afterwards be attainted yet the King shall not have them untill he have satisfied that for which they were distreined And if in these Cases where the owners of the goods are such capitall offendours the King cannot have them much lesse shall he have them when the owner is innocent and no offendour Nay I may well say that almost every leaf and page of all the volumes of our Common Law prove this right of propriety this distinction of meum and tuum aswell between King and Subject as one Subject and another and therefore my Conclusion follows that if the Prerogative extend not neither to Lands nor to Goods then à fortiori not to the Person which is more worth then either lands or goods as I said And yet I agree that by the very law of Nature service of the Person of the Subject is due to his Soveraigne but this must be in such things which are not against the law of Nature but to have the body imprisoned without any cause declared and so to become in bondage I am sure is contrary unto and against the law of Nature and therefore not to be inforced by the Soveraigne upon his Subjects 3. My next reason is drawn ab inutili incommodo For the Statute de frangentibus prisonam made 1 E. 2. is quod nullus qui prisonam fregerit subeat judicium vitae vel membrorum pro fractione prisonae tantum nisi causa pro qua captus imprisonetur tale Iudicium requirat Whence this Conclusion is clearly gathered That if a man be committed to prison without declaring what cause and then if either Malefactour do break the prison or the Gaoler suffer him to escape albeit the prisoner so escaping had committed Crimen laesae majestatis yet neither the Gaoler nor any other that procured his escape by the Law suffer any corporall punishment for setting him at large which if admitted might prove in consequence a matter of great danger to the Common-wealth 4. My next reason is drawn ab Regis honore from that great honour the Law doth attribute unto soveraigne Majesty and therefore the Rule of Law is that Solum Rex hoc non potest facere quod non potest juste agere And therefore if a Subject hath the donation and the King the presentation to a Church whereunto the King presents without the Subjects nomination here the quare impedit lies against the Incumbent and the King is in Law no disturber And Hussey chief Justice in 1 H. 7. fol. 4. saith that Sir Iohn Markham told King Edw. 4. he could not arrest a man either for treason or fellony as a Subject might because that if the King did wrong the party could not have his Action against him What is the reason that an Action of false imprisonment lies against the Sheriff if he doth not return the Kings Writ by which he hath taken the body of the Subject but this because the Writ doth breviter enarrare causam captionis which if it doth not it shall abate and is void in Law and being returned the party when he appears may know what to answer and the Court upon what to judge And if the Kings Writ under his great Seal cannot imprison the Subject unlesse it contains the cause shall then the Kings warrant otherwise doe it without containing the cause that his Judges upon return thereof may likewise judge of the same either to remain or judge the partie imprisoned I should argue this point more closely upon the statute of Magnae Charta 29. quod nullus liber homo imprisonetur the statute of West 1. cap. 15. for letting persons to bail and the Judgements lately given in the Kings Bench but the later of these statutes referring having been by that honourable Gent. to whom the Professours of the Law both in this and all succeding ages are and will be much bound already expounded unto us and that also fortified by those many contemporary Expositions and Judgements by him learnedly cited and there being many learned Lawyers here whose time I will not waste who were present and some of them perhaps of councell in the late Cause adjudged in the Kings Bench where you to whose person I now speak do well know I was absent being then of councel in a cause in another Court and my practice being in the Country farre remote from the treasure of Antiquity and Records conducing to the clearing of this point Therefore the narrowness of my understanding commends unto me sober ignorance rather then presumptuous knowledge and also commands me no further to trouble your Patience But I will conclude with that which I find reported of Sir Iohn Davis who was the Kings Serjeant and so by the duty of his place would no doubt maintain to his uttermost the Prerogatives of the King his royall Master and yet it was by him thus said in those Reports of his upon the case of Tavistry Customs That the Kings of England alwayes have had a Monarchy Royall and not a Monarchy Seignorall where under the first saith he the Subjects are Free-men and have propriety in their goods and free-hold and inheritance in their Lands but under the later they are as Villains and Slaves and have proprietie in nothing And therefore saith he when a Royall Monarch makes a new Conquest yet if he receives any of his Nations ancient Inhabitants into his protection they and their heirs after them shall enjoy their Lands and Liberties according to the Law And there he voucheth this President and Judgement following given before William the Conquerour himself viz. That one Sherborn at the time of the Conquest being owner of a Castle and lands in Norfolk the Conquerour gave the same to one Warren a Norman and Sherborn dying the Heir clayming the same by descent according to the Law it was before the Conquerour himself adjudged for the Heir and that the gift thereof by the Conquerour was void If then it were thus in the Conquerour's time by his own sentence and judgement and hath so continued in all the successions of our Kings ever since what doubt need we have but that his most excellent Majestie upon our humble petition prostrated at his feet which as was well said is the best passage to his heart will vouchsafe unto us our ancient Liberties and Birthrights with a through reformation of this and other just grievances And so I humbly crave pardon of this honourable House that I have made a short Lesson long Sir Benjamin Ruddier's Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker OF the mischiefs that have lately fallen upon us by the late distractions here is every man sensible and that may ensue the like which God forbid we may easily see and too late repent The eyes of Christendome are upon us and as we speed here so go the Fortunes of our selves our Friends and of our Religion That the Dangers were not reall but pretended we all heartily wish but feel the contrary
to be set at liberty upon Baile and are in the nature of Objections out of Record I shall deliver them summarily to your Lordships with all faith as also the true Copies of them Out of which it shall appear cleerly to your Lordships that of those of the first kind there are no lesse then twelve most full and directly in the point to prove that persons so committed are to be delivered upon baile and among those of the other kind there is not so much as one that proves at all any thing to the contrary I shall first my Lords go through them of the first kind and so observe them to your Lordships that such scruples as have been made upon them by some that have excepted against them shall be cleered also according as I shall open them severally The first of this first kind is of Edw. 3. time It is in Pasche 18. E. 3. Rot. 33. Rex The case was thus King E. 3. had committed by Writ that under his Great Seal as most of the Kings Commands in that time were one Iohn de Bidleston a Clergie-man to the prison of the Tower without any cause shewed of the commitment The Lieutenant of the Tower is commanded to bring him into the Kings Bench where he is committed to the Marshall But the Court asked of the Lieutenant if there were any cause to keep this Bidleston in prison besides that commitment of the King He answered No. Whereupon as the Roll saith Quia videtur Curiae breve predictum that is the Kings Command sufficientem non esse causam predictum Johannem de Bidleston in prisona Marr. Regis hic detinend idem Johannes dimittitur per manucaptionem Will. de Wakefield and some others Where the Judgement of the Court is fully declared in the very point The second of this first kind of Presidents of Record is in the time of H. the 8. One Iohn Parker was committed to the Sheriffs of London pro securitate pacis at the Suit of one Brinton ac pro suspicione fellonie committed by him at Cowall in Glocestershire ac per mandatum Dni Regis he is committed to the Marshall of the Kings Bench postea isto eodem Termino traditur in Ballium There were other causes of the commitment but plainly one was a Command of the King signified to the Sheriff of London of which they took notice But some have interpreted this as if the commitment here had been for suspicion of fellony by command of the King in which case it is agreed of all hands that the Prisoner is bailable But no man can think so of this President that observes the Contents and understands the Grammar of it wherein most plainly ac per mandatum Regis hath no reference to any other cause whatsoever but is a single cause enumerated in the Return by it self as the Record cleerly shewes It is in the 22. H. 8. Rot. 37. The third is of the same time It is 35. H. 8. Rot. 33. Iohn Bincks case He was committed by the Lords of the Councell pro suspicione fellonie ac pro aliis causis illos moventibus Qui committitur Marescallo c. et immediate ex gratia curiae special traditur in ballium They commit him for suspicion of fellony and other causes them thereunto moving wherein there might be matter of State or whatsoever else can be supposed and plainly the cause of the commitment is not expressed yet the Court bailed him without having regard to those other unknown causes that moved the Lords of the Councell But it is indeed somewhat different from either of those other two that precede and from the other nine that follow For it is agreed That if a cause be expressed in the return insomuch as the Court can know why he is committed that then he may be bailed but not if they know not the cause Now when a man is committed for a cause expressed pro aliis causis Dominos de Concilio moventibus certainly the Court can no more know in such a case what the cause is then in any other The fourth of these is in the time of Queen Mary It is Pasche 2. and 3. Phil. and Mar. Rot. 58. Overtons case Richard Overton was returned upon a habeas Corpus directed to the Sheriffs of London to have been committed to them and detained per mandatum prenobilium virorum honorabilis Concilii Dominorum Regis Reginae Qui committitur Marescallo c. immediate traditur in ballium In answer to this President or by way of objection against the force of it hath been said that this Overton stood at that time indicted of Treason It is true he was so indeed but that appeares in another Roll that hath no reference to the Return as the Return hath no reference to that Roll. Yet they that object this against the force of this President say That because he was indicted of Treason therefore though he was committed by the command of the Lords of the Councell without cause shewed yet he was bailable for the Treason and upon that was here bailed Then which Objection nothing can be or is more contrarie to Law or common Reason It is most contrarie to Law for that cleerly every Return is to be adjudged by the Court out of the body of the Writ it self not by any other collaterall or forrain Record whatsoever Therefore the matter of Indictment here cannot in Law be cause of the bailing of the Prisoner And it is so adverse to all common Reason that if the objection be admitted it must of necessity follow that whosoever shall be committed by the King or the Privie Councell without cause shewed and be not indicted of Treason or some other offence may not be inlarged by reason of the supposition of matter of State But that whosoever is so committed and withall stands so indicted though in another Record may be inlarged whatsoever the matter of State be for which he was committed The absurdity of which assertion needs not a word for further confutation as if any of the Gent. in the last Judgement ought to have been the sooner delivered if he had been also indicted of Treason Certainly if so Traitours and Fellons had the highest priviledges of personall Liberty and that above all other Subjects of the Kingdome The first of this first kind is of Queen Marie's time also It is Pasche 4. 5. P. M. Rot. 45. the Case of Edward Newport He was brought into the Kings Bench by habeas Corpus out of the Tower of London cum causa viz. Quod commissus fuit per mandatum Conciliorum Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Marr. c. et immediate traditur in ballium To this the like kind of answer hath been made as in that other Case of Overton next before cited They say that in another Roll of another Terme of the same year it appears he was in question for suspicion of Coyning And it
and Acts of Parliament came onely to the Presidents used in the Argument before delivered and so endeavoured to weaken the strength of them that had been brought in behalf of the subjects to shew that some other were directly contrary to the Law comprehended in the Resolutions of the house of Commons touching the bailing of Prisoners returned upon the writ of Habeas Corpus to be committed by the special command of the King or the Councel without any cause shewed for which by Law they ought to be committed And the course which was taken it pleased the Committee of both houses to allow of was that M r. Attorney should make his Objections to every particuler President and that the Gentlemen appointed and trusted herein by the house of Commons by several Replies should satisfie the Lords touching the Objections made by him against or upon every particuler as the order of the Presidents should lead them he began with the first 12. Presidents that were used by the house of Commons at the conference delivered by them to prove that Prisoners returned to stand so Committed were delivered upon bail by the Court of Kings Bench The first was that of Bildstones case in the 18. Edw. 3. Rot. 33. Rex To this he Objected First that in the return of him into the Court it did not appear that this Bildstone was committed by the Kings command and Secondly that in the Record it did appear also that he had been committed for suspicion of counterfaiting the great Seal and so by consequence was bailable by the Law in regard there appeared a Cause why he was committed in which case it was granted by him as indeed it was plain and agreed of all hands that the Prisoner is bailable though committed by Command of the King and he said that this part of the Record by which it appeared he had been committed for suspicion of treason was not observed to the Lords in the Argument before used and he said also to the Lords that there were three several kinds of Records by which the full truth of every award or bailing upon a Habeas Corpus is known First the remembrance Roll wherein the award is given Secondly the file of the writt and the return and Thirdly the Scruect or Scruet finium wherein the baile is entered and that onely the remembrance Roll of this Case was to be found and that if the other two of it were extant he doubted not but that it would appear also that upon the return it self the Cause of the Commitment had been expressed and so he concluded that this proved not for the house of Commons touching the Matter of bail where a Prisoner was committed by the Kings special command without Cause shewed To this Objection the reply was First that it was plain that Bildstone was committed by the Kings express Command For so the very words of the Writt are to the Constable of the Tower quod eum tenendum Custodiae facias c. then which nothing can more fully express a Commitment by the Kings command Secondly how ever it be true that in the latter part of the Record it doth appear that Bildstone had been Committed for suspicion of Treason yet if the times of the proceeding expressed in the Record were observed it would be plain that the Objection was of no force for this one ground both in this Case and all the rest is infallible and never to be doubted of in the Law Nota. That Justices of every Court adjudge of the force and strength of a return out of the body of it self onely and as therein it appears Now in Easter term in the 18. Edward 3. he was returned and brought before them as Committed onely by the Writt wherein noe Cause is expressed and the Leivetenant the Constable of the Tower that brought him into the Court saies that he had no other warrant to detain him Nisi breve predictum wherein there was no mention of any Cause the Court thereupon adjudged that breve predictum for that speciall command was not sufficient causa to detain him in prison and thereupon he is by judgment of the Court in Easter term let to Mainprize But that part of the Record wherein it appears that he had indeed been committed for suspicion of Treason is of Trinity term following when the King after the letting of him to Mainprize sent to the Judges that they should discharge his Mainprize because no man prosecuted him And at that time it appears but not before that he had been in for suspicion of Treason so that he was returned to stand committed by the Kings special command onely without Cause shewed in Easter term And then by judgment of the Court let to Mainprize which to this purpose is but the same with bail though otherwise it differ And in the term following upon another occasion the Court knew that he had been committed for suspicion of Treason which hath no relation at all to the letting of him to Mainprize nor to the judgement of the Court then given when they did not nor could possible know any Cause for which the King had committed him And it was said in behalf of the house of Commons that they had not indeed in the Argument expresly used this latter part of Bildstones Case because it being onely of Trinity term following could not concern the reason of an Award given by the Court in Easter term next before yet notwithstanding that they had most faithfully at the time of their Argument delivered into the Lords as indeed they had a perfect coppy at large of the whole Record of this Case as they had done also of all other presidents whatsoever cited by them in so much as in truth there was not one president of Record of either side the coppy whereof they had not delivered in likewise nor did Mr. Attorney mention any one besides those that were so delivered in by them And as touching those 3. kinds of Records the remembrance Roll the return and file of the Writt and the Scruets it was answered by the gentlemen imployed by the house of Commons that it was true that the Scruect and return of this Case of Bildstone was not to be found but that did not lessen the weight of the president because always in the Award or Judgment drawn up in the remembrance Roll the Cause whatsoever it be when any is shewed upon the return is always expressed as it appears clearly by the constant Entries of the Kings-Bench Court so that if any Cause had appeared plainly in that part of the Roll which belongs to Easter term wherein the Judgment was given but the return of the commitment by the Kings command without Cause shewed and the Judgment of the Court that the Prisoner was to be let to Mainprize appears therein onely and so notwithstanding any Objection made by Mr. Attorney the Cause was maintained to be a clear proof among many others
touching the resolution of the house of Commons To the second of these 12. which is Parkers Case in the 22. H. 8. Rot. 37. his Objections were two First that it is true that he was returned to be committed Per mandatum domini Regis but it appeared that this command was certified to the Shreiffs of London by one Robert Peck gentleman and that in regard that the command came no otherwise the return was held insufficient and that therefore he was bailed Secondly that it appears also in the Record that he was committed pro suspicione felloniae ac per mandatum domini Regis so that in regard that the command that in the expression of the causes of his commitment suspicion of fellony preceeds the command of the King therefore it must be intended that the Court tooke the Cause why the King committed him to be of less moment then fellony and therefore bailed him For he Objected that even the house of Commons themselves in some Arguments used by them touching the interpretation of the statute of Westminster the first cap. 15. about this point had affirmed that in enumeration of particulars those of greatest nature were first mentioned and that it was supposed that such as followed were usually of less nature or moment But the reply was to the first Objection that the addition of the certefying of the Kings command by Robert Peck altered not the Case First because the Sheriffs in their Return took notice of the command as what they were assured of and then howsoever it came to them it was of equal force as if it had been mentioned without reference to Peck Secondly as divers Patents pass the great Seal by writ of privy Seal and are subscribed Per breve de privato sigillo so diverse per ipsum Regem are so subscribed and oftentimes in the Roll of former times to the words per ipsum Regem are added nunciante A. B. So that the Kings command generally and the Kings command related or certified by such a man is to this purpose of like nature Thirdly in the late great Case of Habeas Corpus where the Return of the commitment was Per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Dominos de privato Confilio the Court of Kings-Bench did agree that it was the same and of like force as if mihi significatum c. had not followed and that those words were void According whereunto here also Per mandatum Dom. Regis nunciatum per Robert Peck had been wholly omitted and void likewise And in truth in that late Case this Case of Parker was cited both at the Barr and Bench and at the Bench it was interpreted by the Judges no otherwise then if it had been onely per mandatum Domini Regis in place of it but the Objection there was made of another kinde as was delivered in the first Argument made out of presidents in the behalf of the house of Commons Therefore to the second Objection touching the course of Enumeration of the Causes in the Return it was said that howsoever in some Acts of Parliament and else where in the solemn expressions used in the Law things of greater nature preceded and the less follow yet in this Case the contrary was most plain for in the Return it appears that there were three Causes for detaining the Prisoners Surety of the peace Suspicion of Pellony and the Kings command and Surety of the peace is first mentioned which is plainly less then Fellony And therefore it is plain if any force of Argument be taken from this enumeration that the contrary to that which M r. Attorney inferred is to be concluded that is that as Fellony is a greater Cause then Surety of the peace so the matter whereupon the Kings command was grounded was greater then Fellony But in truth this kinde of Argument holds neither way here and whatsoever the Cause were why the King committed him it was impossible for the Court to know it and it also might be of very high moment in matter of state and yet of farr less nature then Fellony All which shews that this president hath his full force also according as it was first used in Argument by the house of Commons To the third of these which is Binckes Case in the 35. H. 8. Rot. 33. the Objection was that there was a Cause expressed pro suspicione felloniae and though pro aliis causis illos moventibus were added in the Return yet because in the course of enumeration the general name of aliis comming after particulars includes things of less nature then the particuler doth therefore in this Case suspition of fellony being the first the other Causes afterwards generally mentioned must be intended of less nature for which the Prisoner was bailable because he was bailable for the greater which was suspition of fellony Hereunto it was replyed that the Argument of enumeration in these Cases is of no moment as is next before shewed and that although it were of any moment yet any Case though less then fellony might be of very great consequence in matter of state which is pretended usually upon general Returns of command without cause shewed and it is most plain that the Court could not possible know the reasons why the Prisoner here was committed and yet they bailed him without looking further after any unknown thing under that title of Matter of state which might as well have been in this Case as in any other whatsoever To the 4. of these which is Overton's Case in 2. 3. Phet M. Rot. 58. and to the 5. which is Newports Case P. M. 4. 5. Rot. 45. onely these Objections were said over again by Mr. Attorney which are mentioned in the Argument made out of presidents in behalf of the house of Commons at the first conference and in the same Argument are fully and clearly satisfied as they were in like manner now again To the 6. of these which was Lawrence his Case M. 9. Eliz. Rot. 35. and the 7. which is Constables P. 9. Eliz. Rot. 68. the same Objections onely were likewise said over again by Mr. Attorney that are mentioned and clearly and fully answered in the Argument made at the first conference out of presidents in behalf of the house of Commons the force of the Objection being onely that it appeared in the Margent of the Roll that the word Pardon was written but it is plain that the word there hath no reference at all to the reason why they were bailed nor could it have reference to the Cause why they were committed in regard the Cause why they were committed is utterly unknown and was not shewed To the 8. of these Presidents which was Brownings Case P. 20. Eliz. Rot. 72. It was said M r. Attorney that he was bailed by a letter from the Lords of the Councel directed to the Judges of the Court but being asked for that letter or any Testimony of it
King is as an Angel of God of a quick of a noble and just apprehension he straines not at gnats he will easily distinguish between a vapour and a fogg between a mist of errour and a cloud of evill right he knowes if the heart be right Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speakes You proceed to a survey of the lustre of this great and glorious Assemblie and in that as in a curious Crystall you observe the true happinesse which we all here enjoy You have distributed and divided aright and whosoever sees it otherwise hath an evill eye or a false glasse We have enjoyed it long through the happy meanes of gracious and good Princes and the way to enjoy it still is to know and heartily to acknowledge it and that God hath not done so to any other Nation It is a prime cause or meanes of this our happinesse You mention the forme of Government under which we live a Monarchie and the best of Monarchies where Sovereignty is hereditarie no Inter-Regnum nor competition for a Crown Descent and Succession are all one The Spirit of God by the mouth of the wisest of Kings long since proclaimed this happinesse Blessed art thou O Land where thy King is the son of Nobles The frames of other States are subject some to inconstant Levitie some to Faction some to Emulation and Ambition and all to manifold Distempers in which the People go to wrack The Monarchie is most naturall and in it Unity is the best cement of all government principally in respect of the unity of the Head which commands the rest And therefore other States when they have tryed a while doe for the most part resolve into this as into the best for Peace for Strength and for Continuance But formes of other governments though never so exact move not of themselves but are moved of their governours And therefore our Monarchie as you have truly said this glorious Assemblie the lively image and representation of our Monarchie is made happy and perfect by the Royall Presence that sits here in his highest Royal Throne the Throne of the Law-giver glorious in it selfe glorious by those happy Lawes and Oracles which have issued from it and most glorious by them that sit on it his Majestie and his Royall Progenitours incomparable Kings that with so much honour have swayed the Sceptre of this Kingdome so many successions of Ages In the next place after the Throne of Majestie you look into the Chaire of Doctrine the reverend Prelates and upon the state of Religion their proper charge This is the blessing of all blessings the priviledge and assurance that secures us of all the rest that as our Religion is most sincere and orthodoxe so our Clergie is eminent both for purity of Doctrine and integritie of Life our Priests are clothed with righteousnesse and their lips preserve knowledge and therefore God's Saints may and doe sing with joyfulnesse I must joyn with you in attributing this transcendent blessing to us as in the first place to God's goodnesse so in the second to his Majestie 's piety who following the steps of his ever-blessed Father is carefull that all the Lamps of the Church may be furnished with Oyle and especially those which are set on golden Candle-sticks with the purest and best oyle The Schools also and nurceries of Learning never so replenished especially with Divinity as in this last Age as they all shew his Majestie 's Piety so are they infallible Arguments of his Constancy The triall which you call the fierie triall undergone by his Majestie in the place of danger and again the power and policie of Rome and Spaine hath approved his resolution inimitable and his own remarkable example in his closet and his chamber his strict over-sight of and command to his Houshold servants and his charge to his Bishops and Judges his Edicts his Proclamations and Commissions and the like for the execution of the Lawes and his general care to preserve the fountain pure both from Schisme and Superstition are faire fruits and effects of a pious and zealous resolution From the chaire of Doctrine you turn to the state of Honour unto the Nobles and Barons of England These are Robâ—r belli who for the service of the King and Kingdome are to make good with their Swords what the Church-men must hallow and blesse by their Prayers And therefore as the Prelates are the great Lights of the Church so the Nobility are the Starres of the State and you know that the starres have fought and fought powerfully against the enemies of God From the state of Honour you come to the state of Justice and to the twelve Lyons under Solomon's Throne the Iudges and Sages of the Law and as their peculiar charge intrusted to them by our Sovereigne the Lawes of the Kingdome Lawes undoubtedly fitted to the constitution of this people for Leges Angliae and Consuetudines Angliae are Synonyma and Consuetudo est altera natura so as besides the justnesse and rightnesse of the Lawes they are become naturall to our people and that is one of the powerfullest meanes which begetteth obedience and such Lawes in the mouthes of learned and upright Judges are like waters in a pure chanel which the fairer it runs the clearer they run and produce that whereof Solomon speaks Prov. 29.2 When the righteous are in authority the People rejoyce From the Law you passe to the Knights Citizens and Burgesses and the third Estate who represent the Commons of England in whom the Scripture is verified In the multitude of People is the Kings honour and therefore you may be sure that distance of place and order breeds no distance in affection for wise Kings ever lay their honour next to their hearts Kings are Pastores populi and the Shepherds care is nothing lesse to the furthest then to the next part of his Flock and it is asmuch towards the least of his Lambs as towards the greatest Cattel And as in the Natural bodie no member is so remote but it is still within the care of the head so in this great Politick bodie of the Kingdome no ranck or order of People so low is at such distance from the Throne but it dayly feeles the influence and benefit of the Kings care and protection And to say the truth in a well-governed Kingdome the superiour rancks of Nobles of Judges and of Magistrates are not ordained for themselves but as conduits for the Kings justice protection and goodnesse to the lower rancks of his People And as the People are so its just cause they should be constant to the Poles of Love and Loyalty And thus having perused both Houses by divided parts joyn them together and in that juncture you believe truly and materially that the greatest denyal of their joynt requests is The King will advise A note very remarkable It shewes the indulgence of Kings it shews also the wisdom and judgement of the Houses the
That divisions have weakned our party and our attempts united the two greatest Princes of Christendome against us whom we have provoked That the State is desperately diseased and this Parliament the way that it may yet be recovered if soveraigne and proper remedies be speedily applyed 1. To trust the King whose Kingly nature is to yield it prevails 2. To supply the King and that without condition which is fewel of Jealousie 3. To present our grievances to his Majesty personall and reall humbly moderately and briefly 4. To do all this speedily and in order whereby the King may be strengthened the Kingdome recovered our Allies relieved and the Laws and Liberties of the Subject preserved in a legall propriety for he that is not master of his goods dwells not at home Sir Robert Philips his Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker I Reade of a custome amongst the old Romans that once every year they had a solemn Feast for their Slaves at which they had liberty without exception to speak what they would thereby to ease their afflicted minds which being finished they severally returned to their former Servitude This may with some resemblance and distinction well set forth our present state where now after the revolution of some time and grievous sufferance of many violent oppressions we have as those Slaves had a day of liberty of speech but shall not I trust be hereafter slaves for we are free yet what new illegall proceedings our states and persons have suffered under my heart yearns to think my tongue falters to utter They have been well represented by divers worthy Gentlemen before me yet one and the maine as I conceive hath not been touched which is our Religion Religion M r. Speaker made vendible by Commission and men for pecuniary annuall rates dispenced withall whereby Papists may without feare of Law practice Idolatry For the Oppressions under which we grone I draw them into two heads Acts of Power against Law and Judgements of Law against our Liberty Of the first sort are strange instructions violent exactions of money thereupon imprisonment of the persons of such who to deliver over to posteritie the liberty they have received from their Fore-fathers and lawfully were in possession of refused so to lend and this aggravated by reason of the remedilesse continuance and length thereof and chiefly the strange vast and unlimited power of our Lieutenants and their Deputies in billetting of Souldiers in making rates in granting warrants for taxes as their discretions shall guide them and all against the Law These last are the most insupportable burthens that at this present afflict our poor Country and the most cruel oppression that ever yet the Kingdome of England endured These upstart Lieutenants of whom perhaps in some cases and times there may be good use being regulated by Law are the worst of grievances and the most forward and zealous executioners of those violent and unlawfull courses which have been commended unto them Of whose proceedings and for the qualifying of whose unruly power it is more then time to consult and determine Judgements of Law against our Liberty have been three each latter stepping forwarder then the former upon the right of the Subject aiming in the end to tread and trample under foot our Law and that in the form of Law The first was the Judgement of the Post-nati whereby a Nation which I heartily love for their singular zeal in our Religion and their spirit to preserve our Liberties far beyond many of us is made capable in any the like favours priviledges and immunities as our selves enjoy and this specially argued in the Exchequer Chamber by all the Judges of England The second was the Judgement upon the impositions in the Exchequer Court by the Barons which hath been the source and fountain of many bitter waters of affliction unto our Merchants The third was that fatall late Judgement against the Liberty of the Subject imprisoned by the King argued and pronounced but by one alone I can live although another without title be put to live with me nay I can live although I pay excises and impositions more then I doe but to have my Liberty which is the soul of my life taken from me by power and to have my body pent up in a gaole without remedy by Law and to be so adjudged Oh improvident Ancestors Oh unwise Fore-fathers to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our Laws and the Liberties of Parliament and to neglect our Persons and Bodies and to let them ly in prison and that durante bâ—neplacito remedilesse If this be Law what do we talk of Liberties why do we trouble our selves with the dispute of Law franchises propriety of goods and the like What may any man call his if not Liberty I am weary in treading these waies and conclude to have a select Committee deputed to frame a Petition to his Majestie for redress of these things which being read examined and approved by the House may be delivered to the King of whose gracious answer we have no cause to doubt our desires being so reasonable our intentions so loyall and the manner so humble Neither need we feare this to be the Critical Parliament as was insinuated or this a way to distraction but assure our selves of a happie issue Then shall the King as he calls us his great Councell find us his true Councell and owne us his good Councell Which God grant c. The Kings Propositions March 28 1628. 1. TO furnish man and victuall 30. ships to guard the Narrow seas and along the Coasts 2. To set out 10. other ships for the preservation of the Elve and the Baltick sea 3. To set out 10. other ships for the relief of the Town of Rochel 4. To leavy arme cloth victuall pay and transport an army of 1000. horse and 10000. foot for forrain service 5. To pay and supply 6000. men for the assistance of the King of Denmark 6. To supply the stores of the Office of the Ordinance 7. To supply the stores of the Navy 8. To build 20. ships yearly for the increase of the Navy 9. To repair the Forts within the Land 10. To pay the Arriers of the Office of the Ordinance 11. To pay the Arriers of the Victuallers Office 12. To pay the Arriers of the Treasurer of the Navy 13. To pay the Arriers due for the fraight of divers Merchants ships imployed in his Majestie 's service 14. To provide a Magazine of Victualls for Land and Sea-service Three grand Questions 1. NO Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King of the Privy Councel or any else unlesse some cause of the commitment detainment or restraint be expressed for which by law he ought to be committed detained or restrained 2. A Writ of habeas corpus may not be denyed but ought to be granted to every man that is committed or detained in prison
