instruments of their preferment 8. Besides the Romish Catholicks there is a generation of Sectaries the Anabaptists Brownists and others of their kinds they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion The King your Mr. knows their disposition very well a small touch will put him in mind of them he had experience of them in Scotland I hope he will beware of them in England a little countenance or connivance sets them on fire 9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church are not only comely but commendable but there must be great care not to introduce Innovations they will quickly prove scandalous men are naturally over-prone to suspition the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean the enemies unto her are the extreams on either hand 10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect for their words sake and protected from scorn but if a Clergy-man be loose and scandalous he must not be patroniz'd nor wink 't at the example of a few such corrupt many 11. Great care must be taken that the patrimony of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay-uses His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm and would else have done more Be sure as much as in you lyes stop the like upon all occasions 12. Colledges and Schools of Learning are to be cherished and encouraged there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth when the old store are transplanted This Kingdom hath in later ages beâ—n famous for good literature and if preferment shall attend the deservers there will not want supplies Next to Religion let your care be to promote Justice By justice and mercy is the Kings throne established 1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land an impartial arbiter between the King and hiâ— people and between one Subject and another I shall not speak superlatively of them lest I be suspected of pâ—â—tâ—aâ—ity in regard of my own proâ—â—ssion but this I may truly say they are second to none in the Christian world 2. And as far as it may lye in you let no Arbitrary power be intruded the people of this Kingdom love the Laws thereof and nothing will oblige them more than a confidence of the free enjoying of them What the Nobles upon an occasion once said in Parliament Nolumus leges Angliae mutari is imprinted in the hearts of all the people 3. But because the life of the Laws lies in the due execution and administration of them let your eye be in the first place upon the choice of good Judges These properties had they need to be furnished with To be learned in their profession patient in hearing prudent in governing powerful in their elocution to perswade and satisfie both the parties and hearers just in their judgment and to sum up all they must have these three Attributes They must be men of courage fearing God and hating covetâ—â—sness An ignorant man cannot a Coward dares not be a good Judge 4. By no means be you perswaded to interpose your self either by word or letter in any cause depending or like to be depending in any Court of Justice nor suffer any other great man to do it where you can hinder it and by all means disswade the King himself from it upon the importunity of any for themselves or their friends If it should prevail it perverts Justice but if the Judge be so just and of so good courage as he ought to be as not to be enclined thereby yet it always leaves a taint of suspition behind it Judges must be as chaste as Caesar's Wife neither to be nor to be suspected to be unjust and Sir the honour of the Judges in their judicature is the Kings honour whom they represent 5. There is great use of the service of the Judges in their Circuits which are twice in the year held throughout the Kiâ—gdom the tryal of a few causes between party and party or delivering of the Gaols in several Counties are of great use for the expedition of justice yet they are of much more use for the government of the Counties through which they pass if that were well thought upon 6. For if they had instrâ—ctions to that purpose they might be the best intelligencers to the King of the true state of his whole Kingdom of the disposition of the people of their inclinations of their intentions and moâ—â—â—nâ— which are necessary to be truly understood 7. To this end I could wish that against every Circuit all the Judges should sometimes by the K. himself and sometimes by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper in the King's name receive a charge of those things which the present times did much require and at their return should deliver a faithful account thereof and how they found and left the Counties through which they passed and in which they kept their Assizes 8. And that shey might the better perform thâ—s work which might be of great importance it will not be amâ—ss that sometimes this charge be publick as it useth to be in the Star-Chamber at the end of the Terms next before the Circuit begins where the Kâ—ng's care of jâ—stice and the good of his people may be published and that sometimes also â—t may be private to communicate to the Judges some thiâ—gs not so fit to be publickly delivered 9. I could wish also that the Judges were directed to make a little longer stay in a place than usually they do a day more in a County would be a very good addition although their wages for their Circuits were increased in proportion it would stand better with the gravity of their employment whereas now they are sometimes enforced to rise over-early and to sit over-late for the dispatch of their business to the extraordinary trouble of themselves and of the people their times indeed not being horae juridicae And which is the main they would have the more leisure to inform themselves quasi aliud agentes of the true estate of the Country 10. The attendance of the Sheriffs of the Counties accompanied with the principal Gentlemen in a comely not a costly equipage upon the Judges of Assize at their coming to the place of their sitting and at their going out is not onely a civility but of use also It raiseth a reverence to the persons and places of the Judges who coming from the King himself on so great an errand should not be neglected 11. If any sue to be made a Judge for my own part I should suspect him but if either directly or indirectly he should bargain for a place of judicature let him be rejected with shame vendere jure potest emerat ille prius 12. When the place of a chief Judge of a Court becomes vacant a puisne Judge of that Court or of another Court who hath approved himself fit and deserving would be sometimes preferred
Coat which must be seamless and to that purpose it will be fiâ— that by the King 's supream power in Causes Ecclesiastical within all his Dominions they be subordinate under some Bishop and Bishoprick of this Realm 8. For the better defence against a common Enemy I think it would be best that Foreign Plantations should be placed in one Continent and neer together whereas if they be too remote the one from the other they will be disunited and so the weaker 9. They must provide themselves of houses such as for the present they can and at more leisure such as may be better and they first must plant for Corn and Cattel c. for food and necessary sustenance and after they may enlarge themselves for those things which may be for profit and pleasure and to traffique withal also 10. Woods for shipping in the first place may doubtless be there had and Minerals there found perhaps of the richest howsoever the Mines out of the fruits of the earth and seas and waters adjoyning may be found in abundance 11. In a short time they may build Vessels and Ships also for Traffique witâ— the parts near adjoyning and with England also from whence they may be furnished with such things as they may want and in exchange or barter send from thence other things with which quickly either by Nature or Art they may abound 12. Bâ—t these things would by all means be prevented That no known Bankrupt for shelter nor known Murderer or other wicked person to avoid the Law nor known Heretick or Schismatick be sussered to go into those Countreys or if they do creep in there not to be harboured or continued else the place would receive them naught and return them into England upon all occasions worse 13. That no Merchant under colour of driving a Trade thither or from thence be suffered to work upon their necessities 14. And that to regulate all these inconveniences which will insensibly grow upon them that the King be pleased to erect a subordinate Council in England whose care and charge shall be to advise and put in execution all things which shall be found fit for the good of those new Plantations who upon all occasions shall give an account of their proceedings to the King or to the Councel-board and from them receive such directions as may best agree with the Government of that place 15. That the King 's reasonable profit be not neglected partly upon reservation of moderate rents and services and partly upon Customs and partly upon importation and exportation of Merchandize which for a convenient time after the Plantation begin would be very easie to encourage the work but after it is well setled may be raised to a considerable proportion worthy the acceptation VIII I come to the last of those things which I propounded which is the Court and Câ—riality The other did properly coâ—cern â—he King in his Royal capacity as Pater patriae this more properly as Pâ—terfamilias And herein 1. I shall in a word and but in a word onely put you in mind That the King in his own person both in respect of his Houshold or Court and in respect of his whole Kingdom for a little Kingdom is but as a great Houshold and a great Houshold as a little Kingdom must be exemplary Regis ad exemplum c. But for this God be praised our charge is easie for your Gracious Master for his Learning and Piety Justice and Bounty may be and is not onely a president to his own Subjects but to foreign Princes also yet he is still but a man and seasonable Memento's may be useful and being discreetly used cannot but take well with him 2. But your greatest care must be that the great men of his Court for you must give me leave to be plain with you for so is your injunction laid upon me your self in the first place who is first in the eye of all men give no just cause of scandal either by light or vain or by oppressive carriage 3. The great Officers of the King's Houshold had need be both discreet and provident persons both for his Honour and for his Thrift they must look botâ— ways else they are but half-sighted Yet in the choice of them there is more latitude left to affection than in the choice of Councellors and of the great Officers of State before touched which must always be made choice of meerly out of judgement for in them the Publick hath a great interest 4. For the other Ministerial Officers in Court as for distinction sake they may be termed there must be also an eye unto them and upon them they have usually risen in the Hâ—ushold bâ— degrees and it is a noble way to encourage faithâ—ul service But the King must not bind himself to â— necessity herein for then it will be held ex debito neither must he alter it without an apparent cause for it but to displace any who are in upon displeasure which for the most part hâ—ppeneth upon the information of some great man is by all meanâ— to be avoided unless there be a manifest cause for it 5. In these things you may sometimes interpose to do just and good offices but for the general I should rather advise meddle little but leave the ordering of those Houshold-affairs to the White-staffs which are those honourable persons to whom it properly belongeth to be answerable to the King for it and to those other Officers of the Green-cloth who are subordinate to them as a kind of Councel and a Court of Justice also 6. Yet for the Green-cloth Law take it in the lâ—rgest sense I have no opinion of it farther than it is regulated by the just Rules of the Common-Laws of England 7. Towards the support of his Majesties own Table and of the Princes and of his necessary Ofâ—icers his Majesty hath a good help by Purveyance which justly is due unto him and if justly used is no great burthen to the Subject but by the Purveyors and other under-Officers is many times abused In many parts of the Kingdom I think it is already reduced to a certainty in money and if it be indifferently and discreetly managed it would be no hard matter to settle it so throughout the whole Kingdom yet to be renewed from time to time for that will be the best and â—afest both for the King and people 8. The King must be put in mind to preserve the Revenues of his Crown both certain and casual without diminution and to lay up treasure in store against a time of extremity empty Coffers give an ill sound and make the people many times â—orget their Duty thinking that the King must be beholden to them for his supplies 9. I shall by no means think it fit that he reward any of his servâ—nts with the benefit of forfeitures eiâ—her by Fines in the Court of Sâ—ar-Chamber or High-Commission Courts or other Courts of Jâ—stice or that they
to Richard Bishop of London The two main Principles that guide humane Nature saith Judge Dodderidge are Conscience and Law By the former we are obliged in reference to another world by the latter in relation to this Pâ—iests and Judges are the Dispensers of â—hese Principles No Prince more unhappy in his Priests than King Henry whose unhappiness it was that all the juggle prevarication and imposture of his time was in the Pulpit none more happy in his Judges to whose Reason his People were more willing to submit than they were to hearken to his Clergy's Instruction among whom none more renowned than Sir Iohn Fitz-Iames who was so fearful of the very shadow and appearance of corruption that it cost his chief Clerk his place but for taking a Tankard after a signal Cause of 1500 l. a year wherein he had been serviceable though not as a Bribe but as a Civility Caesar would have his Wife without suspicion of lewdness and Fitz-Iames his servants without the appearance of corruption What was Law alwayes was then a Resolution Neither to deny nor defer nor sell justice When our Judge came upon the Bench he knew no more then Melchisedech or Levi Father or Mother neither Friend nor Interest for when his Cousin urged for a kindness Come to my House saith the Judge I will deny you nothing come to the Kings Court and I must do you justice And when the Attorney-General bespake his favour in a publick Cause Trouble not your self said he I 'le do the King right The King is cast the Attorney expostulates the Judge satisfieth him That he could not do his Majesty Right if he had not done justice His Pâ—udence so tempeâ—ed his zeal for his Sovereign that he over-strained not the Prerogative to bring in fears and jealousies of Tyranny on the one hand and his Integâ—ity so balanced his Popularity that he never depressed it to broach bold opinions and attempts of Liberty on the other complying with none of those humours that an Imaginary dread of oppression or a dangerous presâ—mption of freedom may transport to irregular excesses either for the one or against the other As his Majesty was secured by his Loyalty so his Subjects were by his Patience a Virtue he carried with him to the Bench to attend each circumstance of an Evidence each allegation of a Plea each plea in a Cause hearing what was impertinent and observing what was proper His usual saying as Sergeant Mandevil reports it being We must have two souls as two sieves one for the Bran the other for the flour the one for the Gross of a Discourse the other for the Quintessence The same day that there was no Cause to be tried in the Chancery in Sir Tho. More 's time there were but three in the Kings Bench in Sir Iohn Fitz-Iames his time the reason whereof some imagine was Cardinal Wolsey's extraordinary power that engrossed all Causes to his Legantine Court others know it was the Judges Integrity who was too honest to allow as that Age was too plain to contrive delays and obstructions Lewis the Eleventh of France would say when he was advised to take Revenge of those that had affronted him before he came to the Crown That it became not the King of France to revenge the Injuries done to the Duke of Orleans A Person that had noâ—oriously wronged Sir Iohn when a Templer in the case of his Chamber was to be tried before him for his whole Eâ—tate when a Judge the Adversaries among other shifts made use of this old Qâ—arrel whereupon Sir Iohn said It doth not become a Iudge upon the Bench to revenge a wrong done in his Chamber Two things upheld him in those boysterous times 1. Silence 2. Patience both wary Virtues that seldom endanger their Owner or displease their Superiours The Peâ—ple of those times would live and die with the Pope and Council and this Judge with the King and Parliament The grand Article of his Faith was I believe as the Church beleives and the great Rule of his Practice was I will live as the Law directs He was a tried Man whose Faith and Honour was above his Life and Fortune whose Generosity was above that first temptation of Money as his Spirit was above the second of Danger No fear here of delivering up Priviledges to day for fear of the King or Prerogative to morrow for fear of the Subject No an unbiass'd Temper between both make up this honest man who came on to preferment with great Expectations and went off with great Applause being one of the three men of whom it is said That because they never pleased their Master in doing any thing unworthy they never displeased him in doing any thing that is just When base compliance goeth off with the contempt of those it hath humoured a Noble Resolution comes off with the Reverence of those it hath discontented Observations on the Life of Sir William Molineux SIr William Molineux Junior Descendent from Sir William Molineux Knight of Sefton in Lancashire flourished under King Henry the Eighth being a man of great command in Lancashire bringing the considerable strength thereof to the seasonable succour of the Duke of Norfolk with whom he performed signal service â—a Flodden-Field The Image of whose mind he was as well as the Portrait of his body Peculiar was our Knight for nobly forgiving his Enemies if reconcilable and refusing ignobly to be revenged of them though obstinate for honestly would he betray the Villanies of them that dishonestly offered to betray them to him as Fabricius delivered up to Pyrrhus though a sworn Enemy the Physician that would have Poysoned him Lewis the 11th discovered to the Duke of Burgundy though his mortal Foe the conspiracy that would have ruined him And Queen Elizabeth of England with King Philip of Spain gave Henry the great of France when Friends with neither of them notice of two Plots upon his person that would have ruined him It is confessed on all sides that the Scots lost the day by not keeping their Ranks but not agreed on the cause thereof Buchanan who commonly makes the too much Couâ—age of his Country-men the cause of their being conquered imputes it to their indiscrete pursuing of the English routed at the first Others say They did not break their Ranks but were broken unable to endure the Lancashire Archers and so forced to sunder themselves In this Battel the Scottish King and chiefest Gentry were slain the English losing scarce any the Scots scarce any but of prime note The King aâ—terward wrote his Gratulatory Letter to Sir William Molineux in form following TRusty and Well-Beloved We greet you well And understand as well by the Report of Our Right Trusty Cousin and Counsellour the Duke of Norfolk as otherwise what acceptable service You amongst Others lately did Vs by your valiant Towardness in the assiâ—ting of Our said Cousin against Our Enemy late King of Scots and how couragiously you as a
