for our money Whereupon the Bramaas of the Guard being incensed against us drove us away from thence with a great deal of shame and contumely And truly not to lye never was I so sensible of any thing as this in respect of the honour of my Country-men After this the Chaubainhaa went on till he came to the Tent of the King who attended him with a Royal Pomp for he was accompanied with a great number of Lords amongst the which there were fifteen Bainhaas who are as Dukes with us and of six or seven others that were of greater dignity then they As soon as the Chaubainhaa came near him he threw himself at his feet and so prostrated on the ground he lay there a good while as it were in a swoon wiâ—hâ—ut â—peaking a word but the Rolim of Mounay that was close by him supplyed that defect and likâ— a religious man as he was spake for him to the King saying Sir Here is a Spâ—ctacle able to move thy heart to pity though the crime be such as it is Remember then that the thing most pleasing to God in this world and whereunto the effects of his mercy is soonest communicated is such an action and voluntary submission as this is which here thou beholdâ—st It is for thee now to imitate his clemency and so to do thou art most humbly intreated by the hearts of all them that are mollified by so great a misfortune as this is Now if thou grantest them this their request which with so much instance they beg of thee be assured that God will take it in good part and that at the hour of thy death he will stretch forth his mighty hand over thee to the end thou mayst be exempted from all manner of faults Hereunto he added many other speeches whereby he perswaded the King to pardon him at least-wise he promised so to do wherewith the Rolim and all the Lords there present shewed themselves very well contented and commended him exceedingly for it imagining that the effect should be answerable to that which he had ingaged himself for before all Now because it began to be night he commanded the most of them that were about him to retire as for the Chaubainhaa he committed him into the hands of a Bramaa Commander named Xemin Commâ—dau and the Queen his wife with his children and the other Ladies were put into the custody of Xemin Ansedaa as well because he had his wife there as for that he was an honourable old man in whom the King of Bramaa much confided The fear which the King of Bramaa was in left the men of war should enter into the City of Martabano and should pillage it now that it was night before he had done all that which I am hereafter to relate was the cause that he sent to all the gates of the City being four and twenty Bramaa Captains for to guard them with express Commandment that upon pain of death no man should be suffered to enter in at any of them before he had taken order for the performance of the promise which he had made to the strangers to give them the spoil of it howbeit he took not that care and used such diligence for the consideration he spâ—ke of but onely that he might preserve the Chaubainhaas treasure to which effect he spent two whole days in conveighing it away it being so great that a thousand men were for that space altogether imployed therein At the end of these two days the King went very early in the morning to an hill called Beidao distant from his quarters some two or three flight shoot and then caused the Captains that were at the Guard of the gates to leave them and retire away whereupon the miserable City of Martabono was delivered to the mercy of the Souldiers who at the shooting off of a Cannon which was the signal thereof entred presently into it pell-mell and so thronging together that at the entring into the gates it is said above three hundred were stifled for as there was there an infinite company of men of War of different Nations the most of them without King without Law and without the fear and knowledge of God they went all to the Spoile with closed eyes and therein shewed themselves so cruel minded that the thing they made least reckoning of was to kill an hundred men for a crown And truly the disorder was such in the City as the King himself was fain to go thither six or seven times in Person for to appease it The Sack of this City endured three days and an half with so much avarice and cruelty of these barbarous enemies as it was wholly pillaged without any thing left that might give an eye-eye-cause to covet it That done the King with a new ceremony of Proclamations caused the Chaubainhaas Pallaces together with thirty or forty very fair rich Houses of his principal Lords and all the Pagods and Temples of the City to be demolished so that according to the opinion of many it was thought that the loss of those magnificent Edifices amounted to above ten millions of gold wherewith not yet contented he commanded all the buildings of the City that were still a foot to be set on fire which by the violence of the wind kindled in such manner as in that onely night there remained nothing unburnt yea the very Walls Towers and Bulwarks were consumed even to the foundations The number of them that were killed in this Sack was threescore thousand persons nor was that of the prisoners much less There were an hundred and forty thousand houses and seventeen hundred Temples burnt wherein also were consumed threescore thousand Statues or Idols of divers mettals during this Siege they of the City had eaten three thousand Elephants There was found in this City six thousand