as it is called also The first two are Writs to be directed to the Sheriff of the Countie and lye only in some particular cases with which it would be untimely for me to trouble your Lordships because they concern not that which is committed to my charge But that Writ of habeas Corpus or Corpus cum causa is the highest remedy in Law for him that is imprisoned by the speciall command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell without shewing cause of the commitment Neither is there any such thing in the Lawes of this Land as a Petition of Right to be used in such cases for the Liberty of the person nor is there any other legall Course to be taken for enlargement in such cases howsoever the contrary hath upon no ground or colour of Law been pretended Now my Lords if any man be so imprisoned by any such command or otherwise in any prison whatsoever through England and desire either by himself or any other in his behalf this Writ of habeas Corpus for the purpose in the Court of King's Bench the Writ is to be granted to him and ought not to be denied him no otherwise then any ordinary originall Writ in the Chauncery or other common processe of Law may be denyed Which amongst other things the House of Commons hath resolved also upon mature deliberation and I was commanded to let your Lordships know so much This Writ is to be directed to the Keeper of the Prison in whose custody the Prisoner remaines commanding him that at a certain day he bring in the body of the Prisoner ad subjiciendum recipiendum juxta quod Curia consideraverit una cum causa captionis detentionis and oftentimes una cum causa detentionis only captionis being omitted The Keeper of the Prison thereupon returnes by what Warrant he detaines the Prisoner and with his Return filed to his Writ brings the Prisoner to the Barre at the time appointed When the Return is thus made the Court judgeth of the sufficiency or insufficiency of it only out of the body of it without having respect to any other thing whatsoever that is they are to suppose the Return to be true whatsoever it be For if it be false the party may have his remedy by action on the case against the Gaoler that brings him Now my Lords when this Prisoner comes thus to the Barre if he desires to be bailed and that the Court upon view of the Return think him in Law to be bailed then he is alwayes first taken from the Keeper of the Prison that brings him and committed to the Marshall of the Kings Bench and afterwards bailed and the Entrie perpetually is Committitur Marr. postea traditur in ballium For the Court never bailes any man untill he becomes their own Prisoner and be in custodia Marescalli of that Court. But if upon return of the habeas Corpus it appears to the Court that the Prisoner ought not to be bailed nor discharged from the Prison whence he is brought then he is remanded or sent back again there to remain untill by Course of Law he may be delivered And the Entrie in such case is Remittitur quousque secundum legem deliberatus fuerit or Remittitur quousque c. which is all one and is the highest award or Judgement that ever was or can be given upon a habeas Corpus But if the Judges doubt only whether in Law they ought to take him from the prison whence he came or give daie to the Sheriff to amend his Return as often they do then they remand him only during the time of their debate or untill the Sheriff hath amended his Return and the Entrie upon it is Remittitur only or Remittitur prisonae predict without any more And so remittitur generally is of farre lesse moment in the award upon the habeas Corpus then remittitur quousque howsoever vulgar opinions raised out of the fame of the late Judgement be to the contrary All these things are of most known and constant use in the Court of Kings Bench as it cannot be doubted but your Lordships will easily know also from the grave and learned my Lords the Judges These two causes the one of the Entrie of Committitur Marescallo postea traditur in ballium and the other Remittitur quousque and Remittitur generally or Remittitur prisonae predict together with the nature of the habeas Corpus being thus stated it will be easier for me to open and your Lordships to observe whatsoever shall occurre to this purpose in the Presidents of Record to which I shall come in particular But before I come to the Presidents I am to let your Lordships know the resolution of the House of Commons touching the enlargement of any man committed by the command of the King or of the Privie Councell or of any other without cause shewed of such commitment It is thus That if a Free-man be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the Command of the King the Privie Councell or any other and no cause of such commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained and the same be returned upon a habeas Corpus granted for the partie that then he ought to be delivered or bailed This resolution as it is grounded upon those Acts of Parliament already shewed and the reason of the Law of the Land which is committed to the charge of another and an one to be opened unto you is strengthened also by many Presidents of Record But the Presidents of Record that concerne this point are of two kinds for the House of Commons hath informed it self of such as concern it either way The first such as shew expresly that persons committed by the Command of the King or of the Privie Councell without any cause shewed have been enlarged upon Baile when they prayed it Whence it appeares cleerly that by Law they were bailable and so by habeas Corpus to be set at liberty For although they ought not to have been committed without cause shewen of their commitment yet it is true that the reverend Judges of this Land in former Ages did give such a respect to such commitment by Command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell as also to the commitments sometimes of inferiour persons that upon the habeas Corpus they rarely used absolutely to discharge the prisoners instantly but to enlarge them only upon Baile which sufficiently secures and preserves the Liberty of the Subject according to the Lawes that your Lordships have already heard Nor in any of these cases is there any difference made between any such commitments by the King and commitments by the Lords of the Councell that are incorporated with him The second kind of Presidents of Record are such as have been pretended to prove the Law to be contrarie and that persons so committed ought not
have done Commune periculum commune requirit Auxilium and thereupon take such further course as may secure your Lordships and us and all your and our posterities in enjoying of our ancient undoubted and fundamentall Liberties The Argument of Sergeant Bramston upon the Habeas corpus MAy it please your Lordship to hear the return read or shall I open it Chief Iustice Hide Let it be read M r. Keeling read the return being the same as that of Sir Thomas Darnell May it please your Lordship I shall humbly move upon this return in the behalf of Sir Iohn Henningham with whom I am of Councell it is his petition that he may be bailed from his imprisonment it was but in vain for me to move that to a Court of Law which by Law cannot be granted and therefore in that regard that upon his return it will be questioned whether as this return is made the Gent. may be bailed or not I shall humbly offer up to your Lordship the case and some reasons out of mine understanding arising out of the return it self to satisfie your Lordship that these Prisoners may and as their case is ought to be bailed by your Lordship The exception that I take to this return is as well to the matter and substance of the return as to the manner and legall form thereof the exceptions that I take to the matter is in severall respects That the return is too generall there is no sufficient cause shewn in speciall or in generall of the commitment of this Gentleman and as it is insufficient for the cause so also in the time of the first imprisonment for howsoever here doth appear a time upon the second warrant from the Lords of the Councell to detain him still in prison yet by the return no time can appear when he was first imprisoned though it be necessary it should be shewen and if that time appear not there is no cause your Lordship should remand him and consequently he is to be delivered Touching the matter of the return which is the cause of his imprisonment It is expressed to be Per speciale mandatum domini Regis This is too generall and uncertain for that it is not manifest what kind of command this was Touching the Legall form of the return it is not as it ought to be fully and positively the return of the Keeper himself onely but it comes with a significavit or prout that he was committed Per speciale mandatum domini Regis as appeareth by warrant from the Lords of the Councell not of the King himself and that is not good in legall form For the matter and substance of the return it is not good because there ought to be a cause of that imprisonment This writ is the means and the onely means that the subject hath in this and such like case to obtain his liberty there are other writs by which men are delivered from restraint as that de homine replegiando but extends not to this cause for it is particularly excepted in the body of the writ de manucaptione de cantione admittenda but they lie in other cases but the writ of Habeas corpus is the onely means the subject hath to obtain his liberty and the end of this writ is to return the cause of the imprisonment that it may be examined in this Court whether the parties ought to be discharged or not but that cannot be done upon this return for the cause of the imprisonment of this Gentleman at first is so farre from appearing particularly by it that their is no cause at all expressed in it This writ requires that the cause of the imprisonment should be returned if the cause be not specially certified by it yet should it at the last be shewn in generall that it may appear to the Judges of the Court and it must be expressed so farre as that it may appear to be none of those causes for which by the Law of the Kingdome the subject ought not to be imprisoned and it ought to be expressed that it was by presentment or indictment and not upon petition or suggestion made to the King and Lords which is against the statute made in the 25 Ed. 3. c. 4. 42 E. 3. c. 3. By the Statute 25 Ed. 3. cap. 4. It is ordained and established that no man from henceforth shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to the King or his Councell but by indictment or course of Law and acordingly it was enacted 42 E. 3. c. 3. the title of which statute is None shall be put to answer an accusation made to the King without presentment Then my Lord it being so although the cause should not need to be expressed in such manner as that it may appear to be none of these causes mentioned in the statute or else the Subject by this return loseth the benefit and advantage of these Laws which be their birth-right and inheritance but in this return there is no cause at all appearing of the first commitment and therefore it is plain that there is no cause for your Lordship to remand him but there is no cause you should deliver him since the writ is to bring the body and the cause of the imprisonment before your Lordship But it may be objected that this writ of Habeas Corpus doth not demand the cause of the first commitment but of the detaining onely and so the writ is satisfied by the return for though it shew no cause of the first commitment but of detaining onely yet it declareth a cause why the Gentleman is detained in prison this is no answer nor can give any satisfaction for the reason why the cause is to be returned is for the Subjects liberty that if it shall appear a good and sufficient cause to your Lordship then to be remanded if your Lordship think and finde it insufficient he is to be enlarged This is the end of this writ and this cannot appear to your Lordship unlesse the time of the first commitment be expressed in the return I know that in some cases the time is not materiall as when the cause of the commitment is and that so especially returned as that the time is not materiall it is enough to shew the cause without the time as after a conviction or triall had by Law But when it is in this manner that the time is the matter it self for intend what cause you will of the commitment yea though for the highest cause of treason there is no doubt but that upon the return thereof the time of it must appear for it being before triall and conviction had by Law it is but an accusation and he that is onely accused and the accusation ought by Law to be let to bail But I beseech your Lordship to observe the consequence of this Cause If the Law be that upon this return this Gentleman should be remanded I will not dispute whether or no a man may
there wants legall form for the writ of Habeas Corpus is the commandment of the King to the Keeper of the prisons and thereupon they are to make return both of the body and of the cause of the commitment and that cause is to appear of them who are the immediate Officers And if he doth it by signification from another that return is defective in Law and therefore this return cannot be good for it must be from the Officer himself and if the cause returned by him be good it bindes the prisoners The warrant of the Lords was but a direction for him he might have made his return to have been expresly by the Kings commandment there was a warrant for it I shall not need to put your cases of it for it is not enough that he returns that he was certified that the commitment was by the Kings command but he must of himself return this fact as it was done And now my Lord I shall offer to your Lordship presidents of divers kindes upon commitments by the Lords of the Privy Councel upon commitments by the speciall command of the King and upon commitments both by the King the Lords together And howsoever I conceive which I submit to your Lordship that our case will not stand upon presidents but upon the fundamentall Laws and Statutes of this Realm and though the presidents look the one way or the other they are to be brought back unto the Laws by which the Kingdome is governed In the first of Henry the eighth Rot. Parl. one Harison was committed to the Marshalsey by the command of the King and being removed by Habeas Corpus into the Court the cause returned was that he was committed per mandatum Domini Regis and he was bailed In the fortieth of Elizabeth Thomas Wendon was committed to the Gatehouse by the commandment of the Queen and Lords of the Councell and being removed by an Habeas Corpus upon the generall return and he was bailed In 8 Iacobi one Caesar was committed by the Kings commandment and this being returned upon his Habeas Corpus upon the examination of this case it doth appear that it was over ruled that the return should be amended or else the prisoner should be delivered The presidents concerning the commitment by the Lords of the Councell are in effect the same with these where the commitment is by the reason why the cause of the commitment should not be shewn holds in both cases and that is the necessity of suit and therefore Master Stamford makes the command of the King and that of the Lords of the Privy Councell to be both as one and to this purpose if they speak he speaks and if he speaks they speak The presidents that we can shew you how the Subject hath been delivered upon commitment by the Lords of the Councell as in the time of Henry the eight as in the times of Queen Elizabeth Queen Mary are infinite as in the ninth of Elizabeth Thomas Lawrence was committed to the Towre by the Lords of the Councell and bailed upon an Habeas Corpus In the 43 of Elizabeth Calvins case In the third of Elizabeth Vernons case These were committed for high treason and yet bailed for in all these cases there must be a conviction in due time or a deliverance by Law There be divers other presidents that might be shewn to your Lordship In 12 Iacobi Mâ—les Renards In 12 Iacobi Rot. 155. Richard Beckwiths case In 4 Iacobi Sir Thomas Monson was committed for treason to the Towre of London and afterwards was brought hither and bailed and since our case stands upon this return and yet there is no sufficient cause in Law expressed in the return of the detaining this Gentleman and since these presidents do warrant our proceedings my humble suit unto this Court is that the Gentleman Sir Iohn Henningham who hath petitioned his Majesty that he may have the benefit of the Law and his Majesty hath signified it it is his pleasure that justice according to the Law should be administred at all times in generall to all his Subjects and particularly to these Gentlemen which is their birth-right My humble suit to your Lordship is that these Gentlemen may have the benefit of that Law and be delivered from their imprisonment The Argument of Master Noye upon the Habeas corpus May it please your Lordship I am of Councell with Sir Walter Earl one of the prisoners at the Barre the return of this writ is as those that have been before they are much of one tenour and as you have heard the tenour of that so this Gentleman coming hither by an Habeas Corpus I will by your Lordships favour read the writ Carolus Dei Gratia Iohanni Lylo Milit Guardian Prison nostrae de le Fleet Salut Praecipimus tibi quod corpus Walteri Earl Milit in prison nostra sub custodia tua detent ut dicit una cum causa detentionis suae quocunque nomine praedict Walter censeat in eadem Habeas Corpus ad subjiciendum recipiendum ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibidem ordin conting in hac parte haec nallatenus omit periculo incumbent habeas tibi hoc breve Test Hyde apud Westminster quarto die Novembris Anno 8. Executio istius brevis patet in quadam schedula huic brevi annexat Respons Johan Liloe Guardian Prison de le Fleet. Ego Iohannes Lyloe Mil Guardian Prison domini Regis de le Fleet Serenissimo Domino Regi apud Westminster 8. Post receptionem hujus brevis quod in hac schedula est mentionat ' Certifico quod Walter Earl miles in eodem brevium nominat detentus est in prisona de le Fleet sub custodia mea praedict per speciale mandatum domini Regis mihi significatum per VVarrantum duorum aliorum de Privato Concilio per Honorabilissimi dicti Domini Regis cujus quidem tenor sequitur in haec verba Whereas Sir Walter Earl Knight was heretofore committed to your custody these are to will and require you still to detain him letting you know that both his first commitment and this direction for the continuance of him in prison were and are by his Majesties speciall commandment from White Hall 7 Novembris 1627. Thomas Coventree C. S. Henry Manchester Thomas Suffolk Bridgewater Kellie R. Duneln ' Thomas Edmunds Iohn Cook Marlborough Pembrook Salisbury Totnes Grandisson Guliel Bath and Wells Robert Nanton Richard Weston Humphrey Mayes To the Guardian of the Fleet or his Deputy Et haec est causa detentionis praedict Walteri Earl sub custodia mea in Prison praedict Attamen corpus ejusdem Walteri coram Domino Rege ad diem locum praedictum post receptionem brevis praedict pa rat habeo prout istud breve in se exiget requiret Respon Johan Liloe milit Guardian Prison de le Fleet. My Lord the first Habeas corpus bears date the
and not by way of information out of another mans mouth may not be good as appeareth by the severall books of our law 23 Ed. 3. Rex vic 181. upon a Homine replegiando against the Abbot of C. the Sheriffe returneth that he had sent to the Bailiffe of the Abbot that answered him that he was the villain of the Abbot by which he might not make deliverance and a Sicut alias was awarded for this return was insufficient insomuch that he had returned the answer of the Bailiffe of the Abbot where he ought to have returned the answer of the Abbot himself out of his own mouth Trin. 22. Ed. 2. Rot. 46. parent vill Burg. Evesque de Norwich repl 68. Nat. Br. Case 34. Fitz. Nat. Br. 65. 34. Ed. 3. Excom 29. the case appeareth to be such in a trespasse the defendant pleadeth the plaintiffe is excommunicate and sheweth forth the letter of the Bishop of Lincoln witnessing that for divers contumacies c. and because he had certified no excommunic done by himself but by another the letter of excommunication was annulled for the Bishop ought to have certified his own act and not the act of another Hillarii 22 Hen. 8. Rot. 37. it appeareth by the return of an Habeas corpus that Iohn Parker was committed to prison for security of the peace and for suspicion of felony as per mandatum Domini Regis nunciatum per Robertum Peck de Cliffords Inne and upon his return Iohn Parker was bailed for the return Commiss fuit per speciale mandatum domini Regis nunciatum per Robertum Peck was not good insomuch that it was not a direct return that he was committed per mandatum Domini Regis And for the first point I conclude that this return is insufficient in form insomuch that it doth not make a precise and direct return that he was committed and detained by the speciall command of the King but onely as he was signified by the warrant of the Lords of the Councell which will not serve the turn and upon the book of 9 Hen. 6.44 the return of the cause of a mans imprisonment ought to be precise and direct upon the Habeas corpus insomuch as thereby to be able to judge of the cause whether it be sufficient or not for there may not any doubt be taken to the return be it true or false but the Court is to accept the same as true and if it be false the party must take his remedy by action upon the case And as concerning the matter of the return it will rest upon these parts First whether the return be that he is detained in prison by speciall commandment of our Lord the King be good or not without shewing the nature of the commandment or the cause whereupon the commitment is grounded in the return The second is whether the time of the first commitment by the commandment of the King not appearing to the Court is sufficient to detain him in prison Thirdly whether the imprisonment of the subjects without cause shewed but onely by the commandment of the King be warantable by the laws and statutes of this Realm As unto the first part I find by the books of our law that commandments of the King are of severall natures by some of which the imprisonment of a mans body is utterly unlawfull and by others of them although the imprisonment may be lawfull yet the continuance of him without bail or mainprise will be utterly unlawfull There is a verball command of the King which is by word of mouth of the Kings onely and such commandment by the King by the books of our law will not be sufficient either to imprison a man or to continue him in prison 16.6 Monstrans de faict si upon an action of trespasse brought for cutting of trees the defendant pleadeth that the place where he cut them is parcell of the Manor of D. whereof the King is seised in fee and the King commanded him to cut the trees and the opinion of the Court there is that the plea in barre was ill because he did not shew any speciall commandment of the King and there it is agreed by the whole Court that if the King commandeth one to arrest another and the party commanded did arrest the other an action of trespasse or false imprisonment is maintainable against the party that arrested him although it were done in the presence of the King 39 H. 6.17 where one justifieth the seisure of the goods of a person that is outlawed by the commandment of the King such a party being no Officer may not in an action brought against him have any aid of the King for such a commandment given to one that is not an Officer will not any wayes avail him that is to justifie himself by the return of that commandment 37 Hen. 6.10 If the king give me a thing and I take the same by his commandment by word of mouth it is not justified by law nothing may passe without matter of Record 10 Hen. 7.7 17.18 it is agreed that Justices may command one to arrest another that is in their view or presence but not one that is out of their view or presence And Keble 10 Hen. 7.13 said that where one is arrested by a parroll command in their view or presence it is fitting that a record may be made of it insomuch that without such a record there can hardly be a justification in another Term. Secondly there is a commandment of the King by his Commission which according unto Calvins case in the seventh Report it is called by him breve mandatum non remediabile and by virtue of such a commandment the King may neither seise the goods of his subject nor imprison his body as it is resolved in 42 Ass. pl. 5. where it is agreed by all the justices that a Commission to take a mans goods or imprison his body without indictment or suit of the party or other due processe is against the Law Thirdly there is a commandment of the King which is grounded upon a suggestion made to the King or to his Councell and if a man be committed to prison by such a suggestion by commandment of the King it is unlawfull and not warranted by the Law of the Realm The 25 of Edward the third cap. 4. de Provisoribus whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England that none shall be imprisoned or arrested of his Free-hold or of his Franchises nor of his free customes but by the Law of the land It is awarded consented and established that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Soveraign Lord the King or to his Councell untill it be by indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours where such deeds are done in due manner or by processe made by writ originall at the common law nor of his free-hold unlesse he be duely brought
speciali Nos volentes eisdem C. D. E. graciam in hac parte facere specialem tibi praecipimus quod si praedict C. D. E. occasione praedict non alia in Prisona praedict detineantur pro transgressionibus illis secundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Angliae replegiabiles existunt c. tunc impos C. D. E. Ã Prisona praedict si ea occasione non alia detineantur in eadem interim deliberari facias per manucapt supradict habeas ibi tunc coram praefat Iusticiar nomina manncapt illorum hoc breve And the exposition of this speciale mandatum domini Regis mentioned in the writ is expounded to be breue domini Regis and thereupon is this writ directed unto the Sheriffe for the delivery of them And so for the branch of the first part I conclude that the speciall command of the King without shewing the nature of the commandment of the Kings is too generall and therefore insufficient for he ought to have returned the nature of the commandment of the King whereby the Court might have adjudged upon it whether it were such a commandment that the imprisonment of Sir Iohn Corbet be lawfull or not and whether it were such a commandment of the King that although the imprisonment were lawfull at the first yet he might be bailed by Law And as for the generall return of speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the cause of the imprisonment either speciall or generall I hold that for that cause also the return is insufficient First in regard of the Habeas corpus which is the commandment of the King onely made the 15 of November According to the Teste of the writ commanding the keeper of the Gatehouse to have the body of Sir Iohn Corbet una cum causa detensionis ad subjiciendum recipiendum ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibid. ordinar contingat So as the commandment of the writ being to shew the cause of his detaining in prison the keeper of the gatehouse doth not give a full answer unto the writ unlesse the cause of the detainment in prison be returned and the Court doth not know how to giue their judgement upon him either for his imprisonment or for his discharge according to the purport of the writ when there is not a cause returned and forasmuch as upon an excommengement certified it hath been adjudged oftentimes that Certificates were insufficient where the cause of the commitment hath not been certified that the Court might adjudge whether the Ecclesiasticall Judges who pronounced the excommunication had power over the original cause according to the book of 14 Hen. 4.14.8 Rep. 68. Trollops case 20 Ed. 3. Excommengement 9. So upon an Habeas corpus in this Court where a man hath been committed by the Chancellour of England by the Councell of England Marches of Wales Warden of the Stanneries High Commission Admiralty Dutchy Court of request Commission of Sewers or Bankrupts it hath severall times been adjudged that the return was insufficient where the particular cause of imprisonment hath not been shewen to the intent that it might appear that those that committed him had jurisdiction over the cause otherwise he ought to be discharged by the Law and I spare to recite particular causes in every kind of these because there are so many presidents of them in severall ages of every King of this Realm and it is an infallible maxime of the Law That as the Court of the Kings Bench and Judges ought not to deny an Habeas corpus unto any prisoner that shall demand the same by whomsoever he be committed so ought the cause of his imprisonment to be shewn upon the return so that the Court may adjudge of the cause whether the cause of the imprisonment be lawfull or not and because I will not trouble the Court with so many presidents but such as shall suit with the cause in question I will onely produce and vouch such presidents whereas the party was committed either by the commandment of the King or otherwise by the commandment of the Privy Councell which Stampford fol. 72. tearmeth the mouth of the King such acts as are done by the Privy Councell being as Acts done by the King himself And in all these causes you shall find that there is a cause returned as well as a speciale mandatum domini Regis c. or mandatum Privati Concilii domini Regis whereby the Court may adjudge of the cause and bail them if they shall see cause In the eighth of Henry the seventh upon return of an Habeas corpus awarded for the body of one Roger Sherry it appeareth that he was committed by the Mayor of Windsor for suspicion of felony and ad sectam ipsius Regis pro quibusdam feloniis transgressionibus ac per mandatum domini Regis 21 Hen. the seventh upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of Hugh Pain it appeared that he was committed to prison per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae Primo Henrici Octavi Rot. 9. upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Harrison and others it appears that they were committed to the Earl of Shrewsbury being Marshall of the houshould Per mandatum Domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae pro homicidio facto super Mare 3 4 Philip. Mariae upon a return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Peter Man it appeareth that he was committed pro suspicione feloniae ac per mandatum Domini Regis Reginae 4 5 Philippi Mariae upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Newport it appeared that he was committed to the Tower pro suspicione contrafact monetae per privatum Concilium domini Regis Reginae 33 Elizabethae upon the return of an Habeas corpus for the body of one Lawrence Brown it appeareth that he was committed per mandatum Privati Concilii dominae Reginae pro diversis causis ipsam Reginam tangen ac etiam pro suspicione proditionis So as by all these presidents it appeareth where the return is either Per mandatum domini Regis or Per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis there is also a cause over and besides the mandatum returned as unto that which may be objected that per mandatum domini Regis or Privati Concilii domini Regis is a good return of his imprisonment I answer First that there is a cause for it is not to be presumed that the King or Councell would commit one to prison without some offence and therefore this mandatum being occasioned by the offence or fault the offence or fault must be the cause and not the command of the King or Councell which is occasioned by the cause Secondly it apeares that the jurisdiction of
the Privy Councell is a limited jurisdiction for they have no power in all causes their power being restrained in certain causes by severall Acts of Parliament as it appeareth by the statute of 20 Edward the third c. 11. 25 Ed. the third c. 1. stat 4. the private petition in Parliament permitted in the 1 of R. 2. where the Commons petition that the Privie Councell might not make any Ordinance against the Common Law Customes or Statutes of the Realm the fourth of Henry the fourth ca. 3. 13 Hen. the fourth 7. 31 Henry the sixth and their jurisdictions being a limited jurisdiction the cause and grounds of their commmitment ought to appear whereby it may appear if the Lords of the Councell did commit him for such a cause as was within their jurisdiction for if they did command me to be committed to prison for a cause whereof they had not jurisdiction the Court ought to discharge me of this imprisonment and howsoever the King is Vicarius Dei in terra yet Bracton cap. 8. fol. 107. saith quod nihil aliud potest Rex in terris cum sit Minister Dei Vicarius quam solum quod de jure potest nec obstat quod dicitur quod Principi placet legis habet vigorem quia sequitur in fine legis cum lege Regia quae de ejus imperio lata est id est non quicquid de voluntate Regis temere praesumptum est sed animo condendi Iura sed quod consilio Magistratuum suorum Rege author praestant habita super hoc deliberatione tract rect fuer definit Potestat itaque sua juris est non injuriae The which being so then also it ought to appear upon what cause the King committeth one to prison whereby the Judges which are indifferent between the King and his Subjects may judge whether his commitment be against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm or not Thirdly it is to be observed that the Kings command by his Writ of Habeas corpus is since the commandment of the King for his commitment and this being the latter commandment ought to be obeyed wherefore that commanding a return of the body cum causa detentionis there must be a return of some other cause then Per mandatum domini Regis the same commandment being before the return of the Writ Pasch. 9. E. 3. pl. 30. fol. 56. upon a Writ of Cessavit brought in the County of Northumberland the Defendants plead That by reason the Country being destroyed by Warres with the Scots King Edward the second gave command that no Writ of Cessavit should be brought during the Warres with Scotland and that the King had sent his Writ to surcease the Plea and he averreth that the Warres with Scotland did continue Hearle that giveth the Rule saith That we have command by the King that now is to hold this Plea wherefore we will not surcease for any writ of the King that is dead and so upon all these reasons and presidents formerly alledged I conclude that the return that Sir Iohn Corbet was committed and detained in prison Per speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the nature of the commandment by which the Court may judge whether the commandment be of such a nature as he ought to be detained in prison and that without shewing the cause upon which the commandment of the King is grounded is not good As unto the second part which is Whether the time of the commitment by the return of the Writ not appearing unto the Court the Court ought to detain him in prison or no I conceive that he ought not to be continued in prison admitting that the first commitment by the command of the King were lawfull yet when he hath continued in prison by such reasonable time as may be thought fit for that offence for which he is committed he ought to be brought to answer and not to continue still in prison without being brought to answer For it appears by the Books of our Laws that liberty is a thing so favoured by the Law that the Law will not suffer the continuance of a man in prison for any longer time then of necessity it must and therefore the Law will neither suffer the party Sheriffs or judges to continue a man in prison by their power and their pleasure but doth speed the delivery of a man out of prison with as reasonable expedition as may be And upon this reason it is resolved in 1 2 El. Dyer 175. 8 Ed. 4.13 That howsoever the Law alloweth that there may be no term between the rest of an originall Writ and the return of the same where there is onely a summons and no imprisonment of the body yet it will not allow that there shall be a term between the rest of a Writ of Capias and the return of the same where the body of a man is to be imprisoned insomuch that it will give no way that the party shall have no power to continue the body of a man imprisoned any longer time then needs must 39 E. 3.7 10 H. 7.11 6 E. 4.69 11 E. 4.9 48 E. 3.1 17 E. 3.1 2 Hen. 7. Kellawaies Reports do all agree that if a Capias shall be awarded against a man for the apprehending of his body and the Sheriffe will return the Capias that is awarded against the party a non est inventus or that languidus est in prisona yet the Law will allow the party against whom it is awarded for the avoiding of his corporall pennance and dures of imprisonment to appear gratis and for to answer For the Law will not allow the Sheriffe by his false return to keep one in prison longer then needs must 38 Ass. pl. 22. Brooks imprisonment 100. saith That it was determined in Parliament that a man is not to be detained in prison after he hath made tender of his fine for his imprisonment therefore I desire your Lordship that Sir Iohn Corbet may not be kept longer in durance but be discharged according to the Law The substance of the Objections made by Mr. Attorney General before a Committee of both Houses to the Argument that was made by the House of Commons at the first conference with the Lords out of Presidents of Record and Resolutions of Iudges in former times touching the Liberty of the person of every Freeman and the Answers and Replies then presently made by the House of Commons to these Objections AFter the first conference which was desired by the Lords and had by a Committee of both houses in the painted Chamber touching the Reasons Laws Acts of Parliament and Presidents concerning the Liberty of the person of every Freeman M r Attorney General being heard before the Committee of both houses as it was assented by the house of Commons that he might be before they went up to the conference after some preamble made wherein he declined the answering all Reasons of Law