not a Kentish Knight having spent a great Estate at Court and brought himself to one Park and a fine House in it was yet ambitious to entertain not the Queen but her Brother at it and to that purpose had new-painted his Gates with a Coat of Arms and a Motto overwritten thus OIA VANITAS in great Golden Letters Sir Anthony Cooke and not his Son Cecil offering to read it desired to know of the Gentleman what he meant by OIA who told him it stood for Omnia Sir Anthony replied Sir I wonder having made your Omnia so little as you have you notwithstanding make your Vanitas so large King Edward would say of his Tutors That Radolph the German spake honestly Sir Iohn Cheek talked merrily Dr. Coxe solidly and Sir Anthony Cooke wâ—ighingly A faculty that was derived wiâ—h his blood to his Grandchilde Bacon which informs the world of this great truth That Education doth much towards Parts Industry more Converse Encouragement and Exercise more yet but a sound temper and nature an wholesome blood and spirit derived from healthful and well-constitutioned Parents doth all Observations on the Life of Sir David Brooke DAvid Brooke Knight born at Glassenbury Son to Iohn Brooke Esq who was Serjeant at Lâ—w to King Henry the Eighth Our David was also bred in the Study of our Laws and in the first of Queen Mary was made Chief Baron of the Exchequer but whether dying in or quitting the place in the first of Qâ—een Elizabeth I am not informed He married Katherine Daughter of Iohn Lord Chandois but dyed without issue A Lawyer and a Lawyers son yet one whose zeal for the Religion of that time advanced rather â—han his Law to serve rather his Princes interest than his Court that being the happy shall I say or unhappy time when the Soveraign and the State did often consult with Judges and the Judges more often consult with the Sovereign and State Yet although a particular respect raised a general fair carriage kept him up He observed not onely things but times not onely times but persons therefore when old Poâ—nal Laws came before him he confined them in the execution that that which was made for terror should not be for rigour and the Instrument of Government should not be the snare of the People When Informers of that Court were too busie he checked them when violent prosecution cunning advantages combinations power or great counsel balanced an honest cause he set all things even His invention was good to improve his Mistresses Revenue his conscience was as tender to diminish it Q. Mary was ready of her own inclination but readier upon Sir David Brookes motion to part with the Church-Profits Patient and grave he was in hearing sparing and weighty in speaking None would direct an Evidence more orderly none moderated the length or impertinency of Pleaders more discreetly None would recapitulâ—â—â—e select collate the material points of what had been said more exactly none gave judgement more satisfactorily always commending a good Lawyer that miscarried a good way to uphold in the Client the reputation of his counsel and beat down in him the conceit of his cause He dyed with some projects in his breast for the Revenue and some for the Law whereof one was a composition for the Purveyances and another a regulation of the Wards both at that time thought till regulated as unprofitable for the Crown as they seemed to be burthensome to the subject He had a close way of discovering Concealments as he had a severe one of punishing frauds His word was One Law executed is worth twenty made None more austere in case of others wrong none more mild in that of his own and he would say What is done is done Weak men concern themselves in what is past while the wise take care of what is present and to come If a man wrongeth me once God forgive him saith the Italian if he wrongeth me the second time God forgive me Others may be even with their enemies in râ—venge he would be above them in forgiveness An enemy I say though otherwise to a perfidious and unworthy friend he was much of Cosmus Duke of Florence his temper who said You shall read that we are commanded to forgive our enemies but you never read that we are commanded to forgive our friends Many have in veighed against Usury none have done more against it than this Knight who if he had lived was resolved to reduce it to these Rules 1. That it should be declared unlawful 2. Being declared so if any practised it as men must do or Traffick will fall that there should be a penalty upon the Usurer which might amount to an Excise or Custom that would arise from that money if employed in merchandize 3. That yet if any exacted above five in the hundred they should lose the principal A rate that on the one hand would keep up the necessary Commerce of Lending and Borrowing among the Old and the Idle and yet direct men to that more neâ—essary of buying and improving Land and other Commodities that are more industrious and ingenious 4. That none yet presume this but in some principal places of merchandizing for then as my Lord Bacon hath projected it they will hardly be able to colour other mens money in the Country for no man will lend his money far off or put it into unknown hands Or Lastly That there be no money lent out upon terms but to the State which may make its advantage of it Indeed considering on the one hand that Usury decayeth the Kings Custom bringeth money to few hands damps Industry and Invention beats down the price of the land and by eating up private Estates breeds a publick poverty It were to be wished it were forbidden And on the other That Borrowers trade most that No usury no young Merchants that Without usuâ—y men must sell their Estates at under-rates more sad than usury that No borrowing no living no usury no borrowing It were wished it were regulated so that the inconveniences of it were avoided and the advantages retained and extortâ—on be checked as Traffick is encouraged Thus he that hath no private care advanceth the publick Good and the childless man is most thoughtful for Posterity Certainly the best Works and of greatest merit for the Publick have proceeded from the unmarried or the childless man who both in affection and means have married and endowed the Publick He that hath Wife and Children hath given Hostages to Fortune For they are Impediments either to Vertue or Mischief A fat man in Rome riding always upon a very lean Horse being asked the Reason thereof answered That he fed himself but he trusted others to feed his Horse Our Judge being asked what was the best way to thrive said Never do anything by another that you can do by your self Observations on the Life of Doctor Thomas Wilson THomas Wilson born in Lincolnshire was Doctor of Laws bred Fellow of
Character of Cardinal Wolsey in his Life of Henry the Eighth pag. 314. ANd thus concluded that great Cardinal A man in whom ability of parts and Industry were equally eminent though for being employed wholly in ambitious ways they became dangerous Instruments of power in active and mutable times By these arts yet he found means to govern not onely the chief affairs of this Kingdom but of Europe there â—eing no Potentaâ—e which in his turn did not seek to him and as this procured him divers Pensions so when he acquainted the King therewith his manner was so cunningly to disoblige that Prince who did fee him last as he made way thereby oftentimes to receive as much on the other side But not of secular Princes alone but even of the Pope and Clergy of Rome he was no little courted of which therefore he made especial use while he drâ—w them to second him on most occasions His birth being otherwise so obscure and meanâ— as no man had ever stood to single for which reason also his chief indeavour was not to displease any great person which â—et could not secâ—re him For as all things passed through his hands so they who failed in their suits generally hâ—ted him All whiâ—â— though it did but exasperate his ill nature yet this good resultance followed that it made him take the more care to be Iust whereof also he obtained the reputation in his publick hearing of Causes For as he loved no body so his Reason carried him And thus he was an useful Minister of his King in all points where there was no quesâ—ion of deserting â—he Roman Church of which at what price sâ—ever I finde he was a zealous Servant as hoping thereby to aspire to the Papacy whereof as the facâ—ious times then were he seemed more capable than any had he not so immoderately affecâ—ed it Whereby also it was not hard to judge of his Inclination that Prince who was ablest to help him to this Dignity being ever preferred by him which therefore was the ordinary Baite by which the Emperour and the French King one after the other did catch him And upon these termsâ— he doubted not to convey vast treasures out of this Kingdome especially unto Rome where he had not a few â—ardinals at his devotion by whose help though he could not attain that Supreme Dignity he so passionately desired yet he prevailed himself so much of their favour as he got a kinde of absolute power in Spiritual Matters at Home Wherewith again he so served the Kings turn as it made him think the less of using his own Authority One error seemed common to both which was That such a multiplicity of Offices and Places were invested in him For as it drew much envy upon the Cardinal in particular so it derogated no little from the Regal Authorityâ— while one man alone seemed to exhaust all Since it becometh Princes to do like good Husbandmen when they sow their Grounds which is to scatâ—er and not to throw all in one place He was no great Dissembler for so qualified a Person as ordering his businesses for the most part so cautiously as he got more by keeping his word than by breaking it As for his Learning which was far from exact it consisted chiefly in the subtilties of the Thomists wherewith the King and himself did more often weary than satisfie each other His stile in Missives was rather copious than eloquent yet ever tending to the point Briefly if it be true as Polydore observes that no man ever did rise with fewer virtues it is true that few that ever fell from so high a place had lesser crimes objected against him Though yet Polydore for being at his first coming into England committed to Prison by him as we have said may be suspected as a partial Author So that in all probability he might have subsisted longer if either his pride and immense wealth had not made him obnoxious and suspected to the King or that other than Women had opposed him Who as they are vigilant and close Enemies so for the most part they carry their businesses in that manner as they leave fewer advantages against themselves than men do In conclusion As I cannot assent to those who thought him happy for enjoying the untimely compassion of the people a little before his end so I cannot but account it a principal Felicity that during his favour with the King all things succeeded better than afterwards though yet it may be doubted whether the Impressions he gave did not occasion divers Irregularities which were observed to follow He died Nov. 29. 1529. Observations on the Life of Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk SIr William Brandon dying in King Henry thâ— seventh's service as his Standard-bearer in Bosworth-field no wonder if his son lived in his favour it being as prudent to continue his Loyal spirit in his son as it was just to reward it He was as intimate with Henry the Eighth in his pleasures when a child as in his councels when a man There was a sympathy between their active spirits which improved the familiarity of their tender years to a fiâ—m friendship in their age men of quick and large striding minds loving to walk together not to say the looser the lives the faster the friends At a Tilting in Paris to which many young Noblemen were licensed to go Brandon overcame others every day and one day himself against a Gyant Almain where the Lords looked not on him with more envious than the Ladies with gracious eyes who saith my Author darted more glances in love than the other did spears in anger against him He is the compleat Courtier in whom Beauty and Valour Mars and Venus are joyned in one happy constitution which awes and allures Beholders Being employed to bring over Queen Mary King Lewis the twelfth's Relict to her Brother he won her to himself whether his affections were so ambitious as to climb up to her or hers so humble as to condescend to him may be â—he subject of a more amorous discourse and considering with himself that matters of this nature are never sure till finished that so Royal an opportunity happened but seldome and that leave â—or such an enterprize was easier gained when it 's done than when doing he humbly requested his Majesty to give way to that Match which was indeed already concluded who afteâ— some State discontent was quickly pleased the Duke being no less esteemed by him for many years than he was beloved by the people His Genius was more Martial than Mercurial and we hear of him oftner in the French Wars than in the English Councils And in both his plain overtures went farther than others fair harangues because these only hovered in mens fancies those came home to mens business and bosoms He wondered at the mâ—n that pleased themselves in the liberty of giddy fancies and dreaded the ties of a â—ixed belief for the publick good not his own advantage
their feet again His familiarity and the easie access to him made him popular his pliant temper kept him a Favourite until he died in the full favour of his Prince though as Cardinal Pool observed Theâ— who were highest in the Kings favour had their heads nearest danger He had a becoming Bluntness not unlike his Masters which we call Free-heartedness in Courtiers Conscience and Christian simplicity in Clergy-men Valour in Souldiers He died anno 1544. and was buried at Windsor much beloved and lamented of all for his Bounty Humility Valour and all Noble Vertues since the heat of his Youth was tamed by his reduced Age whose two Sons Henry and Charles died within twelve hours one of the other of the sweating sickness at Cambridge 1550. He knowing that learning hath no enemy but ignorance did suspect always the want of it in those men who derided the habit of it in others like the Fox in the Fable who having lost his tayle by mischance perswaded others to cut theirs as a burthen But he liked well the Phylosophers division of men into three Ranks some who knew good and were willing to teach others these he said were like Gods among men others who though they knew not much yet were willing to learn these he said were like men among Beasts and some who knew not good and yet dispised such as should teach them these he esteemed as Beasts among men The most miserable men he esteemed them who running their head into a bush of confident ignorance suppose that none see their weakness because they are not willing to take notâ—ce it of themselves 1. A Calm Greatness is next the happiness of Heaven Give me the man that by a fair and calm course is rising to an higher state yet content with his pâ—esent fortune 2. Integrity out-lasts Power and Plainness survives Policy An honest heart keeps the head on the shoulders a Noble and clear Vertue is lasting 3. It 's likeness that makes the True-love-knot of friendship When a Prince finds another of his own disposition what is it but the same soul in a divided body what finds he but himself inter-mutually transposed And Nature that makes us love our selves makes us with the same reason love those that are like us for this is a Friend a more sacred Name than a Brother 4. He that hath a mind contentedly good enjoyeth in it boundless possessions He is great indeed that is great in a brave soul. Vitam quae faciunt beatiorem Iucundissime Martialis haec sunt Resâ— non parta Labore â—sed relicta Non ingratus Ager focus perennis Lis nunquam toga rara mens quieta Vires Ingenuae salubre Corpus Prudens simplicitas pares amici Convictus facilis sine arte Mensa Nox non ebria sed soluta curis Non tristis torus attamen pudicus Somnus qui faciat breves tenebras Quod sis esse velis nihilque malis Summum ne metuas diem nec optes Observations on Thomas Cranmer Lord Archbishop of Canterbury CRanmer had a Noble Blood quickning and raising his spirits as he had an indefatigable industry to improve it He was a Gentleman born in Arselecton in Nottinghamshire and a Noble-man brâ—d in Iesus-Colledg in Cambridg His Ancestors were no less eminent at Cranmers-hall in Lincolnshire than he was at Lambeth in Surrey They came in with the Conquest as one Cranmer a French Ambassadour in Henry the eighths time at the Archbishops Table made it evident and he with the Reformation His Education was as Gentile as his Birth only his mild spirit meeting with a severe Master his memory was weakened and his spiritfulness allayed but the austerity of the School was sweetned with the