that which was none of his own Yet they may suppose that the Inca spake this not like a Romanist but an Heathen as he was for their Writers anon will tell us another Doctrine and yet all parties smile at the Fool in Athens for thinking all other mens ships to be his own Whether the Pope hath any real Reason for the exercising of this his suppos'd Prerogative is nothing to the Purpose as Thomas Bozius affirm'd to Pope Clement the Eighth and all people else * Sitque aliquis Rex juâ—e solers industrius Poâ—ens Catholicus pius tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approhante uâ—e naturali Divino in Divinis Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterique nullum jus alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaveâ—int id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Bozius de jure status lib. 3 cap. 4. For although said he that the King be lawful and not onely so but understanding careful powerful one of the Popes Religion and godly too yet can the Pope take his Empire or Kingdoms from him and give it to another although there be no necessity for so doing it being enough if he think it onely convenient Nor is this all for he attributes the same Authority to the Bishops which is of sufficient validity if the Pope do but approve of their actions This Eugubian in other places of his Writings harps much upon De Italiae statu p. 300. 311. the Popes power in deposing of Kings and dividing the World amongst them as if they were his Sons and he the Father of all And then would seem to thrust Dante aut auferente Imperia Regnaque opulentissima omnium Maxima Orbem rerrarum distribuens ac partiens inter maximos omnium Principes veluti inter filios Ib. pag 301. into the World an Opinion of bad consequence of none being held for Kings but those who were anoynted and Crown'd but the Priests Watson and Clark 1603 found that this Plea would neither Id. pag. 305. quit them from Treason nor save their live Amongst other things to Buoy or bolster up this his Opinion of the Popes Spiritual and â—emporal Power he a Id. pag 430. brings the Authority of one Roderigo Zanchez Bishop of Zamora and the truth of it is that where wording is all this Spaniard may carry the Bell away boldly affirming * Est vero naturaliter moraliter Divino jure cum recta fide tenendum Principatum Romani Pont. esse verum unicum immediatum Principatum totius Oâ—bis nedum quoad Spiritualia sed quoad Temporalia Principatum Impeâ—iaâ—em esse ab ipso dependentem mediatum ministerialem instrumentalem eidem subministrantem deservientem foreque ab eo ordinatum institutum ad jussum Principatus Papalis mobilem â—evocabilem corâ—igibilem punibilem That by Natural Moral and divine Law we must believe that the Pope hath the immediate and onely Rule of the whole World in Temporals as well is in Spirituals all imperial Authority depending so much upon him that it is alterable punishable or null'd as he shall command The small esteem which this Bishop thus declared to the World by his Pen he had of Temporal Greatness Another of the same Sea viz. Antonio de Acunna by his Sword declar'd his approbation to it Prud. de Sandoval Anno 1520. though upon different accounts by his turbulent spirit adding fresh Fuel to the Treasonous humours then raging in Spain this old Don still charging in the head of above four hundred Priests which he had under his Command well armed his Word being Here my Priests But at last by a strangling he paid for his Rebellions against his Soveraign Charles the Fifth Emperour of Germany Laelius Zecchus a great man with them both for Law and Dignity is earnest for this jurisdiction of the Popes affirming Papa enim Caesares deponit jura Impeâ—ia transfert Reges Regnis privat c. Lael Zecch Tract Theolog p 82 83. that he can depose both Emperours and Kings being absolute Lord of the Christian World And another Italian Lawyer viz. a De poâ—est Rom. Pont. l. 2. c 3. Sect 18. Adversus impios Politicos hujus temporis Hereticâ—s Alexander Clericus is much of the same opinion and declares that he writ this Book against the wicked Polititians and Hereticks of his time amongst the rest whether he intended Cardinal Bellarmine let others judge since he hath several whole Chapters against him But a greater Lawyer than the former and one of more Learning and Modesty viz. b De Testament cap. 6. Sect. 19. Didacus Covarruvas is willing to let himself be perswaded by the Canon-Law to imbrace this King-deposing Opinion And his Country-man though of an ancienter Cut c De planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. cap. 13 37 56. Alvarus Pelagius out of the same Box swallows down the like Poyson Gaspar Scioppius that unruly German though of the same wicked judgement yet he will pretend to give you some pretty Reasons for it as that because the Pope is the Head as he saith and the Emperour and Kings but Arms or Hands to the same monstrous Body therefore if these do not their Itaque si Reges non nutriant neque vestiant Corpus certe manus aut brachia munere non funguntur itaque velut membâ—um inutile capitis Imperio amputantur Gasp Sciop Ecclesiasticus c. 141. p. 511 512. duty in being careful to preserve the Body the Head as Lord and Master may cut them off A pretty simile to make the supposed wise Head cause of its own ruine But if this do not please you he will give you another as good from the great benefit forsooth that some Countries have received by this Temporal Power of the Popes As by this France had their Antient Family of the Meroveens thrust out from being Kings and the Carlovingiens popt into the Throne That Germany by this hath got the Western Empire but not a word of the Emperours wanting Italy And as for Spain it 's obliged to hug and defend this unlimited Prerogative of St. Peter since it gain'd the Kingdom of Navarre by a Hispania Navarrae Regnum nullo alio titulo nisi quia capiti Ecclesiae Pontifici sui visum fuerit obtinuit Ib. no other Right nor Title but onely because it so pleas'd the Pope In the mean time was not Don John of Albret and his Wife Catharina King and Queen of Navarre and their poor Subjects also much beholden to Pope Julius the Second for his thus ruining of them by the hands of their Enemies By this Argument Schoppius might maintain the knack of Plagiery he gaining at first the name of some Learning by his slie transcribing of his Masters Notes but never the more honesty or right stuck by him nor had he mended his manners had he
of his Kingdom and became a Canon in the Abbey of St Andrews where he livâ—d some years and then dyed In the mean time Malcolme formerly declared Heir apparent had the Government alotted to him and upon the death of the other was b An. 943. King and commended for a good one of whose actions we shall say nothing but that being exact in the Execution of justice upon Offenders procured to himself some Enemies who conspired against him and taking their opportunity at Vlrande a Village in Murreyland c An. 952. murder'd him After him succeeded Indulph who in battle having beaten the Danes through mistake chanced amongst some of them and was slain and then was d An. 962. Duffe King of Scotland who severely punished all Thieves and Vagabonds and made all people that had nothing to live on to learn some Trade that by their rapine and villanies they might not oppress the Commons and honest labourers This amongst the wicked got him a great many Enemies and which might seem more strange several of the Nobles also hated him because thus they were kept from their Tyranny and Oppression many of their younger Sons having little to live upon but these villanies and most of them grumbled that Gentlemen forsooth should thus be hindred from rapine and forced to get their livings by honest Imployments But the chief murmuring was in Murreyland who at last fell from words to blows and slew the Kings Officers And that which most imbolden'd them to these Rebellions was their knowledge of the Kings grievous sickness whereby himself was disabled from prosecuting them nor indeed would his Physitians let him know of their insolencies lest trouble and perplexity might hasten his end As for the Disease it self I shall not determine any thing but because the story of it is somewhat strange and unusual to be equal'd in Chronicles take it as I finde it in Hector Boetius Holinshed and some other Historians upon whose credit let the truth of the story lye The Nobles of Murreyland being as aforesaid incensed against the good King imploy'd Witches to bewitch the King to death The King falls sick and that into such a languishing Disease that his Physitians could not tell what to make of it so that all their Skill and Medicines was to small purpose At last no man knoweth how or by whom a report and rumour went amongst the people that the King was bewitch'd and that by some of the Town call'd Forres in Murrey In which Town was a Castle the Captain of which was one Donwald who had been faithful to the King amongst the Rebels Duffe informed of this flying rumour of Witches sends some privately to Donald to inquire out the business It chanced that one of the Souldiers of the Castle kept a young Wench of the Town as his Lemmon which being Daughter to one of the Witches knew their actions and in part discovered it to the Souldier who upon this inquiry told it to Donald who sending for the Wench then in the Castle made her by threats and other means confess all she knew whereupon learning by her in what house these actions were done he sent some Souldiers forth about midnight who breaking into the house found the Witches roasting by a gentle fire an Image of Wax resembling the King made as they thought by the Devil and by it a Woman sate reciting certain words of Inchantment basting the Image with a certain liquor The Souldiers upon this seis'd upon them and with the Image led them to the Castle where upon examination they confest that their design was to make away the King That the Nobles in Murreyland had hired them to do it That as the Image wasted so would the King That their canting words kept them from sleeping c. Upon this the standers by immediately broak the Image of the King and had the Witches burnt to death and 't is said that at the same time the King was delivered from languor and shortly restored to present health again But however the story be no sooner was the King well again but he marched into Murrey against the Rebels whom he forced to flee as for them whom he took he had them hang'd up without respect of person or quality But if witchcraft fail in the Kings destruction his own intimates under the visage of friendship will bring it about In this Rebellion Donwald or Donaeld had some of his own Relations for whom he beg'd his Majesties pardon but 't was denyed and so they with the rest were executed which moved a great discontent in Donald which boyld in him so much that his Wife perceived him troubled nor would she let him alone till she understood the cause of his displeasure she added fuel to his malice and so thrust him on to revenge that he was willing to make the King away which at last by her evil perswasions he resolves on which was easie enough for them to accomplish the King putting so great a confidence in Donald that when he was in those parts he used to lye in the said Castle of Forres At last they laid the plot and pitch'd upon the night which coming and the King being in the Castle they made all things ready At the same night the King suspecting nothing thank'd all those who had assisted him against the Rebels and gave them honourable gifts and amongst the rest Donald was one But for all this reward he proceeds in his wicked design And that night two of his Chamberlains having got him to bed left him there and went to Donald and his Wife who had provided a noble Collation for them where they plyed their cups so well that being drunk they were carryed to rest Donald having thus made all secure call'd four of his Servants whom before he had fee'd to this wickedness who secretly enter the Kings Chamber a An. 966. cut his throat convey'd the body out of the Castle by a Postern-gate threw it upon an Horse provided for that purpose but whither they carryed it Authors do not agree The common opinion is that they carryed it two Miles from the Castle where being a little Brook they got certain Labourers to turn the Course of it then dig a deep hole in the Channel in which they buryed the body ramming it up so closely with stones and gravel that turning the water again into its right course nothing of digging was perceived And this they say they did upon the Vulgar opinion lest the body being found the Murderer might be discovered by its bleeding at their presence As for the Labourers whom they gat to turn the water no sooner was the work finished but they slew them lest they should tell tales and then the four Villains fled into Orkny But Buchanan rejects this story as improbable but rather that they buryed it in some obscure place under a Bridge which might be cover'd over with Turf to hinder the appearance of their fresh delvings
from whose modesty the recovery of the Kings favour assailed him afresh and without respect of his Majesty at such time as he led his Armies lately against the Peace-breakers with severe and terrible Letters nothing savoring of fatherly Devotion or Pastoral Patience but most bitterly threatning him with sentence of Excommunication and his Kingdom with an Interdict whereas on the otherside he rather ought with admonition to have mollified him and with merits and meekness overcome him If the Kings humility be so requited what will be determin'd against the stubborn If the ready devotion of obedience be esteem'd so slightly in what manner shall wilful obstiuacie be revenged Nay father to these so grievous threats are added yet matters far more grievous for he Excommunicated some of his Majesties Liegemen most inward with our Lord the King the Principal of his Privy Council who managed the counsels of the King and the affairs of his Kingdom and all this being neither cited nor impleaded neither as they say or call it guilty of any crime nor convicted nor confessing any thing Yea he went farther yet insomuch as he suspended from his Priestly and Episcopal Office our reverend Brother the Bishop of Salisbury being absent undefended neither confest nor convict before ever the cause of his suspension was approved of by the advice of those of the same Province or any others If therefore this course of proceedings in judgements so preposterous we spare to say inordinate be followed concerning the King and Kingdom what will be the end considering the time is evil and yeildeth great occasion of malice but that the band of grace and favour whereby the Kingdom and Priesthood have hitherto been united will be rent asunder c And so they appeal against the Archbishop Thomas The Church being somewhat troubled with these divisions it was the earnest desire of several to procure a peace and this the Pope himself wish'd having work enough to do with the Emperour Frederick To accomplish this upon the desire also of Henry An. 1168. he sends two Legates a Latere viz. Cardinal William and Cardinal Otto and accordingly impowered them with instructions to manage that accommodation in France He writes also to a Bar. anno 1168. § 3 4. Thomas desiring him by all means to give himself to peace and rather than not to have concord to wink at some things and yeild for a while Yet as if Thomas were not great enough before he intended to raise him above all in France to which purpose he resolved to make him Legat also over all those Churches but before he could bestow upon him that Legantine Authority he was to desire the King of France his leave which accordingly he did by b § 7 8 9. Letter As for the manner of the Treaty of Peace between the King and Thomas take the story of it from the Legates themselves to the Pope § 33. To our most blessed Father and Lord Alexander c. William and Oddo by the same Grace Cardinals c. Coming to the c c i. e. in France Dominions of the renowned King of England we found the controversie between him and Canterbury aggravated in far worse sort believe us than willingly we could have wished For the King with the greatest part of his followers affirmed how the Archbishop with great vehemencie d d Speed § 29. This Accusation Thomas denyed incensed the most worthy King of France against him and in like sort induced his Cosin the Earl of Flanders who before did bear him no malice to fall out with him and raise the most powerful war he could against him and this he knew of a certainty and it appear'd so by several evident demonstrations For whereas the said Earl departed from the King very friendly the Archbishop coming into his Province to the very seat of the War incited as much as in him lay as well the King of France as the said Earl to Arms The King affirm'd also that the Informations concerning the ancient Customs of England deliver'd to you were false and not true which also the Bishops there present did witness The King offer'd also that if any Customs since his time were devised contrary to the Ecclesiastical Laws he would submit them to your judgement Calling therefore to us the Archbishops Bishops and Abbots of the Kings Dominions that the King might not deprive us of all hopes of peace but rather suffer himself to be drawn to have a Conference with the Archbishop as well concerning the peace as the judgement Sending therefore Letters unto a a i. e. Thomas him by our Chaplains we appointed a certain and safe place where we might have conference with him on the Feast of St. Martin he nevertheless pretending excuses put off this Conference until the Octaves of that Saint which truely vexed the King more than could be imagined But when we saw that the Archbishop although we offer'd him safe conduct would nevertheless give us no meetings in any part of the Kings Dominions next the French we being willing to yeild to him that there might be nothing wanting in us which might redound to his profit came to a place in the Realm of France which himself appointed Being come to the Conference we began most earnestly to perswade him that he would behave himself to the King who had been his singular Benefactor with such humility as might afford us sufficient matter on which to ground our Petition for peace At which retiring himself aside with his friends after some consultation with them he answer'd that He had sufficiently humbled himself to the King without impeaching the honour of God the liberty of the Church the reputation of his own Person the possessions of the Church and farther the justice due to him and his friends These things so numbred up we seriously perswaded him as it was necessary to descend to particulars but when he would alledge nothing either certain or particular we demanded of him if in the matters specified in your Letters he would submit himself to our judgement as the King and Bishops had already promised to do to which he presently replyed that he had received no Mandat from you to this purpose But if he and all his might first be fully restored he would then proceed according as the Apostolick See should direct him So returning from the Conference since his words neither tended to judgement nor agreement nor yet would he by any means enter into the matter We manifested unto the King some things but concealing other passages as it was convenient and tempering other things what we heard c. Thomas b Bar. § 38 39 c. writes also to the Pope and informs him of the same conference and in a manner confesseth all here set down expecting his instigating the French against King Henry And another c § 53 54. Letter he writes to the Cardinals at Rome pitifully complaining that King
at Canterbury as a premonition that no man for the future should lay violent hands on Bishops or their Possessions But if the Statues of all such sacrilegious people were now to be erected neither the Porches nor Churches themselves in all England and Scotland could contain them Old King Henry was now at Argentan in Normandy when news came to him of the Murther which so afflicted him that he was over-whelm'd Bar. anno 1171. § 4. with tears and lamentations changing his Royalty into Hair cloths and Ashes almost for three days together retiring into his private Chamber not receiving either meat or comfort insomuch that the people about him fear'd he would pine away with grief though for the clearing of his innocency he protested a Omnipotentem Deum se testem invocare in animam suam quod opus nefandum nec sua voluntate nec Conscientia commissum est nec artificio perquisitum Baron As Almighty God should judge his soul that that accursed deed was neither acted by his will or consent nor done by any device of his Neither was this any counterfeit or dissembling grief but real and true and that so great that as a b Sa Penitence fut si grande qu'on nec lit point es Histoires que auâ—un Prince Christien ayt faict Penitence avec plus grande humilité Guil. Gazet Hist des Saincts tom 2. pag 980. Romanist confesseth never could any History afford such an Example of Penance and Humility in a Christian Prince For the King did not onely submit himself to the Papal Censures and as they say reject the ancient and wholesome Constitutions which we are told were not long after c Spelman Consil tom 2. pag. 111. confirmed again in the presence of the Popes Nuntios but also the Pope d Bar. an 1173. § 6 7. having Canonized Thomas for a Saint in Heaven Henry to compleat the rest of the Penance e Speed § 75. Bar. an 1174. § 6. injoyn'd him by the Legats went into England and being come within f Speed ib. three or g Fullers Ch. Hist l. 3. four miles of Canterbury clad onely in one woollen Coat went all that long way bare-footed to the Church the bloud running from his tender feet by the piercing and cutting of the sharp stones and in the Church bestow'd a whole day and night in fasting watching and prayer and the next day return'd without eating and drinking all the while bare-footed as he came Nor was this all for he also received on his bare back from the Monks above fourscore lashes with Rods. To such an height of Extravagancie had the awe of Papal Censures and Absolutions flown over the greatest Monarchs though really no way subject either to them or their brutish-Thunderbolts The Kings purse paid for it also by maintaining a great number of Souldiers by the Popes Order in the Holy-Land And what good-will he really had for Thomas may appear by his charity and care for his Relations one of his Sisters call'd Mary she not intending Fullers Ch. Hist l. 3. § 6â— to marry he made Abbess of Berking-Nunnery and another of his Sisters being married to one of the Botelers or Butlers he transplanted with her Husband and Children into Ireland conferring upon them high Honours and rich Revenues from whom the Dukes of Ormond are descended Nor was this all for he founded an Abbey call'd Thomas-Court in Dublin in memory of our Thomas Becket indowing it with large Revenues Thus have we seen the story of Thomas Becket which we have taken out of the Histories writ by his friends and admirers and followed that which hath most probability of Truth And we cannot but suppose that where a man is declared a Martyr for the Church and a Saint in Heaven but that Church-History will be crouded with his commendations by which we can expect but a partial relation at least little or nothing against him it being held an unpardonable crime not to believe with the Pope or to hint any thing against him whom his Holiness hath thrust into Heaven Yet enough may be gathered not onely from those who most commend but also from some ancient Historians whereby we may justly lay the fault rather upon him than his Soveraign For the King looked upon his cause to be so just having all the other Bishops of his Dominions approving of him that he freely offer'd the Controversie to the Tryal even of the a Speed § â—4 Parisian Divines and the Church of France though their King shew'd himself a great friend to Becket But Thomas was so cunning that he would stand to no mans judgement but his own and the Popes for then he was sure to come off Conqueror And if Thomas durst not stand to the determination of those Churches who in all probability understood the business best and to oppose all his own Country Bishops as if none of them were as wise or honest as himself And farther seeing presently after Thomas his death nay and Canonization too it was a strong dispute amongst the Divines beyond Sea whether Thomas was b Caesarius Hist Memorab l. 8. c. 69. damn'd for his Treason or a true Martyr I see no reason why we should be so confident of his Saintship and merits however as to use his bloud for a means to our Salvation as those do who pray c Horae B. Virg. secundum usum Sarum Paris 1534. fol. 53. b. Tu per Thomae Sanguinem quem pro te impendit Fac nos Christe scandere quo Thomas ascendit For Thomas his bloud sake which he for thee did spend Let us O Christ where Thomas is ascend Again when we consider the malapert humour of Thomas with his betters as because the King would not agree to his humour he must accuse him of d Bar. an 1166. § 45. perverse ways as e Id. anno 1167. § 26. criminous that he f § 34. grows worse and worse that he is a g Id. anno 1170. § 25. jugler a corrupt man and a deceiver Again when we consider how all the other Bishops declared him guilty of h Id. anno 1164. § 29. Perjury of i An. 1167. § 45. injuring the King of ingratitude of his rash and preposterous Excommunications that he by k Ib. § 61. his bitter provocations stir'd up the discord that his actions savour nothing of fatherly devotion or pastoral patience and that to the Pope himself they all l Ibid. vindicate the Kings actions And farther when we see the Peers not onely of England but also of France impute the want of peace to his m An. 1168. § 88. arrogancy and those who had been the very Mediators for his peace yet could not but tell him that he was n Ibid. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion and that it was a mischief to the Church that ever he was
out and thrown in also lastly his head was cut off and fixt upon the most eminent place of the City and his body divided and parts of it sent to the chief places in the Kingdom As for Robert Graham he was thus punished a Gallows was raised in a Cart then he had his right-hand nailed to it and so drawn along the streets whilst the Executioners with burning Pincers tâ—re pieces from his Shoulders Thighs and suchlike fleshy places which were farthest from his Vitals thereby to keep him the longer alive and in greater pain yet did these terrors bring little repentance to him as may be ghâ—st by his impious answer for being asked during all these tortures How he durst lay hands on his Prince made this Reply That if he had Heaven and Hell at his choice he durst leap out of Heaven and all the joys there into the flaming bottom of Hell At last having all his flesh almost pull'd off his Heart and Intrails were thrown into the fire his Head stuck up and his Quarters sent to several places for a terror to others And here I shall hastily pass by the unfortunate Raign of King James III how his own Subjects covenanted against him confined or forced him to Edinbourgh Castle and at last came to open Battel against him at Bannoch-Burn not far from Sterlin where his Army being beaten he was after in cold blood murdered in the Mill but whether this abominable murther was done by Patrick Lord Gray Robert Sterling of Keer or Andrew Borthwick a Priest or all of them must be left as their Histories hath it uncertain Sect. 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth Kings of England BUt leaving Scotland here might I treat of the miseries of England at the same time of the long but unfortunate Raign of good Henry VI of his dethronement and which was worst of his year 1471 murther in the Tower of London as the common opinion goeth by a Bacons Hist Hen. VII pag. 2. Richard Duke of Glocester afterwards call'd Richard the III. Though Mr. b Hist Rich. III. pag â—0 Spondan calls him a Martyr an 1471. § 6. Buck of late would deny the fact and clear the said Richard from this and all other imputations laid to him by all other Historians The body of this King Henry was carryed to Chertsey in Surrey and there buryed in the Monastery belonging to the Benedictines And 't is said that many Miracles have been done at his grave above two hundred of which was gather'd into one c Vâ—d Harâ—sfield Hist Eccles p. 595. Volume nor was there any disease but they say was cured by him Blind Lame Dumb Kings-evil and what not And as if these were not enough they make him cure another Miracle viz. a Woman that used to go with Childe above d Ib. p. 596. two years Richard III envying the fame of Henry if we may believe King * Spelman Concil tom 2. pag. 71â— Henry VII removed the Corps from Chertsey to the Chappel of Windsor where he was also worshipped by the name of Holy King Henry and here they say that his Red-velvet-Hat e Stow pag. 424. heal'd the Head-ach of such as put it on their heads there his body rested for a time but now his Tomb being taken thence it is not commonly known what is become of his body 'T is true King Henry VII had a desire to have it removed to Westminster to which purpose the Abbot desired the f Spelâ— Concil pag. 712 71â— consent of Pope Alexander VI. King Henry VII also desired to have this Henry VI Canonized to which purpose he wrote to the said Alexander who gave the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Durham g Spelm. pag. 720. Authority to inquire into his Miracles and Life Nor did Henry VII cease here but Alexander dying he sollicited h Harpsfield pag. 594. Julius II very earnestly and some think that had the King lived a little longer he had obtain'd his request But this I shall leave with these words of Edward Hall These and other like Offices of Holiness Ed. Halâ—'s Châ—on fol. 223. b. caused God to work miracles for him in his life-time as old men said By reason whereof King Henry VII not without cause sued to July Bishop of Rome to have him Canonized as other Saints be but the fees of the Canonizing of a King were so great a quantity at Rome more then the Canonizing of a Bishop or a Prelate although he sate in St. Peters Chair that the said King thought it more necessary to keep his money at home for the profit of his Realm and Country rather then to impoverish his Kingdom for the gaining of a new Holy-day of St. Henry remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent And here passing by the cruel death of the young Innocent Prince Edward eldest Son to this King Henry VI in cold bloud after the fight at Tewkes-bury I might come to Edward V and shew how he was deposed by his Uncle Richard by means of his wicked Instruments Stafford Duke of Buckingham Dr. John Shaw Brother to Edmond Shaw Gold-smith then Lord Mayor of London and suchlike and from this I might lead you to the making away of the said young Innocent Prince Edward and his Brother by the means of the said Richard III but because all Histories will not exactly agree upon the manner how I shall refer you to the Chronicles themselves where the juggle if not the murthers may be seen at large Sect. 5. The troubles in Spain and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility IF we look into Spain we shall finde those Territories miserably wasted by Tumults and Rebellions we might see how the young King of Castile Henry III was so neglected by his proud and L. de Mayâ—â—â— Hist d' 〈◊〉 liâ— 18 19 20 21. greedy Nobility who pocketed up his Revenues that once he was forced to pawn one of his Robes for two Shoulders of Mutton to help out his Supper And we might see their Rebellions against his Son King John II whose troublesome Reign might be an Item to Kings to beware of confiding in and favouring too much one Subject by the neglect of the rest And the unhappy end of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna may be a caution to the greatest favourites in their carriage for Kings at last in whose protection lyeth their greatest safety may be perswaded to leave them to Justice and then no mercy can be expected from the solong-abused Law and People But proceed we to greater troubles and misfortunes then these This King John II had by his First wife Maria of Arragon HENRY IV King of Castile and Leon. Leonora Catharine dyed young Second Wife Isabel of Portugal Daughter to D. Jean Master of S. Jago Son to John I. King of Portugal Alphonso whom
the people in opposition to Henry Crowned King ISABEL upon her Brother Henry's death Queen of Castile and Marryed Ferdinand of Arragon whereby those two Crowns were joyn'd This Henry IV succeeded in the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon year 1454 after the death of his Father John II. Henry was civil and courteous never Thou'd any body were he never so mean he was also liberal a lover of peace but that which spoil'd all he was too careless in his Government not desiring to trouble himself much with the affairs of his Kingdom which with his Clemency made his proud Nobles neglect and in the end despise him To tell all his misfortunes would be too tedious In short several of his Nobility made a League against him one of the chief of whom was Don Alphonso Carillo the Archbishop of Toledo They carryed their plot cunningly and secret and if a discovery should happen they had either fair pretensions or a jugling carriage with which they knew it was an easie matter to pacifie the King The King had notice of their League and desired to confer with the Marquess De Villena one of their Chieftains and some others they refuse to come to him At last De Villena upon Hostages given to his party and a safe-conduct meets the King but comes well provided and guarded with his Faction and Friends by whose assistance he was so strong that he resolved to seize upon the King and the Infanta's Isabel and Alphonso and once made year 1464 a violent attempt upon the Court but finding the King who had notice of the Plot too well provided turn'd all ofâ— with a fair excuse and the King was too apt to pardon and believe all to be for the best Another time they had laid a plot to be let in secretly into their Lodgings there to seize on the King the Queen the Infanta's and to dispatch their Enemies but this was by chance also discover'd and so prevented yet would not the King punish Villena because he had given him his word of security These failing they contrived to seize upon him under pretence of a Conference but of this also the King having intelligence he prevented their Treachery The Covenanters finding their plots discover'd flee to open Arms and draw up several Articles against the King and the better to countenance their Cause they pretended great care and friendship to the Kings Brother Alphonso At last a kinde of peace is struck up Alphonso declared Heir to the Crown and Commissioners on both sides appointed to end all differences and Alphonso is sent to the Confederates to render them more peaceable by his presence and their thus enjoying of what they desired Now the King hoped nothing more than an happy peace but he found himself betray'd on all hands For whilst the Commissioners were consulting the Archbishop of Toledo and Don Frederick the Admiral made shew as if they had fallen out with Marquess De Villena were weary of the League and so came over to the King to whom they profer'd their service His Majesty rejoyceth at this but was presently in troubles again by reason of the treachery of his Commissioners who being won over by the Confederates had consented to a dishonourable peace whereby nothing remain'd to the King save onely the name And this grief was doubled by another misfortune for he having sent to Don Gomes de Cacerez Master of Alcantara and Don Pedro Puertro Carero Earl of Medillino his trusty friends to come to him it fortuned that whilst they were upon their journey they met with Alvaro Gomes Secretary to the King and Ganzalo of Sahavedra one of the Kings Commissioners both now turn'd to the Confederates These two Traytors told the other two Nobles a smooth and sad story of the Kings displeasure against them how he had given order to have them seiz'd on and so it would not be safe for their Lordships to fall within the reach of the King These Lords thus falsely perswaded of the Kings displeasure forgot their honours and joyned themselves also with the Leaguers But yet the Kings misfortune grew worse and worse for the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admiral carryed themselves so cunningly that Henry ever put his greatest confidence in them And though he was secretly advised not to trust too much to them nor to commit any Forces to their charge assuring him that they waited but that opportunity and then would deliver them with themselves over again to the Leaguers yet to all these Informations would he give no credit but confer'd upon them several places of strength furnish'd them with money and gave them Commissions to raise Souldiers with an Order to meet him with their Forces at Arevalo which place he designed with their assistance to besiege To â—his Siege the King goeth and wondering the Archbishop came not he sent Fernand Badajos one of his Secretaries to hasten his March The Secretary meets him and his Troops marching towards Avila the Rendevouz of the Confederates delivereth his message but from the Archbishop gets nothing but this answer Tell your King from me that I am weary both of him and his affairs and that shortly the true King of Castile shall be known This was sad news At the same time cometh information that the Admiral also had play'd the knave seiz'd on Valladolid proclaimed young Alphonso King so joyned himself also with the Rebels At which the King full of grief and amazement kneel'd upon the ground lifting up his hands to Heaven thus humbly pray'd O Lord God! unto whom belongeth the defence and protection of Kings and by whom they reign I recommend my Cause unto thee and commit my life into thy hands I yeild thee infinite thanks that it hath pleas'd thee thus to punish me for mine offences which are worthy of a sharper scourge And I confess that the same which I suffer is very small in respect of my deserts May it please thee O Lord that these troubles may diminish the pains which are due to my soul in regard of my sins and if it be thy will that I shall pass through these miseries and afflictions I beseech thee from the bottom of my heart to give me patience to endure them and reason and understanding to guide my self in them In the mean time the Confederates meet before Avila before June 1465. which City in the plain fields they erect a great Scaffold on which was placed the Statue of King Henry in a Mourning Habit sitting in a Regal Throne the Crown on his head the Scepter in his hand and the Sword laid before it Upon the Scaffold the Archbishop of Toledo with some others ascended and a Paper was read by which Henry was degraded it contain'd four chief points I. As deserving to be deprived from the dignity of a King at which the Archbishop took the Royal Crown from its head II. That he was no more worthy to administer Justice at which the Earl of Placencia took