predictae doth not always imply or remaunding upon judgment or debate And this answer was given to this of Cesars Case that is the sixt of this Number The seventh is the Case of Iames Demetrius It was 12 Iacobi Rot. 153. Mr Attorney objected that this Demetrius and divers others being Brewers were committed per consilium Domini Regis to the Marshal-sea of the houshould and that upon the commitment so generally returned they were remaunded and that the Entry was immediate remittitur prefato Marescallo hospitii predicti where he observed that immediate shews that the Judges of that time were so resolved of this Question that they remaunded them partly as men that well knew what the Law was herein Here unto the Gentlemen of the House of Commons gave these answers First that the Remittitur in this Case is but as the other in Cesars and so proves nothing against them Secondly that immediate being added to it shews plainly that it was done without debate or any argument or consideration had of it which makes the authority of the presidents to be of no force in point of Law for Judgments and Awards given upon delibration onely and debate are Proofs and Arguments of weight and not any sudden Act of the Court without debate or deliberation And the Entry of immediate being proposed to Mr. Keeling it was confirmed by him that by that Entry it appears by this course that the remaunding of him was the self same day he was brought which as it was said by the Gentlemen of the House of Commons might be at the riseing of the Court or upon advisement and the like And this answer was given to this president of the Brewers The last of the 8. which Mr. Attorney objected is Saltonstals Case in the 13. Iacobi Regis He was committed per mandatum Dominorum Regis de privato Consilio and being returned by the Warden of the Fleet to be so remittitur prisonae predictae and in the 13. Iac in the same year remittitur generally in the Roll and these two make but one Case and are as one president To this the Gentlemen of the House of Commons answered that it is true the Rolls have such Entries of remittitur in them generally but that proves nothing upon the reason before used by them in Cesars Case But also Saltonstall was committed for another cause besides per mandatum Dominorum Consilii for a contempt against an order in Chauncery and that was in the return also And besides the Court as it appears in the Record gave several days to the Warden of the Fleet to mend his return which they would not have done if they had conceived it sufficient because that which is sufficient needs no amendment To this M r. Attorney replyed that they gave him a day to amend his return in respect of that part thereof that concerned the order in Chancery and not in respect of that which was per mandat Concilij But the gentlemen of the house of Commons answered That it appears not any where nor indeed is it likely at all nor can be so reasonably understood because if the other return per mandatum Concilij had been sufficient by it self it appears fully that the Court conceived the return to be insufficient And so the gentlemen of the Commons house concluded that they had a great number of presidents besides the Acts of Parliament and reasons of Common Law agreeable to their resolution and that there was not one president at all that made against them but indeed that almost all that were brought as well against them as for them if rightly understood made fully to the maintenance of their resolution and that there was not one example or president of a Remittitur in any kinde upon this point before that of Cesars Case which is before cleared with the rest and is but of late time and of no moment against the resolution of the house of Commons And thus for so much as concerned the presidents of Record the first day of the conference desired by the Lords ended The next day they desired another conference which the house of Commons at which it pleased the Committee of both houses to hear M r Attorney again to make what Objection he would against other parts of the Arguments formerly delivered by the house of Commons He then Objected against the Acts of Parliament and against the reasons of Law and his Objections to these parts were answered as appears in the answers by order given into the house of Commons by the gentlemen that made them He Objected also upon the second day against that second kinde of presidents which are resolutions of Judges in former times and not of Records and brought also some other Testimonies of opinions of Judges in former times touching this point First for that resolution of all the Judges in England in 34. of Queen Eliz. mentioned and read in the Arguments made at the first conference he said That it was directly against the resolution of the House of Commons and observed the words of it to be in one place that Persons so committed by the King or the Councel may not be delivered by any of the Courts c. and in another that if the Cause were expressed either in generality or speciality it was sufficient and he said that the expressing of a cause in generality was to shew the Kings or Councels Command And to this purpose he read the whole words of that resolution of the Judges Then he Objected also that in a report of one Ruswells Case in the Kings-bench in the 13. Iac. he found that the opinion of some Judges of that Court S r. Edward Coke being then Chief Justice and one of them was that a Prisoner committed per mandatum Domini Regis or privati Consilii without cause shewed and so returned could not be bayled because it might be matter of State or Arcanum Imperii for which he stood committed And to this also he added an opinion that he found in a Journal of the House of Commons of the 13. Iac. wherein S r. Edward Coke speaking to a Bill preferred for the explanation of Magna Charta touching imprisonment said in the House That a Prisoner so committed could not be enlarged by the Law because it might be Matter of State for which he was committed And among these Objections of other nature also he spake of the confidence that was shewed in behalf of the House of Commons he said that it was not confidence could add any thing to the determination of the question but if it could that he had as much reason for the other side against the resolution of the House grounding himself upon the force of his Objections which as he conceived had so weakned the Argument of the Commons House that notwithstanding any thing yet Objected they were upon clear reason confident of the truth of their first resolution grounded upon so just
examination and deliberation taken by them And it was observed to the Lords also that their confidence herein was of another nature and far greater weight then any confidence that could be expressed by M r. Attorney or whomsoever else being of his Majesties Councel learned To which purpose the Lords were desired to take into their Memory the difference between the present quality of the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons and of the Kings learned Councel in their speaking there howsoever accidentally they were both men of the same profession For the Kings Councel spake as Councel perpetually retained by Fee and if they made glosses and and what advantagious Interpretations soever for their own part they did but what belonged to their place and quality as M r. Attorney had done But the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons came there bound on the one side by the trust reposed in them by their Countrey that sent them and on the other bound also by an Oath taken by every of them before they sit in the House to maintain and defend the rights and prerogatives of the Crown So that even in the point of confidence alone that of them that spake as retained Councel by perpetual Fee and might by their place being permitted to speak say what they would and that of them that spake as bound to nothing but truth but by such a trust and such an Oath were no way to be so compared or Counterpoised as if the one of them were of no more weight then the other And then the Objections before mentioned were also answered For that of the resolution of all the Judges of England in 34. Eliz. It was shewed plainly it agreed with the resolution of the House of Commons For although indeed it might have been expressed with more perspicuity yet the words of it as they are sufficiently shew that the meaning of it is no otherwise To that purpose besides the words of the whole frame of this resolution of the Judges as it is in the Coppy transcribed out of the Lord Chief Justice Andersons book written in his own hand which book was there offered to be shewed also in behalf of the House of Commons It was observed that the Records of the first part of it shew plainly that all the Judges of England then resolved that the Prisoners spoken of in the first part of their resolution were onely Prisoners committed with cause shewed for they onely said they might not be delivered by any of the Courts without due Trial by Law and Judgement of acquital had which shews plainly that they meant that by trial and acquital they might be delivered but it is clear that no trial or acquital can be had where is not some cause laid to their charge for which they ought to stand committed Therefore in that part of the resolution such Prisoners are onely meant as are committed without cause shewed which also the Judges in that resolution expresly thought necessary as appears in the second part of the resolution wherein they have these words If upon Return of the Habeas Corpus the cause of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be c. by which words they shew plainly that every return of a commitment is insufficient that hath not a cause shewed of it And to that which M r. Attorney said as if the cause were sufficiently expressed in generality if the Kings Command or the Councels were expressed in it and as if that were meant in the resolution for a sufficient general cause it was answered That it was never heard of in Law that the power or Person that committed the Prisoner was understood for the Causa captionis or Causa detentionis but onely the reason why that Power or Person committed the Prisoner as also in common speech if a man ask why and for what cause a man stands committed the answer is not that such a one committed him but his offence or some other cause is understood in the question and is to be shewed in the Answer But to say that such an one committed the Prisoner is an answer to the question who committed him and not why or for what cause he stands committed Then for that of the Coppy of the Report of 13. Iac. shewed forth by Mr. Attorney it was answered That the Report it self which had been before seen and perused among many other things at a Committee made by the House was of sleight or no Authority for that it was taken by one that was at that time a young Student onely and was a Reporter in the Kings-bench and there was not any other Report to be found that agreed with it Secondly although the Reports of young Students when they take the words of Judges as they fall from their mouth at the Bench and in the Person and form as they are spoken may be of good credit Yet in this Case there was not one word so reported but in truth there being three Cases a time in the Kings-bench one Ruswell and one Allen and one Saltonstall every of which had something of like nature in it the Student having been present in the Court made up the form of one Report or Case out of all those three in his own words and so put it into his book so that there is not a word in the Report but is framed according to the Students fancie as it is written and nothing is expressed in it as it came from the mouth of the Judges otherwise then his fancie directed him Thirdly there are in the Report plain falshoods of Matter of Fact which are to be attributed either to the Judges or to the Reporter It is most likely by all reason that they proceeded from the Reporters fault but however those Matters of falshood shew sufficiently that the credit of the rest is of slight value for the purpose It is said in the Report that Harecourt being committed by the Councel was bayled in 40. Eliz. upon a privy Seal or a Letter where as there was no such thing in truth And it is said there that no such kinde of Letters are filed there in any case whatsoever That resolution of the Judges in 34. is miscited there and in 36. of Queen Eliz. and it is said there that by that resolution a Prisoner returned to be committed by the command of the Councel might not at all be delivered by the Court whereas no such thing is comprehended in in that resolution But that which is of most moment is that howsoever the truth of the report were yet the opinion of the Judges being sudden without any debate had of the case is of sleight moment For in difficult points especially the gravest and most learned men living may on the sudden let fall and that without disparragement to them such opinions as they may well and ought to change upon further enquiry and examination and full debate had
is said that bayl is ex gratia he answers that if the Prisoner comes to Habeas Corpus then it is not ex gratia Yet the Court may advise but mark the words ad subjiciendum recipiendum prout Curia consideraverit now it is impossible the Judges should do so if no cause be expressed for it they know no cause he may bring the 1.2.3 and fourth Habeas Corpus and so infinite till he finde himself a perpetual Prisoner so that no cause expressed is worse for a man then the greatest cause or Villany that can be imagined and thus far proceeded that learned Gentlemen M r. GLANVILES Argument HE said that by favour of the House of Commons he had liberty to speak if opportunity were offered he applies his answer to one particuler of M r. Attorney who assigned to the King 4. great trusts 1. of War 2. Coins 3. Denizens 4. Pardons Is assented unto that the King is trusted with all these 4. legal Prerogatives but the Argument followeth not the King is trusted with many Prerogatives Ergo in this non sequitur non est sufficiens enumeratio partium he said he could answer these particulars with 2. rules whereof the first should wipe of the first and the second and the other the third and fourth The first rule is this there is no fear of trusting the King with any thing but the fear of ill Councel the King may easily there be trusted where ill Councel doth not ingage both the King and Subjects as it doth in matter of War and Coin If he miscarry in the Wars it is not alwayes pecuum Achiro but he smarts equally with the people If he abase his Coin he looseth more then any of his people Ergo he may safely be trusted with the flowers of the Crown War and Coin The second rule he began was this when the King is trusted to confer grace it is one thing but when he is trusted to infer an injury it is another matter The former power cannot by miscouncelling be brought to prejudice another The latter may if the King pardoneth a guilty Man he punisheth not a good subject if he denizen never so many strangers it is but damnum sine injuria we allow him a liberty to confer grace but not without cause to infer punishment and indeed he cannot do injury for if he command to do a Man wrong the command is void alter fit Author and the Actor becomes the wrong doer Therefore the King may be safely trusted with War Coin Denizens and Pardons but not with a power to imprison without expression of Cause or limmitation of time because as the Poet tells us Libertas potius auro The Answer of the Judges for matter of Fact upon the HABEAS CORPUS 21. April THe Chief Justice saith they are prepared to obey our Command but they desire to be advised by us whether they being sworn upon penalty of forfeiting Body Lands and Goods into the Kings hands to give an account to him may without Warrant do this The Duke said he had acquainted the King with the business and for ought he knoweth he is well content therewith But for better assurance he hath sent his brother of Anglesey to know his pleasure Devonshire saith if a complaint be made by a mean Man against the greatest Officer in this place he is to give an account of his doings to this House Bishop of Lincoln saith this motion proceeded from him and so took it for clear that there was an appeal from the Chancery to a higher Court then the Kings-bench and in that Court hath ever given an account of their doings The Lord Say saith he wondred there should be any question made of this business because in his opinion this being the highest Court did admit of no appeal The President said the Judges did not do this by way of appeal but as the most common way for them this being a matter concerning the Kings prerogative Lord Say saith if they will not declare themselves we must take into consideration the point of our priviledge The Duke saith this was not done by the Judges as fearing to answer but of respect to the King And now his brother was come with answer from the King that they might proceed Order was taken that this passage should not be entered into the Journal Book and so Judge WHITLOCK spake MY Lords we are by your appointment here ready to clear any aspersion of the House of Commons in their late presentment upon the Kings-bench that the Subject was wounded in this Judgement there lately given If such a thing were my Lords your Lordships not they have the power to question and Judge the same But my Lords I say there was no Judgement given whereby either the prerogative might be inlarged or the eight of the subject trenched upon It is true my Lords in Michaelmas Term last fower Gentlemen petitioned for a Habeas Corpus which they obtained and Councel was assigned unto them the return was per spialem mandatum Domini Regis which likewise was made known unto us under the hands of eighteen privy Councellours Now my Lords if we had delivered them presently upon this it must have been because the King did not shew cause wherein we should have judged the King had done wrong and this is beyond our knowledge for he might have committed them for other matters then we could have imagined But they might say thus they might have been kept in Prison all their dayes I answer no but we did remit them that we might better advise of the matter and they the next day might have had a new Writ if they had pleased but they say we ought not to have denied bayl I answer if we had done so it must needs have reflected upon the King that he had unjustly imprisoned them and it appears in Dyer 2. Eliz. that divers Gentlemen being committed and requireing Habeas Corpus some were bayled others remitted whereby it appears much is left to the discretion of the Judges For that which troubleth so much remittitur quousque this my Lords was onely as I said before to take time what to do and whereas they will have a difference betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque my Lords I confess I can finde none but these are new inventions to trouble old Records And herein my Lords we have dealt with knowledge and understanding for had we given a Judgement the party must thereupon have rested every Judgement must come to an issue in matter in fact or demur in point of Law here is neither therefore no Judgement For endeavouring to have a Judgement entered it is true Mr. Attorney pressed the same for his Masters service but we being sworn to do right betwixt the King and his subjects commanded the Clark to make no entry but according to the old form and the rule was given by the Chief Justice alone I have spent my time in this Court and I
speak confidently I did never see nor know by any Record that upon such a Retorn as this a man was bayled the King not first consulted with in such a Case as this The Commons House do not know what Letters and Commands we receive for these remain in our Court and were not viewed by them for the rest of the Matters presented by the House of Commons they were not in agitation before us whether the King may commit and how long he may detain a man committed therefore having answered so much as concerneth us I desire your Lordships good constructions of what hath been said Iudge IONES SAid he was here to deliver before us what judgement was given before them concerning the Habeas Corpus he answered no Judgement was given and the Matter of Fact was such as my brother delivered unto you yesterday These 4. Gentlemen were committed to the Fleet-Gate-House and Marshall of the Kings House-hold 4. Returns were made upon the Writs and every one of them had a Councellour appointed who had Coppies of the Returns A rule was granted their Councel heard and exception taken to the Return because it did not shew cause of their caption These were of no force in the opinion of the Judges the next exception was because no cause of their commitment was shewed which the Judges held to be all one in point of Law Then my Lords they alleadged many Presidents and Statutes of themselves which the Kings Attorney answered That Persons committed by the King or Councel were never bayled but his pleasure was first known We agreed at the Chamber of the Chief Justice that all the Statutes alleadged are in force but whether we should bayl them or no was the question therefore we remitted them quousque After which Mr. Attorney required a Judgement might be entered I commanded the Clark he should not suffer any such thing to be done because we would be better advised But some will say our Act is otherwise I answered no for we have done no more then we do upon ordinary Writ when we purpose to be better advised and that was onely an Interlocutorie order But my Lords put the case a Habeas Corpus should be granted for one that is committed by the House of Commons would they thinck you take it well he should be bayled at his first coming to the Court I thinck they would not and I thinck the King would have done so in this case now my Lords there is a Petition of Right and a Petition of Grace to be bayled is a matter of Grace therefore if a man be brought upon an Habeas Corpus and not bayled he cannot say the Court hath done him any wrong I have now served seven years Judge in this Court and my conscience beareth me witness that I have not wronged the same I have been thought sometimes too forward for the Liberty of the Subject I am my self Liber homo my Ancestors gave their voice with Magna Charta I enjoy that House still which they did I do not now mean to draw down Gods wrath upon my posterity and therefore I will neither advance the Kings prerogative nor lessen the Liberty of the Subject to the danger of either King or People this is my profession before God and your Lordships Iudge DODDERIDGE SAith it is no more fit for a Judge to decline to give an account of his doings then for a Christian of his Faith God knoweth I have endeavoured alwayes to keep a good conscience for a troubled one who can bear the Kingdom holds of none but God and Judgements do not pass privately in Chambers but publick in Court where every one may hear which causeth Judgement to be given with maturity Your Lordships have heard the particulers delivered by my brethren how that Councel being assigned to those 4. Gentlemen in the latter end of Michaelmass Term their Cause received hearing and upon consideration of the Statutes and Records we found some of them to be according to the good old Law of Magna Charta but we thought that they did not come so close to this Case as that bayl should be thereupon presently granted My Lords the Habeas Corpus consisteth of 3. parts the Writ the Return upon the Writ or schedule and the Entry or rule reciting the Habeas Corpus and the Return together with the opinion of the Court either a remittitur or traditur in ballium In this Case a remittitur was granted which we did that we might take better advisement upon the Case and upon the remittitur my Lords they might have had a new Writ the next day and I wish they had because it may be they had seen more and we had been eased of a great labour And my Lords when the Attorney upon the remittitur pressed an Entry we all straitly charged the Clark that he should make no other Entry then such as our Predecessors had usually made in like Cases for the difference my Lords betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque I could never yet finde any I have now sat in this Court 15. years and I should know something surely if I had gone in a Mill so long dust would cleave to my cloaths I am old and have one foot in the grave therefore I will look to the better part as near as I can But omnia habere in memoria in nullo errare divinum potiùs est quam humanum THE LORD CHIEF IUSTICE SAith he shall not speak with confidence unless he might stand right in the opinion of the House and protested what he spake the day before was not said by him with any purpose to trench upon the Priviledges of this House but out of that respect which by his place he thought he owed to the King he said concerning the point he was to speak of that he would not trouble the Lords with things formerly repeated wherein he concurred with his brethren He said if it were true the King might not commit they had done wrong in not partly delivering for my Lords saith he these Statutes and good Laws being all in force we meant not to trench upon any of them most of them being Commentaries upon Magna Charta but I know not any Statute that goeth so far that the King may not commit Therefore justly we think we delivered the interpretation thereof to that purpose for my Lords Lex terrae is not to be found in this Statute they gave me no example neither was there any Cause shewed in the Return A President my Lords that hath run in a storm doth not much direct us in point of Law and Records are the best Testimonies These Presidents they brought being read we shewed them wherein they were mistaken if we have erred erramus cum Patribus and they can shew no President but that our Predecessors have done as we have done sometimes bayling sometimes remitting sometimes discharging Yet we do never bayl any committed by the King or his Councel
have been imprisoned for suing ordinary Actions and Statutes at the Common-Law untill they have been constrained to leave the same against their wills and put the same to order albeit Judgement and Execution have been had therein to their great losses and griefs for the aid of which Persons her Majesties Writs have sundry times been directed to divers Persons having the custody of such Persons unlawfully imprisoned upon which Writs no good or Lawfull cause of imprisonment hath been returned or certified whereupon according to the Laws they have been again committed to Prison in secret places and not to any common ordinary Prison or Lawfull Officer as Shrieff or other lawfully authorized to have or keep a Goal so that upon Lawfull complaint made for their delivery the Queens Courts cannot learn to whom to direct her Majesties Writs and by this means Justice cannot be done and moreover divers Officers and Serjeants of London have been many times committed to Prison for Lawfull executing of her Majesties Writ sued forth of her Majesties Courts at West-minster and thereby her Majesties Subjects and Officers are so terrified that they dare not sue or execute her Majesties Laws her Writs and Commandments Divers others have been sent for by Pursevants and brought to London from their dwellings by unlawfull imprisonment have been constrained not onely to withdraw their Lawfull Suits but have also been compelled to pay the Pursevants for bringing such Persons great summes of money All which upon complaint the Judges are bound by Office and Oath to relieve and help by and according to her Majesties Laws And when it pleaseth your Lordships to will divers of us to set down in what cases a Prisoner sent to custody by her Majesty her Councel some one or other or two are to be detained in Prison and not to be delivered by her Majesties Court or Judges we thinck that if any Person be committed by her Majesties Command from her Person or by order from the Councel board or if any one or two of her Councel commit one for high Treason such Persons so in the cases before committed may not be delivered by any of her Courts without due Trial had Nevertheless the Judges may Award the Queens Writ to bring the bodies of such Persons before them and if upon return thereof the causes of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be then the Judges in the cases before ought not to deliver him but to remaund the Prisoner to the place from whence he came Which cannot conveniently be done unless notice of the cause in general or else special be known to the Keeper or Goaler that shall have the custody of such Prisoner All the Judges and Barons did subscribe their names to these Articles Termino Pascha 34. Eliz. and sent one to the Lord Chancellor and another to the Lord Treasurer after which time there did follow more quietness then before in the cause afore mentioned The KINGS Message the 2. May 1628. by Secretary COKE HIs Majesty hath commanded me to make known to this House that howsoever we proceed with the business we have in hand which he will not doubt but to be according to our constant professions and so as he may have cause to give us thanks yet his resolution is that both his royal care and his harty and true affection towards all his loving Subjects shall appear to the whole Kingdom and to all the World that he will govern us according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm that he will maintain us in the Liberties of our Persons and propriety of our goods so as we may enjoy as much happiness as our Forefathers in their best times and that he will rectifie what hath been or may be amiss amongst us so that there may be hereafter no just cause to complain wherein as his Majesty will ranck himself amongst the best of our Kings and shew he hath no intention to invade or impeach our Lawfull Liberties or Rights so he will have us to match our selves with the best Subjects by not incroaching upon that Soveraignty and Prerogative which God hath put into his hands for our good and by containing our selves within the bounds and Laws of our Forefathers without streining or inlarging them by new Explanations Interpretations Expositions or Additions in any sort which he clearly telleth us he will not give way unto That the weight of the affairs of Christendom do press him more and more and the time is now grown to that point of maturity that it cannot indure long debate or delay so as this Session of Parliament must continue no longer then Tuesday come sevenight at the furthest within which time his Majesty for his part will be ready to perform what he hath promised to us and if we be not as forward to do that is fit for us it shall be our own faults Lastly upon the assurance of our good dispatch and correspondency his Majesty declareth that his Royal intention is to have another Session at Michalmass next for the perfecting of such things as cannot now be done M r. MASONS speech 2. May 1628. I Am of opinion with the Gentleman that spake first that in our proceedings in the matter now in debate we should have use of the Title of the Statute called circumspecte agatis for it concerns the Liberty of our Persons without which we do not enjoy our lives The Question is WHether in this Bill for the explanation of Magna Charta and the rest of the Satutes we shall provide that the cause of the commitment must be expressed upon the commitment or upon the Return of the Habeas Corpus Before I speak to the question it self I shall propose some observations in my conceit necessarily conduceing to the debate of the Matter 1. That we ought to take care and to provide for posterity as our Predecessors have done for us and that this provident care cannot be expounded to be any distrust of the performance of his Majesties gracious Declaration this Act providing for perpetuity to which his Highness promise unless it were by Act of Parliament cannot extend 2. That we having long debated and solemnly resolved our Rights and Priviledges by virtue of these Statutes and if now we shall reduce those Declarations and those resolutions into an Act we must ever hereafter expect to be confined within the bounds of that Act being made at our Suit and to be the limmits of the Prerogative in in that respect and it being an Act of explanation which shall receive no further explanation then it self contains 3. That by this Act we must provide a remedy against the Persons which detain us in Prison for as to the Commander there can be no certain Concerning the Question it self IT hath been solemnly and clearly resolved by the House that the commitment of a Freeman without expressing the cause at the time of the commitment is against the Law If by this Act
that the Prisoner must sustain all without satisfaction or knowing the cause The onely reason given by those of the other opinion That it is requisite the King and Councel should have power to command the detainer of a man in Prison for sometime without expressing the cause is because it is supposed that the manifestation of the cause at first may prevent the discovery of a Treason The reason is answered by the remedy proposed by this Act it being proposed that it shall be provided by this Bill that upon our commitment we may have instantly recourse to the Chancery for an Habeas Corpus retornable in that Court which is alwayes open that partly upon the receipt thereof the Writ must be returned and the cause thereupon expressed If then this remedy be really the cause of commitment must partly appear which contradicts the former reason of State And in my own opinion we ought not onely to take care that the Subject should be delivered out of Prison but to prevent his imprisonment The Statute of Magna Charta and the rest of the Acts providing that no man should be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land And although the King or Councel as it hath been objected by might may commit us without cause notwithstanding any Laws we can make Yet I am sure without such an Act of Parliament such commitment can have no Legal colour and I would be loath we should make a Law to endanger our selves for which reasons I conceive that there being so many wayes to evade from this Act we shall be in worse case by it then without it providing no remedy to prevent our imprisonment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull and administers excuses for continuing us in Prison as I have before declared and thus for providing for one particuler out of reason of State which possibly may fall out in an age or two we shall spring a leak which may sinck all our Liberties and open a gap through which Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes may issue out and vanish I therefore conclude that in my poor understanding which I submit to better Judgements I had rather depend upon our former resolutions and the Kings gracious Declarations then to pass an Act in such manner as hath been proposed The Speakers speech to his MAJESTY in the Bancketting-House 5. May 1628. Most gracious and dread Soveraign YOur Loyal and dutifull Subjects the Commons assembled in Parliament by several Messages from your Majesty especially by that your must Royal Declaration delivered by the Lord Keeper before both Houses have to their exceeding joy and comfort received many ample expressions of your Princely care and tender affection towards them with a gracious promise and assurance that your Majesty will govern according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and so maintain all your Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and safety of their Estates that all their Rights and Liberties may be by them enjoyed with as much freedom and security in your time as in any age heretofore by their Ancestors under the best of your Royal Progenitors For this so great and gracious a favour enlarged by a continual intimation of your Majesties confidence in the proceeding of this House they do by me their Speaker make a full return of most humble thanks to your Majesty withall dutifull acknowledgement of your grace and goodness herein extended to them And whereas in one of these Messages delivered from your Majesty there was an expression of your desire to know whether this House would rest upon your Royal word and promise assuring them if they would it should be Royally and really performed As they again present their humble thanks for this seconding and strengthning of your former Royal expressions so in all humbleness they assure your Majesty that their greatest confidence is and ever must be in your gracious favour and goodness without which they well know nothing they can frame or desire will be of safety and value to them and therefore are all humble Suitors to your Majesty that your Royal heart would graciously accept and believe the truth of theirs which they humbly present and full of truth and confidence in your Royal word and promise as ever House of Commons reposed in any of their best Kings True it is they cannot but remember the publick trust for which they are accomptable to present and future times and their desires are that your Majesties goodness in fruit and memory be the blessing and joy of posterity They finde also that of late there hath been publick violation of your Laws and the Subjects Liberties by some of your Majesties Ministers and thence conceive that no less then a publick remedy will raise the dejected hearts of your loving Subjects to a cheerfull supply of your Majesty or make them receive content in the proceeding of this House From these considerations they must humbly beg your Majesties leave to lay hold of that gracious offer of yours which gave them assurance that if they thought fit to secure themselves in their Rights and Liberties by way of Bill or otherwise so it might be provided for with due respect to his Honour and publick good he would graciously be pleased to give way unto it Far from their intentions it is to incroach upon your Soveraignty or Prerogative nor have they the least thought of straining or inlarging the former Laws in any sort by any new interpretations or additions The bounds of their desire extend no further then to some necessary explanation of what is truely comprehended within the just sence and meaning of those Laws with some moderate provision for execution and performance as in times past upon like occasions have been used The way how to accomplish these their humble desires is now in serious consideration with them wherein they humbly assure your Majesty they will neither loose time nor seek any thing of you Majesty but what they hope may be fit for dutifull and Loyal Subjects to ask and for a gracious and a good King to grant The KINGS Answer to the House of Commons delivered by the Lord Keeper 5. May 1628. MR. Speaker and the Gentlemen of the House of Commons his Majesty hath commanded me to tell you that he expected an answer by your actions and not delay by discourse You acknowledge his trust and confidence in your proceedings but his Majesty sees not how ye requite him by your confidence of his word and actions for what need explanations if you doubt not performance of the true meaning for the explanation will hazard an incroachment upon his Prerogative and it may well be said what needs a new Law upon any old if you repose confidence in the Declaration his Majesty lately made by me to both Houses and your selves acknowledge that the greatest trust and confidence must be in his Majesties grace and goodness without which nothing that you can frame will be of