exercises of the Country which his Father indulged him when he was young and he indulged himself when aged handling his great Horse as nimbly his Bow and Net as dexterously as any man in his family His Marriage withdrew him from the Colledge and consequent Church-preferment as the Kings did him from the Church it self He whose marriage forbid him a Fellowship in Iesus-Colledge had a Lecture in Buckingham-House for his Parts and Reputation where at once he prepared others for publick Employments and himself also He lived as soberly at the Dolphine-Tavern with his Wife whatever the Papists have surmized as he did studiously at Buckingham-house with his Scholars His Name was so famous that Wolsey was not more solicitous to transplant him as an Ornament to Oxford then Fisher was to retain him in Cambridg where he was eminent for the Arts moâ—e for Divinity which when as one of the three Censors he examined Candidates he said he expected not in the difficult trifles of Lumbard but in the sacred sense of Scriptures the ancient Doctrine of Fathers the grave Canons of Councils the solid Politeness of the Greek and Hebrew Learning and which he lived as well as he taught in his sober temperance his mild meekness so placable so courteous that to offend him was the way to ingratiate with him his discreet moderation his grave resolution equally above the frowns and smiles of fortune Thus qualified he was by a Pâ—ovidence commended to his Majesty for there being a Plague in Cambridge as there was all over England Dr. Cranmer retired to Waltham with two of his Pupils the sons of one Mr. Cressy where upon the Kings Progress thither he met with his Chaplain and Almoner Dr. Fox afterwards Bishop of Hereford who lodging with him at Mr. Cressy's discoursed the Kings Divorce Cranmer conceived that the speediest course were to prove the unlawfulness of the Maâ—ch by Scripture whence it would follow that the Pope at first had no power to dispense therewith and that thâ— Universities of Chriâ—tendâ—m would sooner and truer decide the case than the Courâ— oâ— Rome This passage Fox reports to the King who well pleased thereat professeth that this man had the Sow by the right Ear Glad was the King to see him indeed he had a comely Person and a pleasing Countenance more to hear him inlarge himself on the former Subject That it was above the Popes pâ—wer to dispense with Gods Word in the Kings Case What he said to the King he was sent to make it good to the Pope whither invested with the Aâ—ch-Deaconry of Taunton â— he went with Thomas Bullein Earl of Wiltshire whose fiâ—st Address to the Pope was to present a Book of Cranmers proving Gods Law indispensible with by the Pope â— the Author is preferred to the great Title of Supreme Poenitentiary and the Treatise is promised a Consideration and Debate But the Pope delaying according to Cranmer's Advice ten Universities declaring against him the Embassador returns to England and the Dispuâ—ant goes to Vienna where in Osâ—anders House whose Kinswoman he had married he confirmed those that wavered satisfied those that doubted and won those that contradicted in King Henry's Cause But he served not King Henry more faithfully in Germany than he provided
for him honourably in England where the Kings Cause waited for his Assistance and the See of Canteâ—bury for his Acceptance He was willing to promote Religion he was unwilling for some Formalities he scrupled to advance himself but after seven Weeks delay it being as fatal to reâ—use King Henry's Favours as to offer him Injuâ—ies he is Archbishop in his own Deâ—ence in which capacity to serve the King and salve his own Conscience he used the Expedient of a Protestation to this purpose In nomine c. Non est nec erit meae voluntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi Iuramentum Iuramenta qualiter verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur me obligare ad aliquid ratione eorundem post hac dicendum faciendum aut attestandum quod erit aut esse videbitur contra legem Dei vel contra Regem aut Rempublicam legesve aut Praerogativa ejus quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum quovis modo me obligare quò minùs liberè loqui consulere consentire valeam in omnibus singulis Reformationem Ecclesiae prorogativam Coronae concernentibus ea exequi reformare quae in Ecclesia Anglicana reformanda videbuntur This Protestation he made three times once at the Charter-House another time at the Altar and a third time at the receiving of his Pall. In his place he was moderate between the Superstition of Rome and the Phrensies of Munster As he was cheif Instrument in beginning the Reformation so he was in continuing it He withstood the Six Articles and though the King sent five prime Ministers of State to comfort him would not be satisfied until he saw them mitigated in King Henry's time and repealed in King Edward's Gardiner would have questioned him for entertaining forein Hereticks and promoting Domestick Schisms the Northern Rebels accused him for subverting the Church but the King upheld him against both suppressing the One and checking the Other and advising the good Man whom he called Fool for his meek disposition to appeal to him Whereupon Russel cried The King will never suffer him to be imprisoned until you find Him guilty of High Tâ—eason He is to be pitied for his intermediate failings but renowned for his final constancy The King having declared before all his Servants that Cranmer was his best Servant he employeth him in his best service the Reformation of Religion wherein all others failed but the King Cromwel and Brandon backed him so far that he had the Bible the necessary Offices of the Church translated into English He had both Universities at his command He brought the Lords House and Convocation to his Lure and was invested with a Power 1. To Grant Dispensations in all things not repugnant to Gods Law nor the Kings safety 2. To determine Ecclesiastical Causes He as charitably as politickly advised the King to accept of Bishop Fisher's partial Subscription considering his Learning and Reputation As he is King Henry's Instrument at Dunstable to divorce him from Queen Katharine so he is at Lambeth to divorce him from Anna Bullein He promoted in the Convocation all Primitive Doctrines and condemned all new-fangled Opinions He was so charitable that he interceded with the King for his Enemies so munificent that he made the Church and his own House a Refuge for Strangers particularly for P. Fagius P. Martyr Martin Bucer c. The King loved him for his Integrity the People for his Moderation He was called the Kings Father and was Queen Elizabeth's Godfather His Piety reduced the Câ—urch and his Policy the State He spake little to others he conferred much with himself Three words of His could do more than three hours discourse of others He would say as Victorinus There is a time to say nothing there is a time to say something but there is never a time to say all things That King who awed all Others feared Him A Second to the Eternal Power is the Wise Man uncorrupt in his Life He was the Executor of God's Will in King Henry's Life-time and the first of His after his Death As He spurred King Henry to a Reformation so King Edward did Him whose Prudence was not so forward as the Others Zeal who looked at what was Lawful as He did at what was Convenient He maintained the Churches Power as resolutely against Bishop Hooper's Scruples notwithstanding potent Intercession as he reformed its Corruptions against the Popes Interest notwithstanding a general Opposition He allowed not the least Errour in nor the least contempt of the Church He restored its primitive Doctrine and Discipline lest it should be an impure Church he upheld them lest it should be none He was one of fourteen that compiled the Common-Prayer He was One of Two that set out the Homilies and the only man that published the Institution of a Christian man and other good Books With his Advice King Edward did much and designed more He was the chief Author of King Edward's Injunctions and the first Commissioner in them He was President of the Assembly at Windsor for Reformation and of the Council at London His Aâ—ticles were strict and seveâ—e as much grounded on the Canon of Scripture as on the Canons of the Church He convinced more Papists with his Reason and Moderation than others by their Power His Heart never failed him in his Life and it was not burned at his Deaâ—h He did so much for the Protestant Religion in King Henrys Days that he foresaw he should suffer for it in Qâ—een Mary's He was unwilling to wrong Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth therefore he refused at first to sign King Edwards's Testament but Duke Dudley's Will He was willing to continue the Protestant Religion therefore he signed it at last It was a Bishop that was one of the first that abolished Popery in England and one of the last that died for Protestantisme It was a Bishop that maintained the Protestant Cause with Arguments while he lived with his Blood when he died This prelates endeavor for Reformation is shadowed by this Mystical Relation The Castle of Truth being by the King of Ierusalem left to the guard and keeping of his best Servant Zeal the King of Arabia with an infinite host came against it begirt it round with an unreasonable Seige cuts ofâ— all passages all reliefs all hopes of friends meat or munition which Zeal perceiving and seeing how extremity had brought her to shake hands with despair he calleth his Council of War about him and discovered the â—ffliction of his state the puissance of his Enemies the violence of the siege and the impossibility of conveying either messages or Letters to the great King his Master from whom they might receive new strength and incouragement Whereupon the necessity of the occasion being so great they concluded that there was no way but to deliver up the Castle though upon some unwholsome conditions into the hand of the Enemy but Zeal staggereth at the resolution and
way of weakening of them as who when the most sober and wise part of them draweth off are but a rude multitude and a rope of sand When a Commoner none so stiff for the subjects priviledg when a Judge none so firm to the Princes Prerogative two things however they fatally clashed of late that are solid felicities together and but empty notions asunder for what is Prerogative but a great Name when not exercised over a free people and what is priviledg but a fond imagination when not secured under a powerful King that may keep us from being slaves one to another by Anarchy while we strive to be free from his Tyranny That people is beyond president free and beyond comparison happy who restrain not their Sovereigns power to do them harm so far as that he hath none left him to do them good Careful he was of the Law for he was a Judge and as careful of his Sovereigns Right for he was a Subject No ominous clashing between Courts in his time nor setting the Kings Conscience in Chancery against his Will in the Kings Bench. A man tells Aristides to make him party in his cause that his Adversary had abused him I sit not here saith that Impartial Judge to right my self but you When a notorious enemy of Judge Fineux had a cause depending before him It might have gone against you my friend said he had you not been my Enemy His Motto was nemo prudem punit quia peccatum est sed ne peccetur Ten things which are indeed ten of the most remarkable particulars of his life raised him 1. An indefatigable industry 1. In his reading leaving behind him 23 Folio's of Notes 2. In his practice bequeathing 3502 Cases he managed himself to his Executor 2. A freedome of converse as about his business none more close so in company none more open having so compleat a command of himself that he knew to a minute when to indulge and to a minute too when to restrain himself A gay and cheerful humour a spriteful conversation and cleanâ—y manners are an exceeding useful accomplishment for every one that intends not to wind himself into a solitary retirement or be mewed in a Cloyster 3. A rich and a well-contrived marriage that at once brought him a large Estate and a larger Interest the same tie that allied him to his Wives Family engaged him to many 4. A great acquaintance with Noble Families with whose dependants he got in first devoting an hour a day for their company and at last with themselves laying aside his vacation-leisure for their service He was Steward of 129 Mannors at once and of Councel to 16 Noble-men 5. His Hospitality and Entertainments None more close than he abroad none more noble at home where many were tied to his Table more obliged by his company and discourse 6. His care and integrity in managing his Repute in promoting his Reason and Eloquence in pleading and his Success in carrying his causes 7. His eminence and activity in the two profitable Parliaments of Henry the seventh where he had the hearts and purses of the people at his command and the eye of his Sovereign upon his person It was thought a reward adequaâ—e to the greatest merit and adventure in the Grecian Wars to have leave to play the Prizes at Olympus before Kings It was judged the most ambition could aime at in King Henry the seventh's time to â—hew a mans parts before his judicious and discerning Majesty than whom none undeâ—sâ—ood Worth better none valued it higher 8. His Opposition to Empson and Dudley's tâ—o severe Prosecution of Poeâ—al Laws while Henry the seventh was living and his laying of it befoâ—e him so faithfully that he repented of it when he was a dying He is high a while that serves a Princes private interest he is always so that is careful of the publick good 9. Hiâ— entire Devotion to that sacred thing called Friendship that Bliss on this side Heaven made up of Peace and Love None a worse Enemy none a â—etter Fâ—iend Choice he was in commencing but constant in continuing Friends Mâ—ny Acquaintance but few Friends was his Oâ—servation â—â—ying He had been undâ—ne by his Acquaintance had he not been raised by his Friends 10. His care of time To day I have not reigned said the Emperour when he had done no good To day I have not lived said the Judge when he had done nothing So much he prayed Morning Evening and at Noon according to the way of those times as if he never studied so much he studied as if he never practised so great his practice as if he never conversed and so free his converse with others as if he lived not at all to himself Time of which others are so prodigally expensive was the only thing he could be honestly covetous of full whereof he died leaving this instruction to posterity That we should not complain we have little time but that we spend much either in doing nothing or in doing evil or in doing nothing to the purpose Observations of the Life of Dr. Edward Fox Secretary and Almoner to King Henry the Eighth EDward Fox born in Dursly in Gloucestershire brought up a Scholar in Eaton after fellow of Kings Colledg in Cambridge where he died Provost He was Almoner to King Henry the eighth the first that brought Doctor Cranmer to the knowledg of the King as he brought the King to the knowledge of himself Being afterwards Bishop of Hereford he was a great Instigator of the Politick and Prudential part of the Reformation and was not less able but more active than Cranmer himself yea so famous was he that Martin Bucer dedicaâ—ed unto him his Comment upon the Gospel so painâ—ul that he wrote many Books whereof that de Differentia utriusque potestatis was the chief so worthy he was that the King employed him on several Embassies into France and Germany He died May 8. 1538. In his first years none more wild in his last none more stayed The untoward Youth makes the able Man He that hath mâ—ttle to be extravagent when he cannot govern himself hath a spirit to be eminent when he can His friends devotion to the Church and relation to the Bishop of Winchester made him a Scholar his own Inclinâ—â—ion a Politician an Inclination that brake through all the ignoble restraints of pedantique studies and coercions wherewith many a great Soul in England enjoying not the fâ—eedome of forein parts but tied to such employments though never so unsuitable as their fâ—iends put them to are debased and lost to an eminency more by observation and travel than by reading and study that made him the Wonder of the Univeâ—sity and the Daâ—ling of the Court. When he was called to the Pulpit or Chair he came off not ill so prudential were his parts of Divinity when advanced to any Office of Trust in the University he came off very well so incomparable were his parts for