with other consolations most convenient to moderate the dolour and displeasure conceived in the hearts of the Catholiques by reason of the success of your a a Viz. the Spanish Fleet 1588. Army contrary to their hope and expectation Also some days after as the commodity offer'd to me to receive the money the said Chesholme delivered to me six thousand two hundred threescore and twelve Crowns of the sun and three thousand seven hundred Spanish Pistolets and likewise hath carryed himself in all his actions since very wisely and as becomes a man of God chiefly when upon the suspicion conceived of his sudden return the King sent to take him I shall behave my self by the Grace of God in keeping and distributing of the mony last sent and of that which resteth yet of the sum according to your Highness prescription and as I ought to answer to God in conscience and to your Highness in credit and to the whole world in the Reputation of an honest man and will manage it in such sort that by the grace of God there shall be fruit drawn thereof pleasant to your Highness It is true that I finde as all others would do that would enterprise such a charge here my self involved in great difficulties For on the one part I am in great danger of the Hereticks and them of the Faction of England by reason of the open Profession that I make of the Cathâ—lick Religion and of the suspition that the last hath of my secret practices and dealings against them On the other part I have much ado to moderate the Appetite that some Catholick Lords have to havâ— the mony presently for the hope which they give of some pretended occasions which will never fall out as they promise The Earl of Huntley made instance to have the third part of the sum which was sent hither as soon as it was delivered to me but he hath not toucht nor shall he touch hereafter a half-penny but upon good tokens I have paid him in the mean time with inexpugnable reasons wherewith in the end he is contented I beseech your Highness by the first Letter it shall please you to write into these parts to the Catholick Lords to remove one errour from a a Huntley Lord Maxwell alias Mortoun and Lord Claud Hamilton three of them who have written in the name of the rest which moves them to think that because they were the first who made offer of their service to the Catholick King that all the money which comes hither should be parted into three and immediately after the arrival thereof delivered to them without giving any part to others who besides them are a great number at the service of the Catholick King and you and who are resolved to hazard all according to their power for the advancement of this Cause Nor will they in any sort depend on the other in the accepting of the Treasure that comes from your liberality but acknowledge it as coming directly from your Highness to whom onely they will be bound and obliged and not to the other three of whom the Earl q Mortoun hath hitherto contented himself with reason As b Lord Mazwell also the Earl of Huntley hath never shewn himself subject to money but since he hath been induced by the third to wit my Lord Claude Hamilton his Vncle who is somewhat covetous of gain and thought under such pretext to make his profit The said Earl of Huntley is constrain'd to remain at Court he is fallen from his constancie in his outward profession of the Catholick Religion partly for having lost all hope of your support before the returning of the said Chesholme because of his long stay there partly by the perswasion of some Politicks partly to avoid the perils imminent to all them that call themselves Catholicks partly to keep himself in the favour of his King who pressed him greatly to subscribe to the Confession of the Hereticks and to be at League with England But for all this his heart is no whit alienated from our Cause for he hath always a good soul although he hath not such vigour to persevere and execute so as is requisite in so great an enterprise But they may help the defects by joyning with him a man of Credit resolute to assist him as we have advised to do since the Baron of b b David Graham Laird of Fintrie In Scotland the Barons were either Great or Small of the latter were Knights and Lairds and none were such formerly but those who held Lands of the King in Capite and had power of life death but now every one will be a Laird as in England an Esquire forsooth Fintrie is put in custody by the King in the Town of Dundee so that he durst not go out of the Gates thereof under the pain of a great sum until occasion may be offered to depart the Country within the limited time And I by the Kings commandment am forbiden to come neer the said Earl because they have attributed to the said Laird of Fintrie and me his constancie in the Catholick Religion and his absence from Court against the Kings will c c i. e. Laird of Fintrie His securement hath somewhat hindred our course and permits me not to move him as it hath pleas'd you to command me and as I desire to dispose of the money joyntly with me So that for the supplying of his want I have associated to the same end a very honest and wise man called Father William Creichtoun Jesuite who was detain'd some years in the City of d d In the Tower of London London after he was taken upon the Sea coming hitherwards from France Likewise I shall help my self by the prudence of Sir James Chesholme eldest brother to the said John who brought the money from your Highness for he is a man confident wise one of our part and very little suspected In the mean time one part of the money is in the principal house of my Lord Levingston a very Catholick Lord the other parthere in Edingborough in surety enough to help as it shall need the Catholick Lords who will come hither presently to resist the designes of them of the English Faction which think to remain at Court with forces to order all things according to their fancies As for the like sum or greater which your Highness intents to send hither it would be very expedient that it were very soon sent hither secretly to help the necessity that may fall out and to cause things to incline to our side when they are in Ballance as there is great appearance they will be by the occasion aforesaid and in case that necessity requireth no distribution the said sum shall be kept and reserved to better occasions or till the arrival of your forces in this Island There is suspition as also Arguments probable enough that Thomas Tyrie who hath brought hither your Highness Letters to our
King hath not behaved himself according to his duty for he hath accommodated himself in his behaviour more of the affection of our a a Sâ—r Jâ—hn Maitland Chancellor who is of the faction of England and abuseth the credit he hath with the King then according to the instructions given him He hath not presented nor made mention to the King of Colonel Simpills letter whereof I have caused the Copy to be presented to his Majesty by the Earl Bothwell as if it had been sent to him with another of the said Colonels to himself which he received from Thomas Tyrie at his arrival who hath reported to the said Chancellor as that Seigneur Don b b Dâ—n Bernardino de Mendâ—za the Spanish Ambassador in France to carry on the Spanish interest and League against the French King Bernardino spake to him in Paris to the disadvantage of the Chancellor Also he hath reported to the King that my Lord c c He means Mr William Chesholme Uncle to Sir Jameâ— and Mr. John Bishop of Dumblane being returned thither spake to your Highness and to others many things to the great prejudice of his d d The King Highness And it is believed also that he is the cause of the suspition which was conceived of the coming of the said John Chesholme newly to the said Bishop However it be the other reports aforesaid which he hath made have not served to conciliate but to alienate the affection of the King of the Chancellor and many other Hereticks from the said Seigneur Don Bernardino the said Bishop and Catholicks here that have to do with them As for my self although I speak not willingly to the disadvantage of any whatsoever chiefly of them whom I have recommended as I did the said Thomas Tyrie to the said Don Bernardino yet I will prefer the love of the truth to men and would not by concealing thereof bring prejudice to the common good nor to the fidelity that the one oweth to the other and especialy to that we owe all to the King of Spain and your Highness to whom I am presently servant particularly addicted by the obligation of five hundred Crowns of e e The Scotch calls it 500 Crowns of â—eâ—il fee and forty for monthly entertainment which it hath pleas'd your Highness to give me freely in the name of the King of Spain not being required for my part nor other thing for my particular to this present By reason whereof I am the more bound to give your Highness most humble thanks and to endeavour my self to deserve by my most humble and faithfal service as well the said entertainment as the recompence it hath pleas'd your Highness to promise me of your grace and favour The said gift of your liberality came well for my purpose seeing by reason of the danger of my person it behooved me to augment my ordinary train for my greater surety which I was not able longer to have born out without help For from all the Lords of Scotland I have not retain'd but a part onely of the money which I spent travelling for the advancement of this Cause in Spain with his Catholick Majesty and with your Highness in the Low-Countries As for the four hundred Crowns imploy'd for the deliverance of Colonel Simpill out of prison I have put it in Count with the residue which I disbursed of the first sum according as it hath pleas'd your Highness to command me The Earl of Morton to whom I have given consolation by writing in prison hath instantly prayâ—d me also by writing to remember his most affectionate care to your Highness finding himself greatly honour'd by the care it pleas'd you to have of him By the grace of God he is no more in danger of his life by way of Justice it being impossible for his enemies to prove against him any thing which they had supposed in his accusation as also the Kings affection not so far alienate from him as it hath been heretofore And in case he were in danger or that it were requisite for the good of our Cause presently to deliver him we can at any time get him out of prison However in the mean time we wait the Kings pleasure towards his liberty oâ—â—ly to avoid all pursuit that they would make if we deliver him by extraordinary means When in the Kings Name they offer'd him his liberty if he would subscribe the Confession of the Hereticks faith he answered He would not do it for the Kings Crown nor for an hundred thousand lives if he had them to loose and hath offer'd to confound the Ministers by publick disputation I shall sollicite the Lords his friends to procure of the King his liberty very soon for he imports more to the good of our Cause then any of the rest by reason of his Forces which are near England and the principal Town of Scotland and the ordinary Residence of our King as also he is a Lord the most resolute constant and of greatest execution of any of the Catholicks It is no small marvel considering the means the Hereticks have to hurt us and their worldly wits so far passing ours and their evil will and intention against us that me subsist Truely we cannot but attribute the effect thereof to God who when the certain news of the returning of the a a The Spaenish Armado being beat a gâ—eat part of them fled Noâ—h wards round about Scotland and so â—eturn'd home by Ireland Army of Spain by the back of Ireland was dispersed through the Country and the Hereticks of the Faction of England triumphed and the constancie in the outward profession of the Earl of Huntley and others was alter'd caused the Earl of b b Archibald Deuglas Earl of Angâ—s dyed at Smeâ—â— near Dalkeith Jaly 1588 supposed by witchcraft or other evil means Angus to dye who was the chief of the English Faction And the same time grew some dissentions amongst the Hereticks by reason of some Offices which some pretended to usurp above others at Court And by the instant prayers and holyperswasions of two Fathers Jesuites converting to our holy faith two Heretick Earls of the chiefest of Authority amongst them the one whereof is called the Earl of Arrol Constable of Scotland converted by Father Edmund Hay the other called the Earl of Crawford converted by the foresaid Father William Creichton They are both able and wise young Lords and most desirous to advance the Catholick Faith and your enterprises in this Island which they are determin'd to testifie to his Catholick Majesty and your Highness by their own Letters which by the Grace of God I will send by the first opportunity In the mean time they have required me to make you offer of their most humble and most affectionate service promising to follow whatsoever the same Jesuites and I shall think good to be done for the conservation of the Catholicks and to dispose and faciliate the
executed at Tybourn where Lopez thinking to make some Vindication affirmed that he loved the Queen as he loved Jesus Christ at which the spectators could not but smile knowing Lopez to be of the Jewish Profession At the same time that Lopez was dealing withal about the Queens Murther they to make more sure perswaded one Patrick Cullen an Irishman and a Fencer to commit the same villany against her Royal Person In this Treason Stanley was very active who with Sherwood and Holt two Jesuits confirm'd him in the lawfulness of the action giving him thirty pounds towards his journey into England being then in the Low-Countries But he was taken confess'd all and is executed At the same time also lived in the Netherlands one Edmund York Nephew to the Traytor Rowland York This Rowland was a vapouring Londoner the first that brought into England the use of Tucks or Rapiers in single Duels before which the manly Back-sword and Buckler was onely in practice by the greatest Gallants This was that scandalous Rowland York also who basely betray'd his trust and deliver'd Zutphen of which he was Governour with himself unto the Spaniards and perswaded Sir William Stanley to do the same with Deventer both of them for the future fighting under the Spanish Colours against their own Soveraign Queen and Country The English Fugitives beyond Seas perswaded this mans Nephew Edmund York and one Richard Williams with others to kill the Queen And this wicked Treason was agitating the same time that Lopez and Cullen were consulting about theirs But these Traytors were also seised on and suffer'd 1. They confess'd that for an incouragement Hugh Owen a noted Traytor at Bruxels had an assignation subscribed by Ibara the Spanish Secretary of forty thousand Crowns to be given them if they would kill the Queen 2. That the said Assignation was deliver'd to Holt the Jesuit who shew'd also the same to York and produced the Sacrament and kiss'd it swearing that he would pay the said monies when the murther was committed 3. That Stanley did earnestly perswade York to undertake it animating him with the Example of his Uncle Rowland 4. That to forward the plot there were several consultations Holt the Jesuit sitting as President 5. That Holt said if this designe fail'd they would then imploy no more English but Strangers 6. That at these consultations there used several to be present as Thomas Throgmorton Charles Paget Hugh Owen Dr. William Gifford the finisher of Calvino-Turcismus of whose Treasons we have heard formerly Dr. Thomas Worthington the chief promoter of the Doway-Bible adding some notes to it He also turn'd Bristow's Motives into Latine and in his old age turned Jesuit at Rome 7. It was also confess'd that there were designed to come into England to attempt her death one Tipping an Englishman one Edmund Garret an Ensigne with a Wallon and a Burgundian 8. That one Yong had undertaken a Treasonable action too 9. It was also confess'd that these three York Williams and Yong determin'd at their coming into England to have put themselves into the service of some great Noblemen of the Queens Council thereby to have free access to the Court and every one of them to seek their opportunities 10. That Williams through zeal to the Cause had wish'd his sword in the Queens Guts 11. That they had vow'd come what will of it to be the death of her And how furious and abominable James Archer the Irish Jesuit and others were in this Parracide Dr. a Antilogia cap 8. fol 116 117 118 119 120. Robert Abbot and a little after Bishop of Salisbury hath abundantly from their Confessions confuted the Impudent Andraeas Eudaemon-Joannes and satisfied all Forraigners And besides those common rewards of riches and favour with advancement here they were promised the highest of Spiritual Benefits because their Treasonable Actions could be no less then meritorious by which they would be certain to enjoy Heaven and its Glory hereafter For no less rewards and enjoyments did these evil Councellors impudently promise to these bloudy Traytors As if these Casuists were related to the old Hereticks the b Gabr. Pratâ—ol Elench Haeret p. 110. Cainani who reverenced Cain for killing his brother Abel and worshiped Judas for betraying our Innocent Saviour But why might not they promise as much when they knew that the Pope who cannot err had formerly bequeath'd such blessings to the enemies of Queen Elizabeth All these designes failing the Fugitives and other Traytors were at their wits end seeing the Queen raign prosperously and successful and all their attempts against her ruined always discover'd and the main instruments seiz'd on and deservedly executed But at last another opportunity offer'd it self In the year 1595 Sir Francis Drake making his last voyage against the Spaniards in America in which he dyed there was one Edward Squire who was first a Pettifogging Clerk afterwards an under-servant in the Queens Stables and now would try his fortune as a Souldier in this voyage It was his chance to go in a little Pinnace which unluckily straying from the rest on the Coasts of America was taken by five great Spanish Ships By which means much of Drakes designe was discover'd and so a great part of the exploit prevented Squire at last was carryed into Spain as a prisoner Here a There were three Brothers of Norfolk all Jesuits viz. Henry Michael and Richard Walpoole Walpoole a Jesuit meets with him and procures him as an Heretick to be put in the Inquisition where with afflictions and fair speeches he drew him to be a zealous Romanist This done he perswades him to kill the Queen commends the action to him as piouâ— and meritorious offers him large promises And at last Squire is fully perswaded and undertakes the murther At this the Jesuit Walpoole rejoyceth hugs and incourageth him bindes him by several Oaths under pain of Damnation to be secret and perform his promises and not to fear death For saith he what doth it profit a man to gain the whole Rob. Abbot Antilog fol. 122 123. world and loose his own soul Assuring him that if he did but once doubt of the lawfulness and justness of the Action that mistrust would be enough to damn him such a sin being seldom pardon'd This said he imbraceth him then throwing his left Arm about Squires neck so hugging him with his right-hand he makes the signe of the Cross upon Squires forehead thus blessing him God bless thee my son and strengthen thee be of good cheer I will pawn my soul for thine and thou shalt always have the benefit of my prayers and whether thou livest or dyest thou shalt enjoy a full pardon and remission of all thy sins And another time thus incouraged him There is one thing necessary which if thou prefer before all other things and dost fulfill it I have my desire and thou shalt be a glorious Saint in Heaven Squire thus devilishly resolved gets into England
June him By this time the City began to be in great want by reason of the Kings cutting off all assistance from them therefore to encourage the people Cardinal Pietro Gondy Bishop of Paris 't was made an Archbishoprick 1622 pittying the poor had all the Church-plate turned into money for them the Legat caused all his own Plate to be melted and coined Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour promised them six score Crowns a day in bread and of all his Plate he left himself but one Silver Spoon the Ladies and richest Nobles sold their Houshold-stuff Jewels and Ornaments the Legat also got fifty thousand Crowns for them from the Pope But all thâ—se helos were not enough for two hundred thousand persons then in the City provisions growing so scarce that a Bushel of Whâ—at wa 〈…〉 for one hundred and twenty Crowns the flâ—sh of Horses Dâ—gs Asses Mules c. are publickly vended but the poorer sort wanting moneys to buy such daintiâ—s were forced to feed upon such Hâ—rbs and Grass as tâ—ey found in the Yards Ditchâ—s and along the Ramparts whicâ— maâ—e them â—iâ— in hâ—aps yet were the Chieftains as if thâ—y wâ—re related tâ— the old Saguntines so far from yiâ—lding that they caused several to be exâ—cuted for desiring Brâ—ad or Peace Anâ— here we need nâ—t trouble our â—elvâ—s with the stories of former great Famines as of Hierusalem amongst the Turks 1595 in Poland and Bohemâ—a 1312 in Transylvania 1604 at Leyden 1574 at Sancerre and Rochel of Pegâ— 1598 of Caifung in China 1642 and several others since as is confess'd by all this Famine at Paris was not inferiour to any of them many being forced to make bread of dead mens bones and not onely feed upon Skins Tann'd hides c. but men eat one another and some women their own children and we may justly suppose a grand scarcity when there was but one little * Mem. de la Ligue tom 4. p. 332 333. Dog in all the City which the Dutchess of Montpensier kept for her self and refus'd two thousand Crowns onely for its brains though it was to preserve the life of Monsieur d Orlan one of her friends In short above twâ—lve thousand died of very Famine yet did the people really think themselves Holy Martyrs for dying in so good a Cause At last the King for mere pity permits as many to depart the City as would at one time there crauled out above four thousand glad they were delivered from such a misery then he sent Pasports to the Scholars Churchmen Ladies and even to his greatest enemiâ—s In the mean time the King presseth more upon them taketh S. Denis 7 July the Leaguers before their yielding it up having * d'Aubigne tom 3. l. 3. c. poison'd the Wells the better to dâ—stroy the Kings Forcâ—s at which siege the King himself was so vigilant that he â—atâ— on horse-back forty hours together Being entered S. Denis in the Presence-chamber were two Franciscan Friars Ant. Colynet p. 476. and another Priest sâ—iz'd on in the habit of Gentlemen who being imprison'd and strictly examin'd confâ—st that they were three of the six and twenty who had sworn the Kings death for which they were hang'd Then the King assaults and takes the Suburbs of Paris which so startled the Leaguers that they desire a Treaty onely to spin out time daily expecting relief the King grants it but their Propositions are so extravagant that nothing is done However the King having now the Parisians as it were by the throat the Doctors of Sorbone are at their wits end suspect the Integrity of the Legat grew angry at the Pope for not affoarding them more assistance and in this pet and fury drew up a Letter to be sent to his Holiness but the City was so closely besieged that the Letter and Messenger were seized on and so never got as far as Rome which the better to shew what fears jealousies and distractions they were possest with at the writing of it take as followeth as I meet with it then translated into English out of the Latin Copy Most Holy Father By those continual Letters partly touching the cruel and lamentable slaughter of our most Christian Brethren which your Holiness at sundry times hath received was easily to be known that all France hath fixed her eyes onely upon the See of Rome the Cause concerning the state of the whole Church and therefore the rather because it hath been always the chiefest refuge of those that were afflicted for the defence of Religion in their greatest misery and extremity Besides the good report that we daily hear of your Holiness Zele Wisdom Sincerity Justice and Hate of all Ungodliness did not a little increase our hopâ— the tokens whereof being brought unto us were very severe against all the wicked as are the heavy Censures and Sentences pronounced by your Holiness own mouth against the Hereticks and Politicians of our time and the Orations made in the sacred Assemblies of the Cardinals which we read with a great desire being now printed and also because there is ordain'd a Council of most reverend Cardinals for the redress of the state of France and favourable and Fatherly Letters written to the Princes and Magistrates of this Realm and moreover to many of sundry degrees and qualities whereby we perceive that your Holiness did commend and approve our purpose and enterprize promising us all aid and assistance to the furtherance thereof And lastly the sending of your Holiness * * Card. Caâ—etan Legat through such long and dangerous ways being a man of great parentage and singular wisdom with the full consent of all the most Honourable Council of Cardinals nothing more comfortable and to be desired in this our general and common grief We of our side for to encourage the hearts of the common people have caused to be printed in both the Languages that every man might understand them those Letters the which with great commendation of our College the renouned Cardinal of a a Nephew to this Pope Sixtus V. Montalto hath vouchsafed to send wherein was specified that your Holiness Legat was sent with men and mâ—ney and that the onely and chiefest care of your Holiness was touching this Realm how best to refresh and succour the afflicted and distressed people thereof that therefore we should not doubt but that your Holiness will out of hand in this our distress send us sufficient relief The private Communication of your Holiness Legat did also confirm your singular good will and affection towards us and the exquisite eloquence of b b Tâ—e old Translâ—tor might as well have said The Bishop of Asti Hâ—â— name was Franciseo Panigâ— rola He was an â—â—quâ—nt Pâ—ea her aâ—â— came into France with Gaecano the Lâ—gat Astensis did greatly enlarge and commend it in the Pulpit Wherefore we cease not daily to publish and declare unto all the world this your great benefit so ready and certain and are
death Moreover most holy Father they sow and cast out every where these spiteful and disdainful scoffs that at Rome are oftentimes rehearsed and remembered the singular and great benefits of this Realm unto the See Apostolick but now the same Kingdom being grievously distressed is not once requited with like no not with necessary thanks and reward That this Realm is honoured with the Title of The First begotten of the Church but that it is altogether handled as a Bastard and abandon'd as an untimely Fruit. That the Bishop of Rome challengeth unto him the name of a Father and succoureth not his most obedient and dutiful Children enduring now extremity and stretching forth their humble intreating hands but rather provoketh them to anger Finally that all these lingerings are of small effect and these excuses not worthy to be written in water It is also very grievous to hear and is now upon every mans tongue that it cannot be done without our great shame that all the Treasure of England Germany and other Heretical Nations is spent wasted and consumed in an ill and an ungodly Cause and that from every place power is sent and cometh in savour and aid of the Hereticks But that the Catholick Princes * one onely excepted of whom France receiveth Philip King of Spain a great and continual succour in such important Affairs but notwithstanding insufficient look one upon another careless being in a most just and weighty Cause altogether faint cold and unwilling Which as it is in great grief to be lamented in other yet especially in him unto whom it belongeth to surmount them all in this kind of duty for to encourage them with word and deed to defend the Cause of that particular member of the Church whereof he is set and appointed by God a Governour and a general President and always armed with present money wherewith to defend her And rather should by Letters and Messengers pawn and engage his Credit for to encourage the hearts of the Catholicks then to abate and dismay their hope in fearing in vain to look for that whereunto reason and equity doth persuade and bind him chiefly by that the Bishop by whom Navarre himself and other attending unto Divellish Doctrines and other walking after the design of the flesh in impiety scoffing the name of Catholicks the wisest and most learned men have always judged were excommunicated and cursed For what is he most Holy Father that with one eye cannot see that they onely gape after the Goods and Possessions of the Catholicks by all means seek to entrap their lives greedily thirst after their bloud and onely wish the destruction of Christian souls and utter decay of true Religion This the conquer'd Cities do witness this the sacked and spoiled Goods of honest and godly men this the rewards granted or at least promised unto the Hereticks this the Consecrated Reliques nay rather the most sacred body of Jesus Christ cast before Dogs this the hard and impenitent hearts of the corrupted Nobility this the Souldiers ready to the spoil and overthrow of Churches this the new established Synagogue of the Ministers of Sathan corrupting and falsifying the pure Word of God this the manifold Gibbets of Preachers this the bodies of sundry Captains and Souldiers beheaded this in great heaps the murthered Catholicks this the members of the Franciscans and Dominicans quickly torn in pieces with wild horses this finally the cruel slaughters of Christians and chiefly of Ecclesiastical persons manifestly declare and confirm Amongst whom the bright and thining Lights and worthy to be belov'd and desired and the stays and pillars of their Orders * * It may be his name was Robert Chessaâ—â—â—s Davila pag. 861. he had publickly commended the Murther â—â— Henry III. Chessaeus President in his Country and one of S. Francis Family drawn by violence from Gods service and committed unto the Hangman being at Vendosme not without great grief of all good Christians in the spring and prime of his age hang'd and depriv'd of his life The Director and worthy Regâ—nt of the Dominicans at Paris N. Demonte threescore and ten years of age first in infinite places stabb'd and not far from the City almost torn in pieces And of the same calling before a most worthy and valiant maintainer and defender of the truth * * He advised Clâ—ment to muâ—der Hen. III. Burgonius after divers torments with horses at Tours being dismembered have all now laureated and crown'd with their innocent bloud yielded up their Ghosts in t the hands of the Almighty Whereupon when we think we have thought good diligently to do two things by the liberty which Christ freely hath bestowed upon us The first is which although others can do it better yet after our small and slender skill to declare unto your Holiness the whole state of France whose earnest zeal and desire to aid us we doubt not shall be driven in the rest as the Letters of your most Renowned * * Card. Montalto Nephew written unto the whole body of the Holy League most plainly witness The other that we by all means will seek to comfort and strengthen the careful minds of the people partly heavy and wavering by the subtilty of the Politicians and partly by their own natural weakness and move and stir them up with all diligence and earnestness to expell and drive out Navarre and refuse and deny him boldly even in the middest of Sword Flame and Fire all service and obedience and exhort them to prefer rather what misery soever before an ungodly and wicked peace although he should seem to have forsaken and forsworn his Heresie and for it should have obtain'd a Pardon whereunto yet notwithstanding his is nothing near and should profess himself a Catholick again submitting himself under the Holy See for the manifest danger which might ensue and befall unto the true Religion by this deceitful Conversion and feigned repentance and he that shall favour him counselling any to agreement or else consenting and according thereunto when by any means shall be able to stay and hinder it to be esteemed dangerous and suspected of Heresie and altogether unworthy of mens company Whereupon our minds and heads are altogether so occupied that we are fully determined ere long to put in print to the view of the world certain Articles concerning these points and send them first unto your Holiness and afterwards disperse them in all places of the world partly to a perpetual reproach and upbraiding of the Inhabitants of this Realm if so often times admonished with baseness and cowardliness of heart they should consent to submit themselves under the yoke and bondage of an Heretick partly to stir and raise up every mans affection to send with all expedition aid and relief unto our distressed Affairs And lastly to leave behind us for our Successours sure witnesses and tokens of our care and loyalty to our Country and so to disburthen our Consciences and
c daughter of your Catholick Majesty upon whom for her rare Vertues the eyes of all men are fixed and set as a most pleasant object and in whom most gloriously shineth the Bloud of France and Spain to no other end or purpose but by a perpetual Alliance to fraternize and joyn in one brotherhood as it were these two great Monarchies under their Government to the advancement of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ the beauty of his Church and union of all the Inhabitants of the world under the Ensigns of Christianism As your Catholick Majesty with so many notable and triumphant Victories by the favour of God and his aid hath mightily prevail'd and advanced the same so we most heartily pray to God who is the Lord of Battels to continue your proceedings therein with such accomplishment that the whole work may be finished and perfected in all points To which end and purpose that it would please him to prolong your Catholick Majesties days in perfect and happy health accompanied with daily success of Victories and Triumphs over all your Enemies From Paris this second of November 1591. The reverend Father Matthew this bearer who hath greatly comforted us and fully instructed with the state of our affairs shall satisfie your Catholick Majesty in all things which may seem defective and wanting in our Letters Beseeching your Majesty most humbly to credit him in whatsoever he shall report unto you from us Whether this Matthew Aquarius the Agent of the League was a Jesuite or no I shall not possitively affirm though there be good Authority for it but the best Authors may have their mistakes I shall onely observe by the by that there was at this time one Matthaeus Aquarius a Dominiâ—an and in vogue as well for his Philosophy as Schoolmanship both in Rome and Naples so a trusty servant both to Pope and Spain And though the Jesuites will attribute the title of Fathers to themselves yet I find this Aquarius as oftentimes others are also before his printed books so intituled that any might mistake him for a Jesuite because called Father I shall not say nor can I affirm that this Aquarius the Dominiean was the same man with the Leaguers Agent This Letter was intercepted near Lyons by Gilbert de Chaseron Governour of the Province of Bourbon and by him sent to the King whereby their Honesty Religion and Loyalty was discovered Now as the Sixteen and their Associates had laid the Design to humble the Parlement of Paris to them which they thought to depend too much upon Mayeune they began to stir up the people persuading them Religion was betrayed their Cause and good Covenant quite undone that the Parlement intended to deliver the City into the hands of the Navarrois i. e. the King And to obtain their designs with greater ease and facility they consulted about a new * 5 Novemb Jo. de Bâ—ssieâ—es vol. 4. p. 364 3â—5 Gomberville Meâ—â— de M. de Nevers Tom. 2. pag. 623. Oath whereby all that favour'd them not should be driven out of the City and all the Bloud Royal to be excluded from the Succession and the Crown In the mean time they take an occasion to be stark mad for one Brigard once a violent Covenanter being suspected by them of too much favouring the King was hurried to prison resolving to have him hang'd for it but the Parlement not agreeing in this with their humours cleared him in a full trial and he at last finding means to escape from their fury out of the City they in a giddy zele turn their malice upon his Judges Thus resolved they hurry the people to Arms seise upon Barnaby 15 Nov. Brisson the Chief President Claude l'Archer Counsellour of the Chastelet with Jean Tardif whom they carry to the Sessions-house there in a haste condemning them without rule or reason Brisson desireth them to spare him a little time till in prison he had finished his book De Formulis so much cried up by learned and knowing men but no favour or mercy being granted they are all three instantly strangled in prison scarce a quarter of an hour being allow'd to Brisson to confess in Thus murder'd he is presently hung out of his own Chamber-window and the next day hung on the Gallows publickly to be seen of all Such was the end of the learned but unfortunate Brisson who before had in * Poet. Gal. v l. 1. p. 713 714. verse bewail'd the mischiefs of a Civil war and it may be in relation to this League This done they meet at the house of Pellettier the Covenanting Lecturer of S. Jacques de la Boucherie where they conclude that a Court of 17 Nov. Justice shall be form'd of men of their Faction to proceed against Hereticks and the Favourers of the King that the moneys and Treasuries how expended shall be look'd into that the Council of State shall be fill'd up and the men were there named by them that a Council of war shall be chosen upon whose consent the Governour de Belin left by Mayâ—nne should act nothing that the Seals of the Crown which Mayenne carried about with him should for the future always remain in the City c. To these they adde the sending of the Letter to the King of Spain formerly writ with which they now forthwith dispatch Mathieu Yet Thuanus dates the Letter the 20th of November and * Memoires en suite de ceux de Vâ—lleroy tom 3. p. 24 25. another the 20th of September but herein I follow Arnauld who maketh a particular observation upon the timing or dating it the Jesuits themselves not objecting any thing against his date viz. 2 Novemb. and Davila saith it was sent this day viz. 17 Novemb. and so most probably writ before this day they being too busily implied in other mischiefs However the day is no great matter the difference being but small and probably a mistake in the writing or printing This done they arise from Council get the Council of State presently to assemble to whom they propound the Articles to the end to have them confirm'd and executed but at this time they are put off it being alledged the day was too far spent and the Dutchess of Nemours carried her self so powerfully with them that they were willing to let the execution of them alone till they had heard from her son the Duke of Mayenne who being inform'd of these hurly-burlys thought it best to quell them before they went any further for which purpose well guarded he hastes towards Paris at whose approach the Sixteen discouraged 28 Nâ—v crave pardon let him enter the City the Bastile is also yielded to him then he seizeth on Lauchort Emmenot Auroux and Ameline great Sticklers amongst the Sixteen whom he caused to be strangled in the Louvre and publickly hung on the Gallows and others had tasted the 3 Dec. same sauce had they not fled for it At this the Priests and