safety or available to you Yet to shew clearly the sincerity of his Majesties intentions he is content that a Bill be drawn for confirmation of Magna Charta and the 6. other Statutes insisted on for the Subjects Liberties if you shall chuse that to be the best way so that it be without Additions Paraphrase or Explanations Thus if you please you may be secured from your needless fears and this Parliament may have a happy wished for end whereby the contrary if you seek to tye the King by new and indeed impossible bonds you must be accomptable to God and your Countrey for the ill success of this meeting His Majesty having given his Royal word that you shall have no cause to complain hereafter less then which hath been enough to reconcile great Princes and therefore ought much more to prevail between King and Subject Lastly I am commanded to tell you that his Majesties pleasure is that without further replies of Messages or other unnecessary delayes you do what you mean to do speedily remembring the last Message which his Majesty sent you by Secretary Coke for point of time his Majesty alwayes intending to perform his promise to his people The Lord COKES speech at the conference in the Painted Chamber presenting the Petition of Right 8. May 1628. I Pray your Lordships to excuse us for we have been till one of the Clock about the great business and blessed be God we have dispatcht it in some measure and before this time we were not able to attend your Lordships but I hope that this will prove to be a great blessing to us My Lords I am commanded from the House of Commons to express their singuler care and affection they have of concurrence with your Lordships in these urging affairs and proceedings of this Parliament both for the good of the Common-wealth and principally for his Majesties And this I may say in this particuler if we have hundreds of tongues we were not able to express this desire which we have of that concurrence with your Lordships but I will leave it without any further expression My Lords what necessity there is both in respect of your selves and your posterities in the good success of this business we have acquainted your Lordships with the reasons and the arguments and also that we have had some conference about it we have received from your Lordships 5. Propositions and it behoves us to give your Lordships some reasons why you have not heard from us before now for in the mean time as we were consulting of this weighty business we have received divers messages from our great Soveraign the King and they consisted upon 5. parts First was that his Majesty would maintain all his Subjects in their just freedom both of their Persons and Estates Secondly That he will govern according to his Laws and Statutes Thirdly That we shall finde much confidence in his Royal word I pray observe that Fourthly That we shall enjoy all our Rights and Liberties with as much Freedom and Liberty as ever any Subjects have before times Fifthly That whether we shall think it fit either by way of Bill or otherwise to go on in this great business his Majesty would be pleased to give way to it These gracious messages do so work upon our affections that we have taken them into consideration My Lords when we had these messages I deal plainly for so I am commanded by the House of Commons We did consider in that way we may go for our most secure way nay yours we do think that the safest way was to go a Parliament course for we have Maxim in the House of Commons and written on the walls of our House that old wayes are the safest and surest wayes And at last we fell upon that which we did think if that your Lordships shall consent with us as the most ancient way of all and that is my Lords viam faustam both to his Majesty and your Lordships and to our selves for my Lords this is the greatest bond that any Subject can have in Parliament verbum Regis that is an high point of Honour but this shall be done by the Lords and Commons and assented to by the King in Parliament This is the greatest obligation of all and this is for the Kings Honour and our safety And therefore my Lords we have drawn a form of a Petition desiring your Lordships to concur with us herein for we come with an unanimous consent of all the House of Commons for there is great reason your Lordships should do so because that your Lordships be involved in the same condition commune periculum and so I have done with the first part And now I shall be bolde to read that which we have so agreed on I shall desire your Lordships that I may read it The Petition of Right to the KINGS most Excellent Majesty HUmbly sheweth unto our Soveraign Lord the King the Lords spiritual temporal and Commons in this present Parliament assembled That whereas it is declared and enacted by a Statute made in the time of the Raign of King Edw. 1. commonly called Statutum de tallagio non concedendo That no Tollage or aid should be laid or levied by the King or his Heirs in this Realm without the good will and assent of the Arch-Bishop Earles Barons Knights Burgesses and others the freemen of the Cominalty of this Realm And by Authority of Parliament holden in the 13. year of the Raign of King Ed. 3. it is declared and enacted that form thence-forth no Persons should be compelled to make any loan to the King against his will because such loans were against reason and the Franchises of the Land And by other Laws of this Realm it is provided that none should be charged by any charge or imposition called a Benevolence nor by such like charge by which the Statutes before mentioned and other the good Laws and Statutes of this Realm your Subjects have inherited this freedom that they should not be compelled to Contribute to any Tax Tollage Aid or other like charge not set by common consent in Parliament Yet nevertheless of late divers Commissions directed to sundry Commissioners in several Countreys with instructions have issued by means whereof your people have been in divers parts assembled and required to lend certain summes of money to your Majesty And many of them upon refusal so to do have had an unlawfull Oath administred unto them not warrantable by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and have been constrained to become bound to make appearance and give attendance before your privy Councel and in other places And others of them have been therefore imprisoned confined and sundry other wayes molested and disquieted and divers other charges have been laid and levied upon your people in several Countreys alleadging some superior by Lord Lieutenants Deputy Lieutenants Commissioners for Musters Justices of Peace and others by command or direction against the Laws
subjects grievance by the late Imprisonment of their persons pag. 21 Sir Benjam Ruddier's speech pag. 27 Sir Robert Phillips's speech pag. 28 Sir Thomas Edmonds pag. 30 Sir Iohn Elliot ibid. Sir Hum May ibid. The Petition for the fast March 26. 1628. pag. 31 The Kings Propositions March 28. pag. 32 Three grand questions ibid. Sir Iohn Coke his speech at a Conference between the Lords and Commons about the Petition to the King against Recusants pag. 33 The Petition of both Houses to his Majesty concerning Recusants March 31. pag. 34 The Kings Answer to the Petition against Recusants pag. 37 The Answer to the same Petition by the Lord Keeper Coventry pag. 38 Sir Edward Cokes speech March 25. upon a Question of law in point of Judgement given in the Kings Bench Mich. 3. Caroli viz. that a Prisoner detain'd by Commitment per special Mandat Regis without expressing a Cause is not Bailable wherein he held negatively pag. 39 The substance of the Kings speech upon the relating of the proceedings of the Parliament to him by the Counsellers of the Commons house of Parliament April 4. pag. 41 The Duke of Buckinghams speech to his Majesty the 4 of April ibid. S r Iohn Elliot in Answer to M r Secretary Coke's message of thanks from the King and the Duke of Buckingham delivered in the Commons house of Parliament April 5 pag. 43 A message by Secretary Coke from the King to the lower house April the 7 pag. 44 S r Benjamin Ruddier's speech upon the Receit of his Majesties Answer to the petition against Recusants pag. 45 The Kings message to the House of Commons by M r Speaker April 12. pag. 46. The petition concerning billetting of souldiers April 14. pag. 47 Nine heads of the House of Commons to the Speaker pag. 49 The Speaker S r Iohn Finches speech upon the nine heads pag. 50 The Kings Answer to the petition concerning billetting of souldiers pag. 53 S r Dudley Diggs his Introduction pag. 54 The Argument made by M r Littleton at the Command of the House of Commons out of Acts of Parliament and Authorities of Law expounding the same at the first Conference with the Lords touching the person of every Freeman pag. 56 The Objections of the Kings Councell with the Answers made thereto at the two Conferences touching the same matter pag. 65 The true Copies of the Records not printed which were used on either side of that part of the debate pag. 70 The Argument which by Command of the House of Commons was made at their first Conference with the Lords touching the liberty of the person of every Freeman out of presidents of Record and resolutions of Judges in former times by M r Selden pag. 76 The whole copies of the presidents of Record mentioned in one of the Arguments made at the first conference with the Lords touching the liberty of the person of every Free-man pag. 92 S r Edward Coke pag. 107 The Arguments of Serjeant Bramston on the Habeas Corpus pag. 111 The Argument of M r Noye upon the Habeas Corpus pag. 117 The Argument of M r Selden upon the Habeas Corpus pag. 122 The Argument of M r Calthrop upon the Habeas Corpus pag. 125 The substance of the Objections made by M r Attorney generall before a Committee of both Houses to the Argument that was made by the House of Commons at the first Conference with the Lords out of presidents of Record and resolutions of Judges in former times touching the liberty of the person of every Free-man and the Answer and replies presently then made by the House of Commons to these Objections pag. 121 The proceedings against the Earl of Suffolk April 14. p. 135 Severall speeches made at the Debates concerning the Kings propositions pag. 138 M r Alford ibid. S r Robert Maunsell ibid. S r Francis Seymour ibid. S r Peter Hayman ibid. M r Pimme ibid. Secretary Coke ibid. S r Dudley Diggs pag. 139 M r Spencer ibid. M r Iohn Elliot ibid. S r Edward Coke ibid. S r Thomas Wentworth pag. 146 S r Henry Martin ibid. M r Kirton ibid. S r Robert Phillips ibid. Serjeant Hoskins ibid. Serjeant Ashleys Argument seconding M r Attorney in the behalf of his Majesty pag. 141 M r Noyes Argument April 16 pag. 144 M r Glanvills Argument pag. 145 The Answer of the Judges for matter of fact upon the Habeas Corpus April 21 pag. 146 Iudge Whitlock's speech pag. 147 Iudge Iones his speech pag. 148 Iudge Doderidges speech pag. 149 The Lord chief Iustice his speech ibid. The Earl of Warwick's speech April 21 pag. 150 The Arch Bishop of Canterburies speech at the Conference of both Houses April 25 pag. 153 The five propositions read by the Lord Bishop of Norwich April 25. 1628 ibid. S r Dudley Diggs his speech in behalf of the Commons pag. 154 S r Benjamin Ruddier's speech April 28 pag. 157 The Lord Keeper's speech April 28. pag. 157 The Bishop of Exceter's letter sent to the House of Commons April 28. pag. 158 M r Hackwell of Lincolnes Inne his speech in the lower House May 1 pag. 159 The objections against M r Hackwel's speech ibid. Secretary Coke's message May 1 pag. 161 Secretary Coke's speech concerning himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty pag. 162 Henry Tomson one of the Sheriffs and Robert Henisworth Alderman of the city of York their submission for their indirect choosing of S r Thomas Savil Knight pag. 163 Propositions drawn for the defence of this Kingdome and the annoyance of the enemies of the same by sea ibid. Iudge Andersons speech pag. 165 The Kings message May 2 by Secretary Coke pag. 167 M r Masons speech May 2 ibid. The Speakers speech to his Majesty in the banquetting house May 5 pag. 171 The Kings Answer to the House of Commons delivered by the Lord Keeper May 5 pag. 173 The Lord Cok's speech at the Conference in the painted Chamber presenting the petition of Right May 8 pag. 174 The petition of Right to the Kings most excellent Majesty pag. 175 S r Benjamin Ruddier's speech pag. 178 His Majesties letter to the Lords spirituall and temporall of the higher House of Parliament pag. 180 The Kings message by the Lord Keeper May 21 pag. 181 M r Masons speech concerning the addition propounded by the Lords to be added to the petition of Right pag. 182 The Reasons of the Commons House delivered by M r Glanvil why they cannot admit of the propositions tendred unto them by the Lords 186 S r Henry Martin's speech pag. 188 The Kings speech in the Higher House at the meeting of both Houses Iune 2. pag. 194 The Lord Keeper in explanation of the same pag. 195 The Kings Answer to the petition of Right Iune 2. by the Lord Keeper ibid. S r Iohn Elliot's speech Iune 3. ibid. A Report from the Committee for trade Iune 4. pag. 201 His Majesties message to the House of Commons by
judging of a Parliament to be the antient speediest best way in this time of common Danger to give such supply as to secure our selves and to save our Friends from imminent ruine have called you together Every man must do according to his conscience Wherefore if you which God forbid should not doe your duties in contributing what the State at this time needs I must in discharge of my conscience use those other meanes which God hath put into my hands to save that which the follies of particular men may hazard to loose Take not this as a threatning for I scorn to threaten any but my equals but an admonition from him that both out of nature and dutie have most care of your preservations and prosperities and though I thus speak I hope that your endeavours at this time will be such as shall not onely make me approve your former Counsels but lay on me such obligations as shall binde me by way of thankfulness to meet often for be assured that nothing can be more pleasing to me then to keep a good correspondence with you I will onely adde one thing more and then leave my Lord Keeper to make a short paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you which is to remember a thing to the end we may forget it You may imagine that I came here with a doubt of success of what I desire remembring the distractions at the last meeting but I assure you that I shall very easily and gladly forget and forgive what is past so that you will at this present time leave the former waies of distractions and follow the counsell late given you to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace The Lord Keeper Coventry's Speech 17. March 1627. My Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons IF I had been delighted in long speaking yet the example and commandment of his Majestie hath been more then enough to refraine the superfluitie of that humour but here is yet more For that short and excellent compacted Speech which you have heard from his Majestie begins with a reason It is a time for action and not for speech Examples and Command master the VVill and Reason the Understanding and therefore you may expect nothing from me but brevity You have heard the matter already and I doubt not but with reverence as the weight and authority requires you have imprinted it in your mindes and the matter being known long speeches from me were but babling to beat the aire Yee are here in Parliament by his Majesties writ and royall command to consult and conclude of the weightie and urgent businesse of this Kingdome VVeighty it is and great as great as the honour safety and protection of Religion King and Country and what can be greater Urgent it is It is little pleasure to tell or think how urgent and to tell it with circumstances were a long work I will but touch the summe of it in few words The Pope and House of Austria have long affected the one a Spiritual the other a Temporal Monarchie and to effect their ends to serve each others turn the House of Austria besides the rich and vast Territories of both the Indies and in Africa joined together are become Masters of Spain and Italy and the great country of Germany And although France be not under their subjection yet they have endeavoured all about him the very bowells of the Kingdome swaied by the Popish faction they have gotten such a part and such interest in the Government that under pretence of Religion to root out the Protestants and our Religion they have drawn the King to their adherence so farre that albeit upon his Majesties interposition by his Ambassadours and his engagement of his royall word there was between the King and his Subjects Articles of agreement and the Subjects were quiet whereby his Majestie interessed in that great Treaty was bound to see a true accomplishment yet against that strict alliance that Treaty hath been broken and those of the Religion have been put to all extremity and undoubtedly will be ruinated without present help so as that King is not onely diverted from assisting the common Cause but hath been misled to engage himself in hostile acts against our King or other Princes making way thereby for the House of Austria to the ruine of his own and other Kingdomes Other Potentates that in former times did ballance and interrupt the growing greatnesse of the House of Austria are now removed and diverted The Turk hath made peace with the Emperour and turned himself wholly into warrs with Asia the King of Sweden is embroiled in a warre with Poland which is invented by Spanish practices to keep that King from succouring our part the King of Denmark is chased out of his Kingdome on this and on that side the Sound so as the house of Austria is on the point to command all the Sea-coasts from Danâ—zick to Emden and all the Rivers falling into the Sea in that great extent so as besides their power by Land they beginne to threaten our part by Sea to the subversion of all our State In the Baltique Sea they are providing and arming all the ships they can build or hire and have at this time their Ambassadours threatning at Lubeck to draw into their service the Hans-Townes whereby taking from us and our neighbours the East-land trade by which our Shipping is supplied they expect without any blow given to make themselves masters of the Sea In those Western parts by the Dunkerkers and by the now French and Spanish Admirall to the ruine of Fishing of infinite consequence both to us and the Low Countries they infest all our coast so as wee passe not safely from port to port And that Fleet which lately assisted the French at the Isle of Ree is now preparing at St. Andrea with other ships built in the coast of Biscai to re-inforce it and a greater Fleet is making ready at Lisbon where besides their own they do serve themselves upon all strangers bottoms coming to that coast for trade And these great preparations are no doubt to assault us in England or Ireland as they shall finde advantage and a place fit for their turn Our friends of the Netherlands besides the feare that justly troubles them lest the whole force of the Emperour may fall down upon them are distracted by their Voyages into the East which hath carried both men and money into another world and almost divided them at home Thus are we even ready on all sides to be swallowed up the Emperour France and Spain being in open warr against us Germany over-run the King of Denmark distressed the King of Sweden diverted and the Low-Countrey-men disabled to give us assistance I speak not this to increase fear unworthy of English courages but to presse to provision worthy the wisdome of a Parliament And for that cause his Majestie hath called you
hither that by a timely provision against those great imminent dangers our selves may be strengthened at home our Friends and Allies incouraged abroad and those great causes of feare scattered and dispelled And because in all warlike preparations Treasure bears the name and holds the semblance of the nerves and finewes and if a finew be too short or too weak if it be either shrunk or strained the part becomes unusefull it is needfull that you make a good and timely supply of treasure without which all counsells will prove fruitlesse I might presse many reasons to this end I will but name few First for his Majesties sake who requires it great is the duty which we owe him by the law of God great by the law of Nature and our own Allegeance great for his own merit and the memory of his ever blessed Father I do but point at them but me thinks our thoughts cannot but recoyle on our consideration touched by his Majestie which to me seemes to sound like a Parliamentarie part or Covenant A Warre was advised here Assistance professed yea and protested here I do but touch it I know you will deeply think on it and the more for the example the King hath set you his Lands his Plate his Jewells he hath not spared to supply the War what the People hath protested the King for his part hath willingly performed Secondly for the Cause sake it concernes us in Christian Charity to tender the distresses of our Friends abroad it concernes us in honour not to abandon them that have stood for us and if this come not close enough you shall finde our Interest so woven and involved with theirs that the Cause is more ours then theirs If Religion be in perill wee have the most flourishing and orthodoxe Church if Honour be in question the steps and monuments in former ages will shew that our Ancestours have left us as much as any Nation if Trade Commerce be in danger we are Islanders it is our life all these at once lye at stake and so doth our safety and being Lastly in respect of the manner of his Majesties demand which is in Parliament the way that hath ever best pleased the subjects of England and good cause for it for Aides granted in Parliament work good effects for the People they be commonly accompanied with wholesome Lawes gracious Pardons and the like Besides just and good Kings finding the love of their people and the readinesse of their supplies may the better forbear the use of their Prerogatives and moderate the rigour of the Lawes towards their Subjects This way as his Majestie hath told you he hath chosen not as the onely way but as the fittest not as destitute of others but as most agreeable to the goodnesse of his own most gracious disposition and to the desire and weale of his people If this be deferred Necessity and the Sword of the Enemy make way to the others Remember his Majesties admonition I say remember it Let me but adde and observe Gods mercy towards this land above all others the torrent of Warre hath overwhelmed other Churches and Countries but God hath hitherto restrained it from us and still gives us warning of every approaching danger to save us from surprize And our gracious Sovereign in a true sense of it calls together his High Court of Parliament the lively representation of the wisdome wealth and power of the whole Kingdome to joyn together to repell those hostile attempts which have distressed our Friends and Allies and threatned our selves And therefore it behoves all to apply their thoughts unto Counsell and Consultations worthy the greatnesse and wisdome of this Assembly to avoid discontents which may either distemper or delay and to attend that unum necessarium the common Cause propounding for the scope and work of all the debates the generall good of the King and Kingdome whom God hath joyned together with an indissoluble knot which none must attempt to cut or untie And let all by unity and good accord endeavour to pattern this Parliament by the best that have been that it may be a pattern to future Parliaments and may infuse into Parliaments a kinde of multiplying power and faculty whereby they may be more frequent and the King our Sovereign may delight to sit on this Throne and from hence to distribute his graces and favours amongst his people His Majestie hath given you cause to be confident of this you have heard from his royall mouth which neverthelesse he hath given me expresse command to redouble If this Parliament by their dutifull and wise proceedings shall but give this occasion his Majestie will be ready not onely to manifest his gracious acceptation but to put out all memory of those disasters that have troubled former Parliaments I have but one thing to adde and that is As your consultations be serious so let them be speedy The Enemy is beforehand with us and flies on the wings of Succese we may dallie and play with the houre-glasse that is in our powers but the houre will not stay for us and an opportunity once lost cannot be regained And therefore resolve of your Supplies that they may be timely and sufficient serving the occasion Your Counsel your Aid all is but lost if your Aid be either too little or too late And his Majestie is resolved that his affaires cannot permit him to expect it overlong And now having delivered what his Majestie hath commanded me concerning the cause of this Assembly his Majestie willeth that you of the House of Commons repaire to your owne House to make choice of a Speaker whom his Majestie will expect to be presented unto him on Wednesday next at two of the clock The Speaker Sir John Finches Speech March 19. 1627. Most Gracious Sovereign YOur obedient and loyall Subjects the Knights Citizens and Burgesses by your royall Summons here assembled in obedience to your gracious direction according to their antient usage and priviledge have lately proceeded to the choice of a Speaker and whether sequestring their better Judgements for your more weighty affairs or to make it known that their honour and wisdome can suffer neither increase nor diminution by the value or demerits of any one particular Member in what place soever serving them omitting others of worth and ability they have fixed their eyes of favour and affection on Mee Their long knowledge of my unfitnesse every way to undergo a charge of this important weight and consequence gave mee some hope they would have admitted my just excuse yet for their further and clearer satisfaction I drew the curtains and let in what light I could upon my owne inmost thoughts truely and really discovering to them what my self best knew and what I most humbly beseech your royall Majestie to take now into consideration that of so many hundreds sitting amongst them they could have found few or none whose presentation to your Majestie would have been of lesse repute
or otherwise restrained though it be by the command of the King Privy Councel or any other he praying the same 3. If a Free-man be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King Privy Councel or any other unlesse the cause of the commitment detainment or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained and the same be returned upon habeas corpus granted for the said party that then he ought to be delivered or bailed Sir John Coke his Speech at a Conference between the Lords and Commons about the Petition to the King against Recusants My Lords WE are sent to attend this Conference from the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons And first we acknowledge all due honour both unto the reverend Fathers of the Church and to you noble Lords in that ye have shined before us as worthy lights in the encouragement and maintainance of true Religion It is the true support of all your dignities and honours And this forwardnesse of yours is the more remarkable when that viperous generation as your Lordships justly stile them doe at ease with tooth and nail assay to rend the bowels of their Mother For give me leave to tell you what I know that they now both vaunt at home and write to their friends abroad they hope all will be well and doubt not to prevail and to win ground upon us And a little to awake the zeal and care of our learned and grave Fathers it is fit that they take notice of that Hierarchie which is already established in competition with their Lordships for they have a Bishop consecrated by the Pope this Bishop hath his subalternate Officers of all kinds as Vicars-generall Arch-deacons rurall Deans Apparatours and such like Neither are those nominall or titular Officers alone but they all execute their Jurisdictions and make their ordinary Visitations through the Kingdome keep Courts and determine Ecclesiasticall causes and which is an argument of more consequence they keep ordinary intelligence by their Agents in Rome and hold correspondence with the Nuntioes and Cardinalls both at Bruxells and in France Neither are the Seculars alone grown to this height but the Regulars are more active and dangerous and have taken deep root they have already planted their Societies and Colledges of both Sexes they have setled Revenues Houses Libraries Vestments and all other necessary provisions to travell or stay at home nay even at this time they intend to hold a concurrent Assembly with this Parliament But now since his sacred Majesty hath extended his royall arm and since the Lords of his Councell have by their authority caused this nest of Wasps to be digged out of the earth and their Convocations to be scattered and since your Lordships joyn in courage and resolution at least to reduce this People to their lawfull restraint that they may doe no more hurt we conceive great hope and comfort that the almighty God will from henceforth prosper our endeavours both at home and abroad But now my Lords to come to the chief errand of this our meeting which is to make known to you the approbation of our House of that Petition to his Majesty wherein you were pleased to request our concurrence The House hath taken it into serious consideration and from the beginning to the end approve of every word and much commend your happy pen onely we are required to present unto you a few additions whereby we conceive the Petition may be made more agreable to the Statutes which are desired to be put in execution and to a former Petition granted by his Majesty recorded in both Houses confirmed under the Broad Seal of England and published in all the Courts of our ordinary Justice But these things we propound not as our Resolutions or as matters to raise debate or dispute but commend them only as our Advise and desire being ready notwithstanding to joyn with your Lordships in the Petition as now it is if your Lordships shall not find this reason to be of weight These additions were but few and were approved of by the Lords and inserted in the Petition the 29. March 1628. The Petition of both Houses to his Majesty concerning Recusants March 31. 1628. VVE your Majesties most loyall and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons in Parliament assembled having to our singular comfort obtained your Majesties pious and gracious assent for a publick Fast to appease the wrath of almighty God kindled against us and to prevent those grievous Judgements which doe apparently presse upon us doe in all humility present unto your Sacred Majesty all possible thanks for the same And because the publick and visible Sins of the Kingdome are the undoubted Causes of those visible Evils that are fallen upon us amongst which sins as is apparent by the Word of God Idolatry and Superstition are the most hainous and crying sins to the end that we may constantly hope for the blessing of God to descend upon this our publick Humiliation by abandoning those sins which doe make a wall of separation betwixt God and us 1. We most humbly and ardently beg at the hands of your Sacred Majesty that your Majesty will be pleased to give continuall life and motion to all those Laws that stand in force against Iesuites Seminary Priests and all that have taken Orders by authority of the Sea of Rome by exacting a more due and serious execution of the same amongst which number those that have highly abused your Majesties Clemency by returning into the Kingdome after their Banishment contrary to your Highnesse expresse Proclamation we humbly desire may be left to the severity of your Laws without admitting any mediation or intercession for them and that such of your Majesties unsound and ill-affected Subjects as doe receive harbour or conceal any of that viperous generation may without delaies suffer such penalties and punishments as the Laws most justly impose upon them 2. That your Majesty would be pleased to command a secure and streight watch to be kept in and over your Majesties Ports and Havens and to commit the care and charge of searching of ships for this discovery and apprehension as well of Iesuits and Seminary Priests brought in as of children and young Students sent over beyond the Seas to suck in the poison of Rebellion and Superstition unto men of approved Fidelity and Religion and such as shall be convicted to have connived or combined in the bringing in of the one or conveying out of the other that the Lawes may passe upon them with speedy execution 3. That considering those dreadfull dangers never to be forgotten which did involve your Majesties Sacred Person and the whole representative Body of your Majesties Kingdome plotted and framed by the free and common accesse of Popish Recusants to the city of London and to your Majesties Court your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
mentioned and his Majesty will take it for good service if any will give knowledge of such as have connived or combined or shall connive or combine as is mentioned in this Article that Justice may be strictly done upon them To the third His Majesty will take order to restrain the recourse of Recusants to the Court and also for the other points of this Article his Majesty is well pleased that the Laws be duly executed and that all unlawfull Licenses be annulled and discharged To the fourth His Majesty is most willing to punish for the time past and prevent for the future any the deceits and abuses mentioned in this Article and will account it a good service in any that will inform himself his Privy Councell Officers of his Revenue Judges or Councell learned of any thing that may reveal this Mystery of Iniquity and his Majesty doth strictly charge and command every of them to whom such information is made that they suffer not the same to die but do their utmost endeavour to effect a clear discovery and bring the Offenders to punishment and to the intent that no concealed toleration may be effected his Majesty leaveth the Lawes to their course To the fifth His Majesty is pleased to prohibite and restrain the coming and resort to the house of Ambassadours and will command a vigilant watch to be set for their taking and punishing as is desired To the sixth He is perswaded that this Article is already observed with good care neverthelesse for the avoyding as much as may be errours and escapes in that kind his Majesty will give order to the Lord Keeper that the next Terme he call unto him all the Judges and take information from them of the state of their severall Circuits if any such as are mentioned in this Article be in the Commission for Peace that reformation may be made thereof and will likewise give order to the Lord Admirall and to such persons to whom it shall appertain to make diligent enquiry and certifie to his Majesty if any such be in place of authority and command in his ships or service To the seventh His Majesty doth fully grant it To the eighth His Majesty doth well approve it as a matter of necessary consideration and the Parliament now sitting he recommendeth to both Houses the preparation of a fitting Law to that effect and his Majesty doth further declare that the mildnesse that hath been used towards them of the Popish Religion hath been upon hope that forraign Princes thereby might be induced to use moderation towards their Subjects of the Reformed Religion but not finding that good effect which was expected his Majesty resolveth unlesse he shall very speedily see better fruit to adde a further degree of severity to that which is in this Petition desired Sir Edward Coke's Speech March 25. upon a Question of Law in point of the Iudgement given in the Kings Bench Mich. 3. Caroli Viz. That a Prisoner detained by Committment per special mandat Regis without expressing a Cause is not bailable wherein he held negatively and spake as followeth IT is true that the Kings Prerogative is a part of the Law of this Kingdome and a supream part for the Prerogative is highly tendred and respected of the Law yet it hath bounds set unto it by the Laws of England But some worthy Members of this House have spoken of forraign States which I conceive to be a forraign Speech and not able to weaken the Side I shall maintain That Master Attorney may have something to answer unto I will speak without taking another day to the body of the Cause yet keeping something in store for another time I have not my Vade mecum here yet I will endeavour to recite my Ancestours truly I shall begin with old Authority for Errorem ad sua principia referre est refellere The ground of this Errour was the Statute of Westm. 1 cap. 15. which saith that those are not repleviable who are committed for the death of a man or by the commandment of the King or his Justices for the Forrest for so it was cited and Stamford 72. expounding hereof the commandment of the King to be the commandment of the Kings mouth or of his Councell But it is clear that by praeceptum is understood the commandment of the Justices of the Kings Bench and Common Pleas and this is contemporanea expositio quae est fortissima in lege To this purpose vide Westm. 1. cap. 9. the book of 2. R. 2. item cap. 20. de malefactoribus in parc the book of 8 Hen. 4.5 item 25.26.29 cap. ejusdem statuti whereby it may appear that the commandment here spoken of to be the commandment of the King is his commandment by his Judges Praeceptum Domini Regis in Curia non in Camera So it is likewise taken 1. R. 2. cap. 12. in a Statute made in the next Kings reign and expresly in Dyer fol. 162. § 50. fol. 192. § 24. Shall I further prove it by matter of record Fac hoc vives it is 18. E. 3. Rot. 33. coram Rege Iohn Bilston's Case who being committed and detained in prison by commandment of the King was discharged by Habeas corpus eo quod Breve Domini Regis non fuit sufficiens causa All the Acts of Parliament in title of accusation are direct to the point and also the 16. Hen. 6. Brooke and Littleton 2.1 monstrans de fait 182 per Cur. The King cannot command a man to be arrested in his presence the King can arrest no man because there is no remedy against him 1. Hen. 7.4 likewise praedict stat cap. 18. the Kings pleasure is not binding without the assent of the Realm I never read any opinion against what I have said but that of Stamford mistaken as you see in the ground yet I say not that a man may not be committed without precise shewing the cause in particular for it is sufficient if the cause in generall be shewed as for Treason c. 1. E. 2. stat de frangend prison nullus habeat judicium c. there the cause of imprisonment must be known else the Statute will be of little force the words thereof doe plainly demonstrate the intent of the Statute to be accordingly I will conclude with the highest authority that is 25. chap. of the Acts of the Apostles the last verse where Saint Paul saith It is against reason to send a man to prison without shewing a Cause Thus Master Attorney according to the rules of Physick I have given you a Preparative which doth precede a Purge I have much more in store The substance of the King's Speech upon the relating of the proceedings of the Parliament to him by the Counsellers of the Commons House of Parliament 4. April 1628. HIs Majestie upon the Report made expressed great contentment that it gave him not valuing the money given comparable to the hearts shewed in the way