pieces of Artillery what of brass and iron an hundred thousand Quintals of Pepper and as much of Sanders Benjamin Lacre Lignum Aloes Camphire Silk and many other kinds of rich Merchandise but above all an infinite number of commodities which were come thither from the Indiaes in above an hundred vessels of Cambaya Achem Melinda Ceilam and of all the Streight of Mecqua of the Lequios and of China As for the gold silver precious stones and jewels that were found there one knows not truly what they were for those things are ordinarily concealed wherefore it shall suffice me to say that so much as the King of Bramaa had for certain of the Chaubainhaas Treasure amounted to an hundred Millions of gold whereof as I have said before our King lost the Moitie as well for our sins as through the malice and envy of wicked dispositions The next day after the
that other succors came to joyn with them as indeed the report went that fourscore thousand all Mons by Nation and led by the King of Avaa were on their way thither With this resolution the Tyrant of Bramaa set forth towards Meleytay with an Army of three hundred thousand men namely two hundred thousand by Land alongst the Rivers side whereof the Chaumigrem his Foster-brother was Commander in chief and the other hundred thousand under his own conduct being all choyce men and imbarqued in two thousand Seroos Being come within sight of Meleytay the Avaas desiring to shew that the resolution wherewith they were come thither was of far more power with them then any fear they could have and that also their Enemies might not receive any benefit by their Fleet which lay on the River and do them an affront besides by taking of it they set all theâ—â— Vessels on fire and burnt them every one Then without any dread of that which the flesh doth naturally most fear they got all into the field and ranged themselves into four Battalions in three of which whereof each one made ten thousand men were the thirty thousand Mons and in the the other that were somewhat bigger were all the Mariners of the four hundred Vessels they had burnt These same they placed in the Vaunt-guard with an intention that they should weary the Enemies with whom they made a cruel fight which lasted about half an hour wherein all these Mariners were cut in pieces presently after them the thirty thousand Mons close compacted together in three Battalions presented themselves and with wonderful violence set upon their Enemies between whom and them followed so extraordinary and cruel a battel as not longer to insist upon it nor to recount in particular how things past which also I cannot well do it shall suffice me to say that of the thirty thousand Mons eight hundred only escaped out of it who being routed made their retreat into the Fortress of Meleytay but that which was most memorable herein was that of the King of Bramaas two hundred thousand men an hundred and fifteen thousand lay dead in field and all the rest for the most part were wounded In the mean time the Tyrant which came along on the River in the two thousand Seroos arrived at the place of Battel where beholding the strange massacre which the Mons had made of his people he became so enraged at it that dis-imbarquing his Forces he instantly layd siege unto the Fortress with a purpose as he said to take all those eight hundred that were in it alive This siege continued seven whole days together during the which those without gave five assaults to it and the besieged defended themselves always very valiantly howbeit seeing that the last hour of their life was come and that they could no longer hold that place for their King as they had hoped they might by reason of the fresh Forces which the King of Bramaa had landed like couragious men as they were they resolved to dye in the field as their companions had done and valiantly revenge their deaths with that of their Enemies whereunto they were the more willingly carryed because they perceived well that if they continued still in the place they should never make use of their valor as they desired to do for that the Tyrants Ordnance would by little and little consume them This resolution taken they under the favor of a very dark and rainy night sallyed forth and first of all fell upon the two first Courts of guard that were on the Lands side cutting all in pieces that they met withall Then following their design they passed on like desperate men and whether they did it either to shew that they regarded not death which threatened them or for the desire they had to gain honor so it was that they behaved themselves so couragiously and pressed the Tyrant so neer as they forced him to leap into the River and swim for his life in so much that all the Camp was in disorder and broken through in I know not how many places with the death of above twelve thousand men amongst whom were fifteen hundred Bramaas two thousand strangers of divers Nations and all the rest Pegu's This â—ight last not above half an hour in which time the eight hundred Mons were all slain there being not so much as one of them that would yield upon any composition whatsoever Hereupon the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing the fight ended and all things quiet went and reassembled his Forces together and so entered into the Fortress of Meleytay where he presently commanded the Xemims head to be cut off saying that he was the sole cause of that disaster and that he who had been a Traytor to