or that Crown * 15 Jan. Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King is the dream of a Madman and an Heretical Contagion That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors the Reputation of their Countrey and the safety of their souls their salvation being desperate That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one and so perswadeth them to proceed to an Election To these the King returning Answers endeavoring to clear himself from their Accusations not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuerâ— Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States several at this time aiming at the Throne and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia the Dukes of Guise Lorain Nemours and Mayenne having all hopes In short the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne Composed in abuse of this Convention * Debit Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book but the greatest honour it received was from Rome where their Wisdomes there as if they had nothing else to do did many years after very gravely call it to remembrance and at last thought it fit to pass under their * 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expurgat Alexandri VIII p. 218. Censure of Reprobation The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin commended by * Poet Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius * Ib. p. 420 421. Scavâ—la Sammorthanus with others and Rapin himself hath some * Ib. p. 204 c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin The States being met as aforesaid Mayenne King-like sitteth under the Cloth of State desiring them to choose a Catholick King an Enemie to Heresie which was seconded by others The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King though he should turn Romanist but this was quashr at the Proposal as to swear against the Popes Authority suppose he should turn and his Holiness command him to be received The next day the Romanists with the King with his consent send Propositions to the States for a Treaty with them at which the Legat stormeth affirming the Proposal to be Heretical and so not fit to be Answer'd Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish Agents agreâ—ing with him but this was opposed and because the Paper was directed to all the States 't was judged fit to be communicated to them which so netled the Legat that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical as intimating a declared Heretick might be King and ought to be obeyed Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason The place agreed on is Surenne between Paris and St. Denys and Persons are nominated on both sides In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta many seeming willing to it for interest-sake but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria the Emperors Brother for her husband it was rejected as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger The Spaniards smelling the design offered to admit of a French Prince to be married to Philips daughter which took pretty well Guise Nemours Lorain and Mayenne his sons each of them hoping to be the Man and King Nay some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies as Cardinal Bourbon Count de Soissons the Prince of Conti with some others began to hearken to this Proposal every one fancying to make the Crown his upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences had a great minde to have him pacified to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice and Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his behalf at Rome and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy Bishop of Paris and the Marquess de Pisani in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand But the Pope commanded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories as being Favourers of Hereticks well-Wishers to Navarre with whom they had presumed to speak and treat to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion but as it were ready to be of it This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous that they could neither treat with nor admit of a peace with Navarre being a declared Heretick and that if they did either he for his part would quit the Kingdom and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it Nor were the Spaniard less concerned who fearing the Kings Conversion would make haste and be excepted of thinking to spoil it Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta shewing it was so in his Instructions At this Mayenne is stung to the heart nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew and desires time till things were better prepared But this Nomination being known the Embassadors Nobles Citizens and every one flock to pay their service to Guise and give him joy his Palace is fill'd himself cried up and now they vapour of a new Kingling * Charles de Guisâ— Charles XI At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad she frets storms and weeps three days and not able any longer to endure she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs Exclamations Threatnings and Railings jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains if he who had hitherto borne the brunt must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew The Duke also thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside puts many into young Guise his head demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance yet thinking
so much to search out the truth as to expose another party Well the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us that h Id. pag. 93. If we mark well we shall find that in this last Century of years there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Religion by these Protestants of Integritie then have been in all others since Christ's time by the Popes Excommunication or the attempt and means of Roman Catholicks i Id. pag. 98. By all which it is plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie Popery For he would make you believe of the Romanists that they a Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Prayers Arms against Princes have no warrant Quis est Judex si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni solus Deus Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom onely God Navar. Cunerus and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen agree perfectly in this same sentence But who so bold as blinde Bayard And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines Opinions and Practices come he will tell you and hopeth you will as freely credit him b Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are quite contrarie and all that is said against that Church in this particular is meer Calumnie And so much for this shameless Libel which is since well Answer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin the Learned Son of a Learned Father T. C or be who it will that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions His words are c Preface Neither doth Mr. Fisher or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Relator viz. Archbishop Laud mentions that is they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance to depose and kill Kings to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus c. But I would know of the Author for what things they do allow them And in another place he thus undertakes to Apologize for the Popes d Labyrinth Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them Gregory VIII and Innocent III were indeed very prudent men and worthy Champions of the Church to assert her just Liberties but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters And Mr. Serjeant according to his usual way will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes e J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon When where what Crowns and Scepters Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon would gladly thus cleer the Romanists f The Primitive Rule before the Reformation in the Afternoons Exhortation pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects to which they are not bound civiliter but naturaliter onely for if once a Coactive power be allowed Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas summitatis divisio as the Civilian speaks and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects are no more Scripture-Kings Gods Kings Titular Popular Kings onely For Gods Kings saith Otho Frisigensis being above all Laws are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter they may not be punished by the secular Laws g Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks and their fidelitie to Kings none speak it more none advise or practice it more in all secular obediences then the Roman Pastours and the Catholicks in their Communion h Id. pag. 22 23. Yea so far is this Sea Apostolick from frequent practices of that nature upon Kings viz. to depose them of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion onely in this last Reformed age in a few Protestant Countries then have been rais'd by Catholicks for any cause whatever in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced as derogatorie from the Rights of Kings the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain and therefore tells us that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia to Censure and Deprive Kings I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers viz. Pope and King when occasion shall be for it And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time anno 1582. Lastly for in these assertions a man might be endless one in his Animadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty this a Elenchus Elenchi pag. 17 20 21. Animadvertor I say will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects But words are cheap and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make b Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church But what they cannot answer some make it prudence to pass by with silence and then the Gentile Romanist who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for himself faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day putting most of his confidence in the Title-page seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer Thus self-interest perswades and then assures him of the Conquest so that with him to write against the Church of England is the same to confute and confound Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand what peaceable men they are what good subjects they are and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion But as for us of the Church of England alas we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty And if we must believe Father Parsons we must thus know the difference of the two Religions for with the Romanists out of England c Three Convers of Engl. part 2. pag. 581 582. All Modestie
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
Whether the Pope have power to discharge any of her Highness Subjects or the Subjects of any Christian Prince from the Allegiance or Oath of Obedience to her Majesty or to their Prince for any cause V. Whether the said Dr. Saunders in his Book of his visible Monarchy of the Church and Dr. Bristow in his Book of Motives writing in Both of them affirming that Kings may be deposed by the Pope allowance commendation and confirmation of the said Bull of Pius the Fifth have therein taught testified or maintain'd a truth or a to falshood VI. If the Pope do by his Bull or sentence pronounce her Majesty to be deprived and no lawful Queen and her Subjects to be discharged of their Allegiance and obedience unto her and after the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority do invade this Realm which part would you take or what part ought a good Subject of England take The Answer of Mr. Luke Kirby LUke Kirby To the First he saith that the Resolution of this Article dependeth upon the general Question whether the Pope may for any cause depose a Prince Wherein his Opinion is that for some causes he may lawfully depose a Prince and that such a sentence ought to be â—beyed II. To the second he thinketh that in some cases as infidelity or such-like her Majesty is not to be obeyed against the Popes Bull and sentence for so he saith he hath read that the Pope hath so done de facto against other Princes III. To the third he saith he cannot answer IV. To the fourth that the Pope for Infidelity hath such power as is mentioned in this Article V. To the fifth he thinketh that both Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow might be deceived in these points in their Books but whether they were deceived or not he referreth to God VI. To the last he saith that when the case shall happen he must then take counsel what what were best for him to do Luke Kirby John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Thomas Cottoms Answer THomas Cottom To the first in this and in all other Questions he believeth as the Catholick Church which he taketh to be the Church of Rome teacheth him And other answer he maketh not to any of the rest of these Articles By me Thomas Cottom Priest John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Lawrence Richardsons Answer LAwrence Richardson To the fifth he answereth that so far as Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow agree with the Catholick Doctrine of the Church of Rome he alloweth that Doctrine to be true And touching the first and all the rest of the Articles he saith that in all matters not repugnant to the Catholick Religion he professeth obedience to her Majesty and otherwise maketh no answer to any of them But believeth therein as he is taught by the Catholick Church of Rome Lawrence Richardson John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Thomas Ford's Answer I. THomas Ford. To first he saith that he cannot answer because he is not privy to the circumstances of that Bull but if he did see a Bull published by Gregory the Thirteenth he would then deliver his Opinion thereof II. To the second he saith that the Pope hath Authority to depose a Prince upon certain occasions and when such a Bull shall be pronounced against her Majesty he shall then answer what the duty of her Subjects and what her right is III. To the third he saith he is a private Subject and will not answer to any of these Questions IV. To the fourth he saith that the Pope hath Authority upon certain occasions which he will not name to discharge Subjects of their Obedience to their Prince V. To the fifth he saith that Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow be learned men and whether they have taught truely in their Books mentioned in this Article he referreth to answer to themselves for himself will not answer VI. To the last he saith that when that case shall happen he will make answer and not before Thomas Forde John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. John Sherts Answer JOhn Shert To all the Articles he saith that he is a Catholick and swerveth in no point from the Catholick Faith and in other sort to any of these Articles he refuseth to answer John Shert John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Robert Johnsons Answer I. RObert Johnson To the first he saith he cannot answer II. To the second he cannot tell what power or authority the Pope hath in the points named in this Article III. To the third he thinketh that the Pope hath authority in some cases to authorize Subjects to take arms against their Princes IV. To the fourth he thinketh that the Pope for some causes may discharge Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to their natural Prince V. To the fifth he saith the Answer to this Article dependeth upon the lawfulness of the cause for which the Pope hath given sentence against her But if the cause was just then he thinketh the Doctrine of Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow to be true Whether the cause were just or not he taketh not upon him to judge VI. To the last he saith that if such deprivation and invasion should be made for temporal matters he would take part with her Majesty but if it were for any matter of his Faith he thinketh he were then bound to take part with the Pope Robert Johnson John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. John Harts Answer I. JOhn Hart. To the first he saith that it is a difficult Question and that he cannot make answer thereunto II. To the second he saith that her Majesty is lawful Queen and ought to be obeyed notwithstanding the Bull supposed to be published by Pius the Fifth But whether she ought to be obeyed and taken for a lawful Queen notwithstanding any Bull or sentence that the Pope can give he saith he cannot answer III. To the third he cannot answer and further saith that he will not meddle with any such Questions IV. To the fourth he saith he is not resolved and therefore he cannot answer V. To the fifth he saith he will not deal with any such Questions and knoweth not whether Saunders and Bristow have taught well herein or not VI. To the last he saith that when such a case shall happen he will then advise what becometh him to do for presently he is not resolved This he did acknowledge to us after he had fully perused the same but refused to subscribe to it John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. William Filbee's Answer I. WIlliam Filbee To the first he saith the Pope hath authority to depose any Prince and such sentences when they be promulgated ought to be obeyed by the subjects of any Prince But touching the Bull of Pius the Fifth he can say nothing but if it was such as it is affirmed to be he doth allow
it and saith that it ought to be obeyed II. To the second he saith it is a hard Question and therefore he cannot answer it but upon further advisement he answereth as to the first III. To the third he knoweth not what to say thereunto IV. To the fourth he saith that so long as her Majesty remaineth Queen the Pope hath no authority to warrant her Subjects to take Arms against her or to disobey her but if he should depose her then he might discharge them of their Allegiance and Obedience to her Majesty V. To the fifth he saith he will not meddle with the Doctrine of Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow VI. To the last when this case happeneth then he saith he will answer and if he had been in Ireland when Dr. Saunders was there he would have done as a Priest should have done that is to pray that the right may have place William Filbee John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond And because some of these Answers depend upon the writings of Bristow and Saunders we must understand that a little before this one Richard Bristow or Bristolus born in Worcester-shire and bred up a Priest in Flanders had made a little Book which he call'd his Motives which was after either by himself or others hugely enlarged In this writing he did not onely twit Queen Elizabeth for not obeying the a Motive 6. Excommunication-Bull of Pius the Fifth against her but also that b Motive 40. Subjects may sometimes be discharged from their subjection and Princes deposed and then publickly declares that the foresaid Earl of Northumberland the Nortons Plumtree and others to be c Motive 15. most glorious Martyrs of the Catholicks though they were deservedly executed as Traytors for their notorious and actual Rebellion in the North against the Queen Yet d Compend vitae Râ—c Brist § 6. Dr. Thomas Worthington of Lancashire who translated the larger Motives into Latine doth give great Commendations to Dr. Bristow for his learning and valour in thus defending the Popes Authority whereby he may justly go with those who favour the Opinion of King-deposing As for Nicholas Sanders he was born in Surrey and at Rome got his Orders and Degree of Doctor Pius the Fifth had him in great esteem knowing him to be a man of mettle and a great Zealot for the Authority of that Chair as he shews at large in his great e De visibili Monarch Ecclesiae Vid. lib. 2. cap. 4. Book dedicated to Pius the Fifth in which he is so far from acknowledging Queen Elizabeth to be a true Queen that he calls her several times by no other title than the f Id. P. 734 736 737. Pretended Queen and other times onely plain g Pag. 275 355. Calvinistical woman He saith that the Popes power reacheth to the h Pag. 430. altering of Kingdoms that the Emperour Henry the Fourth was most i Pag. 458. justly deprived of his Empire by Gregory the Seventh greatly k Pag. 730 731 732 733 734 735 c. commends those who impiously rebell'd against the Queen in the North and calls them Noble Martyrs and this he aims at again in another of his l De schismate Angl. p. 363. Tracts From this Sanders we may collect what was the judgement in this case of John Story an Oxford Doctor of Law he in Queen Maries time ruled the roast in our English Inquisition and in Queen Elizabeths Id. Pag. 736 737. Raign being accused in Parliament of a great deal of cruelty in the administration of his foresaid Office replyed like himself to this purpose That he had offended in nothing but that whilst he cut off some Branches he neglected to pull up the Root which if he had done Heresie had not got up again And this he meant of the Queen to whom he denyed himself to be a Subject looking upon the King of Spain as his Soveraign and the Queen Elizabeth by the Popes Bull of Excommunication utterly deprived of all Rule and Government upon which cause he scorned to plead for himself taking the Judges under such a Princess to have no power or judgement over him And if any doubt of the Popes Authority in deposing Kings Aelius Antonius Nebrissensis will tell them that they need not since both Civil and Canon-law doth allow it and the learned Doctors of them Per leges quoque Pontificias Civiles Johan Navar. Rex vere potuit Regno spolian ex eo quod schismaticus schismaticorum fautor atque proinde Haereticus laesaeque Majestatis reus atque eodem jure intestabilis ipse omni ejus Posteritas Gentilico Regno mulctanda quod utriusque juris Consultissimi Doctores multis argumentis rationibus exemplisque probant Ant. Nebress de bello Navar. lib. 1. c. 1. and all his Posterity may be deprived too for which he produceth the Example of John Albret King of Narvarre whom he doth not onely call Schismatick and Heretick but which is the prettiest of all a Traytor though he doth not tell us to whom But the King of Spains Historian must write any thing to vindicate his Masters Rapine And yet they 'll think it hard that the Portugals should redeem their own or that Gaspar Sala and others should vindicate the late revolt of Catalonia Antonius de Sousa de Macedo in all his writings hugely zealous for the honour of his Country Portugal is as fierce against any pretence of the Castilians as any yet when he is the most endeavouring to fasten the Crown on the head of Braganza he makes his Master so open and weak on one side that not onely that Family nay Nation may loose the sway but they may once more fall a prey to their politick Neighbour For he acknowledgeth that the Pope may m Lusitan liberata proem 2. § 2. § 25. pag. 117 118. depose his Master by the same power he hath over other Kings and that they may sometimes be thrust from their Thrones upon their evil n Id. Lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 510 511. administration of Government And another dangerous Principle he maintains of a Kings not Ruling unless he hath been o Id. L. 2. c. 1. § 7. sworn and Crown'd And somewhat to this purpose he speaks in another place concerning the ancient way of p Proem 2. p. 116. Anoynting To these Opinions I perceive him not a little perswaded by Example and the sentiments of others Arguments of so great force to the Divine Dr. q Opus de dignitatibus lib. 1. c. 2. pag. 9. Nicolaus Rebbe and the Lawyer r De haereticus lib. 4. cap. 14. Conradus Brunus that they also upon the same account embrace this King-deposing Opinion And of the same judgement is the Learned Å¿ Hierarch Eccles lib. 5. cap. 14 15. fol. 260 266. Albertus Pighius and as for a good proof to it he several times remembers you with the action
first that made Seminaries at Doway a severe enemy to the Protestants and as fierce a maintainer of the power of Rome and the King of Spain of both which this one Example may satisfie Queen Elizabeth having sent some aid into the Netherlands against the Spaniard Sir William Stanley was made Governour of Deventer in Over-Issel which he presently betraying his trust deliver'd with himself and Garrison to the Spaniard by which he lost by common consent the reputation of Subject Gentleman and Souldier but Dr. Allain thinking to quell these rumours and to encourage the new Renegado's by a Letter from Rome sends Stanley and his Regiment not onely thanks and Commendations for this their action but as he thought a sufficient vindication too part of which take in his own words Yea I say no more unto you Gentlemen seeing you desire to know Dr. Allain's Letter touching the render of Deventer pag. 27 28. my meaning fully in this point That as all acts of Justice within the Realm done by the Queens authority ever since she was by publick sentence of the Church and see Apostolick declared an Heretick and an enemy of Gods Church and for the same by name excommunicated and deposed from all Regal Dignity as I say ever sithence the publication thereof all is void by the Law of God and Man so likewise no war can be lawfully denounced or waged by her though otherwise in it self it were most just because that is the first Condition required in a just War that it be by one denounced that hath lawful and Supream power to do the same as no Excommunicate person hath especially if he be withal deposed from his Royal Dignity by Christ his Vicar which is the Supream power in Earth and his Subjects not onely absolved and discharged of their Service Oath Homage and Obedience but especially forbidden to serve or obey any such Canonically condemned person And in another place of the same Pamphlet he thus tells them their doom if they had been faithful to their trust and the Queen a Id. pag. 30. Any Excommunicate or Canonically condemn'd Prince whom no man by law can serve nor give aid unto but he falleth into Excommunication Thus we see what small esteem he had of his Soveraign and how easie it is for these men to ease themselves of loyalty and Obedience And that the Pope may thus trample upon Kings observe his Doctrine in another of his Writings b Defence of English Catholicks against the book call'd The execution of justice pag. 143. The Pope may in some cases excommunicate for some causes deprive and in many respects fight and wage War for Religion And gain c Id. p. 207. Plain it is that Kings that have professed the Faith of Christ and the defence of his Church and Gospel may be and have been justly both excommunicated and deposed for injuries done to Gods Church and revolt from the same as sometimes also for other great crimes tending to the Pernition of the whole subject unto him And gain d Id. P. 114. By the fall of the King from the Faith the danger is so evident and inevitable that GOD HAD NOT SUFFICIENTLY PROVIDED FOR OUR SALVATION and the preservation of his Church and holy Laws IF THERE WERE NO WAY TO DEPRIVE or restrain Apostata Kings And then plainly declares to the world thus e Id. P. 115. Therefore let no man marvel that in case of heresie the Soveraign loseth his superiority and right over his people and Kingdom And in these f Id. P. 72 73. Opinions he endeavours to prove that there is no harm And gives the Earl of a Westmerland Id. 48. for his Rebellion great commendations and of his fellow-Traytor gives you this Character The renowned Count of Northumberland dyed a Saint and holy Martyr When the Spanish Armado invaded England he printed a pernicious Admonition to the Catholicks of these Kingdoms stuft with horrid Rebellion and Treason perswading them by all means to take part with the King of Spain and to Root out their own Queen What effect his Doctrine took I know not but 't is well known that the Fleet came to nothing and enough of this Allen who for his zeal to the Spanish Faction and the authority of Rome was made Cardinal de S. Martino by Pope Sixtus the Fifth at the desire of Philip the Second And now let us see what a man with a long name will tell us in this cause Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes a man suspected at first to sculk under a wrong denomination but when we know his Country and temper we shall not think him asham'd to own any thing though never so bad or false he was born in the Island Crete now better known by the name of Candia at Canea by the ancients call'd Cydon or Cydonia but bred up from his youth at Rome and a Jesuite If that be true that in the Island of his birth no venomous or harmful Creature can live 't was well that he was forthwith transplanted to Italy for his native soyl and his malicious humour could never agree His writings are onely stuft with railing and vain repetitions hath impudence to deny any thing and affirm what he pleaseth his whole books are composed of contradictions all along affirming that Kings may be deposed nay and sometimes cut off and yet at the same time vindicating himself and his Order from disloyalty and yet so shie in his affirmations though bald in his hints that his books may be read over to as much purpose and satisfaction as one of the Brethrens preachments or Olivers Speeches so that I should wonder that such a generous Pope as Vrban the Eighth and such a learned Cardinal as Bellarmine should have him in such esteem and favour if interest had no sway in this world And though all along one may know his meaning by his Moping yet sometimes he speaks plain enough and declares that the a Potuit enim non ut dominus sed ut Minister Christi deponere Principes Andr. Eudaem-joan Respons ad Epist Is Casauboni pag. 12. Pope can depose Kings and that this b Id. Parallelus Torti Tortoris cap. 4. pag. 197. ultro concedamus facta à Pontificibus jure atque ordine fieri potuisse ut contumaciam ac Tyrannidem Principum excommunicatione ac depositione ulcisceretur hath been done and may be done sometimes lawfully In the year 1594 one Jehan Chastel intending to stab King Henry the Fourth of France with his Kinfe struck him into his Mouth and though he mist of his aim yet he struck out two of his teeth and wounded him sore For this Treason the Villain is excuted but presently one Franzois de Verone writes an Apology for Chastel affirming that he had done nothing but what became a true Christian and Catholick his reasons being because the King as he said was an Heretick and so might lawfully be kill'd or
deposed That he was absolutely perswaded so in the latter the first we shall treat of in its proper place you may judge by his declaring these following Propositions to be Heretical I Qu'un Heretique relaps nommement Fran. de Verone Apologie pour Jâ—han Chastel Part 2. cap. 15. pag. 95. excommunie du S. Siege ne perd le droit de la Couronne II. Que tel est Roy legitime donne Ordonne de Dieu III. Que l'eglise ne le peut priver de ce droit ny les Estats ny generallement les Princes de leurs dignitez ou Royaumes pour crime ou Heresie quelcunque IV. Ny absoudre les subjects de l'Obeissance fidelite a eux deue V. Qu'il fault resister a tels jugemens qu'ils n'obligent en conscience VI. Qu'il ne se fault enquirer des actions ny de la Conscience de son Prince VII Qu'il n'est loysible de resister a un Prince Heretique VIII Qu'un Roy Catholique peut permittre deux Religions en son Royaume I. That a relaps'd Heretick and by name excommunicated by the Pope doth not loose the right of his Crown II. That such an one is a lawful King given and ordained of God III. That neither Church nor Parliament Estates can deprive them of that right nor that Princes for any Crime or Heresie whatever can be deprived of their dignities IV. Nor that subjects can be absolved from their obedience and fidelity they owe to their Kings V. That such sentences as these are not to be obeyed being not obligatory in Conscience VI. That the Actions and Consciences of Kings are not to be pry'd into VII That it is not lawful to resist an Heretical Prince VIII That a Catholick King may permit two Religions in his Kingdom What this Verone was I know not onely we may observe that about Id. Apol. pag. 29. the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name who afterwards writ some Books And that the same year viz. 1595. that this Book was Printed one Le Bell was punished for endeavouring to convey one Franzois Veron a Student at Poictiers out of France This same Verone also in the same Book vindicates Jacques Clement for murthering Henry the Third The which horrid murder was also publickly maintain'd as an act most lawful and glorious by another French-man call'd Bouchier and he that will thus boldly affirm the greater you may justly suppose he will not deny the less viz. the deposing of them And this he tells us the Pope can do if there be need of it and the Prince Cum ille Christi vicarius sit ut videat ne quid Christo ne quid ejus Ecclesiae ac Religioni injuria fiet ne quid vel populi vel Regni vel Regum ipsorum salutem impediat cujusmodi sunt Haeresis schisma perjurium apostasia similia quae sine gravi Ecclesiae detrimento in Regibus esse nequeunt id ei licâ—re ut cum nihil leniter admo nuisse profuerit cum censuras contemni audierit cum periculum grave Ecclesiae è tali regimine imminere deponi denique utile commodum esse agnoverit tum populos Obedientiae vinculo eximat decque operam ut alteri commodiori grex à Christo redemptus commiâ—tatur De justa Henric III. abdicatione lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 13. contemn his inferiour censures Nay probable that a greater Authority than this Boucher can more than Countenance the deposing of Kings For anno 1589 a little before the said King Henry the Third was murdered the Colledge of Sorbone in Paris being then present about seventy Doctors declared Id. P. 398 399 370 373. Jan. de Serres that all the Kings Subjects were freed from their obedience to him of which Pope Sixtus the Fifth was informed and desired to compleat by his Authority One tells us with confidence that the Pope can create and depose Vid. Phil. Horn. Thesaur Polit. p. 318 319 323 361 362. Kings Another wonders that some German Divines should deny him to have power to translate Empires And a third tells Cardinal Mont ' alto Nephew to the foresaid Sixtus the Fifth that amongst other Priviledges which belong to the Pope is to give Titles to Emperours and Kings to translate Empires from one Nation to another and to judge Princes And our Country-man Thomas Harding when he sees Childerick of France deposed by the Pope cannot refrain from telling us a Confutation of the Apology fol. 181. b. What a strength of Authority is in that See which is able with a word to place and displace the mightiest King in Europe And this is also approved of by his good friend and great admirer b A brief shew of the false wares in the Apology fol. 93. John Rastell And the Portugal c Quaestiones Regulares Tom. 2. Quest 40. art 1. Quest 63. art 7. Tom. 4. Tit. 4. c. 3. Emanuel Rodericus in several places of his Works fob'd up by the Canon-law tells how the Pope can alter Kingdoms and depose Kings What force either Loyalty or Obedience is with some Roman Catholicks may in part be seen by their cavilling at our Oath of Allegiance as where it saith that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King or discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty upon any cause or occasion whatsoever They answer to the first A strange prevention to stir up humourâ— Answer to the Penal Statutes against Catholicks pag. 81 82. and to alter them with DANGEROUS Physick without necessity And to the second they thus retort Although the King should force them to be Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels To that part of it which calls the opinion of the Popes power to excommunicate or deprive Kings Impious and Heretical They onely say How came the English Parliament by Authority to censure Doctrine who delivered them this power who made them assurance of Gods infallible Spirit To that part which saith That they do believe that the Pope nor any other hath power to absolve them of this Oath They deny the Article by their thus reasoning If they do not believe it NOR INDEED CAN BELIEVE IT WITHOUT GROSS IGNORANCE why should they inforce them to swear False or what get they by this And to the last part of it where 't is said that They do acknowledge this Oath to be administred unto them lawfully and by good and full Authority and that they do renounce all dispensations and pardons to the contrary They quite null the Proposition by this their answer He that sweareth false had need of absolution from the sin but needeth no dispensation because the Oath hath no force to bind as in this case By which means they declare their approbation of these following Propositions I. To affirm that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King is dangerous II. That in
cas de Prince Heretiques ou Infidelles persecutans le Christionisme ou la Religion Catholique les subjets pouvoint estre absous du serment de fidelite Id. Pag. 602. Non sâ—ulement toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise qui sont aujourd ' huy au Monde tiennent l'Affirmative ascavoir qu'en cas de Princes Heretiques ou Apostates persecutans la foy les subjects peuvent estre absous du serment fait a euâ— ou a leurs Predecesseurs And que depuis onze cent ans il n'y a eu Siecle au equel en diverses Nations ceste doctrine n'ayt este crue practiquee all Parties of the Catholick Church did hold it and so did the French Church ever since Divinity was taught in Schools amongst them till the coming of Calvin and this hath been b Id. Pag. 602. Elle a este constamment tenuë en France ou nos Roys particulierement ceux de la derniere race l'ont protegee par leur Autorite par leurs armes ou nos Conciles l'ont appuyee et maintencë ou tous nos Evelques et docteurs scholastiques depuis que l'E'chole de la Theologie est instituee jusques a nos jours l'ont e critte preschee et seignee et ou finalement tous nos Magistrats Officiers et Jurisconsultes l'ont suâ—vie et favorisee voir souvent pour de Religion plus legers que l'heresie 〈◊〉 l'Apostasie Mais desquels neantmoins je ne me pretende aider si non entant qu'ils peuvent server a defendre ou la These generale ascavoir qu'en quelque cas les subjets peuvent estre absous du serment fait par eux a leurs Princes Ou ceste hypothese particuliere qu'en cas de Princes heretiques ou Apostats et persecutans la foy les subjets peuvent estre dispenser de leurs obâ—ir maintain'd by all the French Kings themselves Councils Bishops and Doctors as also all their Magistrates Officers and Lawyers Nor is this all for he publickly declares that c Id. Pag. 621. N'ont jamais peu trouver en toute la France depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees jusques a nos jours un seul Docteur ny Theologien ny Jurisconsulte un seul Decret un seul Concile un seul Arrest de Parlement un seul Magistrate ny Ecclesiastique ny Politique qui alt dit qu'en cas d'heresie ou d'Infidelitâ—e les subjets ne puissent estre ablous du Serment de Fidelite qu'ils doivent a leurs Princes there could never be found in France since Schools of Divinity were there setled till his time so much as one Doctor one Divine one Lawyer one Decree one Council one Order of Parliament one Magistrate neither Ecclesiastick nor Politique to have said that in case of Heresie or Infidelity subjects might not be absolved from their Oath of Allegiance due to their Kings And should they believe the contrary d Id. Pag. 635. Et non seulement cet Article i. e. To believe that subjects cannot be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance to their King nous jette en un Schisme inevitable mais mesme nous precipite en un heresie evidenâ—e nous obligeant necessairement de Confesser que l'Eglise Catholique est perie depuis plusieurs Siecles en la Terre Car si ceux qui embrassent la doctrine opposite tiennent une Opinion contraire a la parole de Dieu impie et detestable le Pape donc depuis tant de Siecles n'a point este chef de l'Eglise et vicaire de Christ mais heretique et Antichrist Et toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise n'ont point este vrayes parties de l'Eglise mais membres de l'Antichrist Or cela estant ou estoit demeure l'Eglise Catholique en la France seule Mais comment sera t'elle de meuree en France si cet Article est vray puisque tous les Docteurs Franzois ont denu depuis â—ant de Siecles le Contraite es casd ' Heresie et d' Apostasie de la Religione Christienne they should be plain Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have failed and the Pope to have been so far from being Christs Vicar that he had been an Heretick and Antichrist But enough of this the former Chapter being long enough and able to serve for both seeing those who grant that the Pope can lawfully depose Kings will not deny but that he can also absolve their subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obedience CHAP. III. That Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings and Governours IF we allow that the people themselves may lawfully Rebel against their Princes and at the same time be Judges of the justness of the Reason to be in Authority will be a slavery the word Monarchy absolute non-sence the King obliged to obey every mans passion and folly nor peace nor justice can be expected the Nation bâ—ing in a perpetual hurlyburly every other day as of late times new Magistrates starting up by strength or Policy and he that 's still uppermost of this Leap-frog-Government will extort Obedience confirmed by Oaths from his supposed subjects which will ruine the honest and damn the rest with Perjury Change as a Novelty at first is rather a pleasure than gain to the People and at last a burden and ruine and what a factious people once resolve on they will never want pretence of Reason themselves being judges When the Sacrilegious Prsbyterians prompted by their Master the Devil were resolved to Murder that famous Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Laud for fashion-sake they would have something to say though if we go according to the Narrative of his a Pryn's Canterbury's doom Enemy we shall finde that the Lords Commons and Prynne himself had but the same Reason and Consequence for so doing as according to the Proverb Tenterton Steeple is the cause of Goodwin-Sands I warrant you the ancient b Jo. Magnus Hist Goth. Sueciumque lib. Id. Hist Metropol Upsal l 1. p. 11. Swedes thought themselves as pretty Religious blades as any when they slew their good King Evic Stenchil because he intended to bring in Christianity amongst them Our late Puritans made it one of their main pleas in Print and Pulpit for their fighting against the King because forsooth he intended to bring in Popery And the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and others thought to pull down and destroy Queen Elizabeth and some did also King James because they setled the Protestant Religion and I do not know which were the arranest knaves of the three parties certain I am that Christian Religion doth nowhere allow Rebellion and if a Heathen and a Christian do the same fault it is not the unbelief of the former that makes him more wicked in the act than the Religion of the latter and he that bauls out the liberty of Conscience and loss of Religion to vindicate