as I cannot without Scandall apprehend it I cannot without some Character or exception passe it And therefore I desire that such interposition may be left and that all other **** respects and goodnesses of his Majesty in the confidence of our own loyaltie and affections Now let us proceed to those services that concern him which I doubt not in the end will render us so reall unto him that we shall not need more help to endear us to his favour A Message by Secretary Coke from the King to the Lower House April 7. 1628. HIs Majesty hath again commanded me to put you in mind how the eyes and interest of the Christian World are cast upon the good or ill successe of this Assemblie He also graciously taketh notice of that which is in agitation amongst us touching the freedome of our Persons and propriety of our Goods And that this particular care which he in no way misliketh may not retract our resolution for the generall good he willeth us cheerfully to proceed in both and to expresse our readinesse to supply his great Occasions upon assurance that we shall enjoy all our Rights and Liberties with as much freedome and security in his time as in any age heretofore under the best of our Kings And whether you shall think fit to secure our selves herein by way of Bill or otherwise so as it be provided for with due respect to his Honour and the publick good whereof he doubteth not but you will be carefull he promiseth and assureth you that he will give way unto it and the more confidence you shall shew to his Grace and Goodnesse the more you shall prevaile to obtain your desires Sir Benjamin Ruddier's Speech upon the receipt of his Majestie 's Answer to the Petition against Recusants M r Speaker THe best thanks we can return his Majesty for his gracious and religious answer he hath given to our Petition is to move towards that which will both please him and secure our selves The dangers and necessities of the present state M r Speaker are so obvious to every mans eye and understanding and therefore so well known as to make a large and particular rehearsall of them would rather astonish our iudgements then refresh our memorie Wherefore in short and in grosse I will but only reflect upon the desperate condition of the Kings Vncle the King of Denmarke engaged from hence even to the hazzard of his own Kingdome in the quarrell of that royall and victorious Lady his Majesties Sister for the recovery of her and her childrens patrimony the preservation and reestablishment of the Religion in those Countreys so that the King is bound in nature in policie and in religion to relieve and assist both the persons and the cause to the utmost of his power Believe it M r Speaker the hindge of the many businesses mov'd in Germany doth not a little presse us to look about us at this time for if that great bodie were once united under one head it would crush all the rest with the weight of it Next let us a little look over into France there shall we find the poor men of our Religion exposed to the furie of an enraged King with a juster pretence against them then hath been at any time heretofore besides which is worse the Kings of Spain and France are united against them and us and made better friends then ever they meant to have been So that not to succour and support the Professours of our Religion will not only be infidelity and cruelty but improvidence and folly for their ill is ours If Rochel should be lost which is now in loosing and his Majesty not able to set out one ship to help it if it should be lost it would hazzard the totall extirpation of the Religion besides it would be an extraordinarie advantage to the King of France for shipping and as great a disadvantage to us in respect of the neighbourhood and if the Sound should be lost too whereby should we escape from being swallowed up by a Spanish invasion this Island would be more like to a prison then a Kingdome for we were not able to walke abroad These are dangers too many yet have I willingly abridged them for I had rather come to the remedy so should we all which consists only in money plentifully and speedily brought in wisely and judiciously laid out I doubt not but wee are all resolved to give wherefore Mr Speaker let us prepare our selves to give plentifully to satisfie the publick occasions to heave his Majesty out of necessity for necessity is the worst Counseller and I shall be verie sorry that we of all others should be guilty of placing ill Counsell about the King and now to think of sparing when all lies at the stake were the most undoing kind of prodigality Let us give speedily for delaie is the greatest danger of all dangers it will not only loose that which we give but that also which we would give And this I propound not as the Kings businesse but our way wherein every man in this house hath particular interest if his fortune his life his religion be any thing unto him Neither speak I this to divert the great businesse in hand but to hasten it for I love as well Mr Speaker to tread upon English ground as any man here doth The King's Message to the House of Commons by M r Speaker 12 April 1628. HIs Majesty having given timely notice to this House as well of the pressing of the time as of the necessity of supply hath long since expected some fruit of that which was so happily begun but finding an unexpected stop almost beyond all expectation after so good a beginning hath commanded me to tell you that without any further unnecessary delay you proceed with his businesses for however he hath been willing and consenting his affaires and ours should concurre and proceed together yet his meaning was not that one should give interruption to another nor the time to be spunne out upon any pretence upon which the common cause of Christendome doth so much depend He bids us therefore to take heed and force not him to make an unpleasing end of that which hath been so well begun The Petition concerning the billetting of Souldiers 14 April 1628. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty IN all humility complaining shew unto your most excellent Majesty your loyall and dutifull Commons now in Parliament assembled That whereas by the fundamentall Lawes of this your Realme every free-man hath and of right ought to have a full and absolute propriety in his goods and estate and that therefore the billetting and placing of Souldiers in the houses of any such free-man against his will is directly contrarie to the said Lawes under which we and our Ancestours have been so long and happily governed yet in apparent violation of the said ancient and undoubted right of all your Majesties most loyall Subjects of this your Kingdome
this Land And when according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm redresse hath been sought for in a legall way by demanding Habeas Corpus from the Judges and a discharge or triall according to the Law of the Land successe hath failed which hath now inforced the Commons in this present Parliament assembled to examine by Acts of Parliaments Presidents and Reasons the truth of English Subjects Liberties which I shall leave to learned Gentlemen whose weightie Arguments I hope will leave no place in your Lordships memories for the errours and infirmities of your humblest Servant that doth thankfully acknowledge the great favour of your most honourable and patient attention The Argument made by M r Littleton at the command of the House of Commons out of Acts of Parliament and Authorities of Law expounding the same at the first Conference with the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Person of every Free-man My Lords UPon the occasions delivered by the Gentleman that last spake your Lordships have heard the Commons have taken into their serious Consideration the matter of Personall Libertie and after long debate thereof on divers dayes as well by solemn Arguments as single propositions of doubts and answers to the end no scruple might remaine in any mans breast unsatisfied they have upon a full search and cleer understanding of all things pertinent to the Question unanimously declared That no Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King or the Privie Councell or any other unlesse some cause of the commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained And they have sent me with some other of their Members to represent unto your Lordships the true grounds of such their resolutions and have charged me particularly leaving the reasons of Law and Presidents for others to give your Lordships satisfaction that this Libertie is established and confirmed by the whole State the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons by severall Acts of Parliament The authority whereof is so great that it can receive no answer save by interpretation or repeal by future Statutes And these that I shall mind your Lordships of are so direct to the point that they can bear no other exposition at all and sure I am they are still in force The first of them is the Grand Charter of the Liberties of England first granted in the 17 yeare of King Iohn and renewed in the 9 yeare of King Hen. 3. and since confirmed in Parliament above 30 times Cap. 29. the words are these Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur aut diseisietur de libero tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis aut utlagetur aut exuletur aut aliquo modo destruatur nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem terrae These words Nullus liber homo c. are expresse enough yet it is remarkable that Matthew Paris an Authour of speciall credit doth observe fo 432. that the Charter of the 9. H. 3. was the very same as that of the 17. of King Iohn in nullo dissimiles are his words and that of King Iohn he setteth down verbatim fol. 342. and there the words are directlie Nec eum in carcerem mittemus and such a corruption as is now in the print might easily happen 'twixt 9. H. 3. and 28. E. 1. when this Charter was first exemplified But certainly there is sufficient left in that which is extant to decide this question for the words are That no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres which is by Jury Peeres for Pares ordinary Jurours for others who are their Peeres or by the Law of the Land Which words Law of the Land must of necessity be understood in this Nation to be by due processe of Law and not the Law of the Land generally otherwise it would comprehend Bond-men whom we call Villains which are excluded by the word liber for the generall Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Free-men in respect of their persons who cannot be imprisoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of those words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And although the words of this Grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are to be understood of Suites betwixt partie and partie at least not of them alone but even of the Kings Suites against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences betwixt those Kings and their people and therefore properlie to be applyed to their power over them and not to ordinarie questions 'twixt Subject and Subject The words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately precedeing the other per legem terrae are meant of trialls at the Kings Suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suit of the King upon any Indictment of Murther he shall be tried by his Peeres that is Nobles But if he be appealed of Murther by a Subject his triall shall be by an ordinarie Jury of 12 Free-holders as appeareth in 10. Edw. 4. It is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings Suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. E. 2. Rot. Parliam num 7. there is a Petition that a Writ made under the Privie Seal went to the Guardians of the Great Seal to cause lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chauncery to the Exchequer to seize against the forme of the Grand Charter That the King or his Ministers shall out-law no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement And the partie was restored to his land Which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personall liberty till the time of King Edw. the 3. which was soon restrained by the Subject For in the 5. E. 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor forejudged of life or limbe nor his lands tenements goods nor cattells seized into the Kings hands against the forme of the great Charter And the Law of the Land 25. E. 3. cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the Grand Charter and it is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England That no Free-man be imprisoned or put out of his Free-hold nor of
called because the Authour lay in the Fleet when he made the book for he lib. 2. cap. 52. in his cap. of Turnes and the views of the Hundred Courts in the Countrie sets down the Articles of the Charges that are there to be enquired of amongst which one of them is de replegiabilibus injuste detentis or irreplegiabilibus dimissis which cannot be meant of not bailing by the Justices for what have the inferiour Courts in the Countrey to do with the Acts of the Justices And to make it more plain he setteth down in this Chapter that concernes Sheriffs only the very Statute of Westm. cap. 15. which he translates verbatim out of the French into the Latin save that he renders taken by the command of the Justices thus per Iudicium Iustitiariorum and his Preface to the Statute plainly sheweth that he understood it of replevine by Sheriffs for he saith Qui debent per plegios dimitti qui non declarat hoc Statutum and per plegios is before the Sheriff But for direct authoritie it is the opinion of Newton the Chief Justice in 22. H. 6.46 where his words are these It cannot be intended that the Sheriff did suffer him to go at large by mainprize for where one is taken by the writ of the King or the command of the King he is irreplevisable but in such case his friends may come to the Justices for him if he be arrested and purchase a supersedeas So he declares the very Question That the Sheriffs had no power but that the Justices had power to deliver him that is committed by the Kings Command And both the ancient and modern practise manifests as much for he that is taken for the death of a man or for the Forrest is not replevisable by the Sheriff yet they are ordinarily bailed by the Justices and were by the Kings writs directed to the Sheriffs in the times of E. 1. and E. 2. as appeares in the Close Rolls which could not be done if they were not bailable And it is every dayes experience that the Justices of the Kings Bench do baile for murther and for offences done in the Forrest which they could not do if the word irreplevisable in Westm. 1. were meant of the Justices as well as of the Sheriffs For the authorities which have been offered to prove the contrarie they are in number 3. The first is 21. E. 1. Rot. 2. which also is in the book of the Pleas in Parliament at the Tower fol. 44. It is not an Act of Parliament but a resolution in Parliament upon an action there brought which was usuall in those times and the Case is That Stephen Rubar the Sheriff of the Counties of Leicester and Warwick was questioned for that he had let at large by sureties one William the son of Walter le Parsons against the will and command of the King when as the King had committed him by Letters under his Privie Seal that he should do no favour to any man that was committed by the command of the Earle of Warwick as that man was Whereunto the Sheriff answered that he did it at the request of some of the Kings houshold upon their Letters and because the Sheriff did acknowledge the receipt of the Kings Letters thereupon he was committed to prison according to the forme of the Statute To this I answer that he was justly punished for that he is expresly bound by the Statute Westm. 1. which was agreed from the beginning But this is no proof that the Judges had not power to baile this man The next Argument is 33. H. 6. in the Court of Common Pleas fol. 28.29 where Robert Poinings Esq was brought unto the Barre upon a Capias and it was returned that he was committed per duos de Consilio I believe it is misprinted for Dnos de Consilio i. e. Dominos de Consilio which is stongest against that which I maintain pro diversis causis Regem tangentibus and he made an Attorney there in an accusation whence is inferred that the return was good and the partie could not be delivered To this the Answer is plain 1. No opinion is delivered in that book whether he were delivered or bailed or not 2. It appeares expresly that he was brought thither to be charged in an accusation of debt at another mans Suit and no desire of his own to be delivered or bailed and then if he were remanded it is no way materiall to the question in hand But that which is most relied upon is the opinion of Stamford in his book of the Pleas of the Crown lib. 2. ca. 18. fol. 72.73 in his cap. of Mainprize where he reciteth the Statute of Westm. 1. cap. 15. and then saith thus By this Statute it appeareth that in 4 cases at the Common Law a man was not replevisable to wit those that were taken for the death of a man by command of the King or of his Justices or for the Forrest Thus farre he is most right Then he goeth on and saith As to the Command of the King that is understood of the command of his own mouth or his Councell which is incorporated unto him and speake with his mouth or otherwise every writ of Capias to take a man which is the Kings command would be as much And as to the command of the Justices that is meant their absolute command for if it be their ordinarie commandment he is replevisable by the Sheriff if it be not in some of the Cases prohibited by the Statute The answer that I give unto this is That Stamford hath said nothing whether a man may be committed without cause by the Kings command or whether the Judges ought not to baile him in such case but only that such a one is not replevisable which is agreed for that belongs to the Sheriff And because no man should think he meant any such thing he concludes his whole sentence touching the command of the King and his Justices That one committed by the Justices ordinarie command is replevisable by the Sheriff So either he meant all by the Sheriff or at least it appeares not that he meant that a man committed by the King or the Privie Councell without cause is not bailable by the Justices and then he hath given no opinion in this case What he would have said if he had been asked the question cannot be known neither doth it appeare by any thing he hath said that he meant any such thing as would be inferred out of him And now my Lords I have performed the command of the Commons and as I conceive shall leave their declaration of personall Liberty on ancient and undoubted truth fortified with 7 Acts of Parliament and not opposed by any Statute or authoritie of Law whatsoever The Objections of the King's Councell with the Answers made thereunto at the two Conferences touching the same matter IT was agreed by Master Attorney generall that the seven Statutes urged by
the Commons were in force and that Magna Charta did extend most properly to the King But he said First that some of them are in generall words and therefore conclude nothing but are to be expounded by the Presidents and others that be more particular are applyed to the suggestions of Subjects and not to the Kings Command simplie of it self Hereunto was answered That the Statutes were as direct as could be which appeareth by the reading of them and that though some of them speak of suggestions of the Subject yet others do not and those that do are as effectuall for that they are in equall reason a commitment by Command of the King being of as great force when it moveth by a suggestion from a Subject as when the King takes notice of the cause himself the rather for that Kings seldome intermeddle with matters of this nature but by information from some of their Subjects Secondly M r Attorney objected that per legem terrae in Magna Charta which is the foundation of this Question cannot be understood for processe of the Law and originall Writs for that in all Criminall proceedings no originall Writ is used at all but every Constable may arrest either for fellony or for breach of the peace or to prevent a breach of the peace without processe or originall Writ and it were hard the King should not have the power of a Constable the Statutes cited by the Commons make processe of the Law and Writ originall to be all one The answer of the Commons to this Objection was That they do not intend originall Writs only by the Law of the Land but all other legall processe which comprehends the whole proceedings of Law upon Cause other then the triall by Jurie Iudicium parium unto which it is opposed Thus much is imported ex vitermini out of the word processe and by the true acceptation thereof in the Statutes which have been urged by the Commons to maintain their Declaration and most especially in the Statute 25. E. 3. cap. 4. where it appeareth that a man ought to be brought into answer by the course of the Law having former mention made of processe made by originall Writ And in 28. E. 3. cap. 3. by the course of the Law is rendered by due processe of the Law and 36. E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 20. the Petition of the Commons saith That no man ought to be imprisoned by speciall Command without Indictment or other due processe to be made by the Law 37. E. 3. cap. 18. calleth the same thing Processe of the Law 42. E. 3. cap. 3. stileth it by due processe and Writ originall where the conjunctive must be taken for the disjunctive which change is ordinary in the exposition of the Statutes and Deeds to avoid inconvenience to make it stand with the rest and with reason And it may be collected that by the Law of the Land in Magna Charta by the Course of the Law in 25. E. 3. by due processe of the Law in 28. E. 3. other due processe to be made by the Law in 36. E. 3. processe of the Law 37. E. 3. and by due processe and originall Writ in 42. E. 3. are meant one and the same thing the latter of these Statutes referring alwayes to the former and that all of them import any due and regular proceeding of Law upon a Cause other then the triall by Jury And this doth appeare in Coke 10.74 in the case of the Marshalsey and Coke 11.99 Iames Bagg's case where it is understood of giving Jurisdiction by Charter or prescription which is the ground of a proceeding by course of Law and in Selden's Notes on Fortescue fol. 29. where it is expounded for Law wager which is likewise a triall at Law by the oath of the partie differing from that by Jurie And it doth truly comprehend these and all other regular proceedings in Law upon Cause which gives authoritie to the Constable to arrest upon Cause And if this should not be the true exposition of these words per begem terrae the Kings Councell were desired to declare their meaning which they never offered to do and yet certainly these words were not put into the Statute without some intention of consequence Whereupon M r Serjeant Ashley offered an interpretation of them thus Namely that there were divers Lawes of this Realme as the Common Law the Law of the Chauncerie the Ecclesiasticall Law the Law of the Admiraltie or Marine Law the Law of Merchants the Martiall Law and the Law of State and that these words per legem terrae do extend to all those Lawes The answer To this it was answered that we read of no Law of State and that none of these Lawes can be meant there save the Common Law which is the principall and generall Law and is alwayes understood by way of excellency when mention is made of the Law of the Land generally and that though each of the other Lawes which are admitted into this Kingdome by Custome or Act of Parliament may justly be called a Law of the Land yet none of them can have the preeminence to be stiled the Law of the Land And no Statute Law-book or other Authoritie printed or unprinted could be shewen to prove that the Law of the Land being generally mentioned was ever intended of any other Law then the Common Law and yet even by these other Lawes a man may not be committed without a cause expressed But it standeth with the rule of other legall expositions that per legem terrae must be meant the Common Law which is the generall and universall Law by which men hold their inheritances And therefore if a man speak of Escuage generally it is understood as Littleton observeth of the incertain Escuage which is a Knights-Service Tenure for the defence of the Realm by the body of the Tenant in time of warre and not of the certain Escuage which giveth only a contribution in money and no personall service And if a Statute speakes of the Kings Courts of Record it is meant only of the 4 at Westm. by way of excellency Coke 6.20 Gregorie's Case So the Canonists by the excommunication simplie spoken do intend the greater excommunication and the Emperour in his Institutions saith that the Civil Law being spoken generally is meant of the Civil Law of Rome though the Law of every City is a Civil Law as when a man names the Poet the Grecians understood Homer the Latinists Virgil. Secondly admit that per legem terrae extends to all the Lawes of the Realm yet a man must not be committed by any of them but by the due proceedings that are exercised by those Lawes and upon a Cause delivered Again it was urged that the King was not bound to expresse the cause of imprisonment because there may be in it matter of State not fit to be revealed for a time lest the Confederates thereupon make meanes to escape the hands
of Justice And thereupon the Statutes cannot be intended to restrain all commitments unlesse a cause be expressed for that it would be very inconvenient and dangerous to the State to publish the cause at the very first Answer Hereupon it was replied by the House of Commons that all danger and inconvenience may be avoided by declaring a generall Cause as for treason suspicion of treason misprision of treason or fellony without specifying the particular which can give no greater light to a Confederate then will be conjectured by his very apprehension upon the imprisonment if nothing at all were expressed It was further alledged that there was a kind of contradiction in the position of the Commons when they say the partie committed without a cause shewed ought to be delivered or bailed Bailing being a kind of imprisonment Delivery a totall freeing To this it was answered that it hath alwayes been the discretion of the Judges to give so much respect to a Commitment by the Command of the King or the Privie Councell which are ever intended to be done on just weightie Causes that they will not presently set him free but baile him to answer what shall be objected against him on his Majesties behalf But if any other inferiour Officer commit a man without a cause shewed they do instantly deliver him as having no cause to expect their pleasure So the Delivery is applyed to an imprisonment by the command of some mean minister of Justice Bailing when it is done by the Command of the King or his Councell It was said by M r Attorney That Bailing was a grace and favour of a Court of Justice and that they may refuse to do it This was agreed to be true in divers cases as where the case doth appeare to be for fellony or other crimes expressed for that there is another way to discharge them in some convenient time by their triall yet in some of these cases the constant practise hath been anciently modernly to baile them But where no cause of the imprisonment is returned but the Command of the King there is no way to deliver such persons by triall or otherwise but that of the habeas Corpus and if they should be then remanded they may be perpetually imprisoned without any remedy at all and consequently a man that had committed no offence be in worse case then a great Offender for the latter should have an ordinarie triall to discharge him the other should never be delivered It was further said that though the Statute of Westm. 1. cap. 15. as a Statute by way of provision did extend only to the Sheriff yet the recitall of that Statute touching the 4 cases wherein a man was not replevisable at the Common Law namely those that were committed for the death of a man by the command of the King or the Justices or for the Forrest did declare that the Justices could not baile such a one and that Replevisable and Bailable were Synonyma and all one and that Stamford a Judge of great authority doth expound it accordingly and that neither the Statute nor he sayes replevisable by the Sheriff but generally without restraint and that if the Chief Justice commits a man he is not to be enlarged by another Court as appeareth in the Register To this it was answered First that the recitall and body of the Statute relates only to the Sheriff as appeareth by the very words Secondly that replevisable is not restrained to the Sheriffs for that the words import no more that a man committed by the Chief Justice is bailable by the Court of Kings Bench. Thirdly that Stamford meaneth all of the Sheriff or at least he hath not sufficiently expressed that he intended the Justices Fourthly It was denyed that Replevisable and Bailable were the same for they differ in respect of the place where they are used Baile being in the Kings Court of Record Replevisable before the Sheriff and they are of severall natures Replevisable being a letting at large upon Sureties Bailing being when one Traditur in ballium and the Baile are his Gaolers and may imprison him and shall suffer bodie for bodie which is not true of replevying by sureties And Baile differeth from Mainprize in this that Mainprize is an undertaking in a summe certain Bailing is to answer the condemnation in Civil causes and in Criminall body for body The reasons and authorities used in the first Conference were then renewed and no exception taken to any save in 22. H. 6. it doth not appear that the Command of the King was by his mouth which must be intended or by his Councell which is all one as is observed by Stamford for the words are these That a man is not replevisable by the Sheriff who is committed by the Writ or Commandment of the King 21. E. 1. rot 2. dorso was cited by the Kings Counsell But it was answered that it concerned the Sheriff of Leicester only and not the power of the Judges 33. H. 6. the Kings Attorney confesseth was nothing to the purpose and yet that Book hath been usually cited by those that maintain the contrary to the Declaration of the House of Commons And therefore such sudden opinion as hath been given thereupon is not to be regarded the foundation failing And where it was said that the French of 36. E 3. Rot. Parliament 9. which can receive no answer did not warrant what was inferred thence but that these words Sans disturbance mettre ou arrest faire et le contre par special commandment ou en autre maniere must be understood that the Statutes should be put in execution without putting disturbance or making arrest to the contrarie by speciall command or in other manner The Commons did utterly deny the interpretation given by the Kings Counsell and to justifie their own did appeal to all men that understood French and upon the 7 Statutes did conclude That their Declaration remained in undoubted truth not controlled by any thing said to the contrary The true Copies of the Records not printed which were used on either side of that part of the debate INter Recorda domini Regis Caroli in Thesauro Recepto Scacarii sui sub custodia domini Thesaurarii et Camerarii ibidem remanentia viz. placita coram ipso Domino Rege Concilio suo ad Parliament suum post Pascham apud London in Mâ—nerio Archipiscopi Ebor Anno Regni Domini Regis Edw. vicessimo primo inter alia sie continetur ut sequitur Rot. secundo in Dorso Vic. Leic. sci Stephanus Rubaz Vic. Leic. War coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio arianatus ad Levem positus de hoc quod cum Io. Botetourte Edel Hatche W. Hemelin nuper in ballium ipsius vicecom per Dominum Regem fuissent assignati and Goalas Domini Regis celiberandum eidem vic quendam W. de Petling per quendam Appellatorem ante adventum eorundam Justic. ibidem
also to the Nobles and their honourable Progenies to the Bishops and Clergie and their successours to all persons of what condition or sex or age soever to all Judges Officers c. whose attendance are necessary c. without exception of any person Fifth generall reason The fifth is drawn from the indefinitnesse of time the pretended power being limited to no time may be perpetuall during life Sixth generall reason The sixth à damno dedecore from the losse and dishonour of the English Nation in 2 respects First for their valour and prowesse so famous through the whole world Secondly for their industry for who indeavours to apply himself in any profession either of warre liberall science or merchandise c. if he be but Tennant at will of his Liberty And no Tennant at will will support or improve any thing because he hath no certain estate And thus it should be both dedecus and damnum to the English Nation and it should be no honour to the King to be King of slaves Seventh generall reason The seventh is drawn ab utili inutili for that it appeareth by the statute of 36. E. 3. That the execution of the statute of Magna Charta 5. E. 3.25 E. 3. are adjudged in Parliament to be for the profit of the King and of his people Rot. Parl. 36. E. 3. num 9. 20. And therefore this pretended power being against the profit of the King and of his people can be no more part of this prerogative Eighth generall reason The eighth generall reason is drawn à tuto for it is safe for the King to expresse the cause of the commitment 1. E. 2. de frang prison stat unt pasche 18. E. 3. rot 33. coram Rege Bildestons case rot Parl. 28 H. 6. nu 16. Acts Apost cap. 25. v. the last and dangerous for him to omit it for if any be committed without expressing the cause though he escape albeit the truth be it were for treason or felony yet the escape is neither felony nor treason But if the cause be expressed to be for suspition of treason or felony then the escape albeit he be innocent is treason or felony Ninth generall reason The ninth generall reason is drawn from the authorities 16. H. 6. tit Monstrans defaits 182. by the whole Court the King in his presence cannot command one to be arrested but an action of false imprisonment lieth against him that arresteth 22. H. 6.46 Newton 1. H. 7.4 the opinion of Markham Chief Justice to E 4. and the reason because the party hath no remedy Fortescue cap. 18. proprio ore nullus Regum usus est c. to commit any man c. 4. Eliz. Plowd Com. 236. the common Common Law hath so admeasured the Kings prerogative as he cannot prejudice any man in his inheritance and the greatest inheritance a man hath is the Liberty of his person for all other are necessary to it Major haereditas venit unicuique nostrum à jure legibus quam à parentibus 25. E. 1. ca. 2. Confirm Cart. all judgements given against Magna Charta are void Objections Upon Conference with the Lords the objections were made by the Kings Attorney First object That these resolutions of the House were incompatible with a Monarchy that must govern by the state Bracton Answ. Whereunto it was answered that nihiltam proprium est imperii quam legibus vivere And again Attribuat Rex legi quodlex attribuat c. viz. dominationem imperium quia sine lege non potest esse Rex It can be no more prejudice to the King by reason of matter of state for if it be for suspition of treason misprision of treason or felony it may be by generall words expressed viz. pro suspitione proditionis 2 object To blind those that are committed one cause must be pretended and another intended especially when it toucheth matter of state Answ. Whereunto it was answered that all dissimulation especially in the course of Justice was to be avoided and soundnesse of truth to take place and therefore David that was both a King and a Prophet prayed to Almighty God against dissimulation in these words Lord send me a sound heart in thy statutes that I be not ashamed where sound in the originall signifieth upright without dissimulation and shame followeth dissimulation when the truth is known Third object If a Rebell be attainted in Ireland and his children for safety and for matter of state be kept in the Tower what shall be returned upon the Habeas Corpus Whereunto It was answered First that their imprisonment might be justified if they could not find good sureties for their good behaviour Secondly It was charity to find them meat drink and apparell that by the Attainder of their father had nothing Fourth object Though his Majesty expresseth no cause yet it must be intended that there was a just cause Answ. De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem ratio Fifth object First The King in stead of gold or silver may make money currant of any base metall Secondly He may make warres at his pleasure Thirdly He may pardon whom he will Fourthly He may make denizens as many as he will and these were said to be greater priviledges then this in question Answ. To the first it is denyed that the King may make money currant of base metal but it ought to be gold or silver Secondly It was answered admitting the King might do it his losse and charge was more then of his Subjects both in the case of money and in the case of warre The pardon was private out of grace and no man had dammage or loss by it so of the making of denizens the King was only the looser viz. to have single custome where he had double Thirdly it was a non sequitur The King may do these things ergo he may imprison at will Your Lordships are advised by them that cannot be daunted by fear nor misled by affection reward or hope of preferment that is of the dead By ancient and many Acts of Parliament in the point besides Magna Charta which hath been 30 times confirmed and commanded to be put in execution wherein the Kings of England have thirty times given their Royall assent Secondly Judiciall Presidents per vividas rationes manifest and apparant reasons we in the house of Commons have upon great studie and serious consideration made a grand manifesto unanimously nullo contradicente concerning this great Liberty of the subject and have vindicated and recovered the body of this fundamentall Liberty both of your Lordships of our selves from shadowes which some time of the day are long sometimes short and sometimes long again and therefore no Judges are to be led by them Your Lordships are involved in the same danger and therefore ex congruo condigno we desire a conference to the end your Lordships might make the like declaration as we