his King could not be faithful unto him behold the recompence which this Tyrant made him for delivering up the City of Prom unto him howsoever it justly belonged unto him for a punishment of his perfidiousness that carryed him to betray his King and his own Country into the power of his Enemies After this they fell to dressing of the hurt men which were in very great number We pâ—st all this night with much apprehension always keeping good watch and the next morning as soon as it was day the first thing that we did was to rid away the dead bodies which were in so great number all over the Camp that the ground was quite covered with them After this we took a view of those that were killed as well on the one as the other party and we found that on the Bramaas side there were an hundred and fourscore thousand and on the Prince of Avaas forty and two thousand wherein were comprized the thirty thousand Mons. That done after the Tyrant had fortified the City of Prom as also the Fort of Meleytay and made two other Forts upon the bank of the River in such places as he judged to be most important for the safety of that Kingdom he went up the River of Queitor in a thousand rowing Serâ—os wherein were imbarqued seventy thousand men In this Voyage his intention was to go in his own person for to observe the Kingdom of Avaa and to see the City himself the better to consider the strength of it and thereby judg what Forces he should bring for to take it So he proceeded still on for the space of eight and twenty days and during that time passed by many goodly places which within the Kingdom of Chaleu and Iacuçalaon were upon the bank of the River At length he arrived at the City of Avaa the thirteenth of October the same year a thousand five hundred forty and five Being come to the Port he remained there thirteen days and that while burned between two and three thousand Vessels that he found there Moreover he set fire on many Villages thereabout which cost him not so little but that he lost in all these degasts eight thousand of
wherewith all the rivers and all the harbors are full The King naturally is no way given to tyranny The customs of all the Kingdome are charitably destinated for the maintenance of certain Pagodes where the duties that are paid are very easie for whereas the religious men are forbidden to trade with money they take no more of Merchants then what they will give them out of almes There are in this Country twelve Sects of Gentiles as in the Kingdome of Pegu and the King for a soveraigne title causeth himself to be called Prechau Saliu which in our tongue signifies A holy member of God He shewes not himself to the people save only twice in the year but then with so much riches and majesty as he hath power and greatnesse and yet for all this that I say he less not to acknowledge himself the vassall and tributarie to the King of China to the end that by means thereof his subjects Juncks may be admitted into the port of Combay where ordinarily they exercise their commerce There is also in this Kingdome a great quantity of Pepper Ginger Cinamon Camphire Allume Cassia Tamarinds and Cardamon so as one may truly affirm that which I have often heard say in those parts namely that this Kingdom is one of the best countries in the world and easier to be subdued then any other Province how little soever I could here report likewise many more particularities of things which I have seen only in the city of Odiaa but I am not minded to make mention of them that I may not beget in them that shall read this the same grief which I have for the losse which we made of it through our sins and the gain we might make in conquering this Kingdom CHAP. LXXI A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdome of Pegu as well during the life as after the death of the King of Bramaa TO return now unto the history which heretofore I have left you must know that after the King of Bramaa had obtained that memorable victory neer to Pegu as I have declared heretofore by means whereof he remained peaceable possessor of the whole Kingdom the first thing he imployed himself in was to punish the offendors which had formerly rebelled for which effect he cut off the heads of a great many of the Nobility and Commanders all whose estates were confiscated to the Crown which according to report amounted unto ten millions of gold besides plate and jewells whereby that common Proverb which was common in the mouths of all was verified namely That one mans offence cost many men very deare Whilest the King continued more and more in his cruelties and injustice which he executed against divers persons during the space of two moneths and a half certain newes came to him that the city of Martabano was revolted with the death of two thousand Bramaas and that the Chalogomin Governour of the same city had declared himself for the Xemindoo But that the cause of this revolt may be the better understood by such as are curious I will before I proceed any further succinctly relate how this Xemindoo had been of a religious order in Pegu a man of noble extraction and as some affirmed neer of kin to the precedent King whom this Bramaa had put to death twelve years before as I have already declared This Xemindoo had formerly to name Xoripam Xay a man of about forty five years of age of a great understanding and held by every one for a Saint he was withall very wel verst in the Laws of their Sects false Religion and had many excellent