the Peoples consent to him which is next by birth is nothing at all needful be he what he will and that his admission inunction or Coronation is onely a matter of external Ceremony without any effect at all for increase or Confirmation of his right These I say are unlearned fond and wicked assertions And as if all the world agreed with him upon his main design he thus flatters himself and his Readers That a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both Id. Part 2. cap. 4. p 61. Parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree But before I leave this wicked Book I shall tell thee that the Doctrine of it was so pleasing to the Palates of our Independents that about the beginning of 1648 they got it reprinted though in another garbe that of Father Parsons his putting out being by way of Dialogue but the latter was by way of Speeches or Orations Gilbert Mabbot being Imprimator and not long before the happy Restauration of his Majesty the Dialogue was publickly reprinted again and to good purpose I warrant you Johannes Mariana the Spanish Jesuit sufficiently known for his variety of Learning and the smooth stroke of his Pen and no less for his pernicious Principles spread over the world to encourage Treason and Murther amongst his other Impieties he perswades subjects to War against Certe a Repub unde ortum habet Regia potestas rebus exigentibus Regem in jus vocari posse si sanitatem râ—spuat Principatu spoliari Non ita in principem jure potestatis transâ—ulit ut non sibi majorem reservaâ—t potestatem Jo. Mar. de Regi Regis Institutione lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 57. their Kings telling them that in some cases they may also depose them nay and Murther them too of which in its due place But they may say that the Parisians received him with some Rigour though yet I do not think that they will positively affirm that this was justly done for the Position now in hand unless they will also censure some of the main Pillars of their Church And the Germane Jesuit a Refutatio Aphorismorum cap. 3. ad Aphor. 1. p. 158. § 94. Sehastianus Heissius in this case doth Apologize for him declaring that in this point that Kings may be deposed by their Subjects he writ not amiss Nor is this Doctrine unpleasant to all the French as appears by one of the noted writers amongst them b Neque enim potest qui verus eâ—t dominus hostiliter invadiâ— sed via tantum juris à tota communicate moneri si incorrigibilis fuerit aut detineri debet ad tempus aut deâ—oni Quod non cadit adversus Principem nisi juxta allegata pâ—obata quidem à tota Communitate Râ—b Cenalis Arboricensis de utâ— iusque gladii sacultate Tom. 2. pag. 119. Robertus Cenalis who shews himself a lusty Champion for this cause against Kings whom he saith may be brought to a tryal and deposed To these I might add the Italian Jesuit a Moral Quaest Tom. 2. Tract 29. c. 1. § 12. Vincentius Filliucius the Spanish Fryar Mendicant b In D. Tho. Tom. 1. col 1157. Michael Salon and the learned Dominican of the same Nation c De justitia lib. 5 Quaest 1. art 3. Dominicus Soto with whom the Benedictan of our own Country agreeth viz. d Denique recte Sotus cum hujusmodi Tyrannus habeat jus titulum justum in Regno non est nisi perjudicem deponendus aut suo jure spoliandus Greg. Sayr Clavis Regia lib. 7. cap. 10. § 3. Gregory Sayer but to be too particular would be tedious And so I shall pass by e Tyrannicidium seu Scitum Catholicorum de Tyranni internecione Quest 2 3. Jacobus Kellerus the German Jesuit and Mr. f Grounds of Obedience and Government pag. 122 123 124 133 135 136 151 154 157 c. Thomas White an English Priest well known amongst us for his odd stile and opinions with several others CHAP. IV. That Kings may lawfully be kill'd by their own Subjects SOlon that ancient Law-giver to the Athenians though it was his design to put a curb to all Vice and root out Iniquity yet amongst his many other good and wholesome Sanctions he made no law against a mans killing of his Father not thinking that men could be so unnatural as to destroy that which gave them a being seeing the very Storks venture all for the preservation of their ancient Parents And the more modern Inhabitants of Vicaragua in America Tho. Gages survey of the West-Indies Pag. 74 75. Mexicana though Infidels had such esteem for their Governours the Fathers of the Country that they made no Law against the murthering of Kings Happy people whose innocent simplicity made them not capable to apprehend such monstrous Villany And must Christians be out-stript by these honest Heathens in virtue or is it decreed that Christianity should be a prop to wickedness Must we as they say of the Gloss of Orleance contradict the Text when we are bid to obey must we Rebel when we are bid to suffer must we kill and Murther Or must we think that the nulling is the fulfilling of a Law May we interpret all Commands as the Glossator upon the Canon-law with Oppositions that to g Statuimus id est abrogamus dist 4. § Statuimus Decree signifieth to abrogate or null or as another doth with the Civil-Law that by h Quo magis id est quo minus Cod. lib. 3. de judiciis Tit. 1. c. 3. § Quoties so much the more must be meant so much the less No yet such there are or else we do not rightly understand the Text or their Comment The learned Lord i Hist Hen. VII p. 134. Verulam tells us that conditional Speeches with Ifs and And 's doth not qualifie Treason Burdet the Merchant in London suffered as a Traytor under Edward the Fourth onely for saying that he would make his Son Inheritor of the Crown meaning his own House and Collingburn under Richard the Third for making this Pasquil upon his favourites Lovel Ratcliff and Catsby with an allusion to himself by a Bore his Cognizance or Badge in Arms The Rat the Cat and Lovel the Dog Rule all England under the Hog Since the Crowns of Princes are so nice people should be more circumspect how they treat of them especially when it concerns a mischief and the people may think that they are somewhat related to it and though the Rule be but obscure they are apt to take the staff by the wrong end and apply it to their own pleasures and desires of Novelty Though the Letter Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est To kill Edward do not fear is a good thing was dubious and might have a double interpretation yet Gurney and Maltravers had will and malice enough to understand it for the
56. that he would rather loose his head than not acknowledge this Authority to lye in the Roman Chair And Pope Sixtus the Fifth could make a f See Will. Warmingtons moderate defence of the Oath of Allegiance pag. 127 128 c. Speech in a full Consistory of Cardinals in commendation of the horrid murther of Henry the Third King of France CHAP. VI. For how many causes according to the Romanists a King may be deposed THey say 't is good to have many strings for a bow if one fail another may hold and others think they can do any thing by a distinction though it signifie nothing he that divided himself between the Arch-bishop of Colen and the Prince Elector was well retorted upon by the Boor If the Prince go to the Devil what will become of the Bishop And the Scotch Presbyterian g Hist Reformat of Scotland p. 392 393. John Knox used this art when he would not have the King but the Offender suffer Our English Covenanters thought they clear'd themselves of Rebellion by declaring that they fought not against the King but his evil Council and that h Ex. coll p. 727. Treason is not against the Kings person as he is a man but in relation to his Office And the Independant when the Presbyterian had i Declar. for Non-address 1647. declared that they could not repose any more trust in the King and made it Treason for any to address to him and so had laid him by as useless supposed they vindicated themselves sufficiently by affirming that they onely beheaded a private man the Presbyterians having formerly kill'd the King And these quirks to further Rebellion and to make the murthering of Kings more plausible are used by a De justitia lib. 2. c 9. dub 4. § 10 12. Lessius b Tom. 3. disp 5. Q. 8. punct 3. Valentia c Institut Sacerdot lib. 5. cap. 6. § 10. Tolet d Defens sid Cathol lib 6. cap. 4. § 14 18. Suarez e De justa abdicat Hen. III. Boucher Father f Qu'et and sober reckâ—ning pag. 321. Parsons g De justitia lib. 5. Q. 1. Art 3. Soto h Refutat Aphorism pag. 158. § 94. Heissius i De justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. Molina k Controveâ—s Anglic. pag. 115. Becanus and several others of the chief writers amongst the Romanists so that these and our Covenanters need not be so earnest in upbraiding one another with Treason When people are resolved for mischief 't is not difficult to pretend reasons and sinde out means to carry on the design plausible enough to blinde the giddy multitude To ruine the innocent many and strange Articles and accusations shall be framed against him and though not one of them can make him an Offender rather than their malice should fail of its purpose they will jumble them all together to make him a Traytor as the wicked-long-Parliament did with the Earl of Strafford and l Prynns Canterbâ—ry's doom pag. 51. Maynard used the same plea and means to hasten the murther of Arch bishop Land O the strength of a Covenanâ—ing Reason as if though one Elders Maid alone could not make a Dog an hundred of them could make a Mastiff could number thus aâ—â—er its being Prâ—teus would be out-vapour'd by this Argument and irrational and poysonous Creatures might once again ascend to be Classical Assembly-men for thus forty or fifty Asses together would be a Presbyterian though one by it self could not be a man But it may be they will thus prove their Assertion though one Assembly mans m Especially the first Edition notes will not make a Diodate or a Dutch Comment all the Assembly together will because it may be they will say that they stole all their Annotations out of them if this be their Argument I shall neither trouble my self to see whether they confess truth or no nor give them any reply to it What various Arts and devices with impertinent and poor pretences have been used by some Popes and their Part-takers not onely to lessen the authority but ruine the being of some Kings History can best inform us And some of their several causes and reasons they bring to prove the legality of proceeding against Kings shall be briesly hinted at in this place I. n Com. in Esther pag. 95. Feuardentius the Franciscan affirms that a King may be deposed if he be too prodigal in lavishing away the publick Revenues either by scattering them amongst his cringing Courtiers or some other spend-thrift-way That this is a fault no man can deny but how either to judge of it or hinder it belongs not to us and 't is too obscure either for our eyes or brains But we might retort upon the Chair of Rome the excessive extortion that some of them make to enrich their Kindred And the extravagancy of Sixtus the Fourth cannot be excused bestowing such excessive sums amongst his Whores II. Others say that a King may be deposed if he be a breaker of his Mart. Becanus Controv Angl. pag. 135. R. Parsons conference about succession pag. 32 36 73 77. Feuardent com in Esther pag. 94. promise to his Subjects or a violator of his publick Faith And if so why may not Popes run the same Exit who think it not lawful to keep Faith with Hereticks and are as apt as any to break them upon every advantage III. Another way to have a King deposed is this if he either study Feuard pag. 91. make use or approve of the Art of Magick or acquaint himself with those who do so This accusation would serve the Vulgar and the better because they are not competent Judges In former time 't was almost dangerous to have above a common stile in the Mathematicks so that our Roger Bacon Albertus Magnus and other famous Scholars can at this day scarce quit themselves from being thought Conjurers by the multitude and some have been too bold in throwing such wicked opinions upon Joseph Salomon and some others for whom Monsieur Naudé hath composed an Apology As for the Popes their own Platina affirms Sylvester the Second to have dealt with the Devil Card. Benno and some others think that Benedict the Ninth and Gregory the Seventh were too familiar that way though the former a Naudé Apol cap. 19. French-man endeavours to clear them of that crime and so I leave every man to his own judgement IV. If a King be guilty of b Jo. Azorius Instit Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. Jo. Bapt. Boiardus Addit ad Julii Clari practic criminalem Qu. 35. § 6. Feuard 91. Perjury some of them say he may be deposed for that fault If they think Perjury to be such an horrid sin as who can deny its heinousness they should not encourage Subjects to run so easily into this crime by making them break their Oaths of Allegiance to their respective Princes by
della potesta Eccles pag 68 76. Paris de Puter de syndicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Jul. Ferrettus de re milit p. 156. § 113. p. 354. § 26. Giov. Filoteo Nuova Resposta contra Venetia p 16 59. Celsus Mancinus de juribus Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Dionys Carthus de authoritate Papae lib. 1. aâ—t 6. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit Clerical part 1. p. 282. § 110. Hostiens Summa lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret. § qua poena ferratur § 11. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub. Statu p. 545 547. Jo. Turrecremata Summa de Eccles c. 14. propos 4. Dom. Soto in sentent disp 25. qu. 2. art 1. § Tertio Petr. de Palude de causa Immediate Eccles potest art 4. Jo. de Seloa de Beneficio part 4. qu. 8. § 25. Jo. à S. Geminiano Summa de Exemplis lib. 8. cap. 60. Gabr. Berart spectacul visitat c. 22. § 46. Paul Carraria de literali ac Mystico Regularum jâ—ris interpretatione qu. 2. art 4. punct 2. § 25 26 27. by his indiscretion not fit for Rule they say he may then be deposed Thus they say Childerick was deprived from being King of France because he was a little easie natured not given to action nor so wise as his Neighbours whereby he was unfit for Rule This may make the being of Government most unstable the giddy multitude and the factious being apt to interpret this Rule at any time to their pleasures when before these late Wars Sir Henry Ludlow Father to the notorious Edmund Ludlow had the boldness publickly Ex. Coll. p. 552. before the Parliament to affirm that King Charles I. was not worthy to be King of England and no way punish'd for such abominable speeches whereby it appear'd how pleasing they were to the rest of the Commons what might be expected when they were more heightned in wickedness by their entring and continuing in open Rebellion If this one so vertuous religious learned and knowing a King be censured as unworthy what may other Princes think of themselves and their condition And yet 't is better to be thus soft-natured than so abominable wicked and cruel as Sixtus IV Alexander VI and some other Popes were amongst whom we may justly place John XIII or XII who I warrant you at this time waving his wickedness was every inch of him fit to be Pope being but a Baronius anno 955. § 3 4. XVIII years old if so much when he rul'd the Church as a Successor of St. Peter And if you think that this Youth was not young enough to be Christs Vicar what will you object against b Baron an 1033. § 6. Papyr Massonius de Episcopis Urbis lib. 4. fol. 174. Benedict IX a boy of XII years old and yet at that age was his litttle Holiness Pope of Rome and as infallible too as the best of them It hath formerly been a custom in c P. Messia Selva Rinovata part 4. c. 67. Franconia at our d Jo. Gregory's Posthuma p. 95 133 c. Salsbury at Cambray in Hanault and many other Cities for the young Boys upon St. Nicholas his day to chuse amongst themselves a Bishop who with his Myter and other little Episcopal Ornaments used to govern them till Iunocents day but it may be the Council of e Sess 21. Basil made a Decree against the Custom The former John and Benedict would have been pretty Popes for these Bishops and if we add a Baron anno 925. Hugo à Veromandia who was made Arch-bishop of Rheims at V years old and approved of by Pope John X or XI they would make up a dapper Council to govern the Universal Church and sufficient and vigilant and careful enough XV. For what other reasons they may depose Kings I cannot justly Dâ—m Paul Lopiz flase Clericorum part 2. § 77. Guil. de Monser rat de successione Regum dub 1. § 30. Sylv. de Priero Summa v. Papa § 10 11. Alex. Carerius de potest Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 3. § 18. Cels Mancinus de jurib Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Tho. Stapleton Tom. 1. Controv. 3. Qu. 5. Art 2. p. 710. Fran. Bozzâ—us de Temporall Eccles Monarch l. 2. c. 16. p. 553. Arnald Albertin Repet in C. quoniam de Haeret. Qu. 15. § 34. S. Bonaventur de Eccles Hierarch part 2. cap. 1 Aâ—ast Germinus de sacrorum Immunitat lib. 3. Proem § 9 10. Jo à Capistrino de Papae Authorit fol. 65. à Jul. Caes Madim de sacris Ordinib 9. cap. 9. § 17. determine because many of their Writers will not particularize but by shooting at random and excepting none may give occasion for more than here set down and for ought that I know may tacitely allow of any for when they say That a King may justly be deposed cause being given without naming any they leave the people to judge them themselves And that they pretend more causes for deposing of Kings than we here charge them with is somewhat plain from b In 2. 2. p. 224. Petrus de Aragon who saith That a King may be deposed for any fault to which Excommunication is joyned And if we look upon c Summa aurea Armilla v. Excommunicat Bartholomaeus Fumus and some others we shall finde God knows how many causes laid down by them for Excommunication XVI But why need we search for Vices or make such a clutter to prove a King to be criminal As if iniquity wickedness stupidity or suchlike failings were the onely causes for which a Prince might be removed since we are informed that all these signifie nothing to the purpose it being not so much the defect of the King as the pleasure or rather will forsooth of his Holiness at Rome For thus are we told by no less man than Thomas Bozzius whose Authority is neither slighted by the Pope nor his Romish Favourites Although that a King be lawful and understanding in Government Sitque aliquis jure solers industrius potens Catholicus pius Tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approbante jure naturaâ—i Divino in Divini Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterâ—que nullum jâ—s alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaverint id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Boz de jure Status lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 287 288. Industrious Potent a good Roman Catholick and godly yet the Pope and the Bishops by the Approbation of the Pope by Divine Law delivered to the Church by Christ and his Apostles have power to take away his Dominion and Kingdoms from him and give them all to a third person who had no right unto them if so be that they think that so doing to be not onely necessary but expedient Most miserable must thus the State of Kings be if they thus lye at the Mercie of one which
ingenuement que c'a este un horrible Sacrilege digne d'estre brusle du feu du Ciel Et encor qu' Onuphre remitte en doubte cette Histoire elle est neantmoins receüe par la Commune voix de tous les Escrivains Coeffet Response au Mornay pag. 576. Nicholas Coeffeteau of his own accord quitting of us from this labour As for Pope Stephanus they say he was at last imprisoned by his Baron Coeffet Enemies and there strangled yet some onely say in the common phrase he dyed To him succeeded k An. 897. Romanus being chosen by a prevailing Faction of the Romans as l Pag. 477. Coquaeus saith against Albert Marquiss of Tuscany this obliged Romanus as an Enemy to Sergius and his party to favour Formosus whom in a Synod he vindicated condemning all that Stephanus had done against him so did his Successor m An. 898. Theodorus the Second After him there was great strivings to have the former Sergius setled in the Popedom but the contrary party carryed it who elected John the Tenth or Ninth his interest also lay for Formosus whose actions he presently Platina began to vindicate but in this a great number of Romans opposing him the Seditions and Tumults rose to such an hight that both parties had like to have gone together by the Ears and fought it out but to carry his business more clearly John leaveth Rome goeth to Ravenna where he gets LXXIV Bishops together with Sigonius an 898. whom he condemns the proceedings of Stephanus against Formosus and declar'd as sacrilegious those who had taken his body out of Coef p. 577. its Grave and cut off his Fingers and yet at the same time call'd Stephanus a Pope of a Id. p. 582. Stâ—phanum pâ—ae recordationis Baron an 904. § 4. holy and blessed memory And something he also did here in Temporals according as his interest led him for though he loved one and hated the other â—ope never so much yet self-ends perswaded him to reject and approve at his own liking for here he null'd the Coronation of Arnulph for Emperour as illegal though 't was done by his Friend Formosus and on the contrary received and declared as authentick that of Lamberts though crown'd by his Foe Stephanus the truth is he loved not the German greatness to have too much countenance neer him for which cause he desired Lâ—â—mbert to be present at this Synod for a farther confirmation of his honour And having now a King or Emperour according to his hearts wish the better to confirm the Popedom to his own associates or party he establish'd by Decree or renew'd the ancient Laws viz. b Coef pag. 577. That from that time forward the Popes should not be Consecrated but in the presence of the Ambassadors or Deputies of the Emperour Thus was Adrian the Thâ—d his Constitution contrary to this null'd And so much for this John who is branded by Platina as a Renewer or Reviver of the former broyls and seditions which were almost neglected or forgot After John succeeds Benedict the Fourth elected by the Tusculan interest and Consecrated according to c Contra Legem sine authorâ—tate Reâ—ia Sigon anno 899. Sigonius against the Law wanting the Royal or Imperial Authority Next to him we have Leo the Fourth neither humane nor divine Law being then observed and he was one neither wise nor fit for affairs as the same d Sigon an 904. Historian observeth Christopher his Chaplain taking opportunity by Leo's weakness assisted with other his Companions seis'd upon and imprisoned him and setled himself in the Popedom but ungrateful Christopher remain'd not long in this glory For e An. 906. Sergius the Third who had formerly twice attempted year 900 the Papal Chair and as oft thrust by did now play his part so well that he obtain'd his desire seis'd upon Christopher shut him up in a Monastery and after into close imprisonment where he miserably dyed This Sergius the Third again stirs up the dispute about Formosus and was so zealous an Enemy against him that he not onely thwarted all that had been done in vindication of Formosus by other Popes by his nulling and abrogating all that Formosus had decreed or done having all those re-ordained who had formerly received Orders of Formosus but not content with this he had his body f Platinada Bâ—rgamo fol. 311. Genebrard pag. 811. Carranza pag. 7â—6 Naucler Generat 31. pag. 656. Volaterran lib. 22. fol. 252. Ant. Coc. Sabellic Ennead 9. lib 1. fol. 209 La Cronique Martinianâ— fol. 103. dig'd out of its Grave again and beheaded as a Malefactor and so thrown into the River Tiber as unworthy of Christian burial and g Acta Rom. Pont. pag. 129. Baleus saith that the rest of his Fingers left on his righthand were now also cut off But some I finde of late to be very willing to have this inhumanity of Sergius towards Formosus his Carkass somewhat suspected or doubted because they tell us that Historians might mistake though in this we finde them very positive However if this will not be granted them yet if any question the innocencie or Religion of Formosus they have a Miracle at hand to help bravely at a dead-lift viz. that it chanced upon a time that some Fisher-men found this body of Formosus which they carryed to St. Peters Church which whilst they were burying all the Images there did reverence to the Carkass and if this be not good proof of his Infallibility I know not where I can satisfie or better my self And here I finde a De Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 12. Bellarmine b Pag. 579 580. c. Coeffeteau c Tom 1. pag. 479. Coquaeus and some others in a peck of troubles how to quit these contradictory Popes assisted by their contradictory Councils or Synods from Fallibility or being erronious But here they onely beat about the Bush and let them toyl never so much they will scare quit these infaliible Popes from two Fundamental Errors not onely of Fact but of Judgement and Doctrine viz. the acknowledging or not acknowledging of the true Pope and the re-ordaining those who had formerly rightly and legally received Orders as if they had been but meer d Tanquam nihil ab illo accepissent Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 4 c. 12. Laymen for all their former Ordination since they themselves confess that an Episcopal Character is indelible though he were never so wicked otherwise they would make the vertue of the Sacrament depend upon the sanctity or wickedness of the Priest Yet rather than grant Fallibility their great e Bell. ib. Cardinal would gladly insinuate into us that Stephanus might either not know or not believe that Martin had absolved Formosus from his Oath of never being Bishop and so might judge him not to be capable of the Popedom Very pretty indeed that Stephinus an intimate
ridiculous shadow without life or soul but as it received a being from Rome But leaving these we might tell you how a little after the English had got the Whim of a conditional Covenant and which is as bad Perjury For though they had sworn Allegiance to Maude Speed § 1 4 30. the Empress yet her they reject and swear a broken conditional subjection to Stephen Yet when they saw him a little downward then they cast him off and play the same conditional knack to the Empress Maude Sect. 2. The troubles of England by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket against his Soveraign King Henry the Second HOwever waving these though treasonable enough we shall come to the next viz. King Henry the Second of part of whose Reign it will not be amiss to give some hints seeing so great a man as Thomas Becket is concerned in it whom some call Saint and Martyr whilst others allow him no better title than a Traytor But of this with all brevity This Thomas Becket was Son to one Gilbert Becket a Citizen of London and by the favour of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was made an Archdeacon in that See and was placed about the person of Henry then but Duke who coming to be King advanced him to be Lord High Chancellor of England and upon the death of the former Theobald made him Archbishop of Canterbury Having thus seen the great rise of Thomas by the Kings love grace and favour let 's now see how he lost the affection of King Henry For some time he thus lived in great repute with the King though Henry was a little troubled at the humour or design of Thomas to throw up his Chancellorship without acquainting him with it After this the Pope call'd a Council at Tours whither went the two Archbishops and several Bishops of England having first procured the Kings a Per missione Regis Matt. Paris an 1164 leave for going thither Where an ancient b Guil. Neubrig lib. 2. c. 16. Historian tells us that Thomas privately surrendred up his Archbishoprick to the Pope as if the Kings Nomination or Investiture had not been sufficient which was restored again by the Pope and so Thomas was cocksure of both Presentations and Authorities And probably this underhand-dealing and nulling of his jurisdiction might somewhat alienate the affection of Henry although c Baronius d An. 1163. § 29. will not allow of any such surrender at this time though for his dissent we must not be content onely with his word neither producing Reason or Authority for his so doing since 't is probable enough being thus back'd with the Testimony of Neubrigensis that Thomas might yeild it up now in his Prosperity for a farther confirmation and in his low condition do it also to procure pity and so make his party there the stronger against his King and Soveraign which was then his main design Add to these the strange Priviledges the Clergy boasted of by exempting themselves from all secular jurisdiction were the crime never so villanous insomuch that a Priest of the Diocess of Sarum having murder'd one Thomas had him deprived and placed in an Abbey that so he might not fall under greater punishment according to his desert by the Kings Justiciaries lest forsooth he should suffer twice for one fault And upon this last pretended Priviledge may we lay the Foundation of the following troubles For the King perceiving no signs of Peace and Tranquillity amongst his Subjects if this exception of the Clergy was permitted the people of that Coat having committed above an hundred Murthers in the short time he had yet Reigned was resolved that all the Clergy who were taken in any Robbery Murder Felony burning of Houses and the like should be tryed in Temporal Courts and suffer as well as Laymen Against this wholesome Law the Archbishop opposeth himself and will onely grant that Speed § 14. all Clergy-men so offending should be tryed in the Spiritual Courts and by men in Orders who if they were found guilty should for the first time onely be deprived of their Office and Benefice yet he granted that for the second time they might lye at the Kings pleasure as some think though d Baron an 1163. § 31. others confess that he would not allow them at any time to be delivered over to the Temporal Authority And for these irrational Priviledges Thomas was so resolute that at Westminster he openly opposed the King and got others to do so too which mightily incensed his Majesty but pleased Pope Alexander the Third to the purpose yet fearing their hearts might fail them he sends his incouraging lines into England commanding them by vertue of their obedience to stand firm for the Exemption of the Clergy nor at all to consent to the King and that if he or Baron an 1163. § 39 40. any of the rest had in these times promised obedience to the King not to keep such promises but all this did not much prevail For the King was resolved to have the Laws and Customs of his Ancestors kept up in full force and carryed his business so well that at last he had not onely the other Bishops of his opinion but Thomas also consenting who faithfully promised and sware to observe them And for their farther ratification and authority the King calls an Assembly at Clarendon in Wiltshire where the Bishops and Nobility meet him and John of Oxford sat as President But here Thomas for all his former promise at first absolutely falls off and denyeth consent to the Constitutions though at last he was so far worked upon one way or another that he there publickly sware that in the word of a Priest and sincerely he would observe them to the King and his Heirs for ever But when the King would have him to Subscribe and Seal to them as the other Bishops had done he absolutely refused and retracted what he had formerly sworn The Constitutions in all were sixteen but those which Thomas opposed were such as these That Priests guilty of Felony Murther c. should be tryed before the Secular Judges That it should not be lawful for any Archbishop or Bishops to depart the Kingdom and go to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings License That no Bishops should Excommunicate any holding of the King in Capite or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings License or information to the Judge That if the Archdeacon cannot decide the Controversie they may go to the Bishop and from him to the Archbishop and lastly â—â— the King so that none shall appeal to the Pope of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings License c. These and suchlike were approved of at Clarendon by all onely Thomas excepted who thought himself to have sinn'd so grievously for the former consenting to them that by way of Penance he suspended himself from his Priestly Function but
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
made Archbishop Nay more when we see the Popes Legates and the Archbishops and Bishops of France earnestly perswade him to humble himself to his King And again the Legates to accuse him even to the Pope of his o An. 1168. § 33. provoking the King of France and Earl of Flanders against his own Soveraign of writing lyes to his Holiness against his own King and that his words neither tended to judgement nor peace And lastly when he hears the Nobility and others of his own Nation pronounce him a p Speed § 23. Bar. anno 1164. § 3â— 31. Traytor to his face And John Harding a zealous Romanist and one that bestow'd most of his time in search into our English History above two hundred years ago could boldly thus pronounce him a Rebel He exiled then Thomas of Canterbury Chron. Chap. 1â—1 Out of England and a Feel of his liance so a Manuscript many of his aliaunce b For cause of the Churches governaunce So have I read it in an old Manuscript Arch. Seld. in Bodleâ—an Oxon. But one may perceive that the Manuscript hath herein been abused by some bodies scraping out the first copy For cause of his rebellious governaunce And as he came fro Rome by Fraunce away With language fel he prayed the Kyng that day We might suspect that he was not so good and true a Subject as some would have him however not to deserve to be c Bar. anno 1173. § 2. yoak'd with St. Thomas the Apostle or to d Ib. § 7. exceed all other Saints or to be honoured with more Devotion and e Will. Somners Antiq. of Cant. p. 248. Offerings than Christ himself When again we consider that 't is the Cause that makes a Martyr and yet all the English Bishops declared to the Pope himself that this Controversie was meerly about f Ex levi minus utili occasione Bar. anno 1164. § 47. Trifles when also we know how strangely the word Martyrdom hath been mistaken by hasty Zealots as the g Pratâ—ol l. 4. § 14. Donatists who would seek their own deaths when others desired it not and would kill others unless they would h Parsons three convers part 3. pag. 168. kill them to make them forsooth Martyrs as if they were all of i Prateol l. 14. § 16. Petilians opinion who affirm'd him a Martyr that kill'd himself for his own sins or like the k Id. l. 3. § 19. Circum cellions who would kill themselves if others would not do it for them Why should Thomas Becket be a Martyr when he might have saved his own life as is very probable either by l Guil. Gazet. Hist des Saints pag. 999. tom 2. withdrawing himself as his Monks perswaded him or by making resistance which he forbad insomuch that he would not have the doors shut or defended against them But farther yet since m Vid. Andr. Rivet Jesuita vapul p. 127 2â—8 they tell us that the people did for a long time n Bellarm. de Purgat l. 1. c. 7. worship one for a Martyr who took the pains afterwards to tell them that he was damn'd And the o An. Dâ—urâ—â—â—t â—a 8. Tâ— 14. § 4. Parisian Doctor was held a vertuous and holy man till being dead he told them he was damned and Hyrcanus whom Albertus Magnus put into his Letany is declared by p Tâ—hâ—res lib. 2. cap. 28. Serarius to be an Heretick Why should we be so confident that Thomas Becket is in Heaven as to make him the q Wâ—ll Somner p. 250. Titular Saint of Canterbury or to flock in Pilgrimage to him to have the benefit of his merits in such numbers as at one time there was about an r Id. pag. 249. hundred thousand worshippers of him in Canterbury from several places And when they tell us that presently after his death they began to Å¿ Caesarius Hist Mem. liâ— 8. c. 70. counterfeit the Reliques and experience tells us that the t Jo. Polyand disput p. 4â— c. Teeth of Moles the Bones of Mice and Cats the Tails of Beasts and suchlike have been worshipt for Reliques of great Saints Why should they be so confident of having truely his body as to bestow so much good and precious Stones upon it as u Stow pag. 576. twelve or fourteen men could scarce carry And that the world was cheated with false ware will thus appear His x Bar. anno 1172. § 17. brains were sent to be kept in St. Maria Maggiore aâ— Rome His y Erasm Colloq perigrinat Relig. pag. 270. face was set in gold and shew'd in a little Chappel behind the high-Altar at Canterbury his z Ib. p. 269. Skull in another place of the Church a Foot of his in the Vestry and a great deal of his bloud and a piece of his Crown was convey'd to a Will. Somner p. 167. St. Augustins Abbey in the same City for which the Abbey gave to the Cathedral Church several houses and a piece of ground And yet when in Henry VIII's time the Shrine was defaced there was found in it b Will. Lambard's Peramb of Kent 337. a whole intire body head and all as of one but lately dead And much of the same truth was that c Erasm ib. p. 273. upper-leather of his old Shooe which they offer'd to Travellers to London to kiss but really to beg by And lastly if that be true which they tell us viz. d In Barth Fumus Summa Aurea verb. de Canonizat § 2. that those Reliques must not be worshipt if there be any doubt that they are not really of Saints then hath the world been cheated by the supposed Reliques of Thomas Becket And I know no reason by the same rule why they should so venerate Thomas since they cannot positively swear his being in Heaven unless they will subscribe to that fond Rule in e De Purgat l. 1. cap. 9. Bellarmine that the Pope is also infallible in Canonization so that whom he declares a Saint must of consequence be in Heaven though he were in Hell before As for my self I am superstitious and curious enough in things of Antiquity but seeing of Reliques there is scarce one true amongst five thousand I am less credulous and careful To conclude with Thomas as I have no power or authority to determine of his Saintship so I shall suspect his Martyrdom and Allegiance but freely grant that he was murthered The most memorable actions fell to him upon f Matt. Paris an 1169. pag. 116. Tuesdays as some observe Thursdays have been the worst days to the Kings of England CHAP. IV. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the