3. Constant correspondence and observation 4. A happy medley of Debonairness and Complacency Reservedness and Gravity with the first he had taken Princes and with the last Statesmen the one discovers others while the other conceals you 5. Resolution I made often said hâ— as if I would fight when they knew my calling allowed me onely to speak 6. Civility That man said the Prince of Orange is a great bargain who is bought with a bare salvation Fourthly To Privy-Counsellours That excellent caution Always to speak last and be Masters of other strength before they displayed their own This was that rare man that was made for all business so dexterous This was he that was made for all times so complying This was he who lived Doctor of both Laws and died Doctor of both Gospels the Protestant which had the States-mans part of this man and the Popish who had the Christian. Noah had two faces because he was a son of the old world before the flood and a father of the new one after Wotton sure had four faiths who was a Favourite in King Henry's days of the Counsel in King Edward's of the Juncto in Queen Mary's and the second Statesman in Queen Elizabeth's With these two things of this person I shall conclude 1. His refusal of the Archbishoprick of Canterbury which argued his extraordinary humility or wariness His admission of Doctor Parker as Dean of Canterbury to that See which argueth the legality of his calling there being no circumstance with any likelihood omitted by so exquisite a Civilian as Doctor Wotton or forgotten by so great an Anâ—iquary as Doctor Parker Observations on the Life of Sir Thomas Wriothesly the first Earl of Southampton THomas Wriothesly Knight of the Garter was born in Barbican Son to William Wriothesly descended from an Heir general of the antient Family of the Dunsteâ—viles King of Arms. He was bred in the University of Cambridge as it appears by Mr. Ascam's Letter unto him writing in the behalf of the University when he was Lord Chancellour Quamobrem Academia cum omni literarum ratione ad te unum conversa cui uni quam universis aliis se chariorâ—m intelligit partim tibi ut alumno suo cum authoritate imperat partim ut patrono summo demisse humiliter supplicat c. His University-Learning prepared him for the Law â—is indefaâ—igable study of the Law promoted him to the Court where for his Honour he was created Baron of Tichbourn Jan. 1. 1543. and â—or his Profit the next year May 3. Lord Chancellour a place he discharged with more Applause than any before him and with as much Integrity as any since him Force he said awed but Iustice governed the World It is given to that Family to be Generous and Resolute This incomparable Person was under a cloud in King Edward's time for being a rigidly-conscientious Papist and his great Grandchild suffered in King Charles his time for being a sincerely honest Protestant Yeâ— so reverenced was the first of this Family by his Adversaries that he was made Earl of Southampton and so honoured was the other by his Enemies that they courted him to their party Integrity hath a Majesty in its full and a Glory in its lowest Estate that is always feared though not always loved No Nobleman understood the Roman Religion better than the first Earl of Southampton and none the Protestant better then the last the Right Honourable and truly Excellent Thomas Earl of Southampton and Treasurer of England His Court he said gave Law to the Kingdom His constant and exact Rules to the Court and his Conscience guided by the Law of the Kingdom to his Rules Affable and acceptable he was as More quick and ready as Wolsey incorrupt as Egerton apprehensive and knowing as Bacon Twice were all Cases depending in Chancery dispatched in Sir Thomas Wriothesly's time 1538. and in Sir Thomas More 's 1532. Truly did he judge intra Cancellos deciding Cases with that Uprightness that he wished a Window to his Actions yea and his Heart too King Philip was not at leasure to hear a poor Womans Cause Then said she cease to be King My Lord over-hearing a servant putting off a Petitioner because his Master was not at leasure takes him up roundly and repliâ—s You had as good say I am not at leasure to be Lord Chancellour Two things he would not have his servants gain by his Livings and his Decrees The first he said weâ—e Gods the second the Kings whom every man he said sold that sold Justice To honest men your places said he are enough to Knaves too much Every Week he had a Schedule of his own Accounts and every Month of his Servants Cato's greatest Treasure was his Account-Book of Sicily and my Lord of Southampton's was his Table of the Chancellours place A great Estate was conferred upon him which he took not in his own name to avoid the odium of Sacriledge as great an Inheritance he bought but in others names to escape the malice of Envy He loved a bishop he said to satisfie his Conscience a Lawyer to guide his Judgment a good Family to keep up his Interest and an University to preserve his name Full of Years and Worth he died 1550. at Lincoln-place and was buried at St. Andrews Church in Holborn where his Posterity have a Diocess for their Parish and a Court for their Habitation Observations on the Life of Sir John Fitz-James JOhn Fiâ—z-Iames Knight was born at Redlinch in Somersetshire of Right Antient and Worthy Parentage bâ—ed in the study of our Municipal Laws wherein he proved so great a Proficient that by King Henry the Eighth he was advanced to be Chief Justice of the Kings Bench. There needs no more to be said of his Merit save that King Henry the Eighth preferred him who never used either Dunce or Drone in Church or State but Men of Ability and Activity He sat thirteen years in his place demeaning himself so that he lived and died in the Kings Favour He sat one of the Assistants when Sir Thomas More was arraigned for â—efusing the Oath of Supremacy and was shrewdly put to it to save his own Conscience and not incur the Kings Displeasure For Chancellour Audley supreme Judg in that plaâ—e being loath that the whole burthen of More 's condemnation should lie on his shoulders alone openly in the Court asked the Advice of the Lord Chief Justice Fitz Iames Whether the Indictment were sufficient or no To whom our Judge warily returned My Lords all by St. Gillian which was ever his Oath I must needs confess That if the Act of Parliament be not unlawful then the Indictment is not in my conscience sufficient He died in the Thirteeth Year of King Henry the Eighth and although now there be none left at Redlinch of his Name and Family they flourish still at Lewson in Dorsetshire descended from Alured Fitz-Iames brother to this Judge and
to Henry to reconcile himself to the Catholick Church and the Pope as Heads thereof Our King having perused this and knowing it could not lie hid in Italy though Pool had promised not to publish it sends for him by Post to come into England to explain some Passages therâ—of but Pool knowing thaâ— it was declared Treason there to deny the Kings Supremacie râ—fused desiring the King nevertheless in Letters to him and Tonstal to take hold of the present time and redintegrate himself with the Pope whereby he might secure his Authority and advance it with the honour of being the cause of a Reformation of the Church in Doctrine and Manners King Edward is King of England and the Cardinal like to be Pope of Rome keeping pace with the Royal Family He Head of the Church Catholick They of that in England but King Edward's weakness of Body susâ—ered him not long to enjoy his Throne and the Cardinals Narrowness and easiness of spirit suffered him not at all to sit in his chair For upon Paul the Third's death the Cardinals being divided about the Election the Imperial part which was the greatest gave their voice for Cardinal Pool which being told him he disabled himself and wished them to chuse one that might be most for the glory of God and good of the Church Upon this stop some that were now friends to Pool and perhaps looked for the place themselves if he were put ofâ— layed many things â—o his câ—aâ—ge â—mong other things That he was not without suspâ—tion of Lutheranism nor without bleâ—ish of Incontinence â—ut he clâ—aâ—ed himself so handsomely that he was now more impoâ—â—â—â—â—d to take the place then before and therefore one night they say the Cardinal came to him being in bed and sent word they came to adore him a circumstance of the new Popes Honour but he being waked but of his sleep and acquainted with it made answer That this waâ— not a work of darkeness and therefore requirâ—d them to forbear until next day and then do as God should put in their minds But the Italian Cardinals attributing this put-off to a kind of stupidity and sloth in Pool looked no more after him but the next day those Cardinal Montanus Pope who was afterwards named Iulius the Third I have heard of many that would have been Popes but could not I write this man one that could have been one but would not But though he would not be Pope of Rome yet when Mary was Qâ—een he was one of England â— where he was Legate and if it had not been for the Emperour had been King For as soon as she was in the Throne of England he was sent for out of Italy into the Chair of Canterbury but Charles the Emperour by the Popes power secretly retarded his return fearing it might obâ—truct the propounded marriage between his Son and the Queen Indeed the Queen bare the Cardinal and unfeigned affection for six reasons 1. For his grave and becoming presence that endeared him no less to those that saw him than his parts and prudence did to those that conversed with him The Diamond is then orient when set in Gold 2. For his disposition as calm as her Majestiesâ— and as â—eek aâ— his Profession 3. For his Age being about ten years older the proportion allowed by the Philosopher between Husband and Wife 4. For Alliance she being daughter to Henry the Eighth and he Grandchild to Edward the Fourth 5. For his Education with her under his Mother 6. For his Religion for which he was an Exile as she was a Prisoner and both Confessors But now when the marriage with Prince Philip was consummated Pool at last got leave for England and to wipe away all suspition of Lutheranism wherewiâ—h he was formerly taxed he became a cruel that he might be believed a cordial Papist For meeting in Brabant wiâ—h Emanuel Tremelius requesting â—ome favour from him he not onely denied him relief but returned him rayling terms though formerly he was not onely his very familiar Friend but his God-father too when of a Iew he turned Christian. Arrived in England as the Historian goeth on he was first ordained Priest being but Deacon before and then consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury the Queen being present at Bow where rich in costly Râ—bes and sitting on a guilded Throne his Pall was presented to him Adorned he presently mounts the Pulpit and makes a dry Sermon of the use and honour of the Pall without either Languâ—ge or matter all admiring the jejuness of his Discourse as if putting off his Parts when putting on his Pall. He made the breach formerly between England and Rome by exasperating both sides he now reconciles it obliging many by his carriage awing as many by his presence dazling all by his pomp and splendour Now he confirmeth the Inâ—titution of Clergy-mâ—n into their Benefices he legitimateth the Câ—ildren of forbidden marriages he ratifieth the Processes and Sentences in matters Ecclesiastical and his Dispensations were confirmed by Act of Parliament Two things he was intent upon 1. The Church-Pâ—iviledges whereof one he procured was That the Clergy should not shew their Horses with the Layty but under Captains of their own chusing 2. The Spanish Interest and therefore Pâ—â—l the fourth who was as intent upon the French and looked upon the Legate as the principal Promoter of the last War in France sends Cardinal Peito to ease him of his Legantine Power in England But the Queen so ordered the matter that by her Prerogative she prohibited Peito entrance into England and got the foresaid Power established and confirmed on Cardinal Pool as she did likewise 1000 l. a year for his better support out of the Bishoprick of Winchester The more he lived in England the more he was Italianized conversing with their Merchants and practising their thrift his Pomp being â—aith my Author rather gâ—udy than costly and his attendance more ceremonious than expensive Feaâ—full he was of a Bank here if Queen Mary died careful of one beyond Sea if he lived therefoâ—e as he sends all his Estate to Italy by his Will when he died so he did most of it by Bills of Exchange while he lâ—vâ—d the first was jâ—dged his â—olicy q the heart whereof is prevention the second his Gratitude bestowing his Superfluities on them who had relieved his Necessities Of all his Estate Aloisius Priol took but the Breviary he had alwayes in his Pocket so devouâ— he was and the Diary he had alwayes in his Closer so exact he was to observe what was done by others and recollect what had escaped himselfâ— Die he did not of Italian Physick wilfully taken by himself as Mr Fox suggests nor of English Poison given him by the Protestants as Osorius affirms but of a Quartain Ague then Epidemical in England and malignant above the ordinary nature of that Disease This man was a Catholick in his Interest and Charity and a Protestant in his Conscience We cannot was
Commons by their Interest who should carry along an indifferent House of Lords by their Resolution When he had served the Queen in Parliament for the settlement of her Kingdom at home he served the Kingdome in an Embassie to Scotland to set up its correspondence abroad The Earl of Leicester aimed at the Queen of England and the Earl of Bedford to divert him and secure Scotland design'd him for the Queen of Scots whom he watched for two things 1. That she should either match with an English Subject or 2. With a soft and weak Forreigner that either the Scots might be in league with us or have no peace at home His last service I finde is a complement when he was sent by the Queen as her Deputy with a font of massie Gold worth 1043 l. to hold King Iames at his Baptism with express command not to acknowledge my Lord Darley as King This his service was as lasting as his life which ended in old Age and Renown He conveyed his Vertue and Honour to the Excellent Francis as he did to the Right Honourable William Earl of Bedford now living Observations on the Life of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester THe tuition of the Earl of Dorset's Children raised Wolsey travelling with the Duke of Norfolk's raised Gardiner Fox his service in the quality of Secretary made the fiâ—st and his in the same quality made Gardiner There are three kindes of Understanding The one that is advised by its self the second that understandeth when it is informed by another the third that neither is advised by its self nor by the assistance of another If this Doctor failed in the fiâ—st and his own invention he exceeded in the second of making use of others for he was one of them that never heard or read what was not his own His Profession was the Civil Law that guideth forreign Negoâ—iâ—tions His Inclination was that general Policy that manageth them His Eminencies were three 1. His Reservedness Whereby he never did what he aimed at never aimed at what he intended never intended what he said and never said what he thought whereby he carried it so that others should do his business when they opposed it and he should undermine theirs when he seemed to promote it A man that was to be traced like the Fox and read like Hebrew backward if you would know what he did you must observe what he did not 2. His Boldness Authority sometimes meets with those impediments which neither power can overcome nor good fortune divert if Courage and Fortitude break not through and furmount them and the motions of the irascible faculties such as Hope Boldness and Choler being well ordered and conducted by Reason engage those difficulties she encountereth in the execution of her designs Reason discovered him his enterprizes his Will enclined him to them and the noble transports of his regular passions â—et out both with that ardour and vehemencie as bear down obstacles and compass the design A hope he had that never rashly engaged him in desperate underâ—akings an audaciâ—y that precipitated him not weakly into impossibilities and a choler that led him not blindly to inevitable ruines Consideration managing â—he first Discretion and Forefight the second and Reason the third What doth is avail a man to be wise in knowing what is fit to be done prudent to invent means just to appropriate affairs to publick good authorized and happy to cause them to succeed if a Courage guided by Reason accompanied with Prudence â—uled by Discretion animated by a generous Boldness be not diligent quick and pâ—ompt for Execution His nature was generous and constant His Education like that of the Roman Youth among Statesmen manifold and solid His Soul was free and dis-engaged from any particular Design 3. Elâ—quence That added to his Parts what colours do to a Pictureâ— sâ—ate gâ—ace and light Reason is the Oâ—nament of a Man Speech the Interpreter of Reason and Eloquence the grace of Speech wherein the Orator excelleth other men as much as they do other creatures His Wisdom advised his Prudence contrived his Courage resolved and his Eloquence perswaded adding at once gracefulness to his Designs and vigour to his Enterprizes as that wherewith he could satisfie mens Reasons and master their Passions by which he carried them whither he pleased His lively Expreâ—sâ—on animates his Reason his Eloquâ—nce his Expression and his Gesture hiâ— Eloquence whereby he charmed the Senses mollified Hearts incited Affections framed Desires checkâ—d Hopes and exercised a sacred Empire over every man he dealt with These qualities improved with Travel raised the Dâ—ctor to be the Chancellouâ—'s Secretary and the Legantine Courts chief Scribe at home a â—ly Agent in Italy a successful Orator in Germany and Leiger Embassador in France In Italy he with Dâ—ctor Fox havâ—ng the King of France his Agent to second them gained the Popes Commission for hearing of the Cause between King Henry the VIII and Queen Kâ—therine In Germany he undermined the French King and in France the Emperour Upon the poor Pope whom he found not worth 20 l. perplexed between the King of England who had set him at liberty and the King of Spain who had maintained him he wrought so far as to gain a dubious Letter in Cypher to the King and a clear promise to the Cardinal both about the suppression of some Monasteries and the Divorce which the crafâ—y Agent extorted from the fearful man with his Necesse est c. although all this while he palliated this his main business with some impertinent ovâ—rtures abouâ— King Henry the seventh's Canonization None better understanding the just degrees seasons and methods of Affairs than this Doctor Where he spoke one word for his Majesties Divorce he spoke two for the Cardinals Advancement having the French Kings Letter with him to that effeâ—t in omnem eventum In order whereunto he threatned the Pope from Germany and Germany from Rome so that their mutual jealousies forced them to a compliance with his Royal and Sacred Master A great Agent he was in this business while Woolsey's Secretary a greater when the Kingâ— in which capacity he writ they say one Book for the Popâ—'s Supremacie in his Masters Name and another for the Kings in his own He draweth the Kingdom 's Remonstrance against the Pope wherein he hath one shrew'd argument to this purpose those sacra or wayes of Religion that have any thing in them in any nation against the light of nature and the being of humane society were severely animadverted on by the Romans upon this principle that it was to be supposed that Gods Religion should interfere with government which is Gods institution â—nd that way of Religion which hath in woven in it principles that make the Ecclesiasticall power a Competitor with the Civil and the Pope's against the Kingdom He and Doctor Fox are employed to gain the Vote of Cambridge for the Divorce where he brought it from the