parts which rendered him so agreeable unto all that heard him preach as he was no sooner in the Pulpit but all the assistants prostrated themselves on the ground saying at every word that he uttered Assuredly God speaks in thee This Xemindoo seeing himself then in such great credit with the people spurred on by the generosity of his nature and the occasion which was then so favourable unto him resolved to try his fortune and see to what degree it might arrive To this end at such time as the King of Bramaa was fallen upon the kingdom of Siam and had laid siege to the city of Odiaa the Xemindoo preaching in the temple of Conquiay at Pegu which is as it were the Cathedrall of all the rest where there was a very great assembly of people he discoursed at large of the losse of this Kingdom of the death of their lawfull King as also of the great extortions cruell punishments and many other mischiefs which the Bramaas had done to their Nation with so many insolencies and with so many offences against God as even the very houses which had been founded by the charity of good people to serve for Temples wherein the Divine Word might be preached were all desolated and demolished or if any were found still standing they were made use of either for stables lay-stalls or other such places accustomed to lay filth or dung in These and many other such like things which the Xâ—mindoo delivered accompanied with many sighs and tears made so great an impression in the minds of the people as from thenceforward they acknowledged him for their lawfull King and swore allegeance unto him so that instead of calling him as they did before Xoripam Xay they named him Xemindoo as a soveraigne title which they gave him above all others Seeing himself raised then to the dignity of King the first thing during the heat and fury of this people was to go to the King of Bramaas palace where having found five thousand Bramaas he cut them all in pieces not sparing the life of one of them the like did he afterwards to all the rest of them that were abiding in the most important places of the State and withall he seized on the Kings treasure which was not small In this manner he slew all the Bramaas that were in the Kingdom which were fifteen thousand besides the women of that Nation of what age soever and seized on the places where they resided which were instantly demolished so that in the space of three and twenty dayes onely he became absolute possessor of the Kingdom and prepared a great Army to fight with the King of Bramaa if he should chance to return upon the bruit of this rebellion as indeed he fought with him to his great damage being defeated by him as I have heretofore declared And thus having methinks said enough for the intelligence of that which I am to recount I will come again to my first discourse This King of Braâ—aa being advertised of the revolt of the Town of Martabano and of the death of those two thousand Bramaaes gave order immediately to all the Lords of the Kingdome for their repair unto him with as many men as they could levy and that within the teâ—m of fifteen daies at the furthest in regard the present necessity would not indure a longer
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
of all Iapan do now flourish all they of the Ship thought it requisite that I should go to the Fortresse of Osquy where we heard the King then was Now though I feared to undertake this Journey in regard the Country was all up yet I resolved for it at the perswasion of them of the ship who all in generall intreated me very earnestly unto it Having prepared my self then and received a Present worth five hundred Crowns which Don Francisco Captain of the Ship sent to the King I took four of my companions with me and so went away After I was landed at the Town Key the first thing I did was to go to the house of the Admirall of the Sea who received me with great demonstrations of friendship and confirmed me against the fear I was in whereupon having given him an account of the cause of my coming thither I desired him to give me horses and men that might conduct me to the King which most willingly he did and more freely then I required Being departed from this Town the next morning about nine of the clock I arrived at a place called Fingau which might be a quarter of a league from the Fortresse of Osquy There I sent one of those of Iapan which I had with me to let the Captain of the place understand that I was arrived and that I had an Embassie to deliver to his Highnesse from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes In which regard I intreated him to appoint me such a time as he pleased that I might speak with him Hereunto he returned me this answer by a Son of his That my Companions and I were very welcome and that the King was in the Isle of Xequa where he was entertaining himself in the catching of a great Fish whereof the name was not known and which was come thither from the bottom of the Sea with a great number of many other little fishes and that having cooped him up in a Channel there it was likely that he would spend all the day in that sport and not return till night But that he would howsoever immediately advertise him of my arrivall Thereupon he sent me to repose my self in a better lodging which he gave me where I was abundantly furnished with all that was necessary for mee yea and he told me by way of Complement that all this Country was no lesse the King of Portugals then