be imprisoned before he be convicted according to the Law but if this return shall be good then his imprisonment shall not continue on for a time but for ever and the Subjects of this Kingdome may be restrained of their liberties perpetually and by Law their can be no remedy for the Subject and therefore this return cannot stand with the Laws of the Realm or that of Magna Charta Nor with the statute of 28 Ed. 3. ca. 3. for if a man be not bailable upon this return they cannot have the benefit of these two Laws which are the inheritance of the Subject If your Lordship shall think this to be a sufficient cause then it goeth to a perpetuall imprisonment of the subject for in all those causes which may concern the Kings Subjects and are appliable to all times and cases we are not to reflect upon the present time and government where justice and mercy floweth but we are to look what may betide us in the time to come hereafter It must be agreed on all sides that the time of the first commitment doth not appear in this return but by a latter warrant from the Lords of the Councell there is a time indeed expressed for the continuing of him in prison and that appeares but if this shall be a good cause to remand these Gentlemen to prison they may lie there this seven yeares longer and seven yeares after them nay all the dayes of their lives And if they sue out a writ of Habeas corpus it is but making a new warrant and they shall be remanded and shall never have the advantage of the Laws which are the best inheritance of every Subject And in Ed. 6. fol. 36. the Laws are called the great inheritance of every Subject and the inheritance of inheritances without which inheriritance we have no inheritance These are the exceptions I desire to offer to your Lordship touching the return for the insufficiency of the cause returned and the defect of the time of the first commitment which should have been expressed I will not labour in objections till they be made against me in regard the sttatute of Westminster primo is so frequent in every mans mouth that at the Common Law those men that were committed in four cases were not replevisable viz. those that were taken for the death of a man or the commandment of the King or his Justices for the forest I shall speak something to it though I intend not to spend much time about it for it toucheth not this Case we have in question For that is concerning a Case of the Common Law when men are taken by the Kings writs and not by word of mouth and it shall be so expounded as Master Stamford fol. 73. yet it is nothing to this Case for if you will take the true meaning of that statute it extends not at all to this writ of Habeas corpus for the words are plain they shall be replevisable by the Common writ that is by the writ de homine replegiando directed to the Sheriffe to deliver them if they were baileable but the Case is above the Sheriffe and he is not to be Judge in it whether the cause of the commitment be sufficient or not as it appears in Fitz Herbert de homine replegiando and many other places and not of the very words of the statute this is clear for thereby many other causes mentioned as the death of a man the commandment of the Justices c. In which the statute saith men are not replevisable but will a man conceive that the meaning is that they shall not be bailed at all but live in perpetuall imprisonment I think I shall not need to spend time in that it is so plain let me but make one instance A man is taken de morte hominis he is not baileable by writ saith this statute that is by the common writ there was a common writ for this Case and that was called de odio acia as appeareth Bracton Coron 34. this is the writ intended by the statute which is a common writ and not a speciall writ But my Lord as this writ de odio acia was before this statute so it was afterwards taken away by the statute of 28 Ed. 3. cap. 9. But before that sttatute this writ did lie in the speciall Case as is shewn in Brooks 9 th Reports Powlters Case and the end of this writ was that the Subject might not be too long detained in prison as till the Justices of Eyre discharged them so that the Law intended not that a man should suffer perpetuall imprisonment for they were very carefull that men should not be kept too long in prison which is also a Liberty of the Subject and my Lord that this Court hath bailed upon a suspicion of high treason I will offer it to your Lordship when I shall shew you presidents in these cases of a commitment by the Privy Councell or by the King himself But before I offer these presidents unto your Lordship of which there be many I shall by your Lordships favour speak a little to the next exception and that is the matter of the return which I find to be per speciale mandatum domini Regis 8. and what is that it is by this writ there may be sundry commands by the King we find a speciall command often in our Books as in the statute of Marlborough cap. 8. they were imprisoned Rediss shall not be delivered without the speciall command of our Lord the King and so in Bracton De Actionibus the last chapter where it appears that the Kings commandment for imprisonments is by speciall writ so by writ again men are to be delivered for in the case of Rediss or Post Rediss if it shall be removed by a Certiorare is by a speciall writ to deliver parties so that by this appears that by the Kings commandment to imprison and to deliver in those cases is understood this writ and so it may be in this case which we have heard And this return here is a speciall Mandatum it may be understood to be under some of the Kings Seals 42 Ass. and ought to be delivered and will you make a difference between the Kings command under his seal and his command by word of mouth what difference there is I leave it to your Lordships judgement but if there be any it is the more materiall that it should be expressed what manner of command it was which doth not here appear and therefore it may be the Kings command by writ or his command under his Seal or his command by word of mouth alone And if of an higher nature there is none of these commands then the other doubtlesse it is that by writ or under seal for they are of record and in these the person may be bailed and why not in this As to the legall forme admitting there were substances in the return yet
4 of November then there is an Alias habeas bears Teste after that and the tenour thereof is a command to the Warden of the Fleet quod habeas corpus Walteri Earl coram nobis ad subjiciendum recipiendum ea quae curia nostra de eo c. ordin conting And the Warden of the Fleet he certifies as your Lordship have heard May it please your Lordship I desire as before was desired for the other Gentlemen that Sir Walter Earl may be also bailed if there be no other cause of his imprisonment for if there were a cause certified and that cause were not sufficient to detain him still in prison your Lordship would bail him and if a man should be in worse case when there is no cause certified at all that was very hard The writ is that he should bring the prisoner coram nobis before the King the end of that is ad subjiciendum recipiendum now I conceive that though there be a signification of the Kings pleasure to have this Gentleman imprisoned yet when the King grants this writ to bring the prisoner hither ad subjictendum recipiendum his pleasure likewise is to have the prisoner let go if by Law he be not chargeable or otherwise to detain him still in prison if the case so require it I will put your Lordship in mind of a case and it was Pasch. 9. Ed. 3. M. 3. I will cite by the placita because my Book is not paged as other Books are it is in the case of a Cessavit In that case there were two things considerable the one that there was a signification of the Kings pleasure past and that determined with him the other that though there was a signification of the Kings pleasure before which was yet there comes after that a writ and that was another signification of the Kings pleasure that the prisoner should be brought hither ad subjiciendum to submit himself to punishment if he have deserved it or ad recipiendum to receive his enlargement and be delivered if there be no cause of his imprisonmet And if upon an Habeas corpus a cause of commitment be certified that cause is to be tried here before your Lordship But if no cause be shewn then the proceedings must be ut curia nostra ad mar contigerit the Court must do that which stands with Law and Justice and that is to deliver him My Lord I shall be bold to move one word more touching this return I conceive that every Officer to a Court of Justice must make his return of his own act or of the act of another and not what he is certified of by another But in this case the Warden of the Fleet doth not certifie himself of himself that this Gentleman was commanded to him by the King but that he was certified by the Lords of the Councill that it was the Kings pleasure that he should detain him But in our case the Warden of the Fleet must certifie the immediate cause and not the cause of the cause as it doth by this return Detentus est sub custodia mea per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Warrantum duorum de Privato Concilio that is not the use in Law but he ought to return the primary cause and not the subsequent cause as in 32 Edw. 3. return Rex vicecom 87. in a writ De homine replegiando against an Abbot the Sheriffe returns that he hath sent to the Bayliffe of the Abbot and he answered him that the party was the Abbots villain and so he cannot deliver him that is held an insufficient return and a new Alias was granted but if the Sheriffe had returned that the Abbot did certifie him so it had been good but he must not return what is certified him by another In one of the presidents that hath been noted as that of Parker 22 Hen. 8. there the Guardian of the prison certifies that Parker detentus est sub custodia mea per mandatum Domini Regis mihi nunciatum per Robertum Pecke now our case is by the Nunciation of many but in Law majus minus non variant in spetione the certification of one and of many is of the same effect although in morall understanding there may be a difference Trin. 2. Ed. 3. Rot. 46. in this Court in 21 Ed. 3. in the printed Book there is a piece of it The Abbot of Burey brings a prohibition out of this Court the Bishop of Norwich pleadeth in Barre of that Quod mihi testificatū quod continetur in Archivis that he is excommunicated there were two exceptions taken to this case in this president and they are both in one case the first was that no case appeareth why he was excommunicated there may be causes why he should be excommunicated and then he should be barred and there may be causes why the excommunication should not barre him for it may be the excomunication was for bringing the action which was the Kings writ and therefore because there was no cause of the excommunication returned it was ruled that it was not good The other reason is that upon the Roll which is mihi testificatum Now every man when he will make a certificate to the Court Proprium factum suum non alterius significare debet he must inform the Court of the immediate act done and not that such things are told him or that such things are signified unto him but that was not done in this case and therefore it was held insufficient and so in this case of ours I conceive the return is insufficient in the form there is another cause my Lord for which I conceive this return is not good But first I will be bold to inform your Lordship touching the Statute of Magna Charta 29. Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur c. neo super eum mittimus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem terrae That in this Statute these words in Carcerem are omitted out of the printed Books for it should be nec eum in Carcerem mittimus For these words per legem terrae what Lex terrae should be I will not take upon me to expound otherwise then I finde them to be expounded by Acts of Parliament and this is that they are understood to be the processe of the Law sometimes by writ sometimes by attachment of the person but whether speciale mandatum Domini Regis be intended by that or no I leave it to your Lordships exposition upon two petitions of the Commons and answer of the King in 36 Ed. 3. no 9. and no 20. In the first of them the Commons complain that the great Charter the Charter of the Forrest and other Statutes were broken and they desire that for the good of himself and of his people they might be kept and put in execution and that they might not be infringed by making an
arrest by speciall command or otherwise and the answer was that the assent of the Lords established and ordained that the said Charter and other Statutes should be put in execution according to the petitition and that is without any disturbance by arrest by speciall command or otherwise for it was granted as it was petitioned In the same year for they were very carefull of this matter and it was necessary it should be so for it was then an usuall thing to take men by writs quibusdam de causis and many of these words caused many Acts of Parliament and it may be some of these writs may be shewn and I say in the same year they complained that men were imprisoned by speciall command and without indictment or other legall course of Law and they desired that thing may not be done upon men by speciall command against the great Charter The King makes answer that he is well pleased therewith that was the first answer and for the future he hath added farther if any man be grieved let him complain and right shall be done unto him This my Lord is an explanation of the great Charter as also the Statute of 37 Ed. 3. ch 18. is a commentary upon it that men should not be committed upon suggestion made to the King without due proofs of Law against them and so it is enacted twice in one year We find more printed Books as in Henry the sixth Minus de facts Fitz. 182. which is a strong case under favour in an action of Trespasse for cutting down trees the defendant saith that the place where the trees are cut is parcell of the Manor of B whereof the King is seised in fee and that the King did command him to cut them and the opinion of the Court was that this was no good plea without shewing the specialty of the command and they said if the King command me to arrest a man and I arrest him he shall have an action of false imprisonment against me altough it were done in the Kings presence In 1 Ioh. cap. 7. fol. 46. it is in print and there we leave it Hussey Chief Justice saith that Sir Iohn Markham told King Edward the fourth that he could not arrest a man upon suspition of felony or treason as any of his Subjects might because if he should wrong a man by such arrest the parties could have no remedy against him if any man shall stand upon it here is a signification of the Kings pleasure nor to have the cause of the commitment examined he hath here another signification of his pleasure by writ whereby the party is brought hither ad subjiciendum recipiendum that he hath made your Lordship Judge of that that should be objected against this Gentleman and either to punish him or to deliver him and if here be no cause shewn it is to be intended that the party is to be delivered and that it is the Kings pleasure it should be so and the writ is a sufficient warrant for the doing of it there being no cause shewn of the imprisonment and now my Lord I will speak a word to the writ of de homine replegiando and no other writ for that was the common writ and the four causes expressed in that Statue to wit the death of a man the command of the King or his Justices or Forrest were excepted in that writ before that Statute made as appears Bracton 133. so that the writ was at the Common Law before that Statute And it appears by our Books that if a man be brought hither by an Habeas corpus though he were imprisoned De morte hominis as in the 21 of Edward the fourth 7. Winkfield was bailed here this Court bailed him for he was brought hither ad subjiciendum recipiendum and not to lie in prison God knows how long and if the Statute should be expounded otherwise there were no bailing men outlawed or breakers of prisons for they are not within this Statute and yet this Court doth it at pleasure But plainly by the Statute it self it appears that it meant only to the common writ for the preamble recites that the Sheriffs and other have taken and kept in prison persons detected of felony and let out to plevin such as were not reprisable to grieve the one party and to the gain of the other and forasmuch as before this time it was not determined what prisoners were reprisable which not but onely in certain cases were expressed therefore it is ordained c. Now this is no more but for direction of the keepers of the prisons for it leaves the matter to the discretion of the Judges whether bailable or no not of the Judges for when the Statute hath declared who are repleviable who are not as men outlawed have abjured the Realm Proves such as be taken in the manner breakers of prisons burners of houses makers of false money counterfeiting of the Kings Seal and the like it is then ordained that if the Sheriff or any other let any go at large by surety that is not reprisable if he be Sheriff Constable or any other that hath the keeping of prisons and thereof be attainted he shall lose his office and fee for ever so that it extends to the common Goalers and keepers of prisons to direct them in what cases they shall let men to bail and in what cases not and that they shall not be Judges to whom to let to replevin and whom to keep in prison but it extends not to the Judges for if the makers of the Statute had meant them in it they should have put a pain upon them also So then I conclude upon these under your Lordships favour that as this case is there should have been a cause of the commitment expressed for these Gentlemen are brought hither by writ ad subjiciendum if they be charged and ad recipiendum if they be not charged and therefore in regard there is no charge against them whereupon they should be detained in prison any longer we desire that they may be bailed or discharged by your Lordship The Argument of Master Selden upon the Habeas corpus My Lords I am of Councell with Sir Edmond Hampden his case is the same with the other two Gentlemen I cannot hope to say much after that that hath been said yet if it shall please your Lordship I shall remember you of so much as is befallen my lot Sir Edmond Hampden is brought hither by a writ of Habeas corpus and the keeper of the Gate-house hath returned upon the writ that Sir Edmond Hampden is detained in prison per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Warrantum duorum Privati Concilii dicti domini Regis and then he recites the warrants of the Lords of the Councell which is that they do will and require him to detain this Gentleman still in prison letting him know that his first imprisonment c. May it
before them and mature deliberation taken by them Now plainly in that case of the 13. Iacob there is not so much as pretence of any debate at Bar or Bench. All that is reported to have been is reported as spoken upon the sudden and can any man take such a sudden opinion to be of value against solemne debates and mature deliberation since had of the point and all circumstances belonging to it which have within this half year been so fully examined and searched into that it may well be affirm'd that the learned'st man whatsoever that hath now considered of it hath within that time or might have learned more reason of satisfaction in it then ever before he met with Therefore the sudden opinions of any Judge to the contrary is of no value here Which also is to be said of that opinion obviously delivered in the Commons House 18. Iac. as M r. Attorney objected out of the Journal book of the House But besides neither was the truth of that report of that opinion in the Journal any way acknowledged For it was said in behalf of the House of Commons that their Journals were for matter of order and resolutions of the House of such Authority as that they were as their Records but for any particular Mans opinion noted in any of them it was so far from being of any Authority with them that in truth no particular opinion is at all to be entered in them and that their Clerks offend when ever they do the contrary And to conclude no such opinion whatsoever can be sufficient to weaken the clear Law comprehended in these resolutions of the House of Commons grounded upon so many Acts of Parliament so much reason of Common Law and so many Presidents of Record and the resolution of all the Judges of England and against which no Law written not one President not one reason hath been brought that makes any thing to the contrary And thus to this purpose ended the next day of the Conference desired by the Lords and had by a Committee of both Houses The Proceedings against the Earle of SUFFOLK 14. April 1628. MR. Kerton acquainted the House how that the Earle of Suffolk had said to some Gentlemen that M r. Selden had razed a Record and deserved to be hanged for going about to set division betwixt the King and his Subjects And being demanded to whom the words were spoken he was unwilling to name any till by question it was resolved he should nominate him He then named S r. Iohn Strangwaies who was unwilling to speak what he had heard from the Earle but being commanded by the House and resolved by question he confessed That upon Saturday last he being in the Committee Chamber of the Lords the Earle of Suffolk called him unto him and said Sir Iohn will you not hang Selden To whom he said for what The Earle replied By God he hath razed a Record and deserves to be hanged This the House took as a great injury done to the whole House M r. Selden being imployed by them in the conference with the Lords in the great cause concerning the Liberty of the Persons of the Subjects The House presently sent S r. Robert Philips with a message to the Lords to this effect He expressed the great care the Commons had upon all occasions to maintain all mutual respect and correspondency betwixt both Houses Then he informed them of a great injury done by the Earle of Suffolk to the whole house and to M r. Selden a particuler Member thereof who by their Command had been imployed in the late conference with their Lordships That the House was very sensible thereof and according to former Presidents made them truly acquainted with it and demaunded Justice against the Earle of Suffolk he read the words saying they were spoken to Sir Iohn Strangwayes a Member of their House After a short stay the Lords called for the Messenger to whom the Lord Keeper gave this Answer He signified the great desire and care of their Lordships to maintain and increase the correspondencies betwixt both Houses and as a Testimony thereof they had partly taken into consideration the charge That the Earle of Suffolk being a Man of great place and Honour had voluntarily protested upon his Honour and Soul that there passed no such words as those from him to Sr. Iohn Strangwayes And the Lord Keeper wished that their Lordships speedy proceedings in this business might testifie their love and good will to the Commons House The next day being the 15. of April Sr. Iohn Strangwayes made a Protestation openly in the House wherein he avowed that notwithstanding the Earls denial he did speak those words positively unto him and would maintain it any way fitting a Member of that House or a Gentleman of Honour They ordered that this Protestation should be entered into the Journal book and that a Committee should take into consideration what was fit for the House to proceed to for the justification of S r. Iohn Strangwayes and what was fitting to be done in this Case and to examine Witness of the proof of the words Upon the 17. day S r. Iohn Elliot reported what the Committee had done That they had sent for and examined Sr. Christopher Nevill who related that upon Saturday being in the Lords Committee Chamber the Earle of Suffolk said thus to him Mr. Attorney hath cleared the business and hath made the cause plain on the Kings side and further said M r. Selden hath razed a Record and hath deserved to be hanged and the Lower House should do well to joyn with the Higher in a Petition to the King to hang him and added as a reason For Mr. Selden went about and took a course to divide the King from his people or words to that effect And being asked whether he conceived that those words of dividing the King from his people had relation to the whole and general action of M r. Selden before the Lords or to the particuler of razing a Record he conceived they were referred to the general action They had examined one M r. Littleton who confessed he heard the Earle of Suffolk speak to a Gentleman whom he knew not words to this affect viz. That he would not be in M r. Seldens Coat for 10000 l. and that M r. Selden deserved to be hanged The second part of this Report concerned the particuler of S r. Iohn Strangwayes wherein though the Committee found no Witness to prove the words spoken to S r. Iohn Srangwayes yet there were many circumstances which perswaded them of the truth thereof 1. That the same words in the same syllables were spoken to Sr. Christopher Nevill and that the Earle as he called to him S r. Iohn Strangwayes so he called to him Sr. Christopher Nevill 2. That the Earle of Suffolk called S r. Iohn Strangwayes to him and spake to him was proved by S r. George Fane and S r. Alexander S r. Iohn
grievances breeds hate and dislike And because we have not to give what is asked Yet to give freely what we intend to give and so by this freeness we shall win the Kings heart M r. KERTON HE desires to know the Rock to the end we may avoid it and not to go back but forward in our conclusion S r. ROBERT PHILIPS HIs good hopes are in his Majesties royal care and wisdom That the free and great Councel is the best but time and hope of change is coming towards us Rome and Spain trench deeply into our Councels That heretofore there hath been a fair progress on both parts according to the saying of the late King If the Parliament did or should give more then the Countrey could bear they gave him a purse with a knife in it Serjant HOSKINS THat knowing our own rights we shall be better enabled to give Two legs go best together ' our just grievances and our supply which he desires may not be seperated for by presenting them together they shall be both taken or both refused Serjant ASHLEYS Argument seconding M r. ATTORNEY in the behalf of his MAJESTIE I Hope it will be neither offensive nor tedious to your Lordships if I said somewhat to second M r. Attorney which I the rather desire because yesterday it was taken by the Gentlemen of and argued on the behalf of the Commons that the cause was as good as gained by them and yielded by us in that we acknowledged the Statute of Magna Charta and the other subsequent Statutes to be yet in force for on this they inforced this general conclusion That therefore no man could be committed or imprisoned but by due process presentment or indictment Which we say is a non sequitur upon such our acknowledgement for then it would follow by necessary consequence that no imprisonment could be justified but by process of Law which we utterly deny For in the cause of the Constable cited by M r. Attorney it is most clear that by the ancient Law of the Land a Constable might ex officio without any Warrant Arest and restrain a man to prevent an affray or to suppress it And so is the Authority 38. Hen. 8. Brooks abstract So may he after the affray apprehend and commit to Prison the Person that hath wounded a man that is in peril of death and that without Warrant or Process as it is in 38. E. 3. fol. 6. Also any man that is no Officer may apprehend a Fellon without Writ or Warrant or pursue him as a Wolf and as a common enemy to the Common-wealth as the Book is 14. H. 8. fol. 16. So might any one arrest a Night-walker because it is for the common profit as the reason is given 4. Hen. 7. fol. 7. In like manner the Judges in these several Courts may commit a man either for contempt or misdemeanour without either Process or Warrant other then take him Shrief or take him Marshall or Warden of the Fleet. And the Adversaries will not deny but if the King will alleadge cause he may commit a man per mandatum as the Judges do without Process or Warrant And various are the cases that may be instanced wherein there may be a Lawfull commitment without Process Wherefore I do possitively and with confidence affirm that if the imprisonment be Lawfull whether it be by Process or without Process it is not prohibited by the Law Which being granted then the question will aptly be made whether the King or Councel may commit to Prison per legem terrae were onely that part of the Municipal Law of this Realm which we call the Common Law for there are also divers Jurisdictions in this Kingdom which are also so reckoned the Law of the Land As in Kendrick's Case in the report fol. 8. the 1. Ecclesiastical Law is held the Law of the Land to punish Blasphemies Schismes Heresies Simony Incest and the like for a good reason there rendred viz. That otherwise the King should not have power to do Justice to his Subjects in all Cases nor to punish all Crimes within his Kingdom The Admiral 's Jurisdiction is also Lex terrae for things done upon the Sea but if they exceed their Jurisdiction a prohibition is awarded upon the Statute of nullus liber homo by which appears that the Statute is in force as we have acknowledged The Martial likewise though not to be exercised in times of peace when recourse may be had to the Kings Courts yet in times of invasion or other times of Hostility when an Army Royal is in the field and offences are committed which require speedy reformation and cannot expect the solemnity of legal Trials then such imprisonment execution or other Justice done by the Law Martial is Warrantable for it is then the Law of the Land and is Ius gentium which ever serves for a supply in the defeat of the Common Law when ordinary proceeding cannot be had And so it is also in the case of the Law of the Merchant which is mentioned 13. E. 4. fol. 9.10 where a Merchant stranger was wronged in his goods which he had committed to a Carrier to convey to Southampton and the Carrier imbezelled some of the goods for remedy whereof the Merchant sued before the Councel in the Star-Chamber for redress It is there said thus Merchant strangers have by the King safe conduct for coming into this Realm therefore they shall not be compelled to attend the ordinary Trial of the Common Law but for expedition shall sue before the Kings Councel or in Chancery de dic in diem de horâ in horam where the Case shall be determined by the Law of Merchants In the like manner it is in the Law of State when the necessity of State requires it they do and may proceed to natural equity as in those other Cases where the Law of the Land provides not there the proceeding may be by the Law of natural equity and infinite are the Occurrences of State unto which the Common Law extends not And if these proceedings of State should not also be accounted the Law of the Land then we do fall into the same inconveniency mentioned in Cawdries Case that the King should not be able to do Justice in all Cases within his own Dominions If then the King nor his Councel may not Commit it must needs follow that either the King must have no Councel of State or having such a Councel they must have no power to make Orders or Acts of State Or if they may they must be without means to compell obedience to those Acts and so we shall allow them Jurisdiction but not compel obedience to those Acts but not correction which will be then as fruitless as the Command Frustra potentia quae nunquam redigitur in statutum Where as the very Act of Westminster first shews plainly that the King may commit and that his commitment is lawfull or else that Act would never
have declared a man to be irreprieveable when he is committed by the Command of the King if the Law-makers had conceived that his commitment had been unlawfull And Divine truth informs us that the Kings have their power from God the Psalmist calling them the children of the most High which is in a more special manner understood then of other men for all the Sons of Adam are by election the Sons of God and all the Sons of Abraham by recreation or regeneration the Children of the most High in respect of the power which is committed unto them who hath also furnished them with ornaments and arms fit for the exercising of that power and hath given them Scepters Swords and Crowns Scepters to vestitute and Swords to execute Laws and Crowns as Ensigns of that power and dignity with which they are invested shall we then conceive that our King hath so far transmitted the power of his Sword to inferiour Magistrates that he hath not reserved so much Supream power as to commit an Offender to prison 10. H. 6. fol. 7. It appears that a Steward of a Court Lect may commit a man to prison and shall not the King from whom all inferior power is deduced have power to commit We call him the fountain of Justice yet when these streams and rivolets which flowe from that Fountain come fresh and full we would so far exhaust that Fountain as to leave it dry but they that will admit him so much power do require the expression of the cause I demand whether they will have a general cause alleadged or a special if general as they have instances for Treason Fellony or for Contempt for to leave fencing and to speak plainly as they intend it If loan of money should be required and refused and thereupon a commitment ensue and the cause signified to be for a contempt this being unequal inconvenience from yielding the remedy is sought for the next Parliament would be required the expression of the particular cause of the commitment Then how unfit would it be for King or Councel in Cases to express the particuler Cause it s easily to be adjudged when there is no State or pollicy of government whether it be Monarchal or of any other frame which have not some secrets of State not communicable to every vulgar understanding I will instance but one If a King imploy an Ambassadour to a Forreign Countrey of States with instructions for his Negotiation and he pursue not his instructions whereby dishonour and dammage may ensue to the Kingdom is not this commitment And yet the particuler of his instruction and the manner of his miscarrying is not fit to be declared to his Keeper or by him to be certified to the Judges where it is to be opened and debated in the presence of a great audience I therefore conclude for offences against the State in Case of State Government the King and his Councel have lawfull power to punish by imprisonment without shewing particuler cause where it may tend to the disclosing of State-Government It is well known to many that know me how much I have laboured in this Law of the Subjects Liberty very many years before I was in the Kings service and had no cause then to speak but to speak ex animo yet did I then maintain and publish the same opinion which now I have declared concerning the Kings Supream power in matters of State and therefore can not justly be censured to speak at this present onely to merit of my Master But if I may freely speak my own understanding I conceive it to be a question too high to be determined by any legal direction for it must needs be an hard case of contention when the Conquerour must sit down with irreparable losses as in this Case If the Subject prevails he gains Liberty but looseth the benefit of that State-Government by which a Monarchie may soon become an Anarchie or if the State prevails it gives absolute Soveraignty but looseth Subjects not their subjection for obedience we must yield though nothing be left us but prayers and tears but yet looseth the best part of them which is their affections whereby Soveraignty is established and the Crown formerly fixt on his Royal head between two such extreams there is not way to moderate but to finde a medium for the accommodation of the difference which is not for me to prescribe but onely to move your Lordships to whom I submit After Mr. Serjeant his speech ended my Lord President said thus to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons That though at this free conference Liberty was given by the Lords to the Kings Councel to speak what they thought fit for his Majesty Yet Mr. Serjeant Ashley had no Authority or direction from them to speak in that manner he hath done M r. NOYE his Argument the 16. of April 1628. HE offered an answer to the inconveniences presented by M r. Attorney which were 4. in Number First where it was objected that it was inconvenient to express the cause for fear of divulging Arcana Imperii for hereby all may be discovered and abundance of Traitors never brought to Justice To this that Learned Man answered That the Judges by the intention of the Law are the Kings Councel and the secrets may safely be committed to all or some of them who might advise whether they will bayl him and here is no danger to King or subjects for their Oath will not permit them to reveal the secrets of the King nor yet to detain the Subjects long if by Law he be to be bayled Secondly for that Objection of the Children of Odonell he laid this for a ground that the King can do no wrong but in Cases of extream necessity we must yield sometimes for preservation of the whole State ubi unius damnum utilitate publica rependitur he said there was no trust in the Children of Traitours no wrong done if they did tabe facere or marcesere in Carcere It is the same Case of necessity as when to avoid the burning of a Town we are forced to pull down an honnest mans House or to compell a man to dwell by the Sea-side for defence or fortitude Yet the King cannot do wrong for potentia juris est non injura Ergo the Act of the King though to the wrong of another is by the Law made no wrong as if he commanded to be kept in Prison yet he is responsal for his wrong he quoted a book 42.6 Ass. Port. Thirdly the instance made of Westminster First he said there was a great difference between those 3. Mainprize Bail and Replevin The Statute saith a man cannot be repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Maniprize under pain Bayl body for body no pain ever in Court to be declared Replevin neither by surety nor bayl of Replevin never in Court the Statute saith a man cannot be Repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Fourthly where it
till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquainted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfnll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. No. 9. and another in the same year No. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliae but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For Mr. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel they have been delivered upon Habeas Corpus and that constantly It is true that some Presidents were brought on the Kings part that when some of these persons desired to be delivered by Habeas Corpus the King or his Councel signified his Majesties pleasure that they should be delivered or the Kings Attorney hath come into the Court and related the Kings Command but this seems to make for the Subject For that being in his Majesties power to deliver them who by his special Command were imprisoned May not we well think that his Majesty would rather at that time have stayed their deliverance by Law then furthered it with his Letters and made the Prisoners rather beholding to him for his grace and mercy then to the Judges for Justice had not his Majesty known that at that time they ought to have been delivered by Law I think no man would imagine a wise King would have suffered his Grace and Prerogative if any such Prerogative were to be so continually questioned and his Majesty and his Councel so far from commanding the Judges not to proceed to deliver the Prisoner by them committed without Cause shewn as that on the other side which is all the force of these Presidents the King and the Councel signified to the Judges that they should proceed to deliver the parties certainly if the King had challenged any such Prerogative that a Person committed without any cause shewn ought not to be delivered by the Judges without his consent it would have appeared by one President or other amonst all that have been produced that his Majesty would have made some claim to such a Prerogative But it appears to the contrary that in many of these cases the King or his Councel did never interpose and where they did it was alwayes in affirmation and incouragement to that Court to proceed And besides the writing of Letters from his Majesty to the Judges to do Justice to his Majesties Subjects may with as good reason be interpreted that without those Letters they might not do Justice also the King signified his willingness that such such Persons which were committed by him should be delivered therefore they could not be delivered without it which is a strange reason So that findeing the Laws so full so many and so plain in the point and findeing that when ever any were committed without cause shewn brought their Habeas Corpus they were delivered and no Command ever given to the contrary or claim made on the Kings part to any such Prerogative I may safely conclude as the House of Commons have done and if any one President or two of late can be shewn that the Judges have not delivered the Prisoners so committed I think it is their fault and to be enquired of but contrary it seems to me to be an undoubted Liberty of the Subject that if he be committed without cause or without cause shewn yet he may have some speedy course to bring himself to Trial either to justifie his own innocencie or to receive punishment according to his fault for God forbid that an innocent man by the Laws of England should be put in worse case then the most grievous Malefactors are which must needs be if this should be that if a cause be shewed he may have his Trial but if none he must lie and pine in Prison during pleasure