careful to maintain itâ— knowing that in vain do the brows beat the eyes sparkle the tongue threaten the fist bend and the arm strike if the belly be not fed and the back cloathed and indeed this was his Master-piece that the Queen vying Gold and Silverâ— with the King of Spain had Money or Credit when the other had neither Her Exchâ—quer saith my Author though but a Pond in comparison holding water when his River fed with a spring from the Indies was dreined dâ—y It was with his advice that that Queen paid her Obligations in Preferments rather than Money giving away not above two Largesses of that nature in her life In a word when others set in a Cloud he shined clear to his last He saw Essex dead Leicester slighted Mount-joy discountenanced and what with the Queens constant favour which lodged where it lighted and his own temper and moderation when more violent men failed he died as great a Favourite as he lived leaving his son Thomas so much Estate as advanced him to the Earldome of Exeter and his son Robert so much state-Discipline as raised him successive to be Secretary of state Master of the Court of Wards Lord Treasurer and Earl of Salisbury He was a very exact and a wary Observer of Forreign Transaction witness this passage to Sir Henry Norris Embassador in France The rare manner of your Entertainment hath moved the Queens Majesty to muse upon what score it should be being more than hath been used in like cases to her Embassadors and such as besides your own report hath been by others lately advertised And for that in such things Gueses be doubtful I pray you by your next advertise me what your self do think of it and in the mean time I know you are not untaught to judge of the difference between fair words and good deeds as the saying is Fortuna cum ad blaâ—ditur Capitum advenit His thoughts of a Rebel that submitted take in these words Of late Shane Oneal hath made means to the Lord Deputy of Ireland to be received into grace pretending that he hath meant no manner of unlawfulness towards the Queen by which is gathered that he groweth weary of his lewdness yet I think he is no otherwise to be reformed than by sharp prosecution which is intended to be followed no whit the less for any his fair Writings as reason is Of Intelligence he writes thus I doubt not but you shall have of his hand no lack of Intelligence which you must credit as you see cause by proof of the event About Embassadors Dispatches he saith He must write apart to the Secretary in matters containing trouble and business and to his Soveraign of Advice In a particular Negotiation about Pyrates he advised That the King of France and his Council might perceive that it is well known how the Pyrates are suffered to do what they will notwithstanding it be contrary to Proclamation And yet you shall so order the matter saith he to a French Ambassadour as not that you shall find fault with this manner of suffering for that ought properly to be to the Spanish or Portugal Embassador with whom you may sometime deal to understand how they do know what is done and how they do interpret it Touching the King of Scots murther he would say There are words spoken which I hold best to suppress Neither would I have you saith he to his friend utter any of these things not doubting but shortly God will cause the truth to be revealed Of an underhand Traytor he writes to his friend I pray write unto me somewhat more particularly for the proof of his trayterous speeches whereby there might be some ground made how to have him demanded Of the demanding of a Town promised in a Treaty Sir Thomas Smith went to demand Callis not that we think the Goveâ—nour will deliver it but to avoid all cavillation which they might invent for by Law it must be demanded upon the very place and being not delivered the sum of 500000 It is forfeited Mrâ— Winter shall pass secretly with him to take possession thereof if they deceive our expectation but not past three of the Council know of Winteâ—s going Concerning the unreasonable words of Princes he saith If hereof the Embassador meaning the French shall make any sinister report you may as you see cause well maintain the Queens answer to be very reasonable as having cause to mislike the manner of writing of the Queen thereon which neverthe less you may impute to the unadvisedness of the Secretary for so the Queens Majesty doth impute it Of the troubles in Scotland he observed the French made their present advantage to the damage of England and you know that Scotlaâ—d is the French King to it as Ireland is the Spanish Of Fâ—rraign News he writes to Sir Henry Norris That hâ— would be glad to have a Note of the Names of the chiefest Nobility of Frâ—nce and with whom they be married adding thereto any other thing that may belong to the knowledge of their lineage and degreeâ— as you shall think meet He writes That her Majesty being a Prince her self is doubtful to give countenance to subjects I wish saith he to have a Kalender of them who are with the Prince and also to see the Edicts that have lately passed from the King against them and that in these troublesome times wherein accidents are so diversly reported your advices were large and repeated aâ—d that we had such Articles as pass on both sides Of France he sâ—iâ—h You must think that seeing all the parts of Christendome are intentive to hear of the matters of France we cannot be careless to whom the same belongeth next of all whatsoever the end thereof shall be Of the Distractions of France thus to our Embassador in France If you told the Queen-mother so as of your own head as a thing you hear spread abroad in the world I think you mâ—ght do well and speak truly for as for the Popes Ministers their â— rofession is to prefer the Weal of their own Church before the good state of any Kingdome on earth and whatsoever come of any thing they look onely to the continuance of their own ambitious Ruling And as for other Ministers of Princes or for men of War it is a truth infallible The more they do impoverish that Monarchy of France the better they think their own Estates Of a plot discovered he writes We can truly hit no man wherefore it is necessary that you speak again with the Party that gave you this Intelligence and if the matter be of truth and not a disguising to some other purpose he can as weâ—l obtain you the knowledge of the party in certainty as thus to give a guise at him for as he hath his Intelligence of the matter which he uttered to you so may he attain to a more perfect knowledge For the Protestants he saith I pray you put them in comfort
say commonly of him and those brave Heroes under him That they were born to save their Countrey This noble person was of greater experience than knowledg and more beholding to his years than to his Education whence K. Iames took great pleasure in his discourse that was not morose obstinate narrow unactive or formal like a Students harangues but free active and ingenuous like a States-man's Maximes Whereof one was this That never did Commander a noble Act that was Commission-bound it being a question whether the Venetians and Spaniards lost more at Sea and in the Netherlands before they discovered that Error or gained more since For whilest we address our selves to the State occasions are lost things take another countenance and so many unexpected accidents happen for which suddain provision must be made that opportunities escape before we dare lay hold of them and sometimes we perish for want of a Commission to save our selves Great content did he give by his presence in the French Court 1605. and greater in his carriage at the Prince Elector's marriage 1612. A prudent care did he discover in providing for posterity by the seasonable resignation of his Admiralty a faithful friend he shewed himself in confirming Sir Robert Mansel's place when he parted with his own a great argument of his own worth and service that he was so careful to reward others Observations on the Life of Sir Geo. Hume Earl of Dunbar NO wonder he is so great a Favourite of King Iames in his riper years who was so faithful a servant of his in his youth trusted with his Royal secrets in Scotland and therefore in his Royal bosome in England The natural reservedness of all Scots-men and the vast depth of this are not more necessary to all Princes then they were pleasing to King Iames who had no secrecies that endangered his Privadoes though many that tried them and particularly our Statesman who had no hidden weakness to be over-reached nor private Interest to be corrupted but was a great Master of himself owning a reach not to be comprehended and thoughts not to be fathomed but by him whose heart was as the sand of the Sea Exact was his correspondence with Sir Robert Cecil while in Scotland and intimate was their friendship in England both extorting from each other those observations touching their respective Countreys which they might both communicate to His Majesty at their respective opportunities His Enterprizes were well laid but unsuccessful rational but unhappy an argument that Designs are only in our power and Events in a higher There was not a man more noble and renowned more comâ—ly aâ—d graceful of more years and experience Versatus Versutus of a greater estate or revenue more liberal and munificent more accostable and courteous more resolved and reserved all the qualities of a compleat Ambassador than the Earl of Dunbar when sent to Germany yet none more ineffectual having gained no more by a tedious and chargeable Negotiation than as the Earl of Nottingham with his gallant Retinue in Spain that the Papists who were formerly perswaded by their Jesuites that we were Monsters do now believe we are Men so useless was soft Courtship in rough tumults and so little heed was given to smooth complements in Arms anâ— Uproars More happy was he in Scotland where his prudence as Lord Treasurer and his Chaplain Doctor Abbots gravity as Preacher reduced that Nation to so much sobriety as to admit a regular Religion and Government for which service he had the Exchequer and the Wardrobe for himself and the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury for the Doctor when the King was in a great streight between the known merit of the incomparable Bishop Andrews and the last request of dying Sir George Hume a great instance of King Iames his abilities in what Machiavel calleth a Princes Master-piece viz. the choice of Servants Observations on the Life of the Earl of Somerset HIs extraction from Scotland put him in the way his Education in England set him in a capacity of Advancement He was born seasonably when his Father served him that should be a King of England and brought up happily when he might please him that was so His beauty and comliness took his Majesty his parts and prudence obliged him who loved the Cabinet but valued the Jewel He was admitted Page of honour to King Iames when of Scotland and his Favourite when of England His Majesties first observation of him was at a solemn Tilting where his delight in his person meeting with his pity of his mischance I mean the breaking of his leg there first took him to his tuition and then to his Council All King Iames his Favourites were of his own education and so imbued with his principles and engaged to his interest It was his Majesties policy to râ—tain Scots States-men to balance the English It was Somerset's prudence to entertain English Favouries to endear the Scots therefore Sir Tho. Overbury was as much of his Councel as he was of his Majesties too haughty a carriage was the miscarriage of other Minions too good a nature was â—is His great defect being that goodness and humanity that that knoweth no excess but errour which was rather a softness than a kindness his heart was as large to others as his Masters was to him and knew as little how to mistrust as how to do any thing for which he should be mistrusted This is the Lesson he was short in That civilities should be common but favours choice The Whale is steered at Sea by a far smaller Fish and this States-man at Court by far meaner men than himself I my self saith an ingenious man have known many so far strangers to what was convenient as they would scarce concede or deny any thing out of the presence of their Secretary and this proceeded not seldom from a distrust there was no cause for manifest in the Earl of Somerset who though himself owner of a competent sufficiency was so enchanted with an opinion of Sir Thomas Overbury's parts that he preferred him from a Servant to such an intimate friendship as he could think nothing well educated for employment in his Office that had not passed his correction nor secret laid up but in his bosome which swelled him saith he to such a monstrosity in pride that I have heard not being my self then near the English Court how he offered to rant at his servants and did once beat his Coachman for putting his commands under an inferiour expostulation to his Master and through this intollerable arrogance in him and remisness in the Earl the sparks first flew that kindled the ruine of them both Friendship being no more able to maintain its interest against a feminine affection than so great a pride was to confine it self within the tedder of moderation The greatest are not free but led in triumph by the affections of others through the mediation of their own Sir Thomas Overbury would do what was most
plausible and the Earl must perform what was less popular The King trusted Carr with his Dispatches and Carr trusts Overbury a month together without examination who had full Commission to receive and answer any Letters or other Expresses that came to his hands Great opportunities offered themselves to Sir Robert Carr and a great Soul he had to observe them Fortune being nothing else but an attentive observation of the revolution of Affairs and the occasions resulting therefrom observant he was of his Master who raised him not to eclipse others but like a brave Prince to ease himself For Princes to use my Lord Bacon's words being at too great a distance from their Subjects to ease themselves into their bosomes raise some persons to be as it were participes curam or their Companions but this Favourite understood as well the humour of the People as he did the disposition of his Prince obliging the one no less than he pleased the other Gay he was as a Courtier grave as a Counsellour to Scholars none more civil to Soldiers none more liberal of States-men none more respective He had his extraordinary great Vertues upon occasions to shew and his ordinary little ones always to oblige a compleatness in all turns aâ—d upon all occasions was his nature Familiar he was yet not cheap sociable upon regard and not upon facility His behaviour was his soul free for any exercise or motion finding many and making more opportunities to endear himself He broke his mind to small observations yet he comprehended great matters His carriage was so exact as if affected and yet so graceful as if natural That which overthrew the first bewitched the wisest and tyred the most patient man undid this noble person yet so regular were his affections that he did nothing publickly in the Countess of Essex the Earl of Suffolk's Daughters case but by due course of Law the approbation of the gravest and wisest Divines and Counsellors and the applause of England his failings were the faults of his years rather than of his person of his sodain fortune than of his constant temper his counsels were safe and moderate his publick actions honest and plain his first years of favour industrious and active his mind noble and liberal His soul capacious and inquisitive his temper yielding and modest In a word Sir Robert Carr deserved to be a Favourite if he had not been one He fell because he medled too little with the Secretaries place while in it and too much when out of it giving Overbury too much scopâ— on the one hand to mate him and Sir Ralph Winwood too much offence to undermine him who finding that new Earls occasions growing with his advancements I say his occasions because I think his miscarriages were not his nature but his necessity apt to encroach upon his and other Court-Offices gave ear to that Intelligence from Flushing that might ruine him and set free himself The first Intimation of his guilt was his earnestness for a general Pardon and the first argument of it was my Lord Chancellor's scruples in sealing it whence I date his first declining attended with as much pity as his first advancement was with envy We and the Troglodites curse not the Sun-rising more heartily than we worship it when it sets The Gentleman was as to his stature rather well compacted than tall as to his features and favour comely rather than beautiful The hair of his head was flaxen and that of his face yellow His nature was gentle his disposition affable â—â—s affections publick until a particular person and interest engrossed them and the good Gentleman being sensible of failers that might ruine him was wholly intent upon a treasure that might preserve him His defect was that he understood only his own age and that the experience of man's life cannot furnish examples and presidents for the events of one mans life Observations on the Life of Arch-Bishop Abbot GEorge Abbot being one of that happy Ternion of Brothers whereof two were eminent Prelates the third Lord Mayor of London was bred in Oxford wherein he became Mr. of University-Colledge a pious man and most excellent Preacher as his Lectures on Ionah do declare He did first creep then run then flye into Preferment or rather Preferment did flye upon him without his expectation He was never incumbent on any Living with cure of Souls but was mounted from a Lecturer to a Dignitary so that he knew the Stipend and Benevolence of the one and the Dividend of the other but was utterly unacquainted with the taking of Tithes with the many troubles attending it together with the causeless molestations which Parsons presented meet with in their respective Parishes And because it is hard for one to have a Fellow-suffering of that whereof he never had a suffering this say some was the cause that he was so harsh to Ministers when brought before him Being Chaplain to the Earl of Dunbar then omni-prevalent with King Iames he was unexpectedly preferred Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being of a more Fatherly presence than those who might almost have been his Fathers for age in the Church of England There are two things much charged upon his memory First That in his house he respected his Secretary above his Chaplains and out of it alwayes honoured Cloaks above Cassocks Lay above Clergy-men Secondly That he connived at the spreading of Nonconformity insomuch that a Modern Author said Had Bishop Laud succeeded Bancroft and the project of Conformity been followed without interruption there is little question to be made but that our Jerusalem by this time might have been a City at unity within it self This Arch-Bishop was much humbled with a casual Homicide of a Keeper of the Lord Zouch's in Bramel-Park though soon after he was solemnly quitted from any irregularity thereby In the Reign of King Charles he was sequester'd from his Jurisdictions say some on the old account of that Homicide though others say for refusing to License a Sermon of Dr. Sirpthorps Yet there is not an Express of either in the Instrument of Sequestration the Commission only saying in the general That the Arch-bishop could not at that present in his own Person attend those Services which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction To say the truth he was a man of good intentions and knew much but failed in what those ordinarily do that are devoted to our modern singularities being extreamly obstinate in his opinions which the King was more willing to understand than follow because most times he looked upon things according to the rigour of Ecclesiastick maximes and was either too curious and irresolute by variety of reading or too peremptory and positive from the strictness of his Rules or too zealous by reason of the seriousness of his Study or wide from the matter by reason of his inexperience and aptness to require in the times he lived the regularity of the times he read of heeding not the