the Austrians stir'd up either by the f Id. pag. 4â—4 439. Pope or Fredericks Enemies rise up against him whereupon he was forced to forsake his design at Milan But having quiered all in Germany he returns against the Rebels year 1237 in Italy earnestly desiring the Popes assistance against these Traytors But Gregory after a g Matt. Paris p. 444. 1238. dissembling manner made shew as if he also fear'd the Imperial Armies and so neglected his aid Frederick marcheth on beateth the Milanois conquering all the Rebels before him The Pope seeing thus all to go well on the Emperours side sends to him to spare the people and accept of a peace But these things not fadging according to the Popes humour he Leagues himself with the Venetians and Genovois against Frederick and then h 1239. Excommunicates him and absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance And this be sends all over with many aggravations against the Emperour all which Frederick undertook to i Matt. Paris p. 493 494 495 496 501 520 521. Pet. de Ven. lib. 1 Ep. 1. 50. answer At last the breach widening and who would not be angry to loose an Empire disdain turn'd their Prose into Poetry And Bzov. anno 1239. § 7 thus they Libel one another which you may take as themselves relate it with their variations And first they say the Emperour thus shews himself Roma diu titubans a Variis longis erroribus act a b Totius mundi Corruet mundi desinet esset caput Rome so long shook with divers errours shall Now cease to be head of the World and fall To which the Pope thus returns Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri Fluctuat at nunquam c Mergitur illa desinet esse Ratis In vain thou striv'st to drown St. Peters boat It ne'er shall cease to be but always float To which thus again Frederick Fata d Docent volunt stellaque e Moment docent aviumque volatus f Totius malleus unus erit Quod Fredericus ego Malleus Orbis ero The Fates the Stars and Auguries decree That I the Conquerour of the world shall be And at last Gregory gives this return g Fama resert Fata volunt Scriptura docet peccata loquuntur Quod tibi vita brevis poena perennis erit The Fates and Scripture tell your sins report Your pains shall never end though life but short h Acts Mon. Tom. 1. p. 409. John Fox affords you other Verses to this purpose Gregory having thus by his toyish Censures deprived Frederick as he thought and some Italian writers look upon him for the future as no Emperour consults for a new Election and at last pitcheth upon Robert Brother to the King of France But this by the French St. Lewis is rejected as ridiculous alledging the Matt. Paris p. 517 518. Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 2. pag. 134. Pope to have no power over the Emperour and that Frederick was a good Christian Neighbour Friend and Ruler And so this design fell to the ground The Pope being thus frustrated by so great a Monarch entred into a Treaty with Frederick but though agreement made being fickle-humoured he would i Id. pag. 541. stand to nothing to the amazement and grief of his own Legates However Gregory resolved to undo the Emperour summon'd a Council to confirm his deposition but this was hindred by Fredericks seizing of some Cardinals and Bishops going thither and the Popes year 1241 death who had given k Mutius pag. 209. Indulgences to all those who would take up the Croisaidy against the Emperour The death of Gregory ended not the troubles of Frederick for Innocent IV was as furious against him as the former though a friend to him when a Cardinal which made the Emperour upon notice of his Election knowing that Authority commonly alters the man and Popes used to be enemies to the Empire say That he had lost a good Cardinal friend but got a mortal enemy being Pope And this proved true Yet the Emperour being stronger in Italy Innocent fled into France where he excommunicates Frederick of which Mat. Paris tells us this following story A certain Curate of Paris having received the Order to excommunicate year 1245 him and not liking such dealings against the Emperour yet willing in some way to satisfie the command thus bespake his Parishioners Give ear all good people I have received order Mat Paris an 1245. p. 654. to pronounce the solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Emperour Frederick the Candles put out and Bells ringing But not knowing the reason though I am not ignorant of the great quarrel and inexorable hatred between them and I know also that one of them doth injure the other but which is the offender I know not Therefore so far forth as my power doth extend I excommunicate and pronounce excommunicated one of the two namely he that doth injury to the other and I doe absolve him that doth suffer the injury which is so hurtful to all Christendome At which honest meaning humour the Emperour was very well pleased whilst the Pope on the other hand was as much offended Who to make his cause more plausible gets a Council call'd at Lyons where the Emperour is again excommunicated though the Pope would not permit him to come there in person to answer for himself nor remit any of his fury towards him though the Kings of France and England would ingage for his good behaviour and due obedience Frederick being informed how the Pope and Council had declared him deposed plucks up his spirits plays the man despiseth their trifling authority over him affirms himself no subject to their Mat. Paris p. 679. deposition calls for his Crown puts it on his head and bravely and wisely resolves to keep it there On the other side those on the Popes faction looking upon 1245. 1246. Frederick as deposed consult another election and at the Popes Instigation chose Henry Lantsgrave of Turinge of whom or some other they had a Mat. Paris p. 608. formerly the same thoughts and Crown him at Aken Though St Lewes King of France upon many reasons would gladly have b Id. p. 697. perswaded the Pope to a reconciliation with the Emperour Frederick but Innocent would not Henry the Lantsgrave enjoyed not his Title long being wounded year 1247 to death as some say as he was besieging Vlme after whom and a design upon some c Mat. Paris p. 808. others by the same means was elected William Earle of Holland who d Notae in Hadr. Barland Hist com Holland p. 67. 1250. some say was afterwards Crown'd by Pope Innocent at Genoa whom we shall leave rejoycing at the departure of Frederick who dyed in Italy some say poysoned others think stifled However it be he was an excellent Scholar and Linguist speaking French Italian German Latin Greek and Arabick and
English Clergy and that almost all his Nobility would fall from him having contrary to their Allegiance ingaged so to do And therefore perswaded him to submit himself to the Pope to hinder those inconveniences and thereby to keep himself a King The King mâ—inly troubled at these treacherous dealings of his own Subjects not knowing where to turn himself was I know not how terrified and overperswaded into an Ignominious condescention to the Pope by admitting of Stephen Langton to be Aâ—chbishop and the rest of his Rebellious Subjects to their former conditions and then unkingly to resign up the Kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope by taking off his Crown kneeling giving it to Pandolphus and laying the Royal Scepter Robe Sword and Ring at the Legates feet which Pandolf kept five days and then allow'd the King to have them again A thousand Marks â—â— Silver he also paid there for the Pope which the Legate as in a triumph trad upon for we must not think that he despi 〈…〉 â—nd left it behind him 〈…〉 so having thus gotten all that heart could wish takes off the 〈…〉 ict and lets England turn Christian once again Though 〈…〉 us that King John's submissions were of no force to 〈…〉 erity no King having power to give away his King 〈…〉 ake it tributary to a Forreigner no way akin to the 〈…〉 Nor could a Christian Bishop by following our Saviou 〈…〉 s whose Foundation lay onely on Spirituals thus make it hâ—â— business and wicked haughty design to make all Kings and Kingdoms Tributary or subject to his deposing and disposing of But for a farther nullity of King John's grant and concession I shall refer you to Mr. a Hist of Popes Usurp p. â—0â— â—91 2â—2 â—0 pag. â—20 Prynne And as for this Innocent III who thus domineer'd over Temporal Princes though these actions were enough to tell you what he was yet Matthew Paris in plain words will inform you that he was b Super omâ—es mortaâ—es 〈…〉 osus 〈…〉 suâ—â—â—bus pe 〈…〉 que sititor insatiaâ—ilis ad â—â—nia scelera pro praemüs datis vâ—l pâ—oâ—â—sis cerâ—um 〈…〉 Mâ—â— Paris pag. 245. the proudest and ambitious man in the world most greedy and covetous of Silver for which he was apt to do all manner of wickedness When the Pope had thus as he thought obtain'd King John to be his Vassal and so the Kingdom his he took his part after against his Enemies thereby the better to preserve what he had at last got in England And so passing by the several Rebellions against the King by his own Subjects their renouncing their Allegiance to him and declaring themselves subject to Lewes of France and suchlike King John dyed but the cause of his death is not agreed upon some saying a surfeit others grief and others that he was poysoned by the Monks of Swinsted-Abby in Lincolnshire who were of the Cistercian Order who thought themselves opprest by King John Father c Wâ—r◠〈…〉 pag. 〈…〉 â—20 Parsons is very furious against any that shall say this King was poysoned nor will he grant any Authority for it before Caxton and Trevisa though by his favour besides those ancient Authors mentioned by Speed and a Fox â—ryn pag. 366. others I my self have seen several old b Fol. F. â—2 fol. R. 67. Qâ—arto l. 35. Arch. Cant. in Bâ—bl Bodleian Oxon. Chron. Antique in English Verse Manuscript lib. Digb numb 196. Manuscript Digb numb 186. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Manuscript-Histories of England writ before Caxton who expresly declare the manner of his poysoning But be it as it will 't is certain that it is no Protestant invention but first recorded by Romanists themselves Sect. 2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth and Erick the Seventh Kings of Denmark HAving entertain'd you somewhat long in England we shall be the shorter abroad and first looking Northward into Denmark Ericus VI Henry was murdered by the contrivance of his Brother Abel The story in short thus Abel longing for year 1250 the Crown took an occasion when the King once went to visit year 1251 him to entertain him with all manner of love and respect but while he was playing at Chess or Tables with a Nobleman Krantz Dan. lib. 7. some Souldiers appointed rush into the Chamber take out the King carry him on Ship-board cut off his head tye some weight to his body and throw it into the Sea not far from Sleswick And not long after this was King Erick VII of the same Kingdom year 1286 murdered in bed by his own Subjects receiving upon his body about LVI wounds Sect. 3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second Emperour of Constantinople I Have not troubled you a long while with the Eastern Empi e because they would object it not to be of the Fellowship with Rome but now a word or two will not be amiss Baldwin II being Emperour of Constantinople and a c Tho. Bozius de jure status pag. 287 288. lawful one too as they confess was by force without any pretence or right thrust out of it by Michael Palaeologus who to add wickedness to wickedness contrary to his Oath put out the eyes of John the young Heir yet because there is no villany without some sign and pretence of sanctity d An. 1259. § 6. Bzovius flyeth out in commendation of his Piety and Holiness because when he was about this Rebellion he had the Image of the Virgin Mary carryed before him into Constantinople Baldwin complains to other Princes and he is like to have assistance Pope e Spond an 1261. § 10. Vrban IV being for him too against Michael Upon this Palaeologus is in a peck of troubles fearing to have more Enemies upon him than he can cope with and in this sad condition he findes no remedy like making the Pope his friend A strange attempt to fancie that the Infallible holy Father would have any friendship with such a Rebel but on he goeth cunningly pulls out his bait and sends to the Pope that a b Sâ—ond an 1263. § 6 7. Union might be made between the Graecian and Roman Churches and which must not but be brag'd of he gave him all the finest good morrows and glorious Titles of c Bzev an 1203. § 13. Holiness Father of Fathers Prince of all Priests Vniversal Doctor of the Church c. Pope Vrban at the receipt of this Letter is almost mad for joy d Id. anno 1264. § 2. writes back to Palaeologus adorning him with all the glorious Titles he can think of not a little proud that now there was hopes for inlargement of the Popes Dominions by his e Sub unus pasioris regimine sole governing the Eastern as well as the Western Churches a Sway and Authority which for many Ages the Popes had earnestly gaped after In the mean time Vrban IV dying Clement IV succeeds with whom the same League was driven
used to say to this Lewes a Defenâ—e me gladio ego te desendam verbo Protect me with your Sword and I will defend you with my Pen or learning but the Pope used his usual tool to confute their Arguments viz. cursing and Excommunication In this hurly-burly Lewes makes peace with Frederick his Prisoner year 1325 and sets him at liberty some say that Frederick retain'd the Title of Emperour others deny it however it was they were both good friends by which means the Pope by using more moderation might have shewn himself a good friend to Peace and Christendom But though it seems that these two were agreed on the business Pope John would not by any means permit Lewes to be Emperour but damned him again with his Censures Which made Lewes reject John as much proceeding also against him with his Censures nulling all that he had done against him and at last by advice declares him to be no Pope and so â—asheâ—rs his Holiness which made some wags call him but Presbyter-John or Prester-John which being done he creates a new year 1328 Pope who calls himself Nicholas V. The quarrel having gone so far Frederick of Austria dyeth and year 1329 so Lewes remains alone and peace might have been concluded at an easie rate to which purpose also Lewes himself writes to Pope John but nothing is done in the business and some time after John dyeth and Benedict XII is elected to sit in the Papal Chair year 1335 And in it was he searce warm when he began to follow the footsteps of his Predecessor renewing his Censures against him and approving of and conâ—irming all that John had done However Lewes sends to him that an Agreement might be struck up which year 1336 Benedict seem'd to hearken too but the conditions were so intollerable that the design fell to the ground Yet the Bishops of Germany pitying the distractions and miseries of Christendom by these divisions send also to the Pope to desire him to hearken to peace but the Messengers after long stay return'd home as wise as they went nothing being granted them Lewes seeing nothing would do summons a Diet or Parliment where the state of the Question being canvas'd he vindicateth his Imperial Authority denies the Popes jurisdiction over year 1338 him or it and shews the Incroachments of the Pope The Decree it self being manly not after the Papal Bulls Canting and Quakering stile and worth the reading but too large for this Breviary a Generat 49 pag. 8â—6 887 â—88 I shall refer you to b Nauclerus Benedict dying Clement VI succeeds who also renews the Thunderbolts against Lewes who sends to his Holiness desiring an Agreement Clement shews himself willing provided Lewes will declare himself no Emperour acknowledge all the Errours Heresies 134â— aâ—â—irm'd against him and that he was a Schismatick to renounce all right to the Empire resign it up unto the Pope nor to undertake it again unless the Pope thought good to give it him and farther that Lewes his person and his sons should be at the Popes disposing Lewes his Ambassadors how circumventing I know not subscribe and swear to these intolerable Articles at which the Pope did not a little wonder But when they were brought to Lewes he was amazed to the purpose at such an action done without his acquaintance and forsooth summons a Diet at Franckford where by the unanimous year 1344 voice of all that Assembly these Articles were declared intolerable destructive and pernicious to the Empire and by no means to be consented to though Lewes offer'd himself then ready to obey the Pope if they pleased but they would not yeild upon such harsh and severe conditions Pope Clement informed of this runs to the Papal Dog-trick pulls out his tool of Censure declares Lewes an Heretick Schismatick And Bellaâ—mâ—ne maâ—es thâ—se Câ—nsâ—es an Aâ—gument of the Popes Temporal Authority to depose Princâ—s Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. â—2â— 8. and what not pronounceth him deprived of the Empire curseth all those who take his part for which cause also he deprives Henry III Archbishop of Mentz and commands the Electors to look upon Lewes as no Emperour and so to go to the Election of another recommending to them Charles son to John King of Bohemia Some of the Electors obey the Pope meet and elect accordingly the said Charles which is confirmed by the Pope And not long after to the great comfort of Clement and Charles Lewes unfortunately ended his days by an unluckie â—all from his Horse which was hastned and occasioned by poyson given year 1347 him a little before For whose death Tâ— Deum laudamus was sung to the People Thus after above XXX years troubles and vexations ended Lewes whom I finde grealy commended for his Devotion towards the b Gononus pag. 312. Virgin Mary yet did not Germany injoy peace and happiness for several of the Electors not submitting to Charles elected and sent to Edward III King of England for Emperour but he for some reasons refused it then they chose Frederick Marquess of Misnia who also desired to be excused then by a Majority of the Electors was nominated Gunther Earl of Swarzenburgh who accepted of it and was Crowned and had many followers but he at last being poysoned Charles obtain'd his desires But of these things an hint is sufficient Sect. 4. The strange Tumults acted at Rome by Nicolao di Renzo and Francisco Barencello WHilst these things were acting in Germany there hapned an odd passage in Rome that had it gone on would have alter'd and non-plus'd all the Counsels and Contrivances both of Pope and Emperour which being somewhat strange not unlike the late bravado of Thomas Anello at Naples take it thus in short for a diversion Whilst Lewes Charles and Pope Clement were bandying it for the Empire there started up at Rome one Nicolaus Gabrinus son year 1347 to one Laurentius or Rentius and so by some Italians call'd Nicolao Bzovius Spond di Renzo who was by profession a publick Notary but one well seen in History politick and bold to any undertaking This man considering that the Popes for several years had lived at Avignion at which he knew the Romans to be somewhat discontented took this opportunity perswades the people to redeem their ancient Priviledges and Liberties They apt to change joyn with him whereby he became so strong as to seize upon the Capitol depose the Senators and take all the Government to himself Having thus got absolute Authority and all the people obedient to his beck through an odd humour he would have himself again baptized which was performed with great solemnity in the Lateran Church And the more to advance his own vain-glory in all his Letters and Deeds he appropriated to himself lofty and swelling a Nicolaus candâ—datus Spâ—â—tus Sancti miles severâ—s clemens liberator Uâ—â—is zelator Italiae Amâ—or orbis Tribut us Augustus Titles as the Candate Souldier
Edwards bloud Refuse to fear I think it good All which being written without any Point or Comma carries a double sence like the Pagan Oracles either to kill or save Edward by which means the knavish Bishop could interpret it for his own vindication if he were questioned for it Gurney and Maltravers receive the direction and interpret it according as it was desired and so they bend their studies to procure his Murther Once they indeavoured to stifle him by the stench of Carkasses and suchlike Carrion smell but that failing they went a sure way to work for one night they assisted with some fifteen other villains rush'd into his chamber he being in bed and with many Feather-beds and Tables laid upon him they smothered him and for more sure work and torment they thâ—ust an hot piece of Iron into his bowels through a certain instrument like a Glyster-pipe in at his fundament and that instrument they used that no wound might be found upon him As for the Murtherers they found contrary to their expectations Isabel and the Bishop of Hereford their mortall enemies construing their directions for the preservation of the King by which means they indeavoured to vindicate themselves to the people but Gurney and Maltravers being thus overpower'd by their own Patrons fled for it Such another like double-meaning sentence as this are we told of concerning Gertrude Queen of Hungary and Mother to S. Elizabeth Jo. Fox Mon. Tom. 1 pag. 348. so famous amongst the Germans Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego contradico To kill the Queen will ye not to fear it is good and if all men consent thereunto yet not I I my self doe stand against it And these devillish knaveries and double dealings possibly took their first thoughts from suchlike delusions as these of the Pagan Oracles let Satan or Man be the inventor and speaker Ibis redibis nunquam per bella peribis Thus Croesus that wealthy King of the Lydians was ruined by trusting to this Oracle Croesus Halyn penetrans magnam pervertit opum vim as Iyrrhus King of Epire was by this of Apollo Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse But to leave Heathen Fables let us return to Romanish Rebellions Sect. 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second ANd here passing by King Edward III so famous in Wars and that impudent Rebellion of Wat Tylor Jack Straw and such-like beggerly Villains in King Richard II's time a Prince unfortunate to be left to rule very young and under bad counsel which brought him into some inconveniencies in his after-Reign which procured him the ill will of many whereby he was made more capable of loosing not onely his Kingdom but his life For having Reigned some twenty two years and whilst he was in Ireland in quelling the Rebellion there Henry Bullenbrook Duke of Hereford and Lancaster landed in York-shire whither most of the Nobility and Bishops flockt to him raiterously owning him as their Lord and to make his way more easie Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury preached to the people against King Richard and which Rebellion never can want shew'd a Bull procured Stow p. 3â—0 from Rome promising remission of sins to all those who should aid the said Henry against King Richard for which treason year 1339 they should be placed in Paradise Brave Papal Doctrine from the Infallible Tripos of the Romish Bishop who is priviledged with an unerring spirit By suchlike irreligious tricks as these the Duke increased to an hundred thousand strong seizeth upon the King who upon this news was return'd out of Ireland hath him up to London where a Parliament being call'd he is overperswaded to resign his Crown which the Duke claimeth and hath it The Archbishop J. Haywardes Hist Hen. IV. pag. 96. 1 Sam. 9. 17. Behold the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall reign over my people of Canterbury making a Sermon upon this Text Henry being Crown'd King Richard was removed to Pontfract in York-shire where he dyed some hint as if for grief he pined away others that every day he had good cheer set before him but not permitted taste of it but the common Opinion is that and by the desire and hints too of Henry he was murdered violently by b Spond an 1â—99 § 8. Wâ—ll â—â—xâ—on coâ—â—â—uat of Polycion lib. ult cap 9. Weapons the wicked Author of which they say to be Sir Pierâ— of Exton a Knight and favourite of Henries However it was for diversion sake take it thus from the Poems of Samuel Daniel one held to be very knowing in our English Histories and Antiquities c The Wars of York and Lancâ—â—ter Book II. § 99. And now the whilst d King Râ—chard II and his Queen Isabel meeting together and lameâ—ting their conditions these Princes sorrowed Forward ambition came so near her end Sleeps not nor slips th' occasion offered T' accomplish what he did before intend A Parliament is forthwith summoned In Richards name whereby they might pretend A form to grace disorders and to show Of holy right the right to overthrow 100. And could not Majesty be ruined But with the fearful power of her own name And must abus'd obedience thus be led With powerful Titles to consent to shame Could not Confusion be established But Form and Order must confirm the same Must they who his Authority did hate Yet use his stile to take away his State 101. Order how much predominant art thou That if but onely thou pretended art How soon deceiv'd mortality doth bow To follow thine as still the better part 'T is thought that reverent Form will not allow Iniquity or Sacred Right pervert Within our souls since then thou dwel'st so strong How ill do they that use thee to do wrong 102. So ill did they that in this formal course Sought to establish a deformed right Who might as well effected it by force But that men hold it wrong what 's wrought by might Offences urg'd in publick are made worse The shew of Justice aggravates despight The Multitude that look not to the Cause Rest satisfi'd so it be done by Laws 103. And now doth Envy Articles object Of Rigor Malice private favourings Exaction Riot Falshood and neglect Crimes done but not to b' answered by Kings Which Subjects may complain but not correct And all these faults which Lancaster now brings Against a King must be his own when he By urging others sins a King shall be 104. For all that was most odious was devis'd And publish'd in these a 32. or 38. Articles abroad All th' errors of his youth were here compriz'd Calamity with Obloquie to load And more to make him publickly despiz'd Libels Invectives Rayling Rimes were sow'd Among the Vulgar to prepare his fall With more applause and good consent of all § § § 107. Vpon these Articles in Parliament So heinous made inforc'd and urg'd so
hard He was adjudg'd unfit for Government And of all Regal Power and Rule debar'd For who durst contradict the b Henry IV. Dukes intent Or if they durst should patiently be heard Desire of change old wrongs new hopes fresh fear Being far the major part the cause must bear The King being thus deposed the Poet goeth on to declare how Henry the better to keep himself secure wish'd the death of Richard and how his meaning being understood the murther was barbarously accomplished Book III. § 56. He knew his time and yet he would not seem Too quick to wrath as if affecting bloud But yet complains so far that men might deem He would 't were done and that he thought it good And wish'd that some would so his life esteem As rid him of these fears wherein he stood And therewith eyes a a Sir Piers Exton Knight that then was by Who soon could learn his lesson by his eye 57. The man he knew was one that willingly For one good look would hazzard soul and all An Instrument for any villany That needed no Commission more at all A great ease to a King that should hereby Not need in this a Court of Justice call Nor seem to will the Act for tho' what 's wrought Were his own deed he grieves should so be thought 58. So foul a thing O thou Injustice art That tortrest both the doer and distrest For when a man hath done a wicked part How doth he strive t' excuse to make the best To shift the fault t'unburthen his charg'd heart And glad to finde the least surmise of rest And if he could make his seem others sin What great repose what ease he findes therein 59. This Knight but yet why should I call him Knight To give Impiety this reverend stile Title of honour worth and vertues right Should not be given to a wretch so vile But pardon me if I do not aright It is because I will not here defile My unstain'd Verse with his opprobrious name And grace him so to place him in the same 60. This Caitif goes and with him takes eight more As desperate as himself impiously bold Such Villains as he knew would not abhor To execute what wicked act he would And hastes him down to Pomfret where before The restless King convaid was laid in hold There would he do the deed he thought should bring To him great grace and favour with his King 61. Whether the soul receives intelligence By her neer Genius of the bodies end And so imparts a sadness to his sence Foregoing ruine whereto iâ— doth tendâ—â— Or whether Nature else hath conference With profound sleep and so doth warning send By prophetizing dreams what hurt is near And gives the heavy careful heart to fear 62. However so it is the now sad King Tost here and there his quiet to confound Feels a strange weight of sorrows gathering Vpon his trembling heart and sees no ground Feels sudden terror bring cold shivering Lists not to eat still muses sleeps unsound His senses droop his steady eyes unquick And much he ails and yet he is not sick 63. The morning of that day which was his last After a weary rest rising to pain Out of a little gate his eyes he cast Vpon those bordering Hills and open Plain And views the Town and sees how people past Where others liberty makes him complain The more his own and grieves his soul the more Conferring Captive Crowns with Freedom poor 64. O happy man said he that loe I see King Richards complaint in Pomfret Grazing his Cattle on those pleasant Fields If he but knew his good how blessed he That feels not what affliction Greatness yeilds Other than what he is he would not be Nor change his state with him that Scepters weilds Thine thine is that true life that is to live To rest secure and not rise up to grieve 65. Thou sit'st at home safe by thy quiet fire And hear'st of others harms but feelest none And then thou tell'st of Kings and who aspire Who fall who rise who triumphs who do mone Perhaps thou talk'st of me and dost inquire Of my restraint why here I live alone And pitiest this my miserable fall For pity must have part envy not all 66. Thrice-happy you that look as from the shore And have no venture in the wrack you see No int'rest no occasion to deplore Other mens travails whilst your selves fit free How much doth your sweet rest make us the more To see our misery and what we be Whose blinded greatness ever in turmoyl Still seeking happy life makes life a toyl 66. Great Dioclesian and more great therefore For scorning that whereto vain pride aspires Reckoning thy Gardens in Illyria more Than all the Empire all which th' earth admires Thou well didst teach that he is never poor That little hath but he that much desites Finding more true delight in that small a His Garden in Solonia a City in Dalmatia after he had resigned up the Roman Empire ground Than in possessing all the Earth was found 67. Are Kings that freedom give themselves not free As meaner men to take what they may give What! are they of so fatal a degree That they cannot descend from that and live Unless they still be Kings can they not be Nor may they their Authority survive Will not my yeilded Crown redeem my breath Still am I fear'd is there no way but death 68. Scarce this word death had sorrow uttered But in rusht one and tells him how a Knight Is come from Court his name delivered What news with him said he that trayterous wight What more removes must we be farther led Are we not sent enough yet out of sight Or hath this place not strength sufficient To guard us in or have they worse intent 69. By this the bloudy troop were at the door When as a sudden and a strange dismay Inforc'd them strain who should go in before One offers and in offering makes a stay Another forward sets and doth no more A third the like and none durst make his way So much the horrour of so vile a deed In vilest mindes hinders them to proceed 71. At length as to some great assault the Knight Cheers up his fainting men all that he can And valiantly their courage doth incite And all against one weak unarmed man A great exploit worthy a man of might Much honour wretch therein thy valour wan Ah poor weak Prince yet men that Presence fear Which once they knew Authority did bear 72. Then on thrusts one and he would formest be To shed anothers bloud but lost his own For entring in as soon as he did see The face of Majesty to him well known Like Marius Souldier at Minternum he Stood still amaz'd his courage overthrown The King seeing this starts up from where he sate Out from his trembling hand his weapon gate 73. Thus even his Foes that came to bring him death
away the Sword III. That he was unfit to govern the Kingdom then the Earl of Benevent took the Scepter out of its hand IV. That therefore he was deprived justly of his Royal Throne then was the Statue thrown down from the Seat with many unworthy and outragious speeches by Diego Lopez brother to the Earl of Placencia This done the other Lords with Henries young brother Alphonso who had stood a little off as spectators mounted the Scaffold took and lifted Alphonso upon their Shoulders crying out Castile Castile for the King Don Alphonso so the Trumpets sounded and they all went to kiss his hand as their true King Poor King Henry received this news patiently saying with the Prophet Esay I have nourished and brought up children and they have despised me But although these treacherous and disloyal servants have so wrong'd and scorned me by the Statue which they have degraded and thrown away all respect and duty which they owe unto me yet they cannot keep me who am the true King from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them For I hope in our Lord Jesus Christ who is the just Judge of Kings that their wickedness shall be destroyed and mine innocencie made known to the whole World And then considering how many Places and Nobles revolted from him and the powerfulness of his enemies he would oftentimes say Naked I came out of my Mothers Womb and the earth must receive me naked no man can become so poor as he was born And if God doth now chastise me for my sins he will comfort and preserve me hereafter for his infinite power killeth and giveth life hurteth and healeth giveth kingdoms and taketh them away lifteth up Kings and throweth them down again even as he pleaseth Yet did not the disconsolate King absolutely despair but sent to all places he had any hopes in to assist him against the Rebels and amongst the rest Don Garcia Alvares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes was very active for his service In the mean time the Conâ—ederates lay siege to Simancas upon the River Duero in Leon which was valiantly defended by Don Juan Fernandes Galindo and other Royalists And here the very boyes and Lackeys shew'd their zeal against Rebellion for understanding that the Archbishop of Toledo was the chief of the Faction in deâ—ision of him and the League they made an Image representing him which they named the New Don Opas the Apostate The Reader may here understand by the by that about the years 712 713 714 Julian Governour of Ceuta in the Streights on the African shore falling out with his Lord Roderigo the last King of the Goths in Spain in revenge joyns himself with the Moores with them enters Spain routs his Prince and by this treachery the Moores became Masters of all that Continent excepting the mountanous parts in las Asturias Biscay and Navar and so retain'd it for many hundred years till by degrees they were beaten out And thus was the name and rule of the Gothick Government lost In this wicked treachery against their own Country and Christian Religion was as a principal Actor Opas or Oppa Archbishop of Toledo who joyned himself with unbelieving Moores to the shame of himself and the loss of Christianity in those parts And this is that Don Opas to whom these boys alluded The Image of the Archbishop being in all sort prepared one of the boys sat down as Judge and the Treason being palpable commanded the Image to be imprisoned and at last pronounced sentence against it thus Whereas Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo following the steps of the ancient Bishop Opas the ruine of Spain for that he had betray'd the King his Natural Lord rebelling against him and detaining his Money Towns and Fortresses which he had committed to him is therefore condemned to be drawn up and down the streets and publike places of Simancas a Trumpet to go before proclaiming that the King did command this justice to be done to the Traytor Opas as a recompence due for his Treacheries and Treasons and that then it should be burn'd This sentence pronounced aloud we need not question but the young Judge was obey'd in every thing Then was the Image carryed out of the Town attended on with above three hundred boyes and burned with a great deal of triumph in the very sight of the Confederates Army which at last despairing of taking the Place rais'd the siege King Henry we may well suppose was not idle having in a little time got an Army of near upon an hundred thousand men This vast strength terrified the Leaguers so they fell to private plots and instigated one Juan Carillo to kill the King but this Carillo being taken prisoner in a skirmish and perceiving he could not live long by reason of his wounds was sorry for what he had undertaken desired to speak with the King ask'd pardon of him had it confess'd how his life was sought after and revealed to him other wicked practices against him and the next day Carillo dyed of his wounds The King with his potent Army might have quel'd all before him but through his love to peace and carelesness he lost all opportunities allowed of a Conference where it was concluded that every man should lay down his Arms and return home a Truce to continue for five Months and that in the mean time Commissioners should treat of a Peace Thus the King lost his cause his Army by his negligence wasting and slipping away Nor did the Confederates disband according to promise De Villena watching all occasions to see if he could get the credulous King into his clutches In the mean time Don Alphonso led a miserable life with the Leaguers and suspecting either their bad intentions or the success of his cause would willingly have agreed with King Henry and go to him but they kept him strictly threatning to a Petiturum veneno nisi râ—â—aret Jo. â—arian l. â—3 cap. 9. poyson him if he receded from his Government Both parties now seem'd weary so another peace is clapt up but very dishonourable to the King considering what an Army he lately had But this quiet lasted but a while they flee to Arms both Armies meet by Olmedo in Old Castile where the Archbishop of Toledo appears in his Arms upon which he wore his white Stole poudred with red Crosses The Battel is fought and both parties year 1467 cry victory but the Kings party daily wasted insomuch that most forsook him and like a private Gentleman hew as content to skulk up and down accompanyed with some b Mariana cap. 11. ten horsemen At last after some trouble Alphonso dyeth about XVI years old upon this the Confederates consult about a new Head they generally year 1468 agree upon Donna Isabella his Sister send to her to accept of the Government and they would proclame and Crown her Queen She upon good advice refuseth all such profers declaring her obedience to