Malaca Cochin and Goa Then one of his Followers whom he had appointed to wait on us gave us an extraordinary good reception in a Pagode whereof the Bonzâ—s made us a very sumptuous Feast In the mean time the King having notice of my arrivall dispatched away from the Island where hee was catching that great Fish three light Galleys and in them his Chamberlain a great Favourite of his named Oretandano who about evening came to me to the place where I was and having told me that by word of mouth which the King had enjoyned him he drew forth a Letter and having kissed it with the Ceremonies and Complements used amongst them he delivered it unto me wherein I found this written Being at his present imployed in an exercise which is very pleasing unto me I have been advertised of thy arrival in my Country wherewith I am so contented that I protest unto thee I would have come away presently unto thee had I not sworn that I would not part from hence till I had killed a great Fish which I hold coop'd up here Wherefore I intreat thee as my good Friend since by reason thereof I cannot go to thee that thou wilt come thy self to me in this Vessel which I have sent for thee for on thy coming and on the death which I hope to give to this Fish my perfect content depends Having read this Letter I instantly imbarked my self in the Galley wherein Oretandono came for me and my followers in the other two with the Present they carried And forasmuch as those Galleys were very swift we arrived within lesse then an hour at the Island which was some two leagues and an half off Now we came thither at such time as the King with above two hundred men in boats with darts in their hands was pursuing a prodigious Whale which was altogether unknown and strange to them as having never seen such a Fish before in all that Country After they had killed and drawn it to land the King was so pleased therewith that to recompence all the fishermen that were imployed in the action he exempted them from a certain Tribute which they had accustomed to pay before as also conferred new Honours on some Gentlemen whom he loved and that were there with him and gave a thousand Taeis in silver to his Pages withall he received me with a smiling countâ—nance and questioned me very exactly about many particulars whereunto I answered the best that I could alwayes adding something of mine own thereunto as judging it necessary for the increasing of the Portugals reputation and of the great esteem vvherein we vvere at that time in the Country for all the inhabitants held it for most certain that the King of Portugal was indeed the only Prince which might terme himself the Monarch of the world as well for the large extent of his territories as for his power and mighty treasure in regard whereof chiefly they of these Countryes made great account of our amitie These things done the King vvent from this Iland towards Osquy and about an hour within night he arrived at his Castle vvhere he was received with a great deal of rejoycing and applaued by every one for so honourable an exploit as that of killing the Whale attributing to him alone that which all the rest had done whereby one may see that this pernicious vice of flatttery raigns so absolutely in the Courts of Princes as it hath established its felf a place even amongst the very Gentiles and Infidels The King having dismissed all them that had accompanied him vvent to Sup with his Wife and Daughters and would not then be attended on by any body because the feast was made at his vvives charge And whereas vve vvere then at a Treasurers house of his where vve vvere appointed to lodg he sent for us all five and intreated us that vve should eat in his presence after the manner of our Country adding that the Queen did infinitely desire it Then having caused a table to be covered for us and on it placed store of excellent good meat and vvell drest vvhich vvas served up by very fair vvomen vve fell to eating after our manner of all that vvas set before us vvhilest the jeasts vvhich the Ladies broke upon us in seeing us feed so vvith our hands gave more delight to the King and Queen then all the Comedies that could have been represented before them for those people being accustomed to feed vvith tvvo little stâ—cks as I have declared elsevvhere they hold it for a great incivilitie to touch
goods that were in her and many other things wherein we spent four hours at the least after which he dismissed us saying that within six dayes he would be at the Town and that there he would receive the Letter see the Father and make answer to all CHAP. LXXX My reception by the King of Bungo as Ambassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes AFter the six daies were past the King parted from Osquy to go to the town of Fucheo accompanied with a great number of Nobilitie and a guard of six hundred foot and two hundred horse which made a goodly shew Being arrived there he was received by the people with great demonstrations of joy with Shewes Interludes and many other inventions after their manner that were very costly after which he went to his Palace an exceeding fair and magnificent structure whither the next day he sent for me and bid me bring him the Vice-Roys Letter as being come for no other end but to receive it and that after he had read it he would speak with Father Belquior touching the matters that were most important Whereupon I presently returned to my lodging and having made ready all