for all with a plentiful estate which came to pass accordingly For his Father dying in his infancy no plentiful provision was made for him and when his eldest Brother Thomas Duke of Norfolk was executed his condition was much impaired insomuch that being once in London not overstocked with money when his noble Nephews the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Thomas Howard were out of Town and loath to pin himself on any Table uninvited he was fain to dine with the Chair of Duke Humphrey but other not to say better company viz. reading of books in Stationers Shops in St. Paul's Church-yard though afterwards he attained to great wealth honour and command However that Lord gave little credit to and placed less confidence in such Predictions as appeared by a learned Work he hath written on that subject Observations on the Life of Sir John Ramsey Earl of Holderness and Sir Tho. Ereskin Earl of Kelley BOth their prefermentâ— began on the same occasion both their natures were eminent for the same innocence and goodness both their services tend to the same issue and therefore both their Characters come under one observation which it's more proper to take in the word of their Countrey-man and Contemporary that knew them than in the expression of a stranger that onely heard of them The whole story runs thus The name of Ruthen in Scotland was not notorious until Anno 1568. when Ruthen amongst others Confederates in those divided times of trouble laboured much for the imprisoning Queen Mary Mother to King Iames. In 1582. his son William was created Earl Goury in the time of that King's minority though the Father bore deadly hatred to the King's prosperity And in 1584. himself was in actual Rebellion in which he suffered at Dondee His eldest son Iohn then in Travel in Italy returns home to inherit his lands and honours but not one jot changed in disposition from the traiterous ways of his Predecessâ—rs For not long after he falls into this Conspiracy which is not so ancient but that many then and now living can and my self have heard the repetition The house of Gowry were all of them much addicted to study Chymistry and these more to practise it often publishing as such Professors usually do more rare experiments then ever could be performed wherein the King a general Scholar had little faith But to infuse more credit to the practice Alexander Ruthen the second brother takes this occasion and withal conspires with Gowry to assassinate the King and taking opportunity in his hunting not far from his house St. Iohnstone invites the King to be an eye-witness of his productions In their way Sir Thomas Erskin after Lord Kelley overtakes them and others Demanding of the Duke of Lenox then present why Alexander had ingrossed the King's ear to carry him from his Sports Peace man said the Duke Wee's all be turn'd into gold Not far they rid but that the Earl Gowry made good by protestation his Brother's story And thus was the King brought to be a Guest Neer the end of Dinner at his Fruit and the Lords and Waiters gone to eat Alexander begs of the King at this opportunity to withdraw and to be partaker of his Production to the view of that which yet he could not believe And up hâ— leads the King into by-lodgings locking each door behind them till they came into a Back-Room where no sooner entered but that Aâ—exander claps on his Bonnet and with stern countenance faces the Kinâ— and says Now Sir you must know I had a Father whose blood calls for revenge shed for your sake The King amazed deals gently with his fury excuses the guilt of his death by his then Infancy Advising him not to lay violent hands on the sacred Person of his Anointed Soveraign Especially in a cause of his Innocency Pleading the Laws of God and Man which so much wrought upon him that he said Well I will speakâ— with my Brother and so put the King into a Lobby Room next the Chamber where no sooner entered but that there appeared a fellow weaponed ready for execution to whose custody the King is committed till his return Alexander gone down the fellow trembles with Reverence puts down his Sword and craves pardon which gave the King occasion to work upon that passion and to ask him whether he resolved to murther him Being assured to the contrary the King gets leave to open a window that looked into a back Court When presently Alexander returns and tells the King that he must dye But much affrighted at the Fellow's countenance with his sword offers violence to the King Which the fellow seemingly opposes and between them began a scuffle which gave advantage to the King to cry Treason at the Window which looked into a back-Court where Sir Thomas Erskin and one Herries were come in pursuit of the King who was rumoured to be gone out the back-way to his hunting At the cry of Treason and known to be the King's voice they both hastened up a back-stair called the Turn-pike being directed by a servant of the house who saw Alexander ascend that way And so forcing some doors that found them above panting with the fray and up comes also at heels of them Iohn Ramsey after Earl of Holderness by them Alexander was soon dispatched Not long after came the Earl Gowry by his double key the first way with a case of Rapiers his usual weapons and ready drawn To whom Erskiâ— said as to divert his purpose What do you mean my Lord the King is kill'd for the King was shadowed having cast himself upon a Reâ— from his sight and his Cloak was thrown upon the Body of Alexander bleeding upon the ground At which Gowry stops sinking the points of his weapons when suddenly Herries strikes at him with a hunting Falchion And Ramsey having his Hawk on his fist casts her off and steps in to Gowry and stabs him to the heart and forthwith more Company came up Not long after this Conspiracy Herries dies well rewarded Iohn Ramsey hath the Honour of Knighthood with an additional bearing to his Coat of Arms A Hand holding forth a Dagger reversed proper piercing a bloody Heart The point crowned Emperial with this Distick Haec Dextra Vindex Principis Patriae Afterwards he was created Lord Haddington and Earl of Holdernâ—ss Sir Thomas Erskin was afterwards created Earl of Kelly Knight of the Garter Captain of the King's Guard and Groom of the Stool and the Fellow designed for the Murtherer had a large Pension confirmed by Act of their Parliamâ—nt And all these men but Herries were living with other witnesses at King Iames his journey when he went from hence to visit Scotland and met together by direction at the same house with Ceremony and all of them with a number of Courtiers ascended into the same Room the blood yet râ—maining where the King related the Story which was confirmed by them And afterwards kneeling down with
sufficient credit To which they assure him That one Sarah Swarton their Chamberesse stood behind the Hanging at the entrance of the Room and heard the Countess read over what she had writ and her also they procure to swear unto this before the King To make further tryal the King in a hunting journey at New-park near Wimbleton gallops thither views the Rooâ—â— observing the great distance of the Window from the lower end of the Room and placing himself behind the Hanging and so other Lords in turn they could not hear one speak loud from the window Then the Housekeeper was call'd who protested those Hangings had constantly furnisht that Room for thirty years which the King observed to be two foot short of the ground and might discover the woman if hidden behind them I may present also the King saying Oaths cannot confound my sight Besides all this the Mother and Daughter connterfeit another Writing a Confession of one Luke Hutton acknowledging for 40 pound annuity the Countess hired him to poison them which Man with wonderful providence was found out privately and denies it to the King And thus prepared the King sends for Sir Thomas Lake whom indeed he very much valued tells him the danger to imbarque himself in this Quarrel advising him to leave them to the Law being now ready for the Star-Chamber He humbly thanked his Majesty but could not refuse to be a Father and a Husband and so puts his Name with theirs in a cross Bill which at the hearing took up five several days the King sitting in Iudgment But the former testimonies and some private confessions of the Lady Rosse and Sarah Wharton which the King kept in private from publick proceedings made the Cause for some of the days of Tryal appear doubtful to the Court until the Kings discovery which concluded the Sentence and was pronounced in several Censures Sir Thomas Lake and his Lady fined ten thousand pounds to the King five thousand pounds to the Countess fifty pounds to Hutton Sarah Wharton to be whipt at a Carts tail about the streets and to do penance at St. Martin's Church The Lady Râ—sse for confessing the truth and plot in the midst of the Tryal was pardoned by the Major Voices from penal Sentence The King I remember compared their Crimes to the first plot of the first sin in Paradise the Lady Lake to the Serpent her Daughter unto Eve and Sir Thomas to poor Adam whom he thought in his conscience that his love to his Wife had beguiled him I am sure he paid for all which as he told me cost him thirty thousand pounds and the loss of his Masters favour and Offices of gain and honour but truely with much pity and compassion of the Court. Obsâ—rvations on the Life of the Earl of Suffolk HIs Uncle Northampton negotiated his preferment and his Father Noâ—folke deserved i◠〈◊〉 whose sake the eldest Son Philip Earl of Arâ—â—â—â—l was â—â—de Lord Marsâ—al and this second first Câ—â—mberlain and then Treasurer wherein as the Earl of Middlesex understood well the priviledges of the City so my Lord kenned well the Revenues of the Crown But his fair Daughter that gained him most favour did him most harm he falling with his Son Somerset's miscarriages when he might have stood without his Relation being as plain as his brother Henry was subtle as obliging as he was insinuating as knowing as he was cunning the one conversing with Books the other with Men. A Gentleman from whom I requested his Character returns me no more but this He was a man never endued with much patience and one that much retarded the progress of his fortune by often speaking publickly with too much liberty Otherwise very true to the Maximes of his Age. 1. Linking himself to the Scots 2. Buying Fee-Farm Rents to avoid envy as my Lord of Salisbury before him in the Scots Debenturers names 3. Promoting Northern Suits And 4. projecting for money He was also Chancellor of Cambridge loving and beloved of the University When at his first coming to Cambridge Mr. Francis Nethersole Oratour of the University made a Latine Speech unto him the Lord returned Though I understand not Latine I know the sense of your Oration is to tell me that I am welcome to you which I believe verily I thank you for it heartily and will serve you faithfully in any thing within my power Dr. Harsenet the Vice Chancellor laying hold on the handle of so fair a Proffer requested him to be pleased to entertain the King at Cambridge a favour which the University could never compass from their former great and wealthy Chancellours I will do it saith the Lord in the best manner I may and with the speediest conveniency Nor was he worse than his word giving his Majesty such a Treatment in the University as cost him five thousand pounds and upwards Hence it was that after his death Thomas his second son Earl of Bark-shire not suing for it nor knowing of it was chosen to succeed him losing the place as some suspected not for lack of Voices but fair counting them Observations on the Life of Sir Robâ— Cary. HE was born an ingenious man of good parts and breeding but of so uncourtly a temper that in all likelihood we had not heard of him had he not had the luck to have been the first Messenger let out of the Court by the favour of his Father the Lord Chamberlain to bring King Iames news that Queen Elizabeth was dead when the Scots expectation was so tyred that they thought Queen Eliz. would never dye as long as there was an old woman that could either wear good cloaths or eat good meat in England Upon which good account he is a Bed-chamber-man to King Iames and a Tutor to Prince Charles though he had made better use of his Talent as a Soldier than as a Courtier having too much of the Candor of that Family that as the Historian observed spake of things alwayes as they deserved And though he had wit enough yet he had not the judgment or way to make those stand in awe of him who were mâ—st obliged to him Observations on the Lives of Sir Robert Naunton and Sir Francis Nethersole SIr Robert Naunton is the Author of one Book of Observations upon the States-men of Queen Eliz. times and must be the subject of another of King Iames's He noted then in his youth what he was to practice afterwards in his more reduced years His University-Studies at Trinity-Colledge whereof he was Commoner and at Trinity-Hall whereof he was Fellow His Speeches both while Proctor and Orator of Cambridge discovered him more inclined to publick Accomplishments than private Studies He improved the opportunity of the speech he was to make before K. Iames at Hiâ—chinbrook so well that as His Majesty was highly affected with his Latine and Learning so he exactly observed his prudence and serviceableness whereupon he came to Court as Sir Thomas Overburies Assistant first and
in respect of the King your Master you must be very wary that you give him true information and if the matter concern him in his Government that you do not flatter him if you do you are as great a Traytor to him in the Court of Heaven as he that draws his sword against him and in respect of the Suitors which shall attend you there is nothing will bring you more honour and more ease then to do them what right in justice you may and with as much speed as you may for believe it Sir next to the obtaining of the suit a speedy and a gentle denyal when the case will not bear it is the most acceptable to suitors they will gain by their dispatch whereas else they shall spend their time and money in attending and you will gain in the ease you will find in being rid of their importunity But if they obtain what they reasonably desired they will be doubly bound to you for your favour Bis dat qui cito dat it multiplies the courtesie to do it with good words and speedily That you may be able to do this with the best advantage my humble advice is this when suitors come unto you set apart a certain hour in a day to give them audience If the business be light and easie it may by word only be delivered and in a word be answered but if it be either of weight or of difficulty direct the suitor to commit it to writing if it be not so already and then direct him to attend for his answer at a set time to be appointed which would constantly be observed unless some matter of great moment do interrupt it when you have received the Petitions and it will please the Petitioners well to have access unto you to deliver them into your own hand let your Secretary first read them and draw lines under the material parts thereof for the matter for the most part lies in a narrow room The Petitions being thus prepared do you constantly set apart an hour in a day to peruse those Petitâ—ons and after you have ranked them into several files according to the subject matter make choice of two or three friends whose judgments and fidelities you believe you may trust in a business of that nature and recommend it to one or more of them to inform you of their opinions and of their reasons for or against the granting of it and if the matter be of great weight indeed then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Petition to several of your friends the one not knowing what the other doth and desire them to return their answers to you by a certain time to be prefixxed in writing so shall you receive an impartial answer and by comparing the one with the other you shall both discern the abilities and faithfulness of your friends and be able to give a judgement thereupon as an Oracle But by no means trust not to your own judgement alone for no man is omniscient nor trust onely to your servants who may mislead you or mis-inform you by which they may perhaps gain a few crowns but the reproach will lye upon your self if it be not rightly carried For the facilitating of your dispatches my advice is further that you