her King and elder Brother Henry and conjures them also to loyalty to throw away all private Interests and Factions and conclude in a firm peace and union The Confederates perceiving that they wanted an Head and so a main pretence to countenance their Arms to the people and that whatever they had hitherto gained was more by their dissembling then strength that also the Pope Paul II had censured them if they continued in open wars For King Henry was held an obedient son to the Bishops of Rome for which Calixtus III had sent him formerly an Hat and a consecrated Sword which they use to bless upon Christmas-Eve at night laying them upon the Altar where they say Mass And farther they recollected that upon Henries death Isabella was like to be Queen whereby they could procure no favour or benefit to themselves by opposing her peaceable desires Upon these considerations they consented to an Agreement so Articles are drawn up a Peace concluded on Donna Isabella is declared Princess of the c Las Asturias formerly of a larger extent is now â— little Province between Galicia Leon and Biscay lying upon the Cantabrian sea 'T is twofold Asturia de Oâ—iedo and Astur de Santillana As the Heirs of England are called Princes of Wales and those of France les Dauphins so are those to the Crown of Castile call'd Princes of the Asturias Upon what occasion this â—hort Scheme may shew Alphonso XI had amongst other Children Henry a Bastard Earl of Transâ—amara took the Kingdom from the Tyrant Pedro and stab'd him with his dagger he had John I. who had Henry III. Don Pedro el Cruel had amongst others a bastard call'd Constancia she was marryed to John of Gant Duke of Lancaster son to Edward III King of England Upon the death of Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel though his bastard-Brother Henry II. seised upon the Crown and was acknowledged for King yet John of Gant Duke of Lancaster pretended the right to lye in him by reason of his Wife Constance and made some bustle about it Henry dying there succeeded his son John I. with whom and Lancaster a peace was concluded Lancaster to renounce all his Title to Castile and King John to marry his son Henry to Lancaster's Daughter Catherine which accordingly was accompish'd so both their pretensions united And for more honour Don Henry the young son was to be call'd Prince of the Asturias since which time the eldest sons of Castile were call'd Princes and the younger are titled Infantas This hapned about the year 1388. And so much by the way concerning the Title of Prince of Asturias yet do I finde Jehan Froissart who lived at this time to tell us that Henry was call'd Prince of Gallicia in his French Edition 1530. vol. 3. fol. 96. and fol. 143. In the old English Edition vol. 2. cap. 154. fol. 170. and cap. 176. fol. 214. Asturias and lawful Heir to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon with their dependants What troubles hapned in Castile after this treaty being not considerable I shall pass over Donna Isabella now declared Heir several matches were consulted of but she secretly joyned her self with Don Fernando Prince of Girona and the eldest son living to John II King of Arragon At this marriage King Henry was greatly vext as being contrary to his desire and without his knowledge But at the long run the King becomes more pacified and at last a 1474. dying she succeeds as Queen of Castile and Leon although some busled for Joane the supposed Daughter of King Henry but she is generally thrown by as a bastard being begot of his Queen Joane by one Don Bertrand de la Cueva afterwards prefer'd for his kindness being created Earl of Ledesma Master of Santiago and Duke of Albuquerque As for Henry himself he is by all esteem'd as frigid and uncapable of such loves Not long after John II King of Arragon b 1479. dying that Kingdom was united to Castile by the fortunate former marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella Here might I descend into the troubles of Navar and tell how Don Carlos Prince of Viana took up Arms against his Father John King of Navar and Arragon Upon which quarrel began the great Factions of those of Beaumont and Grammont the first adhering to the Prince and the latter to the King and the feuds of these two potent Families was one of the main causes of the loss of Navar to the Spaniard those of Beaumont assisting Don Ferdinand in the conquest against their own King and Country Of which more hereafter In short the Prince being not able to keep the field withdrew himself to Naples for sometime thence returns endeavours new troubles upon which he is taken and secuâ—ed Upon this the Catalonians rebel and though Prince Carlos was set at liberty and c Some say he was poyson'd by his Step mother D. Joane to make way for heâ—â—â—son Ferdinando to the Crown of Arragon dyed presently after yet they continue their Treasons The people of Barcelona publickly declare King John an Enemy to his Country and so they would withdraw themselves from his obedience And the Catalonians sent to Henry IV. of Castile to desire him to take them under his protection they being resolved no more to obey the Crown of Arragon Don Henry accepts them so they set up the Banners of Castile At last after a tedious War they are vanquish'd forced to submit and King John giveth them all freely a pardon But of Spain more in the next Century A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS Particularly in Spain Scotland and Ireland From the year MD. to MDC BOOK VI. CHAP. I. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived 2. Pope Julius II. Sect. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived THe Conquest of Navar being acted suddenly we year 1500 shall make the story of it but very short At the beginning of this Century we finde John d'Albret or Don Juan de la Brit and Donna Catherina King and Queen of Navar which had boasted it self a Kingdom almost DCCC years Ferdinand II King of Arragon having by his marrying with Isabella Queen of Castile enlarged his Authority and Dominions as also by his banishing the Jews and subduing the Moores to him in Granado made his Government more secure cast many a greedy a Jo. de Bussieres lib. 15. § 16. Spondan an 1512. § 21. thought upon the seising the Kingdom of Navar and then all of Spain Portugal excepted would be his own At last opportunity good enough as he thought offer'd it self which was thus Pope Julius II. a zealous Hotspur falling out with Lewis XII King of France Fernando sides with the Pope and having rais'd an Army not onely demands passage for it through Albrets Territories but the command of his strongest Castles and Fortifications and which was most the possession and custody of Prince Henry eldest son to Navar
your own with money you may levie here Forces of this Countrie as freely as in Spain who will serve you no less faithfully then your own natural subjects And although we cannot without censure of presumption give your Majestie advice in your affairs in Spain yet in that which may concern your service here we may speak more freelie as being upon the place and knowing by ordinarie experience many things unknown to any of yours that are not here The over late arrival of your Armie in our Waters took from it the Commoditie to retire it self in such safetie as it might have done coming sooner by reason of the great Winds that are ordinarie here in Harvest as also lack of Pilots experienced upon the Coasts of England Scotland and Ireland appeareth to have bred great harm to the said Armie which we could have remedied concerning Scotland to have sent Pilots from hence if it had liked your Majestie to have served your self with them Likewise saving better advice it seems to us altogether unprofitable to fetch the Armie by Sea if it may be avoided for many causes And amongst others because such as shall have fought by Sea shall be unable being wearie to fight again by land against new Forces So the best should be to shift by one way or other for spâ—ring of your men and Vessels and so the English Forces staying upon the Sea unfought with shall be disappointed and shall not come in time to assist them that shall be assailed by land Afterwards sending hither a part of your forces before the other which should go the right way to England and that secretlie by the back of Ireland Your Majestie should compel the enemie to divide their Forces and it may be should cause them send the greatest part hither where we might make them believe the greatest part of your Forces were arrived at least should make them a a The Scotch Copy runs thus At leist sâ—ld caus thame diâ—g rnâ—is as â—â—â—ikle of England and dâ—aâ— a great 〈◊〉 of thâ—ir Forces quhilk wald resist c. weaken a good part of England and draw away a great part of their Forces which would resist your landing and invasion on that Coaest And we may well promise that having here 6000 of your men and money to aid others here we should within six weeks after their arrival be a good way within England to approach and assist the Forces which your Maiestie should cause to enter there The Knight William Sempil Colonel can shew your Majestie the whole to whom we leave it Also we have caus'd to be writ both before and since his departure our several suchlike advises by Mr. Robert Bruce causing them to be address'd to my Lord Duke of Parma to whom your Majestie referr'd us at the beginning of these affairs And seeing your Majestie is dulie advertised and informed we will conclude kissing most humblie your Majesties hands heartily praying God to grant you full accomplishment of all your holie enterprises Your Majesties most humble and most affectioned Servants Earl of Morton G. Earl of Huntley Claud Lord Hammiltoun In the name of the other Catholick Lords in Scotland From Edinborough this XXIV of January M D LXXXIX The King one might think had no reason to mistrust Huntley having not long before marryed him to a gallant Lady a Being Sister to the Duke of Lennox a kin to his Majesty and also got him to subscribe to the Confession of Faith then used by the Reformed in Scotland and confer'd many favours upon him But all this to no purpose he is yet a friend to Spain and sorry for his subscription as may appear by his Letter to the Duke of Parma thus My LORD I Have received from John Chesholme the Letters it pleased your Highness to write the XIII of October full of most Christian affection to the well-fare of our Cause for the which I give your Highness most humble thanks The support of ten thousand Crowns sent to that end is received by Mr. Robert Bruce which shall not be imploy'd but for help of the most urgent necessitie of the said Cause as it hath pleas'd your Highness to direct After the b b Or rather Escape in which he assisted departure of Colonel Sempil I found my self so beset on all hands and pressed in such sort by our King that it behooved me to yeild to the extremitie of time and subscribe with his Majestie not with my heart the Confession of their Faith or otherwise I had been forced immediatelie to have departed the Countrie or to have taken the fields by resisting his Forces and such as he might have drawn out of England to his aid which I could not have done especiallie then when by the returning of your Army into Spain all hope of help was taken from us But if on the one part I have erred by the apprehension of dangers that threatned my ruine I shall on the other part endeavour my self to amend my fault whereof I repent me with all my heart by some effect tending to the weal and advancement of the Cause of God who hath put me in such credit with his Majestie that since my coming to the Court he hath broke up his former Guards and caused me to establish others about his person of my men by means of whom and their Captains who are also mine I may ever be master of his person and your support being arrived spoil the Hereticks of his Authoritie to fortifie and assure our enterprises Whereupon I beseech your Highness to send me your advise and assure your self of my unchangeable affections in my former resolutions although the outward actions be forced to conform themselves sometimes to necessity of occasions as Mr. Robert Bruce will more amplie write unto your Highness to whom I farther remit my self Praying God having first kiss'd your Highness hand to give you accomplishment of your holie enterprises Your Highness most humble and affectionate Servant G. Earl of Huntley From Edinbrough this XXIV of January a a Bâ—th the Scotch and English Copy hath 1592. but by a mistake M D LXXXIX The Earl of Arrol being turn'd Romanist by the perswasions of Edmund Hay the Jesuit is also by the same reasons very zealous for the Spanish interest as appears by his Letter to the Duke of Parma thus My LORD SInce God of late by the clear light of his holie Catholick Faith hath châ—sed from my understanding the darkness of ignorance and errour wherein I have been heretofore nourished I have been as soon perswaded in acknowledging of so great an effect of his divine grace towards me that I am chieflie obliged to procure since I know the enterprises of his Catholick Majestie and your Highness tend principallie to that end as also the advancement of some b b â—â— it against their own King for the King of Spain or what else civil cause which hath verie great affinitie and conjunction with
ours here That I may testifie by this present the affection that I have to the Weal of the one and the other having ever before my conversion been one of the number of your friends and servants for the respect of the last to the which the first of Religion which is the greatest and most important that is in the world being joyned thereto I am also become altogether yours which I most humblie beseech your Highness cause to be signified to his Catholick Majestie and to promise him in my behalf that he hath not in this Countrie a more affectionate servant then I neither yet your Highness as you shall understand more amply of my intention in particular by him by whom your Highness shall receive this present To whom after I have most humbly kist your hand I beseech the Creator to give you the accomplishment of your holy desires Your Highness most humble and most affectionate Servant Francis Earl of Errol From Edinbrough this XXIV of January M D LXXXIX At the same time the foresaid Mr. Robert Bruce the chief Agent writ to Francisco Aguirre a Spaniard then at Antwerp telling him that when he is again sent into Scotland Cause your self to be set on land near Seaton where I pray you to enter secretly and there you shall be kept till I come and finde you c. The following part of this Letter was writ in such cunning and obscure terms that they could not understand it We formerly heard of the imprisonment of some Lords for their Rebellion and now the King thinking for ever to make them his by his grace and favour releaseth them all freely onely Morton enter'd bond of an hundred thousand pound Scotch not to practice any more against him or Religion But in most the King found himself mistaken For William Creichton the Jesuite being forced to leave Scotlâ—nd year 1590 gets into Spain where he becomes Agent for the Old Cause Hath several consultations with King Philip how to advance the business and having brought all things to a fair pass sends Mr. William Gordoun son to the Laird of Abiryeldie with Letters to Mr. a He dyed at Paris 1620 aged 77 years he writ Controversiarum Christianae fidei Epitomen 1591. James Gordoun a Jesuit and brother on the Fathers side to George Earl of Huntley whereby he gave him and the Romanists in Scotland to understand what pains he had taken with the Spanish King and that the said King had confess'd to him that he had been deceived by the English and so would for the future follow the way and advice given him by the said Creichton both for the invading of England and the alteration of Religion in Scotland And the better to carry all on the said Creichton desired as many Blanks and Procurations as could be had of the Scotch Noblemen for the greater credit and assurance of his dealings and agitations At this the Romanists take heart and not to seem wanting on their parts they deal with some of the Nobility from whom they get Blanks subscribed two of which were procured of them by Sir James Chesholme one of the Kings chief Servants one of them year 1592 was thus subscribed in French De vostre Majestie tres humble tres obeisant Serviteur Guiliame Compte de Anguss Another thus subscribed De vostre Majestie tres humble tres obeisant Serviteur Franzoys Compte de Errol Other two Blanks were procured of them in Latine by Robert Abircrumby the Jesuite one of the main sticklers in these plots Thus Guilielmus Angusie Comes Another thus Franciscus Errollie Comes Other two Blanks were procured by Mr. George Ker brother to the Lord Newbottle thus subscribed Georgius Comes de Huntlie All these several Blanks should have been fill'd up and supplyed by way of Letters to the King of Spain and Credentials or Certificâ—â—â—s in behalf of the said Creichton at the discretion of the â—â—â—d Creichton and a There was one Jâ—mes Tyâ—ie a Scotch Jeâ—â—iâ—e wâ—o dyâ—â— at Râ—me 1597 and wâ—it under the nâ—â—e oâ— Gâ—â—â—g◠〈…〉 de Anâ—â—â—â—itaâ—e Eâ—cles Sâ—â—tiâ— buâ— whether this was the same Tâ—rie I know 〈◊〉 James Tyrie who should have writ over them what he thought most fit to carry on the Caâ—se Besides these there were two other Blanks thus subscribed in the midst of two open sheets of Paper Guillielmus Angussie Comes Georgius Comes de Huntlie Franciscus Errollie Comes b This â—â— Patrâ—â—k â—â—dâ—n 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 was Unâ—â—â—â— the â— â—oâ— Hanâ—â—â— Patricius Gordoun de Auchindoun Miles One of these two last Blanks should have been fill'd up with Procurations and whatsoever the said Creichton and James Tyrie should think fit for the confirmation of that which Mr. George Ker who was to carry them had in direction and credit from the Subscriberâ— The other to contain the Articles to be concluded on â—or the better security both of King Philip and the Scotch Nobility The sum of which credit was an assurance that these Noblemen should raise a power of Horse-men and meet the Spanish Army at their landing and to assist and accompany them into England And for farther encouragement these c Subscribers took the burthen on them and engaged that all the Romanists in Scotland would joyn and assist in the said Cause Besides these Subscriptions the Earls of Anguss Huntlie and Arrol deliver'd their Seals or Coats of Armes in wax for a further confirmation Nor did they doubt of carrying all before them the King of Spain having promis'd to send them by the latter end of Spring 1592 an Army of thirty thousand men to have landed either at Kirkudbricht in Galloway or at the mouth of Clyde according as the wind served And besides this to send good store of money to raise Forces in Scotland and to supply the said Army whereof a In this I follow the Scotch Copies of the Examinâ—tions but Archbishop Spotswood hath 15000. pag. 390. which I suppose to be a mistake in the Printer four or five thousand should remain within Scotland who with the assistance of the Romanists there should alter the Religion and the rest of the Army was to pass into England For the carrying of these Blanks and some Letters into Spain they had once concluded that Sir James Chesholme one of King James his chief Servants should be the Messenger being through-paced for the Cause he having then occasion to pass over to his Uncle William Chesholme by them call'd Bishop of Dumblane but the said Sir James being let by some private business that he could not be ready soon enough they pitch'd upon the foresaid Mr. George Ker Doctor of the Laws brother to the Lord Newbottle But he was b Decemb. 27. 1592. he was taken by Mr. Andrew Knox Minister of Pasley and afterwards Bishop of the Isles Ker was imprisoned but afterwards escaped apprehended as he was taking Ship and his blanks and other Letters seiz'd on some of which Letters take as followeth
gets hastily a company of men and makes towards the Isle Most of Barklays men were otherwise imploy'd dreaming of no such thing and himself not thinking that his plot was known did not take Knox his men though he saw them coming for enemies thus careless Knox lands and encounters him on the very shore upon which Barklay resolved not to be taken runs into the Sea and drowns himself and so there is an end of him and the Popish troubles in Scotland for this time CHAP. IV. The troubles in Ireland against Queen Elizabeth TO run through all the Rebellions of Ireland would be troublesome both to my self and Reader their whole stories and life being but an heap or chain of Troubles Riots Misdemeanors Murthers Treasons and suchlike enormities whereby they have not onely vext and molested their Governours but in the end brought ruine to the disturbers and such undertakers of disobedience Nor could any thing else be expected from the ancient Irish to whom civility and discretion were strangers but the Robbery of Cambden Britan pag. 790 791 792. others held a piece of Devotion insomuch that they never undertook such mischief without first sending up their prayers and after to give God thanks for such a good booty Though they profest themselves good Catholicks yet they supposed no small holiness to remain in Horses Hoofes and that the Lords prayer mumbled into the right ear of a sick beast was cure enough for its distemper and any man was held past living in this world if he desired to receive the Sacrament Nor need we look for many cures amongst them when to a Ric. Stanihuâ—st de â—ebus Hibeâ—n lib. 1. pag. 44. beat Eggs together to squeeze out with ones fingers the juyce of shred herbs to probe and finde out a wound were signes of an able Physitian and thus qualified he may go for an Hippocrates And no doubt but others of them were much of the discreet hardiness of b Id pag. 42. him who having received four desperate wounds and seeing his sword not hurâ— gave thanks to God that these wounds were given to his body and not to his sword And what else might be expected from those of former times when even within these few years they c Sir John Temples Hist of Iâ—ish Rebeâ—lion the Prefaâ—e ld pag. 84 threatned to burn and ruine Dublin to destroy all Records and Monuments of English Government make Laws against speaking English and have all English names changed Nay to put their thoughts into practice they endeavour'd to destroy all the goodly breed of English Cattle by killing many thousand Sheep and Cows meerly because they were of English breed and so to leave them lye stinking in the Fields and as others testifie to destroy the very Corn ' cause sown by English men And yet 't is known they had not only Government Civility and what else is praise worthy spred amongst them by the English but stately Buildings and other Ornaments of the Country whereas Dublin it self could not afford a place sit for King Henry II to lye in so that he was there forced to set up a long house composed of d Id pag. 4. Wattles after the manner of the Country therein to keep his f Riâ—h Stanibuâ—st lib 3. pag. 129. splendid Christmas But these glories and advantages some of them may think a discredit if not a ruine to their Nation and may fancie it as good to have their Kings as a Speeds Theater of Great Britain in Ireland in Vlster § 6. formerly to lap up their Coronation-sustenance without the assistance of Spoons or Hands and to sit in state naked within the bottom of a â—aldron at his Inauguration as to have Decencie and Manners Thrones or Magnificence amongst them However that which they supposed to ruine all you may guess at by this their complaint as old at least as King Edward the Thirds time as b Discovery of Ireland pag. 184. Sir John Davies supposeth c M S. F. 99 Laud p. 332. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. ex albo libro scaccarii Dublin By granting Charters of peace To falce Englishe withouten lesse This land shall be much undoe But d Gossipred a custom amongst them of trusting too much to God-fathers as they thought their Nurces and Forster-Children akin to them as Mother and Sister Gosipride and alterage And leesing of our Language Have mickley holpe thereto The truth is above all people they hated the English being willing that French Spaniard or any body else should rule them but those who do But of their Combinations and Overtures I shall go no higher then Queen Elizabeth though this following note by the way will not be amiss a M S. F. 99. fol. 185. Land in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Jehan du Tillet Recuil des Guerres Traitez d'entâ—e les Roys de France d' Angleterre fol. 157. Articles agreed upon between Francis I. King of France and James Fitzjohn Earl of Desmond Extracted by Tillet out of the Records in Paris Anno 1523. Francis I. King of France in a Treaty with James Fitzjohn Earl of b The French Copy calls him Jaques Conte de Cymonie Prince â—n Hybernie Desmond wherein he is stiled a Prince in Ireland It was accorded That as soon as the Kings Ships should land in Ireland the said Earl in person and at his own charge should take Armes against his Soveraign King Henry VIII not onely to conquer that part of the Kingdom wherein he lived which should be to the proper use and benefit of the said Earl except onely one Port which should be reserved for the French King for ever for to harbour his Ships in and that Port to be left at the Election of the King out of one of these three viz. d The French Copy reads thus Quinquesalle Core ou Drudal Kinsale Cork or Yoghal but also for to e As if he ever had it but no such matter restore the Duke of Suffolk to the Crown of England from whence he was banished and at the present living in France The Earl of Desmond for this War was to raise 400 Horse and 10000 Foot and if need required to increase them into 15000 or more The King Covenanted to entertain them at the rate of two Angels â—e peece for every man armed with Corsselets and Mayle for three months and for every man furnished onely with Swords and Halberts at one Angel le peece for the like time That for the draught of the Artillery which should be sent into that land by the King and the Duke of Suffolk the Earl should provide horses sufficient That after the War was begun the French King should not at any time make Truce or peace with the King of England without comprehending therein the said Earl and Turloghe O Brian with his Nephews That if King Henry VIII should after a Truce or Peace accorded make War upon the said Earl the French King
per Tho. White Mayor of Waterford These two Letters you may see in the honourable a Pacata Hibernla lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 142 143 144 145. Sir George Carew afterwards Earl of Totnes but with some mistakes by the Printer wherefore I have followed the Authentick Manuscript Copies whence he took his And thus much for the troubles in Ireland till we come to the next Century Though here it may not be amiss to add that several of the Irish Nobility either by the Queens or their own instigations conveyed themselves over to be Instructed in our English Universities as M S. Matriculâ— Antiqua Univers Oxon. Richard Bourke Baron of Dunkellyn studies at Christ-Church after this his Brother Thomas Baron of Dunkellyn at Magdalen Colledge Bernard Orwoirk a Knights son of Conaught at New-Colledge and Thadeus Bryan an Earls son at Lincolne Colledge in Oxford and in Cambridge I finde the Lord b Sir George Paule's life of Archbishop Whitgift p. 17. § 35. Dunboy's son at Trinity Colledge under the Tuition of the then Dr Whitgift afterwards the careful and worthy Archbishop of Canterbury So at the beginning of King James his Raign Henry O Brian Baron of Bryken and his younger Brother Brian O Brian entred themselves together in Brazen-Nose Colledge in Oxford Thus was the Kingdom of Ireland by the well bringing up of their Nobility designed to be well civiliz'd that they might the more appear like men and Christians which would the better oblige them to their Queen and her Government This makes it convenient to nurture up your very Enemies the better to reclaim them in Religion Learning and Morality But Sir John Perot was out in his Politicks when he taught the Irish the use of Arms whereby they afterwards became more formidable to the English and put them to far greater troubles and straits to reduce them to obedience The end of the Sixth Book A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS IN ENGLAND From the year MD to MDC BOOK VII CHAP. I. The Supreme HEAD of the Church King Henry VIII declared deprived of his Dominions BEing now come to England here we might finde matter year 1500 enough of the Papal malice to make up a large Volume but herein we must studie brevity and in so doing leave the particular Relation of Fights and Tumults to other Writers But first a word by the by concerning Henry VIII who procured to himself a great deal of ill will by declaring himself an absolute King over all his Subjects by being Supreme Head under Christ both of Church and State within his Dominions At this many of his Subjects boyl and grew scrupulous would finde many faults which were neither made nor intended and so cry down what was never set up Queen Elizabeth willing to give them content left out the word Head which was the main word they started at and was call'd the a 1 Elizabethae cap 1. Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal And in the form for Bidding Prayers thus b Q Elâ—z â—â—â—â—nctions anno 155â— Supreme Governour of this Realm as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal At this the Romanists not onely took exceptions but falsely spread abroad that by this Title the Kings or Queens of England took upon them to be in c Adeâ— quidâ—m 〈…〉 in administran lis Sacramentis sacerdotalem potestatem arrogari Sanders de 〈…〉 vâ—d pag. 316 317. Insoâ—uch as if He i. e the King pleaseth he 〈…〉 personaâ—ly Râ—flâ—ctions upon the Oaths of Supremacie and Allegiâ—â—â— â—wâ—g 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy Orders might adminâ—ster the Sacraments and had Sacerdotal Qualifications and Authority To take away this Rub and the better to satisfie the people the Qâ—â—â—n and her Convocation published this following Interprâ—â—â—â—ion An Admonition to simple men deceived by Malitious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Majesty being informed that in certain places of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sundry of her Native Subjects being callâ—d Ec 〈…〉 Miniâ—try of the Church be by sinister perswasion and 〈…〉 induced to finde some scruple in the form of 〈…〉 by an Act of the last Parliament is prescribed to be 〈…〉 persons for the Recognition of their Allegiance 〈…〉 which certainly never was ever meant nor by any 〈…〉 or good sence can be thereof gathered would that 〈…〉 subjâ—cts should understand that nothing was is or 〈…〉 meant or intended by the same Oath to have any other Du 〈…〉 or Bond required by the same Oath then was ackâ—â—wâ—â—â—ged to be due to the most Noble Kings of famous memorie 〈…〉 the VIII her Majesties Father or King Edward the 〈…〉 Brother 〈…〉 her Majestie forbiddeth all manner her Subjects to 〈…〉 credit to such perverse and malicious persons which 〈…〉 maliciousâ—ie labour to notifie to her loving Sub 〈…〉 of the said Oath it may be collected that the 〈…〉 of this Realm Possessors of the Crown may 〈…〉 and Power of Ministrie of Divine Service in 〈…〉 her said Subjects be much abused by such evil 〈…〉 〈…〉 her Majestie neither doth nor ever will châ—llenge 〈…〉 theâ— that was challenged and latelie used by the 〈…〉 Kings of famous Memorie King Henry the VIII and 〈…〉 VI which is and was of ancient time due to 〈…〉 of this Ream that is under God to have the 〈…〉 Rule over all manner of persons born within 〈…〉 â—ominions and Countries of what Estate ei 〈…〉 Temporal soever they be so as no other Forraign Power shall or ought to have any Superioritie over them And if any person that hath conceived any other sence of the form of the said Oath shall accept the same Oath with this Interpretation sence or meaning her Majestie is well pleased to accept everie such in that behalf as her good and obedient Subjects and shall acquit them of all manner of Penalties contained in the said Act against such as shall peremptorilie or obstinatelie take the same Oath And as if this were not authentick enough she took care that this interpretation of hers should be confirm'd by Act of Parliament in this following Proviso Provided also that the Oath expressed in the said Act made in V Elizabetha cap. 1. the said first year shall be taken and expounded in such form as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queens Majesties Injunctions published in the first year of her Majesties Reign that is to say to confess and acknowledge in her Majestie her Heirs and Successors none other Authoritie then that was challenged and lately used by the Noble King Henry the eighth and King Edward the Sixth as in the said Admonition more plainly may appear And as if this were not satisfactory she provided to have the Interpretation of this Oath thus inserted amongst our Articles of Religion thereby the better to demonstrate how far we are from giving any Priestly Function to our Soveraigns XXXVII Of the Civil
Magistrates THe Queens Majestie hath the chief Power in this Realm of England Articles of Religion anno 1562. Art 37. and other her Dominions unto whom the Chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forraign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the mindes of some dangerous folke to be offended We give not our Princes the Ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie But that onely Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should Rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men Taken out of King Edward VI. his Articles anno 1552. § of Civil Magistrates with death for heinous and grievous offences It is lawful for Christian men at the Commandment of the Magistrate to wear weapons and serve in the Wars And with these agree the Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops in a Anno 1615. § 57 58 59 60 61 62. Convocation at Dublin for the Kingdom of Ireland And because at the present I cannot remember any Historian to have taken notice of it I shall assure the Reader of one Passage concerning a Convocation of Divines In King James his time the Romanists on the one hand were so busie and zealous to advance the Popedom over all Principalities and Powers that the Crown it self must be disposed according to the pleasure of that Myter And on the other hand the Presbyterian Hâ—t-spurs were so rigoroâ—sly malepart that they would advance their seditious and blockish Assemblies or rather Conventicles above all Law Reason Loyalty Royalty and Divinity it self as appears by their coâ—tinual countenancing of Rebellion and Schism against their Kings and Bishops The first kept a great deal of clutter with St. Peter and is Sâ—ccessors the latter despis'd both him and all Biâ—hops â—he first would prove out of the Prophet b Jer. 1. 10. Exâ—rav Com. c. unam sanctam Gâ—â—g de â—ajor obed c solita Jerâ—my that the Pope was set Over the Nations and over the Kingdoms to root out and to pull down to destroy and to throw down to build and to plant The latter affirm'd that they were c Psal 149. 8. Tâ—â—â—nde â—hâ—r Kings with chains and their Nobles with jeâ—lers of I on The first would tell us that the Pope d Extra 16. had two swords â—hat all must be obedient to him upon pain of damnation 〈◊〉 he excels a King as much as the Sun doth the Moon or e Dist 96. c. du sunt Gold doth Lead That f Exâ—â—â— Joh. XXII T it 5 dist 22 â— omnes Gloss God hath delivered to him the Power and â—ule not onely of Earth but of Heaven too Nay that g Concil Ediâ— Regâ—a Paris Tom. 34. pag. 440. he wâ—s above all Power both of Heaven and Earth The latter despâ—â—ed all these Rodomontado's as coming from the Whore of Babylon and the Horned Beast but would fright the poor People out of their little wits by bauling out a Curse ye Meroz curse ye bitterly the Inhabitant thereof because they came not to the help of the Lord to the help of the Lord against the Mâ—ghty And with this they would Judg. 5. 23. carry on their Cause and Presbytery Regal Authority being thus designed to be nois'd and push'd down it wanted not many famous and Learned Champions as well here as beyond Seas Nor would King James himself be onely a Spectator in this Pen-Combat but he also falls to work and slighting the railing Rabble and inferiour Pickeerers he assaults and vindicates his Right against their greatest Cardinal who at first durst not incounter his Royal Aversary in his own shape but under the disguise of Tortus In the mean time a Synod being held in the time of that vigilant and industrious Prelate Archbishop Bancroft to the Reverend Divines there met was presented a large Tract containing M S. XXXVI Chapters to prove the Soveraignty of Kings and Chief Civil Governours above the High-Priests from the Creation to the end of the Jewish State which being read in the Convocation was wholly approved of by joynt consent And then being sent down to York it also past the Convocation there as appears by the Subscriptions to the said Treatise of Constitutions in vindication of Regal Supremacie 'T is said that there was a second part of it to prove the same Authority and Supremacie from Christ to these times but whether there was any such second part or whether it past the said Convocation I shall leave to others inquiry And by the way the Reader if he pleaseth for variety sake may take our XXXVII Article as it with the rest was turn'd into Latine Verse neer threescore years ago by one Mr. John Glanvil of the University of Oxford Obtinet Imperium Majestas Regia summum Angliacis ejus sinibus atque aliis Cujus in omnimodis sacrata potentia causis Omnibus ut par est imperat Ordinibus Sive Sacerdotes sint seu Civilia tractent Munia nec peregri est subjicienda foro Nos ubi Principibus primas damus inde sinistris Mentibus ansa sui Schismatis esse solet Non tamen aeternum datur illis copia verbum Sive ministrandi Pignora sacra Dei. Legibus hoc patuit quas Elizabetha beati Nominis auspicio condidit ante suo Tale sed Imperium nostris concedimus olim Quale pâ—is tribuit Regibus ipse Deus Nempe gradus hominum soli dominentur in omnes Quos Dominus proprio subdidit Imperio Quos vel publica res capit aut Ecclesia cunctos Civilique queant ense donare malos Non habet Imperium Romanus Episcopus ullum Finibus O felix terra Britanne tuis Jura Potestatem Civilia gentis in omnes Impia patrantes Crimina mortis habent Ferre Magistratus si jusserit arma vel ipsis Christicolis etiam bella ciere licet To which the Poet afterwards subjoyns these following Verses Subditus in proprium miser ut ferat arma Monarcham Quem feriet bruto fulmine Papa jubet Non ita a Mat. 12. 17. Caesareas abrupit Christus b Mart. 17 27. habenas Papa tamen Christi gestit habere vices Falso nam pedibus tenebrarum c Ephes 6. 21. Principis instat d Luc. 4. 6. Omnia qui mendax se dare Regna refert India magniloquo dives sic cessit e Ex donatione Alexandâ—i VI.