frequently professed that they would not deminish nor blemish his Royal and just Prerogative so he presumes ye will all confess it a point of extraordinary grace and Justice in him to suffer it to rest so long in dispute without interruption But now his Majesty considering the length of time which it hath already taken and fearing nothing so much any future loss as that whereof every hour and minute is so precious and foreseeing that ordinary way of debate though never so carefull must in regard of the forms of both Houses necessarily take up more time then the affairs of Christendom can permit his Majesty out of his great and Princely care hath thought it expedient to shorten the business by declaring the clearness of his own heart and intention And therefore he hath commanded me to let you know that he holds the Statue of Magna Charta and the other 6. Statutes insisted on for the Subjects Liberty to be all in force and assureth you that he will maintain all his Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and in safety of their estates and that he will Govern according to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm and that you shall finde as much security in his Majesties Royal word and promise as in the strength of any Law you can make so that hereafter you shall never have cause to complain The conclusion is this that his Majesty prayeth that God who hath hitherto blessed this Kingdom and hath put into his heart this day to come unto you will make the success hereof happy both to King and People And therefore he desireth that no doubt or mistrust may possesse any man but that you all will proceed speedily and unanimously with the business The Bishop of EXCETERS Letter sent to the House of COMMONS 28. April 1628. Gentlemen FOr God sake be wise in your well meant Zeal why do you argue away precious time that can never be revoked or repaired Woe is me while we dispute our friends perish and we must follow them where are we if we break and I tremble to think we cannot but break if we hold so stiff Our Liberties and proprieties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal our remedies are clear and irrefragable what do we fear every Subject sees the way now chalked out for future Justice and who dares henceforth tread besides it Certainly whilest Parliaments live we need not misdoubt the violations of our Freedoms and Rights May we be but where the Law found us we shall sufficiently enjoy our selves and ours It is no season to search for more Oh let us not whilest we over-rigedly plead for an higher strain of safety put our selves into a necessity of ruine and utter despair of redress Let us not in the suspition of Evils that may be cast our selves into a present confusion If you love your selves and your Countrey remit some thing of your own terms and since the substance is yielded by your Noble Patriots stand not too rigorously upon points of circumstance Fear not to trust a good King who after the strict Laws made must be trusted with the execution Think that your Countrey nay Christendom lies on the mercie of your present resolutions Relent or farewell welfare From him whose faithfull heart bleeds in a vowed sacrifice for his King and Countrey EXCETER M r. HACKVVELL of LINCOLNS-INNE his Speech in the Lower-House 1. May 1628. SIR I Chose rather to discover my weakness by speaking then to betray my conscience by silence My opinion is that we shall do well totally to omit our resolution out of this Bill and rely onely upon a confirmation of the Laws The Objections made against this Opinion are two THe first is that we shall thereby recede from our own resolution The second that by a bare confirmation of the Old Laws without the inserting of our resolution by way of explanation we shall be but in the same case as before For the first that though we desire onely a confirmation without adding of our resolution we do not thereby recede from our resolution I reason thus Our resolution was drawn out of the sence of those Laws which are now desired to be confirmed so that no question can be made by any of us that have thus declared our selves but that our resolution is virtually contained in those Laws if that be so how can our acceptance of a confirmation of these Laws be a departure from our resolution Nay rather we think the contrary is true he that doubts that by confirmation of these Laws our resolution is not hereby confirmed doubts whether we have justly deduced our resolutions out of those Laws and so calls our resolution into question This Argument alone is in my opinion a full answer to that first Objection that in desiring of a bare confirmation of those Laws we depart from our resolutions This Argument alone is in my opinion a full answer to that first Objection that in desiring of a bare confirmation of these Laws we depart from our resolution The second Objection is that if we have nothing but a confirmation we are in no better case then we were before those late violations of the Law This I deny and do confidently affirm that although we have no more then a confirmation of those Laws which are recited in the Bill that is now before us we shall depart hence in far better case then we came and that in divers respects First some of the Laws recited in this Bill and desired to be confirmed are not printed Laws and are known to few Professors of the Law and much less to others and yet they are Laws of as great consequence for the liberty of the Subject if not of greater then any that are printed as namely 25. E. 3. No. 1. That loanes against the will of the lender are against reason and the freedom of the Realm 36. E. 3. No. 9. By which imprisonments by special commandment without due Process are forbidden These two are not printed The excellent Law de tollagio non Concedendo in print hath in a publick Court been by a great Councellour said to be but a Charter and no Law The Satute 1. Rich. 3. against benevolences is by some opinions in print an absolute Law if we can get all these goods Laws besides those 6. other which are expositions of Magna Charta in the point of the freedom and our Persons to be confirmed and put in one Law to the easie view of all men is not our Case far better then when we came hither Secondly will not the occasion of the making of this Law of confirmation so notoriously known be transmitted to all posterity certainly it will never be forgotten that the occasion thereof was the imprisonment of those worthy Gentlemen for not lending and the resolution in the Kings-bench in denying to bayl them and is not the occasion of the making of a Law a good rule to expound it If so
then by giving a confirmation upon this occasion we have bettered our Case very much Thirdly have not the Judges in the Kings-bench in open Parliament upon our complaint disclaimed to have given any Judgement in the point which generally before by the Parliament was otherwise conceived for now they say it was but an Award and no Judgement Will such a Notorious Act upon so important an occasion in so publick a place be quickly forgotten Nay will not the memorie of it for ever remain upon Records is not our Case then much better then when we came hither Fourthly will not the resolution of this House and all our Arguments and reasons against imprisonment without a Cause expressed which no doubt by the course we have taken will be transferred to posterity be a great means to stay any Judge hereafter for declaring any Judgement to the contrary especially if there be likelyhood of a Parliament is not our Case in this very much amended Lastly have we not received Propositions from the Lords wherein amongst other things they declared that they are not out of love with our proceedings is not this a great strenghtning to it but after so long debate amongst them about it they cannot take any just exception to it and doth not this also much amend our Case From all these reasons I conclude that the second Objection that by a confirmation we are in no better case then when we came together is also a weak Objection Now for reasons to move us to proceed in this course of accepting a confirmation First we have his Majesties gracious promise to yield to a confirmation of the old Laws from which we may rest most assured he will not depart If we tender him with all our Proposition to be enacted we have cause to doubt that we shall loose both the one and the other Secondly we are no less assured of the Lords joyning with us for in their Propositions sent to us they have delivered themselves to that purpose This is then a secure way of getting somewhat of great advantage to us as we have great hopes and in a manner assurance on this side So on the other side we have great doubts and fears that by offering our resolution to be enacted we shall loose all For first we have had already experience of the Lords that they are not very foreward to joyn with us in a Declaration of our Proposition to be Law If they stumble at a Declaration much more will they in yielding to make Law in the same point And have we not much more cause to doubt that his Majesty will not yield unto it seeing it toucheth him so near Is it not the notice of his pleasure that hath wrought thus with the Lords If we should clog our Bill with our Proposition and it should be rejected by the Lords or by the King is not our resolution much weakned by it And are we not then in far worse case then before we made it Our resolution for the rejecting of our Proposition will tend to a Justification of all that hath been done against us in this great point of our Liberty Let us then like wise-men conform our desire to our hopes and guide our hopes by probabilities other desires and other hopes are but vain This is my poor opinion in this weighty business Secretary COKES Message 1. May 1628. Mr. Speaker I Have a very short message to deliver from his Majesty that shews both his Royal care to be rightly understood of this House and no less care to understand us in the best part and to shew clearly it shall not be his fault if this be not a happy Parliament His Majesty hath commanded me to desire this House clearly to let him know whether they will rest upon his Royal word and promise made at several times and especially by my Lord Keepers Speech made in his own presence which if they do he doth assure you that it shall be royally and really performed After speaking of himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty he proceeded in these words GIve me leave freely to tell you that I know by experience that by the place I hold under his Majesty if I will discharge the duty of my place and the Oath I have taken to his Majesty I must commit and neither express the cause to the Jaylor nor to the Judges nor to any Councellour in England but to the King himself yet do not think I go without ground of reason or take this power committed to me to be unlimmitted Yea rather it is to me a charge burthen and danger for if I by this power shall commit the poorest porter if I do it not upon a just cause if it may appear the burthen will fall upon me heavier then the Law can inflict for I shall loose my credit with his Majesty and my place And I beseech you consider whether those that have been in the same place have not committed freely and not any doubt made of it nor any complaint made by the Subject Veneris 2. May 1628. A Report was this day made from the grand Committee for grievances concerning the cause of Nicholas Clegat Cittizen and Vintner of London imprisoned by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the said Citie for refusing to lend a certain summe of money assessed upon him by the Company of Vintners of London whereof he is free towards the proportion of money imposed upon the Company by an Act of Common-Councel of the said Citie in pursuance of a contract of Land with his Majesty By which report it appeared that the said grand Committee had unanimously agreed that the said Citie might make Acts of Councel so as they were consonant to Law and reason and for regulating and deciphering of trade agreeable to reason and the Law of the Realm and might leavy money of the Cittizens by Act of Common-Councel for building or repairing of their Walls Gates or making or cleansing of Sewers or other like causes tending to the general and publick good and welfare of the Citie or towards Triumphs or other like occasions tending to the Honour of the Citie in general but could not by such Act of Common-Councel tax or leavy money towards the purchasing of Lands or other like occasions forreign to the government of the Citie Whereupon it is resolved by the House of Commons super totam materiam that the said Commitment of the said Nicholas Clegat was unlawfull and that a Petition should go from the House to his Majesty for the inlargement of the said Nicholas Clegat his commitment by the Lord Major and Aldermen being since strengthned by special command Henry TOMPSON one of the Shrieffs and Robert HENISVVORTH Alderman of the Citie of YORK their submission for their indirect chusing of S r. Thomas SAVIL Knight I Henry Tompson one of the Shrieffs of the Citie of York do hereby acknowledge to have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty
of explanation we shall provide onely that the cause ought to be expressed upon the return of the Habeas Corpus then out of the words of the Statute it will necessarily be inferred that before the return of the Habeas Corpus the cause need not to be expressed because the Statute hath appointed the time of the expression of the cause And it will be construed that if the makers of the Statutes had intended that the cause should have been soener shewen they would have provided for it by the Act and then the Act which we term an Act of explanation will be an Act of the abridging of Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes Or if this Act do not make the commitment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull yet it will clearly amount to a tolleration of the commitment without expressing the cause untill the Habeas Corpus or to a general or perpetual dispensation beginning with and continuing as long as the Law it self And in my understanding the words in this intended Law that no Freeman can be committed without cause can no wayes advantage us or satisfie this Objection for till the return of the Habeas Corpus he that commits is Judge of the cause or at least hath a license by this Law till that time to conceal the cause and the Goaler is not subject to any action for the detaining of the Prisoner upon such command for if the Prisoner demanded the cause of his inprisonment of the Goaler It will be a safe answer for him to say that he detains the Prisoner by Warrant and that it belongs not unto him to desire those which commit the Prisoner to shew the cause untill he returns the Habeas Corpus and if the Prisoner be a Suitor to know the cause from those that committed him it will be a sufficient answer for them to say they will express the cause at the Return of the Habeas Corpus In this cause there will be a wrong because the commitment is without cause expressed and one that suffers that wrong viz. the party imprisoned and yet no such wrong doer but may excuse if not justifie himself by this Law In making of Laws we must consider the inconveniences which may ensue and provide for the prevention of them lex caveat de futuris I have taken into my thoughts some inconveniences which I shall expose to your considerations not imagining that they can happen in the time of our gracious Soveraign but in an Act of Parliament we must provide for the prevention of all inconveniences in future times 1. If a man be in danger to be imprisoned in the beginning of a long vacation for refusing to pay some small summe of money and knows that by this Act he can have no inlargement till the Return of the Habeas Corpus in the Term and that the charge of his being in Prison and of his inlargement by Habeas Corpus will amount to more then the summe he will depart with money to prevent his imprisonment or to redeem himself thence because he cannot say any man doth him wrong untill the Return of the Habeas Corpus the Law resolves a man will pay a Fine rather then be imprisoned for the Judgement which is given when one is fined is Ideo Capiatur and the highest execution for dept is a Capias ad satisfaciendum the Law presuming any man will depart with his money to gain his Liberty and if the Prisoner procure an Habeas Corpus and be brought into the Kings-bench by virtue of it yet the cause need not to be then expressed The provision of this Law being that if no cause be then expressed he shall be bayled and no cause being shewen upon the Return of the Habeas Corpus yet may be pretended that at the time of his Commitment there were strong presumptions of some great offence But upon examination they are cleared or it may be said that the offence was of that nature that the time of his imprisonment before the Return was a sufficient punishment and we may be frequently imprisoned in this manner and never understand the cause and have often such punishment and have no means to justifie our selves and for all these proceedings this Law will be the justification or colour 2. If by this Act there be a Tolleration of imprisonment without shewing cause untill the Return of the Habeas Corpus yet it is possible to accompany that imprisonment with such circumstances of close restraint and others which I forbear to express as may make imprisonment for that short time as great a punishment as a perpetual imprisonment in our ordinary manner 3. The party may be imprisoned a long time before he shall come to be delivered by this Law The place of his imprisonment may be in the furthest parts of this Kingdom The Judges always makes the Return of the Habeas Corpus answerable to the distance of the Prison from Westminster The Goaler may neglect the Return of the first Process and then the party must procure an alias and the Goaler may be then in some other imployment for the King and excuse the not returning of the body upon that Process and this may make the imprisonment for a year and in the end no cause being returned the party may be discharged but in the mean time he shall have imprisonment he shall never know the cause he shall have no remedy for it nor be able to question any for injustice which have not a justification or excuse by this Law 4. The party may be imprisoned during his life and yet there shall be no cause ever shewn I will instance in the manner a man may be committed to the furthest part of the Kingdom Westward he obtains an Habeas Corpus Before the Goaler receives the Habeas Corpus or before the returns it the Prisoner by Warrant is removed from that Prison to another it may be the furthest Northern part of the Realm the first Goaler returns the special Matter which will be sufficient to free himself and in like manner the Prisoner may be translated from one Prison to another and his whole life shall be a preregrination or wayfairing from one Goal to another and he shall never know the cause nor be able to complain of any who cannot defend their actions by this Bill 5. If the Prisoner be brought into the Court by Habeas Corpus and no cause expressed and thereupon he be enlarged he may be partly committed again and then his enlargement shall onely make way for his commitment and this may continue during his life and he shall never know the cause and this not remedied but rather permitted by this Act. And there are also considerable in this Matter the expence of the party in Prison His Fees to the Goaler his costs in obtaining and prosecuting an Habeas Corpus and his charges in removing himself attended with such as have the charge of his conduct and
and free Customes of the Realm from your Majestie or your privy Councel And where also by the Statute called the great Charter of the Liberties of England It is declared and enacted That no Freeman may be taken nor imprisoned nor be disseised of his Freehold nor Liberties nor his free Customes nor be outlawed or exiled or in any manner destroyed but by the Lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land And in the 28. year of the Raign of King Edw. 3. it was declared and enacted by Authority of Parliament that no man of what Estate or condition he be shall put out of his Land or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought to answer by due process of Law Nevertheless against the Tenour of the said Statutes and other the good Laws and Statutes of your Realm to that end provided divers of your Subjects have of late been imprisoned without any cause shewed and when for their deliverance they were brought before your Justices by your Majesties Writ of Habeas Corpus there to undergo and receive as the Court should order and the Keepers commanded to certefie the causes of their detainer no cause was certified but that they were detained by your Majesties special command signified by the Lords of your privy Councel and yet were returned back to several Prisons without being charged with any thing the which they might make answer to and to Law And whereas of late great Companies of Souldiers and Marriners have been dispersed into divers Countreys of the Realm and the Inhabitants against their wills have been compelled to receive them into their houses and there to suffer them to sojourn against the Laws and Customes of this Realm and to the great grievance and vexation of the people And whereas also by Authority of Parliament in the 25. E. 3. it is declared and enacted that no man shall be fore-judged of Life or Limb against the form of the great Charter and the Law of the Land and by the said great Charter and other the Laws and Statutes of this your Realm no man ought to be adjudged to death but by the Laws established in this your Realm Nevertheless of late times divers Commissions under your Majesties great Seal have issued forth by which certain Persons have been assigned and appointed Commissioners with power and Authority to proceed within the Land according to the Justice of Martial Law against such Souldiers or Marriners or other dissolute Persons joyning with them as should commit any Murther Robbery Fellony Mutiny or other outrage or misdemeanour whatsoever and by such summary course and order as is agreeable to Martial Law and is used in Armies in time of War to proceed to the trial and condemnation of such offenders and them to cause to be executed and put to death according to the Law Martial By pretext whereof some of your Majesties Subjects have been by some of the said Commissioners put to death when and where if by the Laws and Statutes of the Land they had deserved death by the same Laws and Statutes also they might and by none other ought to have been adjudged and executed And also sundry grievous offenders by colour thereof claiming and exemption have escaped the punishment due to them by the Laws and Statutes of this your Realm By reason whereof divers of your Officers and Ministers of Justice have unjustly refused or forbore to proceed against such offenders according to the same Laws and Statutes upon pretence that the said offenders were punishable onely by Martial Law and by Authority of such Commissions as aforesaid which Commissions and all other of like nature are directly contrary to the said Laws and Statutes of this your Realm They do therefore humbly pray your most Excellent Majesty that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yield any Guift Loan Benevolence Tax or such like charge without common consent by Act of Parliament And that none be called to make answer or to take such an Oath or to give attendance or to be confined or otherwise molested or disquieted concerning the same or for refusal thereof And that no Freeman may man such manner as is before mentioned be imprisoned or detained And that your Majesty would be pleased to remove the said Souldiers and Marriners and that your people may not be so burthened in time to come And that the aforesaid Commissions for proceeding by Martial Law may be revoked annulled and that hereafter no Commissions of like nature may issue forth to any Person or Persons whatsoever to be executed as aforesaid least by colour of them any your Majesties Subjects be destroyed and put to death contrarie to the Laws and Franchises of the Land All which they most humbly pray of your most Excellent Majestie as their Rights and Liberties according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm And that your Majestie would also vouchsafe to declare that the Awards doings and proceedings to the prejudice of your people in any the premises shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example And that your Majestie would be pleased gratiously for the further comfort and safety of your people to declare your Royal will and pleasure that in the things aforesaid all your Officers and Ministers shall serve you according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm as they tender the Honour of your Majestie and the prosperity of this Kingdom S r. BENJAMIN RUDDIERDS Speech Mr. Pym I Did not think to have spoken again to this Bill because I was willing to believe that the forwardness of this Committee would have prevented me but now I hold my self bound to speak and to speak in earnest In the first year of the King and the second convention I first moved for the increase and inlarging of poor Ministers liings I shewed how necessarie it was that it had been neglected this was also commended to the House by his Majestie there were as now many accusations on foot against scandalous Ministers I was bolde to tell the House that there were scandalous livings which were much the cause of the other livings of 5. Marks of 5. l. a year that men of worth and of parts would not be musled up to such pittances that there were some places in England which were scarce in Christendom where God was little better known then amongst the Indians I exampled it in the utmost skirts of the North where the prayers of the common people are more like Spells and Charms then devotions the same blindeness and ignorance is in divers parts of Wales which many of that Countrey doth both know and lament I declared also that to plant good Ministers was the strongest and surest means to establish true Religion that it would prevail more against Papistry then the making of new Laws or executing of old that it would counterwork Court Conivence and Luke-warm accommodation that though the calling of Ministers be never
so glorious within the outward poverty will bring contempt upon them especially amongst those who measure men by the ounce and weigh them by the pound which indeed is the greatest part of men Mr. Pym I cannot but testifie how being in Germany I was exceedingly scandalized to see the poor stipendarie Ministers of the Reformed Churches there dispised and neglected by reason of their poverty being otherwayes very grave and learned men I am afraid this is a part of the burthen of Germany which ought to be a warning to us I have heard many Objections and difficulties even to impossibilities against this Bill to him that is unwilling to go there is even a Bear or Lion in the way First let us make our selves willing then will the way be easie and safe enough I have observed that we are alwayes very eager and fierce against Papistry against scandalous Ministers and against things which are not so much in our power I should be glad to see that we did delight as well in rewarding as in punishing and in undertaking matters within our own reach as this is absolutely within our power Our own duties are next us other mens further of I do not speak this that I do mislike the destroying or pulling down of that which is ill but then let us be as earnest to plant and build up that which is good in the room of it for why should we be desolate The best and the greatest way to dispell darkness and the deeds thereof is to let in light we say that day breaks but no man can ever hear the noise of it God comes in the still voice let us quickly mend our Candlesticks and we cannot want lights I am afraid this backwardness of ours will give the adversary occasion to say that we chuse our Religion because it is the cheaper of the two that we would willingly serve God with somewhat that cost us naught Believe it M r. Pym he that thinks to save any thing by his Religion but his Soul will be a terrible looser in the end we sow so sparingly and that is the reason we reap so sparingly and have no more fruit Me thinks whosoever hates Papistry should by the same rule hate covetousness for that 's Idolatry too I never liked hot professions and cold actions such a heat is rather the heat of a distemper and disease then of life and saving health For scandalous Ministers there is no man shall be more foreward to have them sincerely punnished then I will be when Salt hath lost its savour fit it is to be cast on the unsavory place the dunghill But Sr. let us deal with them as God hath dealt with us God before he made man he made the World a handsome place for him to dwell in so let us provide them convenient livings and then punish them on Gods name but till then scandalous livings cannot but have scandalous Ministers It shall ever be a rule to me that where the Church and Common-wealth are both of one Religion it is comely and decent that the outward splendor of the Church should hold a proportion and participate with the prosperity of the temporal State for why should we dwell in houses of Cedar and suffer God to dwell in Tin It was a Glorious and Religious work of King Iames and I speak it to his unspeakable Honour and to the praise of that Nation who though that Countrey be not so rich as ours yet are they Richer in their affections to Religion within the space of one year he caused to be planted Churches through all Scotland the Highlands and the Boarders worth 30. l. a year a piece with a house and some gleab belonging to them which 30. l. a year considering the cheapness of the Countrey and the modest fashion of Ministers living there is worth double as much as any where within a 100. miles of London the printed Act and Commission whereby it may be executed I have here in my hand delivered unto me by a Noble Gentleman of that Nation and a worthy Member of this House Sir Francis Stuart To conclude although Christianity and Religion be established generally throughout this Kingdom yet untill it be planted more particularly I shall scarce think this a Christian Common-wealth seeing it hath been moved and stirred in Parliament it will lye heavy upon Parliaments untill it be effected Let us do something for God here of our own and no doubt God will bless our proceedings in this place the better for ever hereafter And for my own part I will never give over solliciting this cause as long as Parliaments and I shall live together CHARLES REX To our trusty and well-beloved the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the Higher House of PARLIAMENT WE being desirous of nothing more then the advancement of the good peace and prosperity of our people have given leave to free debates of highest points of our Prerogative Royal which in times of our Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm were ever restrained as Matters they would not have disputed and in other things we have been willing fairly to condiscend to the desires of our loving Subjects as might fully satisfie all moderate mindes and free them from all just fears and jealousies with those Messages which heretofore we have sent to the Commons House will well demonstrate to the World and yet we finde it still insisted on that in no case whatsoever should it never so nearly concern Matters of State and government we nor our privy Councel have power to commit any man without the cause shewed whereas it often happens that should the cause be shewed the service thereby would be destroyed and defeated and the cause alleadged must be such as may be determined by our Judges of our Courts at Westminster in a Legal and Ordinary way of Justice whereas the cause may be such whereof the Judges have no capacity of Judicature or rules of Law to direct or guide their Judgements in cases of that transcendent nature which hapning so often the very intermitting of the constant rules of government for many ages within this Kingdom practised would soon dissolve the very frame and foundation of our Monarchy wherefore as to our Commons we have made propositions which might equally preserve the just Liberty of the Subject So my Lords we have thought good to let you know that without overthrow of our Soveraignty we cannot suffer this power to be impeached But notwithstanding to clear our conscience and just intentions this we publish that it is not in our hearts nor ever will we extend our royal power lent unto us from God beyond the just rule of moderation in any thing which shall be contrary to our Laws and Customes where the safety of our people shall be our onely aim And we do hereby declare our royal pleasure and resolution to be which God willing we shall ever constantly continue and maintain that neither we nor our privy Councel
Petition of Right but our rights themselves for the addition being referred to each part of the Petition will necessarily receive this construction That none ought to be compelled to make any guift loan or such like charge without common consent or Act of Parliament unless it be by the Soveraign power with which the King is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of his people That none ought to be compelled to sojourn or billet Souldiers unless by the same Soveraign power and so of the rest of the Rights contained in the Petition And then the most favourable construction will be that the King hath an ordinary Prerogative and by that he cannot impose Taxes or Imprison That is he cannot impose Taxes at his will to imploy them as he pleaseth that he hath an extraordinary and transcendent Soveraign power for the protection and happiness of his people and for such purpose he may impose Taxes or billet Souldiers as he pleaseth and we may assure our selves that hereafter all Loans Taxes and billeting of Souldiers will be said to be for the protection safety and happiness of the people Certainly hereafter it will be conceived that an House of Parliament would not have made an unnecessary addition to this Petition of Right and therefore it will be resolved that the addition hath relation to the Petition which will have such operation as I have formerly declared and I the rather fear it because the late Loan and Billeting have been declared to have been by Soveraign power for the good of our selves and if it be doubtfull whether this proposition hath reverence to the Petition or not I know not who shall Judge whether Loans or Imprisonments hereafter be by that Soveraign power or not A Parliament which is made a body of several wits and may be dissolved by one Commission cannot be certain to decide this question We cannot resolve that that the Judges shall determine the words of the Kings Letter read in this House expressing the cause of Commitment may be such that the Judges have not capacity of Judicature no rules of Law to direct guide their Judgements in cases of that transcendent nature the Judges then and the Judgements are easily conjectured It hath been confessed by the Kings Councel that the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King and his Soveraign power cannot be divided from himself If then the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King it bindes his Soveraign power if to the Petition these words be added the exposition then must be that the Statute of Magna Charta binds the Kings Soveraign power Saving the Kings Soveraign power I shall endevour to give some answer to the reasons given by the Lords The first is that it is the intention of both Houses to maintain the just Liberty of the Subject and not to diminish the just power of the King and therefore the expression of that intention in this Petition cannot prejudice us which I answer First that our intention was and is as we then professed and no man can assign any particuler in which we have done to the contrary Neither have we any way transgressed in that kinde in this Petition and if we make this addition to the Petition it would give some intimution that we have given cause or colour of offence therein which we deny and which if any man conceive so that he would assign the particuler that we may give an answer thereunto By our Petition we onely desire our particuler Rights and Liberties to be confirmed to us and therefore it is not proper for us in it to mention Soveraign power in general being altogether impertinent to the matter in the Petition There is a great difference between the words of the addition and the words proposed therein for reason viz. between just power which may be conceived to be limmitted by Laws and Soveraign power which is supposed to be transcendent and boundless The second reason delivered by their Lordships was that the King is Soveraign That as he is Soveraign he hath power and that that Soveraign power is to left for my part I would leave it so as not to mention it but if it should be expressed to be left in this Petition as it is proposed it must admit something to be left in the King of what we pray or at least admit some Soveraign power in his Majestie in these Priviledges which we claim to be our Right which would frustrate our Petition and destroy our Right as I have formerly shewed The third reason given from this addition was that in the statute Articuli super Chartas there is a saving of the right and seigniory of the Crown To which I give these answers That Magna Charta was confirmed above 30 times and a general saving was in none of these Acts of confirmation but in this onely and I see no cause we should follow one ill and not 30 good Presidents and the rather because that saving produced ill effects that are well known That saving was by Acts of Parliament The conclusion of which Act is that in all those Cases the King did will and all those that were at the making of that Ordinance did intend that the Right and Seigniory of the Crown should be saved By which it appears that the saving was not in the Petition of the Commons but added by the King for in the Petition the Kings will is no expressed In that Act the King did grant and depart with to his people divers Rights belonging to his prerogative as in the first Chapter he granted that the people might choose three Men which might have power to hear and determine complaints made against those that offended in any point of Magna Charta though they were the Kings officers and to fine and ransome them and in the 8.12 and 19. Chapter of that Statute the King departed with other prerogatives and therefore there might be some reason of the adding of that Soveraign by the Kings Councel But in this Petition we desire nothing of the Kings Prerogative but pray the enjoying of our propper and undoubted Rights and Priviledges and therefore there is no cause to add any words which may imply a saving of that which concerns not the matter in the Petition The 4. reason given by their Lordships was that by the mouth of our Speaker we have this Parliament declared that it was far from our intention to incroach upon his Majesties Prerogative and that therefore it could not prejudice us to mention the same resolution in an addition to this Petition To which I answer that that declaration was a general answer to a Message from his Majestie to us by which his Majestie expressed that he would not have his Prerogative streitned by any new explanation of Magna Charta or the rest of the Statutes and therefore that expression of our Speakers was then propper to make it have reference to this Petition there being nothing therein