divide all the Petitions and the matters therein contained under several heads which I conceive may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts 1. Matters that concern Religion and the Church and Church-men 2. Matters concerning Justice and the Laws and the Professors thereof 3. Councellors and the Council-Table and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom 4. Foreign Negotiations and Embassies 5. Peace and War both foreign and civil and in that the Navy and Forts and what belongs to them 6. Trade at home and abroad 7. Colonies or foreign Plantations 8. The Court and Curiality And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these heads believe me Sir will not be worthy of your thoughts in this capacity we now speak of And of these sorts I warrant you you will find enough to keep you in bâ—siness I begin with the first which concerns Religion 1. In the first place be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Religion professed by the Church of England which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the doctrine thereof as any Christian Church in the world 2. In this you need not be a Monitor to your gracious Master the King the chiefest of his Imperial Titles is to be The Defender of the Faith and his learning is eminent not only above other Princes but above other men be but his scholar and you are safe in that 3. For the Discipline of the Church of England by Bishops c. I will not positively say as some do that it 's Iure Divino but this I say and think ex animo that it is the nearest to Apostolical truth and confidently I shall say it is fittest for Monarchy of all others I will use no other authority to you than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King himself in the first year of his Reign and annexed before the Book of Common Prayer which I desire you to read and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation to put the King in mind to read it himself It is most dangerous in a State to give ear to the least alterations â—n Government 4. Take heed I beseech you that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks I cannot flatter the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion you must use them with fit respects according to the bonds of â—atuâ—e but you are of kin and so a friâ—nd to their persons not to their errors 5. The Arch-Bishops and Bishops next under the King have the government of the Church and Ecclesiastical affairs be not you the mean to prâ—fer any to those places for any by-respects but only for their learning gravity and worth their lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary 6. For Deans and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches In their first institution they were of great use in the Church they were not only to be of Council with the Bishop for his revenue but chiefly for his Government in causes Ecclesiastical use your best means to prefer such to those places who are fit for that purpose men eminent for their learning piety and discretion and put the King often in mind thereof and let them be reduced again to their first institution 7. You will be often sollicited and perhaps importuned to prefer Scholars to Church-Livings you may further your friends in that way caeteris paribus otherwise remember I pray that these are not places meerly of favour the charge of souls lies upon them the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands but they will share deeply in their faults who are the
the King 's Royal assent They are but Embroys 't is he giveth life unto them 31. Yet the House of Peers hath a power of Judicature in some cases properly to examine and then to affirm or if there be cause to reverse the judgments which have been given in the Court of King's Bench which is the Court of highest jurisdiction in the Kingdom for ordinary Judicature but in these cases it must be done by Writ of Error in Parliamento And thus the rule of their proceedings is not absoluta potestas as in making new Laws in that conjuncture as before but limitata potestas according to the known Laws of the Land 32. But the House of Commons have only power to censure the Members of their own House in point of election or misdemeanors in or towards that House and have not nor ever had power so much as to administer an Oath to prepare a judgment 33. The true use of Parliaments in this Kingdom is very excellent and they would be often called as the affairs of the Kingdom shall require and continued so long as is necessary and no longer for then they be but burthens to the people by reason of the priviledges justly due to the Members of the two Houses and their Attendants which their just rights and priviledges are religiously to be observed and maintained but if they should be unjustly enlarged beyond their true bounds they might lessen the just power of the Crown it borders so near upon popularity 34. All this while I have spoken concerning the Common Laws of England generally and properly so called because it is most general and common to almost all cases and causes both civil and criminal But there is also another Law which is called the Civil or Ecclesiastical Law which is confined to some few heads and that is not to be neglected and although I am a professor of the Common-Law yet am I so much a lover of Truth and of Learning and of my native Countrey that I do heartily perswade that the Professors of that Law called Civilians because the Civil Law is their guide should not be discountenanced nor discouraged else whensoever we shall have ought to do with any foreign King or State we shall be at a miserable loss for want of Learned men in that profession III. I come now to the consideration of those things which concern Councellors of State The Council-Table and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom which are those who for the most part furnish out that honourable Board 1. Of Councellors there are two sorts The first Consiliarii nati as I may term them such are the Prince of Wales and others of the King's Sons when he hath moreâ— of these I speak not for they are naturally born to be Councellors to the KING to learn the art of Governing betimes 2. But the ordinary sort of Councellors are such as the King out of a due consideration of their worth and abilities and withal of their fidelities to his Person and to his Crown calleth to be of Councel with him in his ordinary Government And the Council-Table is so called from the place where they ordinarily assemble and sit together and their Oath is the onely ceremony used to make them such which is solemnly given unto them at their first admission These honourable persons are from thenceforth of that Board and Body They cannot come until they be thus called and the King at his pleasure may spare their attendance and he may dispense with their presence there which at their own pleasure they may not do 3. This being the quality of their service you will easily judge what care the King should use in his choice of them It behoveth that they be persons of great trust and fidelity and also of wisdom and judgment who shall thus assist in bearing up the King's Throne and of known experience in publick affairs 4. Yet it may not be unfit to call some of young years to train them up in that Trade and so fit them for those weighty affairs against the time of greater maturity and some also for the honour of their persons But these two sorts not to be tyed to so strict attendance as the others from whom the present dispatch of business is expected 5. I could wish that their number might not be so over-great the persons of the Councellors would be the more venerable And I know that Queen Elizabeth in whose time I had the happiness to be born and to live many years was not so much observed for having a numeroâ—s as a wise Councel 6. The duty of a Privy-Councellor to a King I conceive is not onely to attend the Councel-board at the times appointed and there to consult of what shall be propounded But also to study those things which may advance the King's honour and safety and the good of the Kingdom and to communicate the same to the King or to his fellow Councellors as there shall be occasion And this Sir will concern you more then others by how much you have a larger share in his affections 7. And one thing I â—hall be bold to desire you to recommend to his Majesty That when any new thing shall be propounded to be taken into consideration that no Counsellor should suddenly deliver any positive opinion thereof it is not so easie with all men to retract their opinions although there shall be cause for it But only to hear it and at the most but to break it at first that it may be the better understood against the next meeting 8. When any matter of weight hâ—th been debated and seemeth to be ready for a resolution I wish it may not be at that sitting concluded unless the necessity of the time press it lest upon second cogitations there should be cause to alter which is not for the gravity and honour of that Board 9. I wish also that the King would be pleased sometimes to be present at that Board it adds a Majesty to it And yet not to be too frequently there that would render it less esteemed when it is become common Besides it may sometimes make the Councellors not to be so free in their debates in his presence as they would be in his absence 10. Besides the giving of Counsel the Councellors are bound by their Duties ex vi termini as well as by their Oaths to keep counsel therefore are they called de Privato Consilio Regis a secretioribus consiliis Regis 11. One thing I add in the negative which is not fit for that Board the entertaining of private causes of meum tuum those should be left to the ordinary course and Courts of Justice 12. As there is great care to be used for the Councellors themselves to be chosen so there is of the Clerks of the Council also for the secreting of their Consultations and methinks it were fit that his Majesty be speedily moved to give a strict charge
not be over-secure that 's the way to invite it 6. But if we be always prepared to receive an Enemy if the ambition or malice of any should incite him 〈◊〉 may be very confident we shall long live in peace and quietness without any attempt upon us 7. To make the preparations hereunto the more assured In the first place I will recommend unto you the care of our out-work the Navy Royal and Shipping of our Kingdom which are the walls thereof and every great Ship is as an impregnable for t and our many safe and commodious Ports and Havens in every of these Kingdoms are as the redoubts to secure them 8. For the body of the Ships no Nation of the world doth equal England for the Oaken Timber wherewith to build them and we need not borrow of any other iron for Spikes or Nâ—â—ls to fasten them together but there must be a great deal of providence used that our Ship-Timber be not unnecessarily wasted 9. But for Tackling as Sails and Cordage we are beholden to our neighbours for them and do buy them for our money that must be foreseen and layd up in store against a time of need and not sought for when we are to use them But we are much too blame that we make them not at home onely Pâ—tch and Tar we have not of our own 10. For the true Art of building of Ships for burthen and service both no Nation in the world exceeds us Ship-wrights and all other Artizans belonging to that Trade must be cherished and encouraged 11. Powder and Ammunition of all sorts we can have at home and in exchange for other homeâ— commodities we may be plentifully supplied from our Neighbours which must not be neglected 12. With Mariners and Seamen this Kingdom is plentifully â—urnished the constant Trade of Merchandizing will furnish us at a need and navigable Rivers will repair the store both to the Navy Royal and to the Merchants if they be set on work and well payed for their labour 13. Sea-Captains and Commanders and other Officers must be encouraged and rise by degrees as their fidelity and industry deserve it 14. Our strict League of amiâ—y and alliance with our near Neighbours the Hollanders is a mutual strength to both the shipping of both in conjuncture being so powerful by Gods blessing as no Foreigners will venture upon This League and Friendship must inviolably be observed 15. From Scotland we have had in former times some Alarms and Inrodes into the Northern parts of this Kingdom but that happy union of both Kingdoms under one Soveraign our gracious King I hope hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations let not the cause arise from England and I hope the Scâ—ts will not adventure it or if they do I hope they will find that although to our King they were hâ—s first-â—orn Subjects yet to England belongs the birth-right Bâ—t this shâ—uld not be any cause to offer any injury to thâ—m nor to suffer any from them 16. There remains â—hen no danger by the blessing oâ— God but a Câ—vil War from whâ—ch God of his mercy defend us as that which is most desperate of all others The King's wisdom and justice must prevent it if it may be or if it should happen quod absit he must quench that wild-fire with all the diligence that possible can be 17. Competition to the Crown there is none nor can be thereâ—ore it must be a fire within the bowels or nothing the cures whereof are these Remedium praevenieus which is the best physick either to a natural body or to a State by just and equal Government to take away the occasion and Remedium puniens if the other prevail not The service and vigilance of the Deputy-Lieutenants in every County and of the high-Sheriff will contribute much herein to our security 18. But if that should not prevail by a wise and timous inquisition the peccant humours and humorists must be discovered and purged or cut off mercy in such a case in a King is truly cruelty 19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off and the mis-led multitude will see their errour and return to their obedience such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable 20. A King against a storm must fore-see to have a convenient stock of treasure and neither be without money which is the sinews of War nor to depend upon the courtesie of others which may fail at a pinch 21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts which must be had from Foreign parts or provided at home and to commit them to several places under the custody of trusty and faithful Ministers and Officers if it be possible 22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War either against a foreign invasion or a home-rebellion which must not be young and giddy which dare not onely to fight but to swear and drink and curse neither fit to govern others nor able to govern themselves 23. Let not such be discouraged if they deserve well by mis-information or for the satisfying the â—umouâ—s or ambition of others perhaps out of envy perhaps out of treachery or other sinister ends A stâ—â—dy hand in governing of Military Affairs is more requisite then in times of peace because an erroâ—r committed in war may perhaps prove irremediable 24. If God shall bless these endeavours and the King return to his own house in peace when a Civil War shall be at an end those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded yea and rewarded also the traiterous or treacherous who have misled others severely punish'd and the neutrals and false-hearted friends and followers who have started aside like a broken bow be noted Câ—rlone nigro and so I shall leave them and this part of the work VI. I come now to the sixâ—h part which is Trade and that is either at home or abroad And I begin with that which is at home which enableth the Subjects of the Kingdom to live and layeth a foundation to a foreign Trade by traffiqâ—e with others which enableth them to live plentifully and â—â—pâ—â—â— 1. For the Home-trade I fiâ—st commend unto your consideration the encouragement of Tillage which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives and to spare for exportation And I my self have known more than once when in times of dearth in Qâ—een Elizabeth's days it drained much coin of the Kingdom to furnish us with Corn from foreign parts 2. Good Husbands will find the means by good Husbandry to improve their lands by Lime Chalk Marl or Sea-sand where it can be had But it will nâ—t be amiss that they be put in mind thereof and encouraged in their industries 3. Planting of Orchards in a soil and air fit for them is very profitable as well as pleasureable Sâ—der and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-voyages 4. Gardens are also very profitable if