I. Pere Fils Sainct Esperit nostre seul vray Dieu au quel soit Glorie Honneur L'Association des Princes Seigneurs Gentils-hommes Catholiques * * Andr. â—avyn reads onely â—st faicte doit estre serra fait pour restablir la Ley de Dieu en son entier remettre retenir le sainct Service d'icelui selon la forme maniere de la Sainct Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine abjurans renonçans touts erreurs au contraire Secondement pour conserver le II. Roy Henry III. de ce nom * * D' Aâ—bigne and the Hist des derniers troubles de France â—ave it thus Henry III. de ce nom par la grace de Dien ses Predecesseurs Roys tres Chrestient which may be as right as the other and so their pretended Loyalty to the Valoises spoiled by a juâ—gle ses successeurs Roys tres-Chrestiens en l'estat splendeur autorité devoir service obeissance qui lui sont deubs par ses subjects ainsi qu'il est contenu par les Articles qui lui seront presentez aux Estats les quels il jure promet garder son Sacré Couronnement avec Protestation de ne rien faire au prejudice de ce qui y serra ordonné par lesdits Estats Tiercement pour restituer aux Provinces de ce Royaume Estats d'icelluy les Droicts Preéminences Franchises Libertes anciennez telles qu' elles estoient du temps du Roy Clouis premier Roy Chrestien encores meilleurs plus profitables si elles se peuvent inventer sous la Protection susdicte Au cas qu'il y ayt Empeschement Opposition ou Rebellion à ce que dessus part qui de quelle part qu' ils puissent estre serront lesdicts Associez tenus obligez d'employer tous leurs biens moyens mesmes leurs propres Personnes jusques à la mort pour punir chastier courir sus à ceux qui l'auront voulu contredire empescher tenir la main que toutes les choses susdictes soyent mises en execution reéllement de faict Au cas que quelques-uns desdicts Associez leurs Subjects Amis Confederez fussent molestes oppressez recherches pour le cas dessusdicts par qui que ce soit serâ—nt tenus les dicts Associez employer leurs Corps Biens Moyens pour avoir vengiance de ceux qui auront faict lesdicts oppresses molestes soit par la voye de justice ou des armes sans nulle acception de personnes S' il advient qu' acun des Associez apres avoir faict serment en la dicte Association se vouloit retirer ou departir d'icelle sous quelque pretexte que ce soit que Dieu ne vueille tels refractaris de leur consentement seront offencez en leur corps biens en toutes sortes qu' on se pourra adviser comme Enemis de Dieu Rebelles Perturbateurs du repos public sans que lesdicts Associez en puissent estre inquietez ny recherches soit en publec ny en particulier Jureront lesdicts Associez toute prompte obeissance service au Chef que serra deputé suivre donner conseil comfort ayde tant a l'entretenement conservation de ladicte Association que ruine aux contredisants à icelle sans acception ny exception de personnes Et seront les defaillants dilayants punis par l'Authorité du Chef selon son Ordenance à laquelle lesdicts Associez se soubmettront Tous Catholiques des Corps des villes villages seront advertis sommez secretement par les Governeurs particuliers d'entrer en ladicte Association fournir deuement d'armes d'hommes pour l'execution d'icelle selon la puissance faculté de chacun Est defendu ausdicts Associez IX d'entrer en debats ny quarrels l'un contre lautre sans la permission du Chef à l'arbitrage du quel les contrevenants seront punis tant pour la reparation d'honneur que touts autres sortes Que ceaux qui ne voudront entrer X. This Article is not in â—avilâ—'â— Hist l. 6. en ladicte Association seront reputez pour enemis d'icelle poursuivables par toutes sortes d'offences molestes Si pour fortification ou plus XI grande sureté des Associez se faict quelque Convention avec les Provinces de ce Royaume elle se fera en la forme susdicte aux mesmes conditions soitque ladicte Association soit poursuivie envers les dictes villes on par elles demandees si autrement n'en est advisé par le Chef THE LEAGUE In the Name of the Holy Trinity Father Son and Holy Ghost our onely true God to whom be Glory and Honour The Confederacy and Covenant of the Princes Lords and Gentlemen of the Catholick Religion ought to be and is made for the complete establishment of the Law of God and to restore and settle his holy Worship according to the form and manner of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church abjuring and renouncing all errors contrary unto it Secondly for the Preservation of King Henry III. of that name and his Successors the most Christian Kings in the State Honour Authority Duty Service and Obedience due unto them by their subjects according as it is contain'd in those Articles which * * A conditional obedience and here they make the King truâ—kle to the Parlement shall be presented to him in the Assembly of Estats the which he swears and promises to observe at his Consecration and Coronation with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be there ordain'd by the said Estats Thirdly to restore unto the Provinces III. of this Kingdom and the States of it those ancient Rights Preeminences Privileges and Liberties which were in the time of * * A pretty trâ—ck to run above 1000 years back for a Government and so they might pretend any thing Clouis the first most Christian King or yet better and more profitable if any such can be found under the said protection In case there be any Impediment IV. Opposition or Rebellion against the aforesaid let it be by * * Here they will not except the King himself whom or whence it will the Covenanters here shall be oblig'd to venture not onely their fortunes and goods but their very lives too to punish chastise and prosecute those who shall offer to disturb or hinder this League and shall never cease till the aforesaid things be really done and perfected In case any of the Covenanters V. their Vassals Friends or Confederates be molested oppressed or questioned for this cause be it by * * Nor will they here except the King from their fury if he oppose them that is side not with them to his own ruâ—ne whom it will they shall be bound to imploy
Nevers he posts to Rome though contrary to the Popes desire and growing daily more jealous of the Leaguers intentions is very sollicitous for a perfect Agreement and Accommodation writing several times to Cardinal de Bourbon not to press too much upon the Kings patience and at last being fully convinced that the Guises had more a private Interest then a publick good in their thoughts quite forsook them and their Cause and joyn'd with the King The King in the mean time somewhat inform'd of the troublesome and warlike designs of the Covenanters was persuaded to consult his own security and therefore by a publick Decree forbids all raising or gathering 28 March together of Souldiers unless by his express Command and Authority commanding all his good Subjects at the ringing of the Toquesaint the Alarm bell to fall upon the said Souldiers as declar'd enemies But the Leaguers proceed cunningly and vigorously having strengthned themselves as they thought pretty well were resolved to make an open Rupture according to their former determinations To which purpose they overpersuade Cardinal de Bourbon to quit the Court under colour of keeping Lent at his Archbishoprick of Rouen so he went to Gailon a Palace belonging to that See in higher Normandy where a great company of the Covenanters of Picardy waited upon him and for his more pretended security conducted him to Peronne where the League was first framed as aforesaid and here he was met by the Dukes of Guise Mayenne Aumale Elboeuf and other Covenanting Nobles where a large Declaration is drawn up in his Name whom they call the First Prince of the Ploud and subscribed by him the substance of it is as followeth In the Name of God Almighty King of Kings be it known unto all c. That a design to subvert Religion hath been the cause of the late troubles That it is fear'd the King dying childless the Church and Kingdom may be ruin'd over which they are resolved never to let an Heretick sway the people being bound neither to admit or obey any Prince but of the Roman Religion That to hinder all mischiefs some remedy is to be applied That the great preparations of the Huguenots are sufficiently understood That it is also not unknown but * * Chiefly â—â—ming at the Duke of Espernon some people have so possest themselves of the Kings affection that they have as it were seiz'd upon his Authority and excluded those who ought to be more near him That these Favourites or Minions have got the chief Governments and Places of Trust whereby they may command all by Land or Sea That they have imbezell'd the Kings Revenues thereby making themselves more powerful and obey'd to the great oppression of the people which daily increaseth That though the Amendment of Abuses was hoped for at the meeting of the Estats at Bloys yet Private Interests spoil'd all That these Abuses are now grown so great that the Kingdom is almost ruin'd by them the Clergy surcharged and despised the Nobles debas'd abus'd and ruin'd and all the people in a manner beggar'd and impoverish'd by strange Taxations c. Therefore We CHARLES de BOURBON first Prince of the Bloud assisted with the Princes Cardinals Peers Bishops c. being the best and soundest part of the Kingdom DECLARE that we have sworn and faithfully promis'd to continue in Arms till the Church and Roman Religion be establish'd in her former Dignity the Nobles enjoy their Privileges the people eas'd the new Taxes abolished the Parlements left to their wonted freedom and liberty c. These and such others are the causes of our Arming which by these necessities is made justifiable though otherwise we should disclame such courses and so believing we cannot have a more honourable Funeral then to die in so holy and just a cause Yet protesting that we do not intend any thing against the King but on the contrary in defence of his Person Life and Estate being willing to lay down our Arms when he shall remedy these evils in doing of which he shall be more honoured and obeyed by us That seeing the Laws and their good Intentions are clear enough therefore they will not force the King to declare a Successour though in so doing the Nation might hereafter be eas'd of Troubles and Factions about it That as they have all a grand Veneration for the Queen-mother so they hope she will have a good opinion of them Humbly desire all people to assist them in this their good design and to have a favourable construction of their actions Protesting never to lay down Arms till we have accomplish'd all these our desires and so desire all good Romanists to assist them in their Prayers and Devotions CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon At Peronne 31 March 1585. But this Declaration was drawn up and confirm'd by the Cardinal some time before and also Copies of it sent abroad by the Leaguers the better to confirm their Party for I meet with a Letter sent by the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne to the Parlement of Province meaning Aix the chief City of that County where that Parlement sits in which they tell Memoiâ—es de Nevers vol. 1. them That they have sent the copy of the said Cardinal de Bourbons Declaration to them by which they might perceive how unwilling they were to take up arms yet that in the quarrel they were resolved to venture life goods friends too exhorting and adjuring that Parlement to assist them telling them that as they shall aid those who joyn with them so they will endeavour the ruine of those who oppose their League Your most Affectionate Servants HENRY de LORRAIN CHARLES de LORRAIN Joinville 19 March 1585. As for the Declaration it self it was rejoyned to by the King in another well and cunningly worded endeavouring to answer all their Objections desiring them to lay down their arms and admonishing all his Subjects not to believe their idle pretences but to confide in and joyn themselves to him But it was not words that were to befriend the Covenanters so they draw their Forces together rendezvouz at Chalons in Champaigne whither the Cardinal Bourbon is conducted to them by the Duke of Guise with as great demonstrations of Honour and Joy as could be the better to insnare and bewitch the old man whose Name and Interest they wero to make so much use of And now Guise tampers again with Nevers assuring him that all things go better and better desireth his speedy assistance and is much troubled that Rochette one of his cunning Agitators is taken and carried prisoner to Paris fearing thereby some of their Plots may be discover'd Yet they look upon themselves strong enough to defie any opposition having muster'd about 12000 men expecting daily Recruits of German and Spanish Forces hir'd to joyn with them and thus fortifi'd they seize upon several strong places As for the King he is at a stand what to do not having strength
a fiery disposition we may suppose him not a little netled at this Paper but as by degrees his passion cool'd so did he affect Navarre and admire his courage and noble resolution And Guise question'd not but that all would go well enough with him for though once self-Interest being all his design he and his brother the Duke of Mayenne had made some Overtures to the King of Navarre to joyn themselves with him with an intent to ruine the French Kings Favourites or his Party that so the Leaguers might command that Kings person and Councils yet he also plotted the overthrow of Navarre and his Associates the better to secure all Authority to himself to which purpose the French King was so work'd upon as to * 7 Octob. 1585. decree all Huguenots to turn Romanists or depart the Kingdom within 15 days and their goods to be seiz'd on and sold but the women had 6 moneths granted them Yet the French King justly distrusting the Guisards greatness and designs had the better to keep the Scales even and to secure himself between both parties favour enough both for Navarre and a Peace with the Huguenots and always looking upon Henry to be next Heir to the Crown wish'd he would change his Religion the better to render him more capable to enjoy it And accordingly began to enter into some Treaties with him which so madded the Covenanters that they and the Pulpits ranted very malapertly against the King as one inclining to the Hereticks and an enemy to the Roman Religion which falsities and slanders were no small trouble to Henry of France by them daily losing the goodwill and affection of his Romanish Subjects nor was Henry of Navarre any whit less offended at the Duke of Joyeuse who had obtain'd from the Pope the Confiscation of all the said Kings Hereditary Territories upon his deprivation by the former Bull or Sentence CHAP. IV. A Council of Sixteen appointed at Paris to act all for the League Where they daily contrive to seize upon and murder the King but are discovered to him by Poulain The Guisards desire the King to shackle himself Guise comes to Paris The Barricadoes The King steals out of Paris Aseeming Peace made by the Edict of Union The Duke of Guise and his Brother Lewis Cardinal of Guise kill'd at Bloys VVhilest the Country now tended to War and Sedition we cannot suppose Paris to lie unconcern'd and as some say her River * Pap. Masson de flum Gall. Seina is not so heavy as other waters so the story of this wicked League might argue her Inhabitants to be more light fickler and apt to Rebellion then any other people and dash out those Commendations of Loyalty which the Learned * Les Antiquitez des Villes de France l. 1. c. 3. André du Chesne hath appropriated to this City Who designs a Rebellion must be sure to secure the chief City to his service which once done half his work is finish'd And this was neither unknown nor neglected by Guise who for a long time had made it year 1584 his care and business to work over the Parisians to his Interest by his Creatures and Ministers fobbing into their heads strange stories of the bad and gasping condition of the Roman Religion by reason of the Kings Inclination to Heresie and endeavours to have Navarre succeed him To prevent all a Council of XVI active Leaguers are appointed at Paris to carry on the Solemn Covenant to whom the Duke of Guise sendeth Le Sieur de Mayneville there to reside and advise the best means to stir up the people to joyn with them which they thought could not be better done then by persuading the people of the danger of Religion and how many thousand Huguenots lay skulking in the City well armed with a resolution to cut the throats of the Romanists This close Committee of Covenanters first met secretly in the College de Fortet so call'd from its Founder Pierre Fortet upon which occasion it was afterwards commonly styl'd * Le Beâ—câ—aâ— de la Ligue The Cradle of the League Afterwards they assembled in the Covent of the Dominicans or Jacobins and at last for fear of being suspected or discovered they met not at any certain place but sometimes at one private house and sometimes in another At this time was Provost of the * L'Isle de France is properly call'd that Trâ—ct of ground containing Paris S. Denis Montmorancy Dammartin Poissy S. Germain en Laye Luzarche c. but the Provosiship or Govâ—rnment is of a lâ—rgor â—xâ—ent Isle of France one Hardy who being old and so not very active did usually act by his Deputy or Lieutenant as they call it which was now one Nicolas Poulain born at S. Denis him the Leaguers have a desire to draw into their Caball because they could make special use of his Authority nor did they doubt much of his compliance being greatly in debt and so the hope of gain and reward would prove strong motives Accordingly Jean le Clerc Sieur de Bussy and Georges Michelet two active men of the close Committee and zealous Guisards assault the aforesaid Poulain with many persuasive Arguments to joyn himself to their designs to which at last he consents takes an Oath of Secrecy and they all swear to one another another Oath That if any one of them were seiz'd on or imprison'd for this their cause that then every one of the rest should venture life and estate for his delivery But Poulain continued not long firm to them for whether he was troubled at their wicked designs or to ingratiate himself with His Majesty thereby to better his Fortunes he discovereth all privately to the King though kept on his usual meetings with the Leaguers and when with them seem'd as zealous as the rest what he knew of them he afterwards drew up into a little * Le Procâ—â— du Nicolas Poulain yâ—u ma◠〈◊〉 in Claude Malingre Sieur de S. Lazare Annales Generales de Paris p. 329 330 331 c. And it iâ— alâ—â—â—ry lâ—â—ely râ—printed in the Recuil de diverses Pieces servant a l'History de Henry III. Râ—y de France c. Octavo 1666. Narrative out of which we shall take what we think most material The better to increase their Number and strengthen their Cause they had chosen ouâ— several cunning Fellows one out of each Trade Company or Profession even amongst the several Courts of Judicature Law or Justice who were to inâ—eigle themselves amongst their respective Trades and Faculties noise up the Honour of Guise the Danger of Religion the Growth of Heresie the Faults of the King the Tyranny of his Favourites and so the Necessity of the League to defend themselves Country and Religion And for their better security they consult how to provide themselves with Arms. The King suspecting some mischief had by express Order forbidden all Gun-smiths Cutlers and such like Artificers to sell any sort of Arms
sed ista loquuti sumus secundum ea quae nobis exterius patent Faxit benignissimus Salvator noster ut reliqui hoc horrendo justitiae supernae exemplo admoniti in viam salutis redeant quod misericorditer hoc modo coepit benigne prosequatur ac perficiat sicut eum facturum speramus ut de erepta Ecclesia de tantis malis periculis perenâ—es illi gratias agamus Considering oftentimes with my self and applying my whole understanding unto these things which now of late by a just judgment of God are come to pass I think I may with right use the words of the Prophet Habakkuk I have wrought a work in your days which no man will believe when it is told him The French King is slain by the hands of a Friar for unto this it may justly be compared although the Prophet spake of another thing namely of the Incarnation of our Lord which exceedeth and surmounteth all other wonders and miracles whatsoever As also the Apostle S. Paul referreth the same words most truly unto the resurrection of Christ When the Prophet said A work his mind was not to signifie by it some common or ordinary thing but a rare and notable matter worthy to be remembred as that of the creation of the world The Heavens are the works of thine hands And again He rested the seventh day from all the works which he had made When he saith I have wrought with these words the Holy Scriptures are wont to express things not come to pass by casualty fortune or accident but things befallen by the determined providence will and ordinance of God as our Saviour said The works which I do you shall do also and yet greater and many more such like in the holy Scriptures And that he saith that it is done in times past herein he followeth the use and order of the holy Prophets who for certainty of the event are wont to prophesie of things to come as if they were past already For the Philos say that things past are of necessity things present of being things to come only of possibility For which certainty the Prophet Isaiah long before prophesying of the death of Christ hath thus spoken He was led as a sheep to the slaughter and like a lamb before his shearer so opened he not his mouth And this whereof we speak at this present and which is come to pass in these our days is a famous notable and almost incredible thing nor done or atchiev'd without the particular providence and disposition of Almighty God A Friar hath kill'd a King not a painted one or one drawn upon a piece of paper or a wall but the King of France in the middest of his Army compassed and environ'd round about with his Guard and Souldiers Which truly is such an act and done in such a manner that none wil believe it when it shall be told them and perhaps hereafter it will be held but for a fable That the King is dead or slain is easily believed but that he is kill'd after this manner is hardly to be credited even as we presently agree unto this that Christ is born of a woman but if we adde of a Virgin then according to natural reason we cannot assent to it even so we easily believe that Christ died but that he is risen again from death unto life is according to humane understanding impossible and therefore incredible that one is awakened again out of sleep extasie or a swound because it oft happens so according to nature we naturally believe but to be risen again from the dead it seemeth so incredible unto flesh that S. Paul disputing at Athens of this point was disliked and accused to be a setter forth of new Gods so that many as S. Luke witnesseth did mock him and others said We will hear thee again of this thing Of such things therefore which befall not according to the Laws of Nature and the ordinary course thereof speaketh the Prophet that none shall believe it when it shall be told them But we give credit to it by consideration of the Omnipotency of God and by submitting our understanding under the obedience of Faith and the Service which we owe unto Christ By these means this that was incredible by Nature becometh credible by Faith Therefore we that believe not after the flesh that Christ is born of a Virgin yet when it is added unto it that this was done supernaturally by operation of the Holy Ghost then truly we agree unto it and faithfully believe it So likewise when it is said that Christ is risen again from the dead as we are onely flesh we believe it not but when it is affirmed that this was done by the power of Divine Nature in him then without any doubting we believe it Even so when it shall be told us An infallible Comparison that such a mighty King was kill'd by a poor simple and weak Friar and that in the midst of his Army environ'd with his Guard and Souldiers to our natural reason and fleshly capacity it will seem incredible or altogether improbable yet considering on the other side the grievous sins of the King and the special providence of Almighty God herein and by what accustomed and wonderful means he hath accomplish'd his most just judgment against him then most firmly we believe it Therefore this great and miraculous work we must ascribe onely to the particular providence of God not as those who refer all things amiss unto some ordinary causes or unto fortune or such like accidentary events but as those who more nearly observing the course of the whole matter easily see that here in this befell many things which could in no wise have been brought to pass without the special help of God And truly the state of Kings and Kingdoms and such like rare and weighty affairs should not be thought to be governed by God rashly and unadvisedly In the Holy Scripture some are of this kind and none of them can be referred unto any other thing but unto God the onely Author thereof yet there are none wherein the Heavenly operation is more seen then in this whereof we speak at present We read in the Maccabees how Eleazar offered himself unto a sure death to kill the King who was an enemy and persecutor of the people of God For in the battel espying an Elephani more excellent then the rest whereon it was likely the King himself was with a swift course casting himself in the midst of the troops of his enemies here and there making a way per force gâ—t to the beast went under her thrust his sword into her belly and so flew her and she falling upon him kill'd him Here we see some things as to zele valiantness of mind and the issue of the enterprise not unlike unto ours though in the rest there is no comparison to be made For Eleazar was a souldier exercis'd in weapons train'd up in
King yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration wherein He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness singular providence and justice to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope Therefore waiting for the liberty and presence of our King and Soveraign Lord we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us and to swear to die in the Roman Religion SENAULT Paris 5 Aug. 1589. And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther which was committed on the first of August but they put forth a Decree wherein They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deliverance of Paris and other places Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year celebrated with Processions and publick prayers in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King or to assist him du TORNOER Tholouse 2 Aug. 1589. Nor is it the French onely but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King Amongst the rest I find our Father Persons or Creswell if not both layeth it as a grand fault upon Fit manifestissimum nullo jure neque Divino ne ue Humanno Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Navaâ—raâ— posse competere Responsiâ— ad Edictum Râ—ginae Angliae sect 2. § 148 153. p. 184 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King of whom they are so confident as to affirm that 't is not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane But to return to France where the war is carried on vigorously but to the loss of the Covenanters to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine but what was most powerful they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming caused to be publish'd that if he came towards him that then he should be received with all honour aad safety but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters then none should acknowledge him for a Legat or receive him under pain of Rebellion But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris where he is received in great pomp lodged in the Bishops Palace richly furnished with the Kings goods taken year 1590 out of the Louvre In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours declareth against the Legat on the contrary the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sorbone Doctors stand for him order all to acknowledge to him and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom no power there could meet and act in opposition to him For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels would chuse a * Jac. Fuligott vit Card. Bellarmin â— 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain who also had assisted the Leaguers and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration the summe of it being Philip by the grace of God King of Castile Leon Arragon c. Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that France being once cleared of Heresie they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries all which being exterminated they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Princes the extirpation of all Heresies the peace and concord of Christian Princes to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also Juan de Vasquez Madrid 8 March 1590. A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Propositions as these following That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tribute That an Heretick though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church may have right to the Crown of France That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Doctors the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat and subscrib'd 10 Feb. Spond an 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another besides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains themselves every man seeking his own Interest all expecting to make themselves great and several designed the Crown for himself Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General being very fat heavy and slow in all his actions and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping And the truth is the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations nay so zealous were they in this Caus that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes so that the King suppos'd that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of * 14 March 2590. Yory of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem But as a little before when Henry conquered the same Duke at * Septemb. 1589. Arques the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs that Navarre himself was taken and
Doctors of Sorbonne were wonderfully terrified but he not willing to lose them quite knowing such men to be dangerous enemies amongst the people waited upon them himself gave them good words told them all was pardoned and Justice satisfied which he ratified by an Edict At the same time he also decreed year 1592 that upon pain of death no more Councils Meetings or Conventicles should be had any way except the Ordinary one of the Union with the sense of the lawful Magistrates which being registred in full consent of Parliament put an end to the power and greatness of the Sixteen and somewhat spoil'd and cool'd the designes of the Spanish Ministers And an Oath was also drawn up and read in Parliament for all the Souldiers in the City to take the better to keep them in Obedience Whilst these things were acting Pope Gregory XIV dying Innocent IX succeedeth him who allowed the League fifteen thousand Ducats a month desiring them to fall to work and chuse a King of the Roman Religion aiming as 't is thought at Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third party but what his other designes were his * 30 Dec. death after a two months Popedome would not let be known And after him succeeded Clement VIII The Parliament at Rouen now puts forth a severe * 7 Jan. 1592 Edict against any that shall adhere to Henry of Bourbon as they call'd him yet the prosecution of the League was somewhat hindred by the Jealousies arising betwixt Parma and Mayenne the latter fearing to be out-vapoured by the Spaniard was not so averse as formerly from an Agreement with the King to carry on which the great Statesman Villeroy who as yet kept himself with the Leaguers and du Plessis Morney the Kings faithful friend had divers meetings but the Covenanters Propositions were so high and lofty getting all into their own hands leaving his Majesty a meer shadow that it brake off without any determination though the King was willing to grant much to be at rest and quiet This Treaty was presently made known thinking to do Mayenne a displeasure and so it did both the Spaniards and Leaguers being offended at him in offering to treat without their consent or knowledge and so made jealous as if intended to leave them in the lurch But on the other side the King gain'd not much by the bargain the Romanists who followed him next that it should be carried on by an Huguenot viz. Morney began to have the same suspicions of His Majesty And in this zeal and humour having consulted themselves they forthwith gave Mayenne to understand that it was fitting for the common safety that all the Romanists should be united and so to require of the King to change his Religion within a prefixt time and then they would acknowledge him otherwise they would joyntly proceed to the Election of a King of the Roman persuasion for such an one and none other they would have Adde to this Pope Clements favour of the League allowing it 15000 Ducats a moneth exhorting them to chuse a new King of the Roman belief alledging none to be capable of a Crown but one of that Religion commanding the Nuncio Cardinal Piacenza to forward the Election Upon all these and other such like considerations the King is perplext beyond measure now clearly perceiving that all of them were gone to that height of Conditional Subjection as never to receive him for King unless he would be of their Religion nor was his force sufficient to oppose The case is hard but a Kingdom is not to be lost yet the war goeth on vigorously on both sides In the mean time the Pope having sent to his Nuncio in France to hasten the calling of the States General that a Catholick King an enemy to Hereticks and a Defender of the Church might be chosen the Duke of Mayenne took heart fancying that the Pope might aim at him year 1593 and thus entertaining some thoughts of being King he resolved to convocate the States General the Spaniard would have it at Soissons that Parma might the sooner assist or awe them from Flanders the Duke of Lorrain desires Rheams where his greatest Interest lay but Mayennâ— thought Paris best his own Authority being greatest there by his former weakening the Sixteen In the mean time all care is taken by them to exclude Henry and nothing could thwart them more then his turning Romanist of which they had some fears several earnestly solliciting him to it To prevent this October 't is spread abroad how unlawful it is for any to desire his Conversion how it is against Divine Civil and Canon Law the Decrees of the Popes Mem. de M. de Nevers vol. 2. pag. 634. the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom the Holy Union c. and therefore conclude that those who propose or endeavour such a thing are wicked Citizens unstable perjur'd Politicks seditious Disturbers of the Common-weal favourers of Hereticks suspected of Heresie Excommunicated ought to be driven out of the City lest they should corrupt the rest And those of Chaalons having put forth a * 18 Novemb Decree against Cardinal de Piacenza the Popes Nuncio as also the Popes Bulls as they did formerly against Pope Gregory XIV Those of the Parlement of Paris publish an Act whereby they Declare the said Decree of Chaalons null of none effect or force being published by those of no Right or Authority to be a Parlement being Schismaticks Hereticks Enemies to God and his Church disturbers of the State and publick peace of the Kingdom Order the said Decree as full of Scandal Schism Heresie and Sedition to be torn and burnt by the Hangman Forbid any to receive or obey the said Decree Injoyn all to honour and obey Pope Clement VIII and acknowledge his Legat. Affirm that their intended General States design nothing but the Preservation of the Roman Religion and to choose a true Christian Catholick French King Forbid any to hinder or molest the members coming to the said meeting of States DU-TILLET Paris 2 Decemb. 1592. Accordingly to summon the said States-General the Duke of Mayenne 1593. 5 Jan. Publish'd a large Declaration in which he undertakes To Vindicate himself Desireth the Romanists to unite That though the Leaguers had too much cause to desire the late Kings death yet they had no hand in it it being a blow from Heaven That Navarre could not be King because an Heretick Obedience being only founded upon the of the Roman Religion So they cannot be blamed for their Actions nor can be Rebels seeing they fight only against Hereticks and their Associates who have despised the Popes Bulls and Admonitions c. And so throwing an odd blot upon the King concludes To this the Popes Legat Piacenza thinking that of Mayenne'â— not plain and severe enough added another Declaration Desiring all to be obedient to the Pope who will never assent to an Heretical King or the ruine of the Church