touching this point The King saith he and the Subject hath two liberties Two Mannors joyning one upon another the King is informed the Subject hath intruded upon him but upon triall it appeareth not to be so were it fitting think you that the Subject should give security that he should not incroach or intrude on that Mannor of his because the King had been informed he did so I think you will be of another minde wherefore I am commanded seeing we cannot admit of this addition to desire your Lordships to joyn with us in the Petition which being granted and the hearts of the King and people knit togeather I doubt not but his Majestie will be safe at home and feared abroad Sir HENRY MARTINS Speech MY Lords the work of this day wherein the House of Commons hath implyed the Gentleman that spake last and my self was to reply to the answer which it hath pleased the Lord Keeper to make to those reasons which we had offered to your Lordships consideration in justification of our refusall not to admit into our Petition the addition commended by your Lordships which reasons of ours since they have not given such satisfaction as we desired and well hoped as by the Lord Keepers answer appeared It was thought fit for our better order and method in replying to divide the Lord Keepers answer into two parts a Leagall and a Rationall The reply to the leagall your Lordships have heard my self comes intrusted to reply to the rational which also consisted of two branches the first deduced from the whole context of the additional clause the second inforced out of some part In the first were these reasons that the same deserved our acceptance First as satisfactory to the King Secondly to your Lordships Thirdly agreeable to what our selves had often protested and professed expresly by the mouth of our Speaker I must confess these motives were weighty and of great force and therefore to avoid misunderstanding and misconceit which otherwise might be taken against the House of Commons upon refusall of the propounded addition It is necessary to State the question rightly and to set down the true difference between your Lordships and us Now indeed there is no difference or question between your Lordships and us concerning this additional clause in the nature and quality of a proposition For so considered we say it is most true and to be received and imbraced by us In toto qualibet parte qualibet syllaba yea and were that the question we should add to this addition and instead of due regard say we have had have and ever will have a special and singular regard where to leave entire Sovereign power were to intimate as if we had first cropt it and then left it but our regard was to acknowledge and confess it sincerely and to maintain it constantly even to the hazard of our goods and lives if need be To which purpose your Lordships may be pleased to remember that strict oath every Member of our House hath taken this very session in these words I A. B. do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience that the Kings highness is the Supreme or Sovereign Governour of this Realm in all Causes c. and to my utmost power will assist and defend all Iurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highness or united or annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm c. So that your Lordships need not to borrow from our protestations any exhortations to us to entertain a writing in assistance of the Kings Sovereign power since we stand obliged by the most Sacred bond of a solemn Oath to assist and defend the same if cause or occasion so required So that the onely question between your Lordships and us is whether this clause should be added to our Petition and received into it as part thereof which to do your Lordships reasons have not perswaded us because so to admit it were to overthrow the fabrick and substance of our Petition of Right and to annihilate the Right pretended by us and the Petition it felf in effect For these words being added to our Petition viz we humbly present this Petition c. with due regard to leave intire your Sovereign power c. do include manifestly an exception to our Petition and an exception being of the nature of the thing whereunto it is an exception Exceptio est de regula must of necessity destroy the rule or Petition so far as to the Case excepted Exceptio firmat regulam in Casibus non exceptis in Casibus exceptis distruit Regulam Then this construction followeth upon our Petition thus inlarged that after we have Petitioned That no Freeman should be compelled by imprisonment to lend or contribute money to his Majestie without his assent in Parliament nor receive against his will Souldiers into his house or undergo a commission of Martiall Law for life or Member in time of peace We should add except his Majestie be pleased to require our monies and imprison us for not lending and send Souldiers into our houses and execute us by Martiall Law in time of peace by virtue of his Soveraign power Which construction as it followeth necessarily upon this inlargment so it concludeth against our Right in the premisses and utterly frustrateth all our Petition neither may it seem strange if this clause additionall which of it self in quallity of a proposition we confess being added to our Petition which also is true should overthrow the very frame and fabrick of it seeing the Logicians take knowledge of such a Fallacy called by them Fallacia à bene divisis ad male conjuncta Horace the Poet giveth an instance to this purpose in a painter who when he had painted the head of a Man according to Art would then joyn to it the neck of a horse and so marr the one and the other whereas each by it self might have been a peice of right good workmanship The second branch of my Lordkeepers rationall parte was enforced out of the last words of this addition by which his Lordship said that they did not leave intire all Soveraign power but that wherewith his Majestie is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of the people as if his Lordship would infer that Soveraign power wherewith c. in this place to be terminum diminuentem â— term of diminution or quallification and in that consideration might induce us to accept it but under his Lordships correction we cannot so interpret it For first we are assured that there is no Sovereign power wherewith his Majestie is trusted either by God or Man but onely that which is for the protection safety and happiness of his people and therefore that limitation can make no impression upon us but we conceive it rather in this place to have the force termini adaâ—gentis to be a term of important advantage against our Petition a term of restriction and that
vouchsafe us your noble Company in this Petition without surcharging it with this addition A tempore Our next argument is drawn a tempore from the unseasonableness of the time The wise man saith there is a time for all things under the Sun tempus suum And if in the wise mans Judgement a word spoken in its due time be precious as Gold and Silver then an unseasonable time detracts as much from the thing or word done or spoken We hold under your favours that the time is not seasonable now for this addition It is true that of it self Soveraign power is a thing alwayes so sacred that to handle it otherwise then tenderly is a kinde of sacriledge and to speak of it otherwise then reverently is a kinde of blasphemy but every vulgar capacity is not so affected the most part of men nay almost all men judge and esteem all things not according to their own intrinsick virtue and quality but according to their immediate effects and operations which the same things have upon them Hence it is that Religion it self receiveth more or less credit and approbation as the Teachers and Professors are worser or better Yea if God himself send a very wet Harvest or Seed-time men are apt enough to censure Divine power The Soveraign power hath not now for the present the ancient amiable aspect in respect of some late sad influences but by Gods grace it will soon recover To intermix with this Petition any mention of Soveraign power rebus sic stantibus when angry men say Soveraign power hath been abused and the most moderate wish it had not been so used we hold it not seasonable under your Lordships correction A loco Our next argument is drawn a loco we think the place where your Lordships would have this addition inserted viz. in the Petition no convenient or seasonable place Your Lordships will easily believe that this Petition will run through many hands every man will be desirous to see and to read what their Knights and their Burgesses have done in Parliament upon their complaints what they have brought home for their 5. Subsedies If in perusing of this Petition they fall upon the mention of Soveraign power they presently fall to arguing reasoning and discanting what Soveraign power is what is the Latitude whence the Original and where the bounds with many such curious and captious questions by which course Soveraign power is little advanced or advantaged For I have ever been of opinion that it is then best with Soveraign power when it is had in tacite venerationem not when it is prophaned by publick hearings or examinations Our last argument is drawn from our duty and Loyalty to his Majesty in consideration whereof we are fearfull at this time to take this addition into our Petition least we should do his Majesty herein some disservice With your Lordships we make the great Councel of the King and Kingdom And though your Lordships having the happiness to be near his Majesty know other things better yet certainly the state and condition of the several parts for which we serve their dispositions and inclinations their apprehensions their fears and jealousies are best known unto us And here I pray your Lordships to give me leave to use the figure called Reticentia that is to insinuate and intimate more then I mean to speak Our chief and principal end in this Parliament is to make up all rents or breaches between the King and his Subjects to draw them and knit them together from that distance whereof the world abroad takes too much notice to work a perfect union and reconciliation how improperly and unapt at this time this addition would be in respect of this end we cannot but foresee and therefore shun it and do resolve that it is neither agreeable to the Persons of such Councellors whom we are nor answerable to that love and duty which we owe to his Majesty to hazard an end of such unspeakable consequence upon the admittance of this addition into our Petition whereof as we have shewed the omission at this time can by no means harm the Kings Prerogative the expression may produce manifold inconveniences and therefore since the admittance of your Lordships addition into our Petition is incoherent and incompatible with the body of the same since there is no necessary use of it for the saving of the Kings rerogative since the moderation of our Petition deserveth your Lordships cheerfull conjunction with us since this addition is unseasonable for the time and inconvenient in respect of the place where your Lordships would have it inserted and lastly may prove a disservice to his Majesty I conclude with a most affectionate prayer to your Lordships to joyn with the House of Commons in presenting this Petition unto his sacred Majesty as it is without this addition The KINGS speech in the Higher House at the meeting of both Houses 2. June 1628. Gentlemen I Am come hither to perform my duty and I think no man will think it long since I have not taken so many dayes in answering of the Petition as you have spent weeks in framing it and I am come hither to shew you that as well in formall things as in essential I desire to give you as much content as in me lies The Lord KEEPER in explanation of the same MY Lords and you the Knights Cittizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons his Majesty hath commanded me to say unto you that he takes it in good part that in consideration how to settle your own Liberty you have generally professed in both Houses that you have no intention for to lessen or diminish his Majesties Prerogative wherein as you have cleared your own intentions so his Majesty now comes to clear his and to strike a firm league with his people which is ever decreed to be most constant and perpetual when the conditions are equal and known to be so These cannot be in a more happy estate then when your Liberties shall be an ornament and strength to his Majesties Prerogative and his Prerogative a defence to your Liberties In this his Majesty doubts not but both you and he shall take a mutual comfort hereafter and for his part he is resolved to give an example in so using of his power as hereafter you shall have no cause to complain This is the summe of that which I am to say to you Here read your own Petition and his Majesties gracious answer The KINGS answer to the Petition of Right 2. June by the Lord KEEPER THe King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm and that the Statutes be put in due execution that the Subject may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression contrary to their just Rights and Liberties to the preservation whereof he holds himself in conscience as well obliged as of his Prerogative Sir JOHN ELLIOTS Speech 3. June Mr. Speaker WE sit here
as the great Councel of the King and in that capacitie it is our duty to take into consideration the State and affairs of the Kingdom and where there is occasion to give them in a true representation by way of council and advice with what we conceive necessary or expedient for them In this consideration I confess many a sadd thought hath affrighted me and that not onely in respect of our dangers from abroad which yet I know are great as they have been often in this place prest and dilated to us but in respect of our disorders here at home we do inforce those dangers and by which they are occasioned For I believe I shall make clear unto you that both at first the cause of these dangers were disorders and our disorders now are yet our greatest dangers and not so much the potency of our enemies as the weakness of our selves do threaten us and that saying of the Father may be assumed by us Non tam potentia sua quam negligentia nostra Our want of true devotion to heaven our insincerity and doubling in Religion our want of Councels our precipitate actions the sufficiency or unfaithfulness of our Generals abroad the corruptions of our Ministers at home the impoverishing of the Soveraign the oppression and depression the exhausting of our treasures waste of our provisions Consumption of our Ships destructon of Men This makes the advantage to our enemies not the reputation of their Arms. And if in these there be not reformation we need no Foes abroad time it self will ruine us To shew this more fully as I believe you will all hold it necessary that there seem not an aspertion on the State or imputation on the Government as I have known such mentions misinterpreted which far it is from me to propose that have none but clear thoughts of the Excellency of his Majestie nor can have other ends but the advancement of his glory I shall desire a little of your patience extraordinarily to open the particulars which I shall do with what brevity I may answerable to the importance of the cause and the necessity now upon us yet with such respect and observation to the time as I hope it shall not be troublesome For the first then our insincerity and dubling in Religon the greatest and most dangerous disordor of all others which hath never been unpunished and of which we have so many strong examples of all States and in all times to awe us What testimony doth it want will you have Authority of bookes look on the collection of the Committee for Religion there is too clear an evidence will you have Recors see then the Commission procured for composition with the Papists in the North Mark the proceedings thereupon you will finde them to little less amounting then a tolleration in effect thought upon some slight payments and the easiness in them will likewise shew the favour that 's intended Will you have proofs of men witness the hopes witness the presumptions witness the reports of all the Papists generally observe the dispositions of Commanders the trust of Officers the confidence of secrecies of imployments in this Kingdom in Ireland and elsewhere they all will shew it hath too great a certainty and unto this add but the incontrolable evidence of that all-powerfull hand which we have felt so sorely that gave it full assurance for as the Heavens oppose themselves to us for our impiety so it is we that first oppose the Heavens For the second our want of Councels that great disorder in State with which there cannot be stability if effects may shew their causes as they are after a perfect demonstration of them our misfortunes our disasters serve to prove it and the consequence they draw with them If reason be allowed in this dark age the judgment of dependencies and foresight of contingencies in affairs confirm it For if we view our selves at home are we in strength are we in reputation equall to our Ancestors if we view our selves abroad are our Friends as many as our Enemies Nay more do our friends retain their safety and possessions do our Enemies enlarge themselves and gain for them and us what Councel to the loss of the Pallatinate sacrificed we our honour and our men sent thither stopping those greater powers appointed for that service by which it might have been defencible what Councel gave direction to the late action whose wounds are yet a bleeding I mean the expedition to Rhee of which there is yet so sadd a memorie in all men what design for us or advantage to our State could that import you know the wisdom of our Ancestors the practice of their times how they preserved their safeties we all know and have as much cause to doubt as they had the greatness and ambition of that Kingdom which the Old world could not satisfie against this greatness and ambition we likewise know the proceedings of that Princess that never to be forgotten Excellency of Queen Elizabeth whose name without admiration falls not into mention with her Enemies you know how she advanced her self how she advanced this Kingdom how she advanced this Nation in glorie and in state how she depressed her Enemies how she upheld her Friends how she enjoyed a full security and made them then our scorn whom now are made our terror Some of the principals she built on were these and if I mistake let reason and our Statesmen contradict me First to maintain in what she might a unity in France that that Kingdom being at peace within it self might be a Bulwark to keep back the power of Spain by land Next to preserve an amity and league between the States and us that so we might come in aid of the low Countries and by that means receive their Ships and help by sea This treable-cord so working between France the States and us might enable us as occasion should require to give assistance unto others and by this means the experience of that time doth tell us that we were not onely free from those fears that now possess and trouble us but then our Names were fearfull to our enemies See now what correspondency or actions had with this square it by these rules that it induce a necessary consequence of the division of France between the Protestants and their King of which there is too wofull and lamentable experience It hath made an absolute breach between that State and us and so entertained us against France France in preparation against us that we have nothing to promise our neighbours hardly for our selves Nay but observe the time in which it was attempted and you shall finde it not onely varying from those principals but directly contrary and opposite ex diametro to those ends and such as from the issue and success rather might be through a conception of Spain then begotten here with us Here there was an interruption made by S r. HUMFRY MAY expressing a dislike but
no meaning of barring you from what hath been your Right but in the manner to avoid all scandals on his Councel and actions past his Ministers might not be nor himself under their names taxed for their Councels and that no such particulers should be taken in hand as would ask a longer time of consideration then what he hath already prefixed and still resolves to hold that so for this time Christendom might have notice of a sweet parting between him and his people which if it falls out his Majesty will not be long from another meeting when such grievances if there be any at their leasure and convenience may be considered The KINGS speech 7 June THe answer I have already given you was made with so good deliberation and approved by the judgement of so many wise men that I could not have imagined but it should have given you full satisfaction But to avoid all ambiguous interpretations and to shew you that there is no doubleness in my meaning I am willing to please you in words as well as in substance Read your Petition and you shall have an answer I am sure will please you Then the Petition of Right was read and again the whole PARLIAMENT spake MAy it please your most Excellent Majesty The Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons in Parliament Assembled taking into their considerations that the good intelligence between your Majesty and your people doth much depend upon your Majesties answer unto their Petition of Right formerly presented with an unanimous consent unto your Majesty Do most humbly beseech your Majesty that you will be gratiously pleased to give a satisfactory answer thereunto in full Parliament Soit droit fait come est desire par le Petition Let right be done as is desired by the Petition The KING again THis I am sure is full yet no more then I granted you in my first answer for the meaning of that was to confirm all your Liberties knowing according to your own protestations that you neither mean nor can hurt my Prerogative And I assure you my Maxim is that the peoples Liberties strengthen the Kings Prerogative and the Kings Prerogative is to defend the peoples Liberties You see now how ready I have shewn my self to satisfie your demands so that I have done my part wherefore if this Parliament hath not a happy conclusion the sin is yours I am free of it The Motions of the Lower-house to the Higher 7. June 1628. THat the new granted subsedies might be expended especially upon three or four of the most necessary of those Propositions propounded by his Majesty That they thought the most necessary imployments for the subsedies were first the repairing of our new impaired Navy Royal and the decayed Sea munition Secondly the re-edifying of the breaches made in our Forts and Haven Towns Thirdly by a supply and speedy aid and assistance for Denmark And whether in these they have judged rightly or not the eminent and incroaching dangers of the present times might be a guide Also they made Declaration of the late Suits and Petitions of our Marriners having lately received from them a Bill of grievances against the Duke for defect of payment and that not of some few but the whole Company And that if herein they had not sudden redress they must be forced to right themselves upon him as they shall finde opportunity Herein the Commons did declare that they thought themselves bound in Conscience as helping the oppressed and in pollicie in preventing all such combustions to patronize and cherish them Also they thought it expedient that all such books as have been questioned in Parliament and since tollerated might after the dissolving thereof by the virtue of the former Protection pass uncontroulable and the Authors thereof without molestation In the interim that this latter Proposition was debating upon just occasion being offered S r. THOMAS WENTVVORTH delivered himself thus RIght wise Right worthy how many instigations importune the sequel of my words 1. The equity of your proceedings 2. The honnesty of my request for I behold all your intendments grounded upon discretion and goodness and your constitutions steered as well by charity as the extreamity of Justice This order I say and method of your proceedings together with the opportunity offered of the subject in hand have imboldned me to sollicit for an extention of the late granted Protections in general The Lawfulness and honnesty of the Proposition depends upon these particulers 1. The present troubles of the parties protected having run themselves into further and almost irrecoverable hazard by presuming upon and feeding themselves with the hopes of a long continuing Parliament let the second be this consequence That which is prejudicial to the most ought to administer matter of advantage to the rest Sith then our interpellations and disturbations amongst our selves are unpleasing to all most all if any benefit may be collected let it fall upon these for I think the breach of our Sessions can befriend none but such nor such neither but by means of this grant before hand And because it is profitable that his Majesty may cause a remeeting the next Michalmass let thither also reach there prescribed time for Liberty and that till then there protections shall remain in as full virtue and Authority as if the Parliament were actually sitting This Speech at the first bred some distaste but afterwards seriously weighing the premises they easily and at last generally condiscended and so it is this day preferred to the Higher House The KINGS Message to the Lower House by S r. HUMFREY MAY 10. of June 1628. HIs Majesty is well pleased that your return of Right and his answer be not onely recorded in both Houses of Parliament but also in all the Courts of Westminster And that his pleasure is it be put in print for his Honour and the content and satisfaction of his people and that you proceed cheerfully to settle businesses for the good and reformation of the Common-wealth Eeight particulars all voted in the House of Commons 11. June 1628. THe excessive power of the Duke of Buckingham and the abuse thereof is the chief and principal Cause of all the mischiefs that have happened to the King and Kingdom 1. Innovation of Religion 2. Innovation of Government 3. Disasters of designs abroad 4. Not guarding of the Narrow Seas 5. Not guarding the Forts 6. The decay of Trade 7. The decay of Shipping 8. The want of Munition The first Remonstrance Most dread Soveraign AS with all Humble thankfulness we your dutifull Commons now in Parliament Assembled do acknowledge the great comfort we have had in the assurance of your Majesties pious and gracious disposition So we think it our most necessary duty being called by your Majesty to consult and advise of the great and urgent affairs of this Church and Common-wealth And findeing them at this time in apparent danger of ruine and destruction faithfully and dutifully to enform your
an accompt of my actions to none but to God alone It is known to every one that a while ago the House of Commons gave me a Remonstrance how acceptable every man may judge and for the merrit of it I will not call that in question for I am sure no wise man can justifie it Now since I am truely informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for me to take away the profit of my Tonnage and Poundage one of the chief maintenances of the Crown by alleadging that I have given away my right thereof by my answer to your Petition This is so prejudiciall to me that I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it being not willing to receive any more Remonstrances to which I must give an harsh answer And since I see to that end the House of Commons beginneth already to make false constructions of what I granted in your Petition least it be worse interpreted in the Countrey I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof The profession of both Houses in the time of hammering this Petition was no was to trench upon my prerogative saying they had neither intention nor power to hurt it Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no new but confirmed the ancient Liberties of my Subjects yet to shew the clearness of my intentions that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I have promised you I do here declare that those things which have been done whereby many had some cause to suspect the libertie of the Subject to be trenched upon which indeed was the first and true ground of the Petition shall not hereafter be drawn in example for your prejudice and in time to come in the word of a King you shall not have like cause to complain But as for Tonnage and Poundage it is a thing I cannot want and was never intended by you to ask never meant I am sure by me to grant To conclude I command you all that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted in your Petition but especially you my Lords the Judges for to you onely under me belongs the interpretation of Laws for none of the Houses of Parliament either joynt or separate what new doctrine soever may be raised have any power either to make or declare a Law without my consent The Second Remonstrance Most Gratious Soveraign YOur Majesties most Loyall and Dutifull Subjects the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled being in nothing more carefull then of the Honour and prosperity of your Majesty and the Kingdom which they know doth much depend upon your happy Union and relation betwixt your Majestie and your people do with much sorrow apprehend that by reason the incertainty of their continuance together the unexpected interruptions which have been cast upon them and the shortness of time in which your Majestie hath determined to end this Session they cannot bring to maturity and perfection diverse businesses of waight which they have taken into consideration and resolution as most important for the common good Amongst diverse other things they have taken in especial care for preparing a Bill for the granting to your Majestie such a subsedy of Tonnage and Poundage as might uphold your profit and revenew in as ample manner as their just care and respect of Trade wherein not onely the prosperity but even the life of the Kingdom would permit but being a work which will require much time and preparation by conference with your Majesties Officers and with the Merchants not onely of London but also of other remote parts they finde it not possible to be accomplished at this time wherefore considering it will be much more prejudiciall to the right of the Subject if your Majestie should continue to receive the same without Authority of Law after the determination of a Session then if there had been a recess by adjournment onely in which case that intended grant would have related to the first day of the Parliament and assuring themselves your Majesty is resolved to observe that your Royall answer which you have lately made to the Petition of Right of both Houses of Parliament Yet doubting lest your Majesty may be misinformed concerning the particular case as if you might continue to take those subsedies of Tonnage and Poundage and other impositions upon Merchants without breaking that answer they are forced by that dutie which they owe to your Majestie and to those whom they represent to declare that there ought not any imposition to be laid upon the goods of Merchants exported or imported without common consent by Act of Parliament which is the right and inheritance of your Subjects founded not onely upon the most ancient and Original constitution of this Kingdom but often confirmed and declared in divers Statute Laws And for the better manifestation thereof may it please your Majestie to understand that although your Royall predecessors the Kings of this Realm have often had such subsedies and impositions granted unto them upon diverse occasions especially for the guarding of the Seas and safe-guard of Merchants yet the Subjects have been ever carefull to use such cautions and limmitations in those grants as might prevent any claim to be made That such subsedies do proceed from duty not of free gift of the Subject and that they have heretofore used to limmit a time in such grants and for the most part but short as for a year or two and if it were continued longer they have sometimes directed a certain space of cessation and intermission that so the right of the Subject might be more evident At other times it hath been granted upon occasions of War for a certain number of years with proviso that if the War were ended in the mean time then the grant should cease And of course it hath been sequestred into the hands of some Subjects to be imployed for the guarding of the coasts and it is acknowledged by the ordinary answers of your Majesties predecessors in their assent to the Bills of subsedy of Tonnage and Poundage That it is of the nature of other subsedies proceeding from the good will of the Subject Very few of your predecessors had it for life until the raign of Hen. 7. who was so far from conceiving he had any right thereunto that although he granted commissions for collecting certain duties and customes due by Law yet he made no commissions for receiving the subsedy of Tonnage and Poundage untill the same was granted unto him in Parliament Since his time all the Kings and Queens of England have had the like grants for life by the free love and good will of the Subject And whensoever the people have been grieved by laying any imposition or other charges upon their goods or Merchandizes without Authority of Law which hath been very seldom yet upon complaint in Parliament
Mr. Serjeant Ashley the other day told your Lordships of the Embleme of a King but by his leave made wrong use of it For a King bears in one hand the Globe and in the other the golden Scepter the tipes of Soveraignty and mercie but the Sword of Justice is ever carried before him by a Minister of Justice which shews Subjects may have their remedies for unjustice done and appeals done to higher powers for the Laws of England are so favourable to their Princes as they can do no unjustice Therefore I will conclude as all disputes I hold do Magna est veritas praevalebit so I make no doubt we living under so good a Prince as we do when this is represented unto him he will answer us Magna est Carta praevalebit The ARCH-BISHOPS of CANTERBURIES Speech at the Conference of both Houses 25. April 1628. GEntlemen of the House of Commons the service of the King and safety of the Kingdom do call on us my Lords to give all convenient expedition to dispatch some of those great and weighty businesses for the better effecting whereof my Lords have thought fit to let you know that they do in general agree with you and doubt not but you will agree with us to the best of your power to maintain and support the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and the fundamental Liberties of the Subject for the particulers which may hereafter fall in debate they have given me in charge to let you know that what hath been presented by you to their Lordships they have laid nothing of it by they are not out of love with any thing you have tendered to them they have voted nothing neither are they in love with any thing proceeding from themselves for that which we shall say and propose unto you is out of an intendment to invite you to a mutual and free conference that you with confidence may come to us and we with confidence may speak to you so that we may come to a conclusion of those things which we both unanimously desire we have resolved of nothing defined or determined nothing but desire to take you with us praying help of you as you have done of us My Lords have thought upon some Propositions which they have ordered to be read here and then left with you in writing that if it seem good to you we may uniformly concur for the substance and if you differ that you may be pleased to put out or add or alter or diminish as you shall think fit that so we the better come to the end that we do both so desireously embrace Then the 5. Propositions were read by the Lord BISHOP of NORVVHICH The 5. Propositions 25. April 1628. 1. THat his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that the good old Law called Magna Charta and the 6. Statutes conceived to be Declarations or Explanations of that Law do stand still in Force to all intents and purposes 2. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that according to Magna Charta and the Statutes aforesaid as also according to the most ancient Customes and Laws of this Land every free Subject of this Realm hath a fundamental propriety in his goods and a fundamental Liberty of his Person 3. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that it is his Royal pleasure to ratifie and confirm unto all and every his faithfull and Loyal Subjects all their antient several just Liberties Priviledges and Rights in as ample and beneficial manner to all intents and purposes as their Ancestors did enjoy the same under the Government of the best of his most Noble Progenitors 4. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare for the good contentment of his Loyal Subjects and for the secureing them from future fears that in all causes within the Cognizance of the Common-Law and concerning the Liberty of his Subjects his Majesty would proceed according to the Laws established in the Kingdom and in no other manner or wise 5. And as touching his Majesties Royal Prerogative intrincical to his Soveraignty and intrusted him from God ad communem totius populi salutem non ad destructionem his Majesty would resolve not to use or divert the same to the prejudice of any his loyal People in the propriety of their goods and liberty of their Persons And in case for the security of his Majesties Royal Person the Common safety of his People or the peaceable Government of his Kingdom his Majesty shall finde just cause of State to imprison or restrain any mans Person his Majesty would gratiously declare that within a convenient time he shall and will express the cause of his commitment or restraint either general or special and upon a cause so expressed will leave him immediatly to be tried according to the Common Justice of the Kingdom Then S r. DUDLEY DIGGS in the behalf of the Commons saith MY Lords it hath pleased Almighty God many wayes to bless the Knights Cittizens and Burgesses now assembled in Parliamen with great comforts and strong hopes that this will prove as happy a Parliament as ever was in England and in their Consultations for the service of his Majesty and the safety of this Kingdom one especial comfort and strong hope hath risen from the continued good respects which your Lordships so nobly from time to time have been pleased to shew unto them particulerly at this present in your so Honourable profession to agree with them in general in desire to maintain and support the fundamental Laws and Liberties of England The Commons have commanded me in like fort they have been are and will be as ready to propugne the just Prerogatives of his Majesty of which in all their Arguments searches of Records and resolutions they have been most carefull according to that which formerly was and now again is protested by them Another Noble Argument of your Honourable disposition towards them is exprest in this that you are pleased to expect no present answer from them who are as your Lordships in your general wisdoms they doubt not have considered a great body that must advise upon all new Propositions and resolve upon them before they can give answer according to the ancient usage of our House but is manifest in general God be thanked for it there is a great concurrence of affection to the same end in both Houses and such a good Harmony that I intreat your Lordships leave to borrow a comparison from nature or natural Philosophy as two Lutes well strung and tun'd brought together if one be plaid on little straws or sticks will stir upon the other though it lye still so though we have no power to reply yet these things said and proposed cannot but work in our hearts and we will faithfully report these passages to our House from whence in due time we hope your Lordships shall receive a contentfull Answer S r. BENJAMIN RUDDIERDS Speech 28.