allow a due commendation to his learned performance in that subject Although it startled them to hear King Iames was so affected with it insomuch that Sir Edward Coke undertook from thence to prophecy the decay of the Common-Law though in that prophecy of his others foresaw nothing but his fall Never book came out more seasonably for the Church than this never Comment came out more suitably than Mr. Gregories Notes upon it Hâ— writ well and advised better being good to give better to manage Counsel which he never offered till called and never urged longer than it pleased answering no question of consequence unless upon emergent occasion without deliberation observing the design of people that ask most commonly to try his sufficiency as well as improve their own However being sure that time is likelier to increase than abate the weight of a result discovering as well what may be returned suitably to the general temper as what may be answered fitly to the particular instance What alterations he designed for the Churches benefit were not sodain but leisurely To force men out of one extreamity into another is an attempt as dangerous as it is invidious as awakening most opposition and obnoxious to most hazard Wise Tacitus observeth that men have reformed inveterate habits more by yielding to them than engaging against them though a man must so yield as not to encourage while he doth so countermine as not to exasperate Although he was always able yet was he never willing to mend the Copy his Superiors had set him unless owned as from former instruction lest they grew jealous he valued his own experience before theirs who measure mens sufficiency from their caution and not from their parts from what they can forbear rather than from what they can do To conclude he was one of those able men that cannot be eminent unless they be great men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small affairs as that you shall never understand their abilities unless you advance their persons Mens capacities sufficiencies have certain bounds prescribed them within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause But if you advance them above or depress them below their spheres they shew nothing but debilities and miscarriages Onely this he was always commended for That having the management of Affairs intrusted to him he underwent all the miscarriages himself ascribing all the honour and sufficiency to his Patron carrying his hand in all actions so that his Master had the applause of whatever was either conceded or denyed in publick without any other interruption from Mr. Ridly than what became the bare instrument of his commands however he ordered the matter in private Observations on the Life of Sir Henry Martin HE would merrily say That if his Father had left him fourscore pounds a year where he left him but forty he would never have been a Scholar but have lived on his Lands whereas his Inheritance being a large encouragement but a small maintenance he made up in study what he wanted in Estate first at Winchester and then at New-Colledge where his inclination led him to Divinity but Bishop Andrews his advice perswaded him to the Civil Law wherein he attained that great proficiency he was eminent for thus He had weekly transmitted to him from some Proctors at Lambeth the brief heads of the most important Causes which were to be tryed in the High-Commission Then with some of his familiar friends in that faculty he privately pleaded those Causes acting in their Chamber what was done in the Court But Mr. Martin making it his work exceeded the rest in amplifying and aggravaâ—ing any fault to move anger and indignation against the guilt thereof or else in extenuating or excusing it to procure pity obtain pardon or at least prevail for a lighter punishment Whence no Cause came amiss to him in the High-Commission For saith my Author he was not to make new Armour but only to put it on and buckle it not to invent but apply arguments to his Clients As in decision of Controversies in his Courts he had a moderate and middle way so in managing of affairs in Parliament he had a healing Method Whence in most Debates with the Lords where Mr. Noy's Law and Reason could not convince Sir Henry Martin's Expedients could accommodate For which services and his other meriâ—s he was made Judge of the Prerogative-Court for probate of Wills and of the Admiralty for Foreign Trade Whence King IAMES would say merrily He was a mighty Monarch by Sea and Land over the Dead and the Living Observations on the Life of Sir John Bramstone SIr Iohn Bramstone Knight was born at Maldon in Essex bred up in the Middle-Temple in the study of the Common-Law wherein he attained to such eminency that he was by King Charls made Lord Chief-Justice of the King 's Bench. One of deep Learning solid Judgement integrity of Life gravity of behaviour above the envy of his own age and the scandal of posterity One instance of his I must not forget writes the Historian effectually relating to the foundation wherein I was bred Sergeant Bruerton by Will bequeathed to Sidney-Colledge well-nigh three thousand pounds but for haâ—te or some other accident it was so imperfectly done that as Dr. Sam. Ward informed me the gift was invalid in the rigour of the Law Now Judge Bramstone who married the Sergeants Widow gave himself much trouble gave himâ—elf indeed doing all things gratis for the speedy payment of the money to a farthing and the legal setling thereof on the Colledge according to the true intention of the dead He deserved to live in better times The delivering his judgement on the King's side in the case of Ship-money cost him much trouble and brought him much honour as who understood the consequence of that Maxâ—me Salus populi suprema lex and that Ship-money was thought legal by the best Lawyers voted down arbitrarily by the worst Parliament they hearing no Counsel for it though the King heard all men willingly against it Yea that Parliament thought themselves not secure from it unless the King renounced his right to it by a new Act of his own Men have a touch-stone to try Gold and Gold is the touch-stone to try Men. Sir William Noy's gratuity shewed that this Judges Inclination was as much above corruption as his Fortune and that he would not as well as needed not be base Equally intent was he upon the Interest of the State and the Maximes of Law as which mutually supported each other He would never have a Witness interrupted or helped but have the patience to hear a naked though a tedious truth the best Gold lyeth in the most Ore and the clearest truth in the most simple discourse When he put on his Robes he put off Respects his private affections being swallowed up in the publick service This was the Judge whom Popularity could never
nor the Courts-advancements of his Relations this Gentleman to sit still having both Livis's qualifications for an eminent man a great spirit and a gallant conduct for actions a sharp wit and a fluent tongue for advice Whence we meet with him Comptroller of the Kings Houshold at home and his Agent for Peace abroad equally fit for business of courage and resolution and for affairs of Councel and complement I think it was this Gentleman who foreseeing a Contest likely to ensue between the English and the Spanish Embassadors to the first whereof he belonged went to Rome privately and fetched a Certificate out of the book of Ceremonies which according to the Canon giveth the rule in such cases shewing that the King of England was to precede him of Castile a good argument because ad homines wise men having always thought fit to urge not what is most rational in its self but what all circumstances considered is most convincing Sirâ— Thomas Edmonds used to puzzle the Catholicks about six Records 1. The original of Constantine's grant of Rome to the Pope 2. St. Mark 's grant of the Adriatique Gulph to Venice 3. The Salique Law in France 4. The Instrument whereby King Iohn pasâ—ed away England to the Pope 5. The Letter of King Lucius And 6. The Ordinal of the Consecration at the Nags-head Neither did he perplex them with these Quaeries more than he angered the Faction with his principles Tertio Car. â— 1. That the King was to be trusted 2. That the Revenue was to be setled 3. That the Protestant cause was to be maintained 4. That Jealousies were to be removed and things past were to be forgotten Observations on the Life of Sir Paul Pindar HE was first a Facâ—or then a Merchant next a Consul and at last an Embassador in Tuâ—key Whence returning with a good purse and a wary Head-piece he cast about what he might do to gratifie K. Iames and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury most and finding them much pleased with acts of Charity and Piety he repaired the Entry Front and Porches of St. Paul's Cathedral to all the upper Church Quiâ—e and Chancel and enriched them with Marble structures and figures of the Apostles with carvings and guildings far exceeding their former beauty which cost above two thousand pounds the act of a good man said K. Iames who made him one of the great Farmers of the Customs in gratitude whereof Sir Paul besides his former expences took upon him to new build the South Isle which cost him above 17000 l. A Projector such necessary Evils then countenanced and be a Clergy-man too informed K. Iames how he might speedily advance his Revenue by bringing in Spiritual preferments now forsooth under-rated in the Kings books to a full value to the great encrease of first-Fruits and Tenths the King demands the Lord Treasurer Cranfield's judgement thereof he said Sir You are esteemeâ— a great lovâ—r of Learning you know Clergy-mens Education is chargeable their preferment slow and small Let it not be said you gain by grinding them other ways less obnoxious to just censure will be found out to furnish your occasions The King commended the Treasurer as doing it only for tryal adding moreover I should have accounted thee a very Knave if encouraging me herein But he sends for Sir Paul Pindar and tells him he must either raise the Customs or take this course who answered him nobly That he would lay thirty thousand pounds at his feet the morrow rather than he should be put upon such poor projects as unsuitable to his honour as to his inclination Go thy way saith the King thou art a good man Observations on the Life of Sir Henry Vane Senior THree things Henry the fourth of France said would puzzle any man 1. Whether Queen Elizabeth was a Maid 2. Whether the Prince of Orange was valiant 3. What Religion he himself was of To which I may add a fourth viz. what Sir Henry Vane was whom I know not what to call but what Mr. Baxter calleth his son a hider the Fathers life being as mystical aâ— the Sons faith men as little understanding the actions of the one as they did the writing of the other But the two powers that govern the world the best and the worst are both invisible All Northern men are reserved to others but this was too â—â—e for his own Countrey-men neither Sir Iohn Savile that brought him to Court nor Sir Thomas Wentworth that advanced him theâ—e understanding either his temper or his design He betrayed any Council he was present at and marred all the Actions he was employed in As 1. When he was sent to relate the Emperor's overture to thâ— Queen of Bohemia of thirty thousand pounds per ann and a Marriage between her eldest Son and his Daughter he did it with those ackward ciâ—cumstances that transported the good Lady to such unseasonable expressions as at that time blasted her cause and expectations And thence it 's thought he brought Sir Robert Dudley's Rhapsody of Projects to disparage the King's government under pretence of supplying his necessiâ—ies it waâ— the way of the late Underminers to relieve their Masters present need upon future inconveniences hiding themselves under Proposals plausible for the present and fatal in the consequence which juggles of his were so long too little to be considered that at last they were too great to be remedied 2. He is said to have shuffled other Conditions into the Pacification at York where he was a Commissioner than were avowed by the Lords Commissioners much insisted on by the Scots and burned by the common Hang-man as false and contrary to the true Articles 3. When sent to the House 1640. to demand 12 or 8 or six Subsidies he requireth without abatement twelve with design as it 's judged to ask so much as might enrage the Parliament to give nothing and so to be dissolved unhappily or continued unsuccessfully 4. He and his son together betray the Votes passed in the select Council taken by him privately under his â—at for the reducing of Scotland to the ruine of the Earl of Strafford and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury The story is Sir Henry Vane was trusted with the Junctoâ— where he took Notes of their several opinions these Notes he puts up in his Closet A while after he delivers to his son Sir H. Vane Junior a key to fetch some papers out of a Cabinet in which he finds another key to an inward shutter which he opened and lighted upon this Paper and communicates it to Mr. Pym for the end aforesaid and upon this very Paper doest not tremble Reader at this Treason alone the House of Commons voted that brave Earl out of his Life the same day that twenty two years after the same Sir Henry Vane Junior lost his head Abselvi numen Observations on the Life of Sir Richard Hutton SIr Richard Hutton was born at Perith of a worshipful Family his elder brother was a
and assuring him that his Majesty would be wiâ—ling to gratifie him to the utmost of his power To whom the Earl replyed I will not dye with a Suit in my mouth to any King save to the King of Heaven By Anne daâ—ghter to Philip Earl of Pembrook Montgomâ—ry he had Charles now Earl of Carnarvan From hâ—â— noble Extract he received not more honour than he gave it For the blood that was conveyed to him through so many illustrious veins he derived to his Children more matured for renown and by a constant practice of goodness more habituated to vertue His youth was prepared for action by study without which even the most eminent parts of Noble-men seem rough and unpleâ—sant in despight of the splendor of their fortune But his ripâ—r years endured not those retirements and therefore brake out into manlike exercises at home and travel abroad None more noble yet none more modest none more valiant yet none more patient A Physician at his Father-in-Law's Table gave him the Lye which put the company to admire on the one hand the man's impudence and on the other my Lord's mildness until he said I 'll take the Lye from him but I 'll never take Physick of him He may speak what doth not become him I 'll not do what is unworthy of me A vertue this not usual in Noble-men to whom the limits of Equity seem a restraint and therefore are more restless in Injuries In the miâ—dest of horror and tumults his soul was serene and calm As humble he was as patient Honour and nobility to which nothing can be added hath no better way to increase than when secured of its own greatness it humbleth it self and so at once obligeth loveâ— and avoideth envy His carriage was as condescending as heroick and his speech as weighty as free He was too great to envy any mans parts and vertues and too good not to encourâ—ge them Many a time would he stoop with his own spirit to raise other mens He neglected the minute and little circumstances of compliance with vulgar humors aiming at what was more solid and more weighty Moderate men are applâ—uded but the Heroick are never understood Constant he was in all that was good this was his heroick expression when soliciâ—ed by his Wives Father to desist from his engagement with the King Leave me to my Honour and Allegiance No security to him worth a breach of Trust no interest worth being unworthy His conduct was as eminent in War as his carriage in Peace many did he oblige by the generosity of his mind more did he awe with the hardness of his body which was no more softned to sloath by the dalliances of a Court than the other was debauched to a carelesness by the greatness of his Fortune His prudence was equal to his valour and he could entertain dangers as well as despise them for he not only undeceived his enemies surmises but exceeded his own friends opinion in the conduct of his soldiers of whom he had two cares the one to discipline the other to preserve them Therefore they were as compleatly armed without as they were well appointed within that surviving their first dangers they might attain that experience resolution w ch is in vain expected from young and raw soldiers To this conduct of a General he added the industry of a Soldier doing much by his performances more by his example â—hat went as an active soul to enliven each part the whole of his brave Squadron But there is no doubt but personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of publick engâ—gements Nor doth God account every Gallant a fit instrument to assert in the way of war a righteous cause the event can never state the justice of any cause nor the peace of mens consciences nor the eâ—ernal fate of their souls They were no doubt Martyrs who neglected their lives and all that was dear to them in this world having no advantageous design by any innovation but were religiously sensible of those tyes to God the Church their King their Countrey which lay upon their souls both for obedience and just assistâ—nce God could and I doubt not but he did through his mercy crown many of them with eternal life whose lives were lost in so good a cause the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their souls Observations on the Life of the Lord Herbert of Cherbury EDward Herbert son of Richard Herbert Esq and Susan Newport his Wife was born at Montgomery-Castle and brought to Court by the Earl of Pembrook where he was Knighted by K. Iames who sent him over Embassador into â—rance Afterwards K. Charles the first created him Baron of Castle-Island in Ireland and some years after Baron of Cherbury in Montgomeryshire He was a most excellent Artist and rare Linguist studied both in Books and Men and himself the Author of two Works most remarkable viz. A Treatise of Truth written in French so highly prized beyond the Seas and they say it is extâ—nt at this day with great Honour in the Popes Vatican and an History of King Henry the Eighth wherein his Collections are full and authentick his observation judicious his connexion strong and cohaerent and the whole exact He married the Daughter sole Heir of Sir William Herbert of St. Iulians in Moâ—mouth-shire with whom he had a large Inheritance in England and Ireland and died in August Anno Dom. 1648. having designed a fair Monument of his own invention to be set up for him in the Church of Montgomery according to the model following Upon the ground a Hath pace of fourteen foot square on the middest of which is placed a Dorick Column with its right of Pedestal Basis and Capitols fifteen foot in height on the Capitol of the Column is mounted an Uâ—â— with a Heart Flamboul supported by two Angels The foot of this Column is attended with four Angels placed on Pedestals at each corner of the said Hath-pace two having Torches reverst extinguishing the Motto of Mortality the other two holding up Palms the Emblems of Victory When this noble person was in France he had private Instructions from England to mediate a Peace for them of the Religion and in case of refusal to use certain menaces Accordingly being referred to Luynes the Constable and Favourite of France he delivereth him the Message reserving his threatnings till he saw how the matter was relished Luynes had hid behind the Curtain a Gentleman of the Religion who being an Ear-witness of what passed might relate to his friends what little expectations they ought to entertain from the King of England's intercession Luynes was very haughty and would needs know what our KING had to do with their affairs Sir Edward replyed It 's not you to whom the King my Master oweth an account of his actions and for me it 's enough that I obey him In the mean time I must maintain That my Master