that was necessary for me about two of the clock in the afternoon the King sent the Captain of the town and four other of the chiefest men of the Court for me who conducted me to the Palace accompanied with forty Portugals which marched all on foot because it is the custome of the Country so to do All the streets thorow which we past were very handsomly set forth and there was such a world of people as the officers had much adoe to make way for us Three Portugals on horseback carried each of them a peece of the present and a little after them followed two curious Spanish Gennets with rich Saddles and Trappings and with such Armes as are used in Justs Upon our arrival at the first court of the Palace we found the King there on a scaffold which had been erected expresly for him accompanied with all the Lords of the Kingdome amongst whom vvere the Ambassadors of three strange Princes namely the first of the King of the Lequios the second of the King of Chauchim and Isle of Tosa and the third of the Emperor of the Miacoo and round about as far as the court extended there were above a thousand harquebuziers and four hundred men mounted on good horses besides a multitude of people without number After that the forty Portugals and I were come to the Scaffold where the King was we performed all the ceremonies and complements which are used to be done to him in such cases and then approaching a little neerer to him I delivered him the Letter from the vice-Roy which he would not receive but standing Then being set down again in his place he gave it to one about him that was as his Secretary who read it aloud that every one might hear After it was read the King questioned me before the three strange Ambassadors and the great Lords with whom he was accompanied about certain things which he was curious to know touching our Europe whereof one was how many men armed cap-a-pe and mounted on such horses as those were that I saw there the King of Portugal could bring into the field Whereupon fearing least I should blush if I came to tell a lie I must confesse that I was much troubled how to answer which one of my companions who was neer me perceiving speaking for me made answer That he could bring an hundred or sixscore thousand a matter whereat the King was much abashed and I too But the King taking pleasure as it seemed in the marvellous answer which this Portugal gave him bestovved above an hours time in asking him questions In the mean season even the King himself and all they that were present with him being exceedingly amazed to hear such great and strange things delivered he turned to them and said I sware truly unto you that I should desire nothing so much in the world as to see the Monarchy of this great Country whereof I have heard such wonderfull things as well concerning the immence treasures and the infinite number of ships which he hath for could I but once do this I should live very well contented the rest of my daies Thereupon having sent me and those that accompanied me away he said unto me When thou shalt think it a fit time thou maiest bid the Father come unto me for he shall find me ready here to receive him After I was retired to my lodging I gave Father Belquior an accompt of the Kings good reception of me together with all that had past besides and how desirous he was to see him in regard whereof I held it fit since all the Portugals vvere then together and in their best clothes that he should go to him out of hand which he liked very vvell of Having furnished himself then with certain things necessary for the better setting forth of his person he and I went avvay accompanied vvith forty Portugals all very well apparrelled and vvearing chaines of gold Scarfe-wise and four pretty boyes in cassocks and hats of white taffata and silken crosses on their brests together with a converted Iapanois Christened Ioana Fernandez to serve for Interpreter When wee vvere arrived at the first Court of the Kings Palace we found some Lords attending us there who vvith a great deal of courtesie and demonstrations of friendship brought the Father and me up to a chamber where the King stayed for him who having taken him by the hand with a joyfull countenance said unto him Beleeve me Father this day is the only one that I can call mine in regard of the extreme pleasure I take to see thee before mine eyes because me thinks I see Father Xavier to whom I wished as well as to mine own person Then leading him into another inner chamber that was richlyer furnished he set him down by him and made very much of the four little Boyes for that it was a new thing to him and never seen in that Country before The Father rendred him thanks conformable to the great honor he did him and after that manner which they are wont to use amongst themselves and which Ioana Fernandez had taught him After this he entertained him with the principall cause of his coming which was that the Vice-Roy had sent him expresly to serve him and to shew him the assured way of salvation which the King seemed to like of by his action of bowing down of his head The Father going on made an holy speech somewhat like unto a Sermon unto him agreeable to the businesse in hand and which he had directly studied for that purpose Whereunto the King made this answer Good Father I know not how to expresse the great content which I take in seeing thee in this house and in learning all that which my ears have heard thee say which I do not answer for