in the Dukedom of Bar and in the Diocess of Toul in Lorrain who throwing off his Cowle or Hood and under the disguise of a Beggerly habit being found in the Court upon examination giving no good account and Convict by Testimony was also condemn'd and suffered upon the Wheel Such like murtherous designes of the Friars occasioned many Poems against them amongst the rest upon the stabbing of Henry III. who is said to have loved them most affectionately thus one of them concludeth Jamais il n'y eut Roy par qui la Moinerie Respectee fut plus par qui plus cheria Si les Moins ainsi tuâ—nt leurs grands amis Bon Dieu que ferent ils à leur grand Ennemis Never did King carry more kinde defires Than Henry unto all sorts of Fryers If Monks to friends will give such deadly blows Good God! what will they do unto their Foes Thus much for the French Popish Solemn League and Covenant by Retorting of which is enough to stop their mouths concerning our late Rebellions seeing The Romanists there safely pretended the danger of Religion as well as our Presbyterians did They entred into a Solemu League and Covenant as our Non-conformists did They forced their King to take it and it is not unknown what our villainous Long-Parliament would have done and what the impudent Schismaticks in Scotland did do They spred abroad that their King was an enemie to their Religion and in this were worse then our Puritans who though they slandred our King yet had it rather been a scandal for him to have been of their schismatical perswasion They had their Priests and Jesuits sacrilegiously to abuse the Pulpit and People with their seditious lying and treasonable Discourses as our Rebels had their blasphemous Lecturers ignorant and impudent Tub-Thumpers and 't is hard to tell which of these Covenanters were the greater Villains though I 'le grant ours to be the greater Dunces They falsely gave out that many thousand Huguenots lurk'd in Paris to kill them thereby to incense and inrage the people as our Puritans did of God knows what Cavaliers and Papists mustred under ground and such like tales They had their several Juncto's and Cabal's as ours had their Committees c. They null'd and made void all their Oaths of Allegiance as ours did They declared that Allegiance was but Conditional viz. to a Romanist as ours did to a Covenanter They made many Oaths in behalf of Conditional Subjection and Rebellion as out late Zealots did They had their Doctors or Divines of Sorbonne to countenance and vindicate their wicked Actions and to declare for good whatever they would have them As ours had their Club of Assembly of Divines to prove new Governments and King-opposing to be by Divine Right and Predestination They made Banishment and other Penalties for those who would not take and subscribe their Oaths as our Rebels did for their Covenants and Engagements They had their particular Processions and such like Set-pieces of Devotion to crave Divine Aid and Assistance as ours had their monthly Fasts to desire God to bless their sins and Rebellions as also their Thanksgiving like the old Irish who used to thank God if by Theft or Robbery they had got a good booty They had their Oaths of Abjuration as well as ours had They would pardon and authorize all those who acted for their cause as ours could indempnifie one another some may think with as much right or true Authority as the * Mer. Casubâ—â—'s Necessity of Reform p. 75. French Priest consecrated the Sacrament in the name of the Devil They call'd their League against their King Loyalty and ours thought as well of the Covenant They would have the Council of Trent revived as ours would the Covenant Directory and Presbytery and such like schismatical and treasonable Principles Some of them would have their Chieftain Mayenne to be King as others in England would have had Oliver As their Mayenne would not take upon him when offered to him the Title of King because his Interest was not then sufficient to vindicate it and so would only be Lieutenant of the Crown of France thus Oliver upon the same account refused the Kingship but would be Protector of England They commended Guise and Mayenne as the only Prop of their Church as ours by their Addresses did sacrilegiously magnifie Oliver and his son Richard They had their Rump and secluded Members as well as we but in this the French were worst of the two they turning out honest men whilst ours excluded only Conditional subjects i. e. Traitors so one Knave turn'd out another They sent to the Popish Princes large Complaints against their King as ours with their Schismatical Assembly against King Charles I. to Holland and Geneva They would alter limit put out and in as they pleased their Kings Council as our Puritans desired to do in England They would take away the Kings Negative Vote and make the States superiour to him so would our Roundheads here They sent a Letter to desire Protection and Assistance from Spain an enemie to their King and Countrey as the Scotch Covenanters did from the French King Lewis XIII against their King Charles I. as appears by their Letter subscribed by their Chieftains They in Triumph conducted Guise and his friends into Paris as our Presbyterians did the five Members c. to the affront of King and Government They by their Tumults forced their King to flee from his chief City and Court Paris as our Puritans did King Charles I. from London for his own safety When their King offered them and their General Mayenne Pardon Favour and desired a Peaee they reject both it and him as ours did with King Charles when he offered the same to them and their General Essex They censure all who sided with the King and sat at Tours or Chaalons as ours did those who sat at Oxford as a Parliament They broke the Kings Great Seals making new ones as ours also did They declared it Treason to aid or favour their King as the English did They murthered any who sided with their King as well as our Rebels here They defaced all the Kings Pictures and Statues as the Phanaticks did here They had their Women of all Qualities to promote their Cause by their Love-tricks and Contributions as the Puritans in England had their Wives holy Sisters and zealous Ladies hurried along with as much Chastity and Religion as Honesty Moderation or Loyalty They renounced all obedience to Henry III. and his Queen ordered he should not be prayed for as our wicked Presbyterian Long-Parliament declared the Queen a Traitor renounced the King by their abominable Votes and Declaration of Non-Address and it was afterwards death to pray for him They often attempted the death of Henry IV. contrived and procured the Murther of Henry III. as ours designed King Charles's death in the Isle of Wight and at last murthered him on the
with Plunder and Prisoners Hoping by this means to incense the Turk so to make him fall out with the Venetians and invade their Territories in Dalmatia But the Turk in this more Religious than the Spaniard understanding the base design scorn'd to break with the Venetian in this juncture but offer'd the Republick his Assistance This wicked design thus failing the Partisans of the Pope went another way to trouble the Republick maintaining in Print that The Marriages made within the Interdicted Territories were invalid the Matrimonial Conjunction Adultery and the Children all Bastards This was a cunning plot to amuse the zealous and simple but the wisdom of the Senate and the reasons of their writers dash'd this to pieces also Though the Roman Inquisition was very furious in their judgments forbidding under pain of Excommunication any of the Venetian Papers or Reasons to be intertain'd or read as Schismatical and Heretical and Cardinal Bellarmine was very active with his Pen against the Senators In the mean time the Ambassadors of France and Spain laboured what they could for a Reconciliation and the Emperour and Grand Duke of Tuscany were not slack in affording their assistance to a peace But the means seem'd difficult for the Pope stood upon his old plea of having the Prisoners deliver'd him and the Decrees Cancel'd And on the Contrary the Duke and Senate resolved not to betray their Temporal Authority and renounce their Decrees though as for the Abbot and Canon at the earnest intreaty of the French they were willing in a Complement to bestow them upon King Henry IV. and let him do with them as pleas'd him best and when the Pope would recall his Censures they were willing to do the same with their Letters or Protestation against them but not before lest they might intimate that they had been in the falt and done amiss Whilst the Treaty is thus earnestly carryed on by several Princes and year 1607 their Ambassadors the Pope erects a New Councel at Rome call'd La Congregation de Guerra or the Congregation of War consisting of XV. Cardinals out of whom he cull'd IV. to be imploy'd with the Treasurer and the Commissaries of the Chamber about the means to provide money and most of these were of the Spanish Faction the better to ingage that King to him if the Tryal of the cause should once be put to the Sword And it was the opinion of many that it could not end without blows for the Pope begins the year with new Levies and the Count de Fuentes who long'd for mischief caus'd the Drums to beat up at Milan for Souldiers sent to Switserland to Naples to Flanders to Germany and other places to raise what Souldiers he could getting Money and Arms from Spain so that he doubted not presently to be at the Head of XXX Thousand men The hopes of these great Preparations animated the Pope so much that in a full Consistory he declared He would have war with the Republick of Venice In the Interim the Venetians were not idle hastning their Preparations as much as in them lay so that in a little while they had got together about LXXX Gallies rais'd many Thousand foot in their own Territories sent to the Cantons to hire more doubted not of Assistance from France was promis'd aid from Great Brittain by Sr. Henry Wotten King James his Ambassador by which means they had hopes from Denmark and Holland and was promis'd supplyes from the Lorreiner whose Son viz. the Count de Vaudemont they hoped would be their General But the Duke of Lorraine being aged so superstitiously fearful of Papal Censures beside having a Son a Cardinal who with the Pope did diswade him would not permit his Son to go or any Levies to be made in his Dominions though young Count de Vandemont was willingenough for the Venetian Whilst Christendom is thus troubled with rumours of warrs and every place busie with great Preparations to fill Europe full of mischief and blood-shed and all about an idle Humour of the Popes The Treaty goeth on apace And though many Embassies and Audiences had been been imploy'd to little purpose yet the French King will try the other pull and so resolves to imploy Cardinal de Joyeuse in this business who being a Churchman might be more acceptable to the Pope yet under the Command of the Instructions might no way lessen the rights of the Republick Thus qualified Joyeuse arrives at Venice where he falls to work vigorously and willing he was to save the Popes Reputation and Credit but after many Hearings and Debates he could get only this Answer from the Senate That the Censures being taken away they would recall what they had done in Opposition to them and send an Ambassador to Rome That for the Decrees they would proceed in the use of them with such Moderation and Piety as they and their Ancestors used to do And that upon a Peace the Ecclesiasticks might return only the Jesuits excepted And with these Answers the Cardinal departs from Rome to see what good he could do there At Rome Cardinal de Joyeuse found the Opinions divided some for a Peace upon any account considering what a great mischief a Rupture might bring upon Christendom others thought it not honourable for the Pope to recede from any thing he had done till he had obtain'd what he desired and made the Republick submit As for the Pope though his greatest hopes lay in the Spaniard yet he could not with reason rely too much on him knowing his Coffers at that time to be empty and if he did him any good he would expect a requital of some Priviledges which would not be convenient for Rome to yeild to besides he doubted to be over-power'd by the Venetians and their numerous Assistance amongst whom would be many of the Reformed Religion which having once got a footing in Italy might in that juncture of time give a blow at the very Papacy These Considerations perswaded or forced the Pope to a Complyance but yet was troubled that he could not come off with Honour seeing the Venetians Answers were resolute and cunningly worded and they would not admit of the Jesuits upon any account whatever and thus to forsake them who had suffer'd for his cause would betray his Baffle to the whole world At last after several Consultations it was agreed on that at Rome Monsieur a' Alincourt the French Ambassador should demand of the Pope in the Name of the Christian King and of the Republique that the Censures might be taken away And also that Cardinal Joyeuse and d'Alincourt should give him their words in the Name of their King that the Decrees should remain without Execution until the Accord might be effected To this last clause the Pope would have had added that It was with the consent of the Republick But this was not yielded to knowing the Venetians would never agree to such an Addition So as much being done at Rome as could be de
Lordships and all my Possessions for ever to be disposed of at your pleasure They received me in that manner and promised as from your Highness to keep and save the said Castle and Haven during the service of your Grace Notwithstanding my Gracious Lord Conclusions of Peace were assuredly agreed upon betwixt Don Juan de Aguila and the English a fact pitiful and according to my judgment against all Right and Humane Conscience Among other places whereof your Greatness was dispossest in that manner which were neither yeelded nor taken to the end they should be delivered to the English Don Juan tied himself to deliver my Castle and Haven the only Key of mine Inheritance whereupon the living of many thousand persons doth rest that live some twenty Leagues upon the Sea-coasts into the hands of my Cruel Cursed Mis-believing Enemies a thing I fear in respect of the execrableness inhumanity and ingratefulness of the Fact if it take effect as it was plotted that will give cause to other men not to trust any Spaniard hereafter with their Bodies or Goods upon these Causes My Lord in that I judg this dishonourable act to be against your Honour and Pleasure as I understand by your last Letters that came into Ireland considering the harm that might ensue to the service of your Majesty and the everlasting Overthrow that might happen to me and poor people such as might escape the Sword of our Enemy if any should I have taken upon me with the help of God to offer to keep my Castle and Haven from the hands of mine Enemies until further News and Order come from your Highnesse I have sent my Son and Heir being of the age of five years as a pledg for accomplishing your will in this behalf and for the performing of my promise past unto your Greatness I would not omit my self in person to come and visit your Highness but that I fear our Warrs here would grow weak in respect of my absence for which cause my self and the rest of our men of worth have sent in haste with Intelligence unto your Greatness our loving Friend Dermond Odrischall in respect of our confidence in him our knowledg of him and the continual endeavour we see in him towards this Catholick Warr as from us all And for as much as we could not conveniently write all that we wish unto you we humbly beseech That he may be heard as from us all as if our selves were present and to hasten helping-News that shall rejoice us and our people and afterwards to speed your gracious help unto us for the sooner the better whilst our Enemies are not in readiness And until the coming of News from your Grace unto us I will have in a readiness where the Service shall require the number of One thousand men and I will upon my knees pray the merciful God to give unto your Grace long life with health of Body and Soul and all happiness and so do commit you to the safeguard of the Omnipotent Dunboy viz. Beer-Haven the xxth of February 1602. Donnell Osulevan Beare Other two Letters he wrote also to the same purpose one to the Earl of Carazena Governour of Gallicia and the other to Don Pedro Zubiar in which he gave this notable boast viz. That his Ancestors maintained the Credit and Calling of good Gentlemen these Two thousand and six hundred years sithence their first coming out of Spain And to keep Dunboy he resolves nor did he want encouragements the Spaniard sending to the Irish relief Twelve thousand pounds and Ammunition and other Necessaries and O-Donnel writes this Letter to O Connor Kerry WHat News are here the Doctor and Dermond Odrischal may largely report unto you but of this one thing you may be fully assured That the King will not omit the winning of Ireland if it cost him the most part of Spain His Majesty doth send you Money and Munition I pray let our information of you be found true and your service encourage Our King to further merit you I pray you send me the relation of the News of our Countrey in such sort as if there be any bad it be concealed from the Spaniards and known to me Where the Deputy with the Queen's Forces are occupied or where they are in Garrison At the Groyne xxiv of May 1602. Your loving Friend Hugh O-Donnel And Owen Mac Eggan the Popes Apostolical Vicar in Ireland thus writes to Richard Mac Goghagan in Dunboy This Mac Eggan was newly return'd out of Spain and came along with the Spanish Supplies He was by the Pope made now Bishop of Rosse Master Richard I Commend me unto you being very glad of the good report I hear of you whereby I cannot but expect much with God his assistance in that lawful and godly Cause of you I am sorry but it was not my luck to conferr with you and with the rest of your Company and inform you of all the state of the matters of Spain But upon my Credit and Conscience there is no greater piece of Service now in hand in all Christendome for the King of Spain than the same that ye have How great it is to God and necessary for our Countrey-affairs ye know Moreover within few days you shall have relief of men come to help you thither out of Spain The great Army of Fourteen thousand men are forth-coming you shall all be as well recompenced both by God and by the King's Majesty as any Ward that is in all the World again Have me I pray commended to all and especially to Father Dominick and bid him be of good Courage There comes with the Army a Father of the Company an Italian for the Pope his Nuncius in whose company I came from Rome to the Court of Spain and there he expects the Army's coming hither He shall give all a Benediction yea I hope within your Castle there spite of all the Devils in Hell From the Catholique Camp this present Wednesday 1602. Your assured Friend Owen Hegaine In my Sacrifice and poor Prayers I will not fail but commend you and your good Cause to God Our Ship did arrive three days agon and our Letters are come to the King by this time Nisi Dominus custodierit Civitatem c. In the mean time Sir George Carew layeth siege to Dunboy which was held out very desperately yet at last it was stormed and all kill'd or executed except Sixteen Twelve of which were chief followers of Tirrell and for whom he bare a great respect upon which account they were saved some days For Tirrell offered to do any service that lay in his power to purchase their Lives and Liberties 'T is accepted a stratagem is propounded in effecting of which he also should be pardoned But this he refused offering to redeem them with Money But to be false to his Master the King of Spain or to betray the Catholique Cause he never would as he said Upon which seeing no good to be
have a strict care to the good government of the Youth and not only for a fit but all the time of his year that he was to continue in Office Some of the Commoners knew all this Pageant and laught the more sweetly and Parsons in the end spying how he was scorned and nothing concealed nay understanding all his Knell which was rung out for him for very shame got him away to London and there not knowing what course at first to take at length resolved to try his fortune beyond Sea purposing as it should seem at his departure to study Physick but afterward when he came into Italy resolving rather to study the Civil Law which he did for a time at Bononia as himself in that place told Mr. Davers Brother to the late Sir John Davers as the said Mr. Davers hath himself told me but afterwards be-like wanting means of Continuance he turn'd to be a Jesuit Presently upon his departure out of England he sent a Letter or rather a notable Libel to Dr. Squire and he had so ordered the matter that many Copies of the Letter were taken and abroad in the hands of others before the Letter came to the Doctor which was the true cause that many very lewd things were falsly reported of Dr. Squire although in truth he was such a man as wanted no faults c. February 1. 1601 At Vniversity-Colledg Your very loving Friend GEORGE ABBOT The inclosed Resignation mentioned in the Letter runs thus Ego Robertus Parsons Socius Collegii de Balliolo Resigno omne meum jus clameum quem habeo vel habere potero Societatis meae in dicto Collegio quod quidem facio sponte * * * Here is dash'd out and non written over it noâ— coactus die decimo tertio mensis Februarii Anno Dom. 1573. Per me Rob. Parsons The inclosed Decree mentioned in the Letter take thus Eodem tempore Decretum est unanimi consensu M ri Reliquorum Sociâ—rum ut Magister Robertus Parsons nuperrime Socius retineat sibi sua Cubicula Scholares quosque voluerit Communia sua de Collegio habeat usque ad Festum Paschatis immediate sequentis But this last Decree was presently after cancell'd or cross'd and so remains in their Register-Book Being in Italy he went to Rome and there turned Jesuit thence came again into England with Campian but made what haste he could out again sometimes living in Spain instigating that King to invade England other times living at Rome where he was Rector of the English Colledg was as they say in some probability of a Cardinal's Cap. We have formerly told you of his pernicious Principles taken out of his own Writings maintaining That the * See backward l. 2. c. 1. p. 76 77. Pope hath power and authority to depose Kings That * L. 2. c. 3. p. 93 Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings Nor will he deny but that Kings may lawfully be * L. 2. c. 4. p. 101. kill'd by their people and such like And now the better to understand the man take a few Instances of his behaviour towards his Queen and Countrey as they are delivered to us by the Romanists themselves and here I shall only set down that which carrieth the greatest probability William Clark the Priest saith thus of him As touching the Colledges and Pensions that are maintain'd and given by the Spaniard which he so often inculcateth we no whit thank him for them as things are handled and occasions thereby ministred of our greater persecution at home by reason of Fa. Parsons treacherous practises thereby to promote the Spanish Title to our Countrey and his hateful Stratagems with such Scholars as are there brought up enforcing them to subscribe to Blanks and by publick Orations to fortifie the said wrested Title of the Infanta meaning Isabella Clara Eugenia Daughter to Philip II. of Spain whose Right to the English Crown was maintain'd in a Book by this Parsons made but published by him under the false Name of Dolman 'T was call'd A Conference about the next Succession of the Crown of England Of this Book thus saith the former Priest Concerning his proposing the Book of Titles to be read in Id fol. 69. the Refectory in Rome instead of a Spiritual Lecture used to be read at such times There be divets yet that will depose the same against him and Mr. Lawbery now a Reverend Priest was the man should have read the same but he rejected it Another tells us thus of Father Parsons It is well known that Fa. Parsons in Spain caused many as well A. P. Reply to a Libel pag. 81 82. others as Priests to subscribe as Priests to the Title of the Infanta now Duchess of Burgundy Fa. Fancard also hath made many to set their hands to three Blanks although some refused to do it as they have themselves reported at their coming into England I have moreover understood that Fa. Parsons was a chief dealer in sending of those Armado's which the Spaniards have set out for the Invasion of our Countrey and them of England with whom he dealt most earnestly to go into the Navy which was set out in the year 1596 who refusing to be employed in any action against their Countrey were for that cause sent away from the Colledg and told that it was not convenient that they should stay in the Colledg where they had given example of such repugnance There is moreover sufficient proof that after the evil success of the Spanish attempts Fa. Parsons carried a Youth to the King of Spain who pronounced a certain Speech for the purpose which being ended Fa. Parsons began to urge the King to give one attempt more affirming that he would write his Letters into England and nothing doubted to effect what should be the great furtherance of such a journey c. Certain other Letters also have been seen of Fa. Parsons to his fellow-Jesuits in England wherein he hath wished that the Catholicks would unite themselves together and set up a King of England And in his Letters of the xxiv of January 1600 to the Earl of Angusse he confesseth that he dealt in such matters for eight or ten years Watson the Priest tells us thus Did he not earnestly move our W. W. a Dialogue p. 92. young Students in Spain to set their hands to a Schedule That they would accept the Lady Infanta for Queen of England after the decease of her * Q. Eliâ— Majesty that now is yea and finding them altogether unwilling to intermeddle with these State-Affairs belonging nothing unto them and most hurtful to both their Cause and Persons used he not this cunning shift to draw on the innocent and simple youths to pretend forsooth to them of Valladolid that the Students in Sevil had done it already no remedy then but they must follow And having thus craftily gotten their Names he shew'd them to the Students
power to absolve me of this Oath or any part thereof Which I acknowledg by good and full Authority to be lawfully ministred unto me And do renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and swear according by these express words by me spoken and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words without any equivocation or mental evasion or secret reservation whatsoever And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment heartily willingly and truly upon the true Faith of a Christian So help me God A. B. Unto which Oath so taken the said person shall subscribe his or her Name or Mark. King James doubted not but that all honest and good Subjects would Apol. for the Oath of Allegiance pag. 49 50 51. submit to this Oath Because as he said that he that shall refuse to take this Oath must of necessity â—old all or some of these Propositions following I. That I King James am not the lawful King of this Kingdom and of all other my Dominions II. That the Pope by his own Authority may depose me if not by his own Authority yet by some other Authority of the Church or of the See of Rome If not by some other Authority of the Church and See of Rome yet by other means with others help he may Depose me III. That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdoms and Dominions IV. That the Pope may give Authority to some Forreign Prince to invade my Dominions V. That the Pope may discharge my Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to me VI. That the Pope may give license to one or more of my Subjects to bear Arms against me VII That the Pope may give leave to my Subjects to offer violence to my Person or to my Government or to some of my Subjects VIII That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me my Subjects are not to bear Faith and Allegiance to me IX If the Pope shall by Sentence Excommunicate or Depose me my Subjects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crown X. If the Pope shall give out any Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation against me my Subjects by reason of that Sentence are not bound to reveal all Conspiracies and Treasons against me which shall come to their hearing and knowledg XI That it is not Heretical and Diabolical to hold That Prinees being Excommunicated by the Pope may be either Deposed or Killed by their Subjects or any other XII That the Pope hath Power to absolve my Subjects from this Oath or from some part thereof XIII That this Oath is not administred to my Subjects by a full and lawful Authority XIV That this Oath is to be taken with Equivocation Mental Evasion or secret Reservation and not with the Heart and good will sincerely in the true Faith of a Christian man Now whether there was just cause for drawing up and imposing of such an Oath King James can tell you best himself And first that the Romanists had no reason to contrive his ruin he declares at large in these words But now having sacrificed if I may so say to the Manes of my late Apol. for the Oath of Allegiance pag. 18 19 20. Predecessor Q. Elizabeth whose Government and Moderation he vindicates I may next with St. Paul justly vindicate my own Fame from those innumerable Calumnies spread against me in testifying the truth of my Behaviour toward the Papists Wherein I may truly affirm That whatsoever was her just and merciful Government over the Papists in her time my Government over them since hath so far exceeded hers in Mercy and Clemency as not only the Papists themselves grew to that height of pride in confidence of my mildness as they did directly expect and assuredly promise to themselves Liberty of Conscience and equality with others of my Subjects in all things but even a number of the best and faithfullest of my said Subjects were cast in great fear and amazement of my Course and Proceedings ever prognosticating and justly suspecting that sowr fruit to come of it which shew'd it self clearly in the Powder-Treason How many did I honour with Knighthood of known and open Recusants How indifferently did I give Audience and Access to both sides bestowing equally all Favours and Honours on both Professions How free and continual Access had all Ranks and Degrees of Papists in my Court and Company And above all How frankly and freely did I free Recusants of their ordinary Payments Besides it is evident what strait Order was given out of my own mouth to the Judg to spare the execution of all Priests notwithstanding their conviction joining thereunto a gracious Proclamation whereby all Priests that were at liberty and not taken might go out of the Countrey by such a day my General Pardon having been extended to all Convicted Priests in Prison whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects and all Priests that were taken after sent over and set at liberty there But time and paper will fail me to make enumeration of all the benefits and favours that I bestowed in general and particular upon Papists in recounting whereof every scrape of my Pen would serve but for a blot of the Pope's Ingratitude and Injustice in meteing me with so hard a measure for the same Yet for all these Favours His Majesty in another place tells us That The never-enough wondred at and abhorred POWDER-TREASON Monitory Preface to all Christian Monarchs p. 6 7 8 9. though the Repetition thereef grieveth I know the gentle-hearted Jesuit * His Majesty alludes to Parsons Letter against his Book call'd The judgment of a Catholick English man p. 6. §. 10. Parsons This Treason I say being not only intended against me and my Posterity but even against the whole House of Parliament plotted only by Papists and they only led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the advancement of their Religion some of them continuing so obstinate that even at their death they would not acknowledg their Fault but in their last words immediately before the expiring of their breath refused to condemn themselves and crave Pardon for their Deed except the Romish Church should first condemn it And soon after it being discovered that a great number of my Popish Subjects of all Ranks and Sexes both Men and Women as well within as without the Countrey had a confused Notion and an obscure Knowledg that some great thing was to be done in that Parliament for the Weal of the Church although for Secrecy's cause they were not acquainted with the Particulars certain Forms of Prayer having likewise been set down and used for the good success of that Great Errand Adding hereunto That divers times and from divers Priests the Arch-Traytors themselves received the Sacrament for confirmation of their Heart and observation of Secresie Some of the principal Jesuits likewise being found
229 His body denyed burial 229 230 Henrician Heresie what 230 Henry V Emperour kisseth the Popes Toe ibid. Henry VI Emperour how Crown'd 262 Henry VII Emperour his death 301 302 Henry Son to John d'Albret King of Navar Excommunicated and declared Deprived by Pope Leo X 346 Henry King of Navar protests against the Declaration and Excommunication of Pope Sixtus V 512 513 Hen. VIII King of England Supreme Head of the Church declar'd deprived of his Dominions 399 400 401 402 c. Paul III ' s Bull against him 404 405 Rebellions in the North against him 406 His Apology undertook by William Thomas 407 Hen. III K. of France his troubles from the Leaguers Book the 8th He steals privately out of Paris 524 Submits to the D. of Guise 525 Closes in with the King of Navar 540 His Name dash'd out of all Prayer books ibid. A Monitory Bull sent out against him by Sixtus V 540 541 542 543 Is murdred by Fryar Clem. 547 The Action rejoyced at and vindicated by the Covenanters 548 and the Chieftains of Rome 549 550 551 c. Henry IV King of France his troubles lib. 8. cap. 7. Declared Heretick and deprived of his Dominions by Gregory XIV 577 Murdred by Ravaillac 640 to 648 Hildebrand vid. Gregory VII Hugonots the Grandees of them massacred in one day 416 The action commended and applauded publickly 416 417 Hungary bloudy actions there 308 Ors Hypato Duke of Venice slain 183 I JAmes VI K of Scotland plots against him by the Romanists 366 367 368 369 370 c. Designes against his taking the Crown of England 676 677 678 Imposes the Oath of Allegiance defends it 709 710 711 c. Jesuits foolish stories of their Founder and Order 5 6 They have two Consciences 45 Jesus Christ childish stories of him 16 c. 29 Marryed to several 16 22 Not so much worship'd as were others 17 Ignatius Loyola his lying stories 5 6 Images troubles about them 163 164 Ingratitude 229 The Spanish Invasion 451 to 459 The Spanish Royal Standard blest 453 454 Joane Pope 180 John King of England his troubles 274 Joh. K. of Navar deprived 343 344 Ireland troubles there against Q. Elizabeth 384 385 386 387 to 397 Articles between Francis I K. of France the Earl of Desmond for the conquering it 385 386 A Rebellion raised there by Tir-Oen 648 649 The Irish send a slanderous Letter to the Pope against Queen Elizabeth 649 They are thanked for their Rebellion by the Pope 651 Defended by the Divines of Salamanca and Valladolid 667 668 c. Irene murthers her son Constantine 169 Donna Isabella Sister to Hen. IV K. of Castile invited to accept the Government refuses declared Princess of the Asturias and lawful Heir to the Kingdom of Castile and Leon 341 Succeeds in the Kingdom 342 Julio II Pope deprives John d'Albret K. of Navar and gives his Kingdom and Dominions to Ferdinand II K. of Arragon 344 Of a Warlike disposition 347 348 Interdicts Lewis XII absolves his Subjects gives his Kingdom to any that will take it takes away the Title of MOST CHRISTIAN from the French and confers it on the King of England ibid. the first Pope that wore a long beard 350 Holy Junta of Spain against Charles V 357 358 361 c. Justinian II Emperor of Constantinople his troubles 161 162 His Nose 162 K Kennith III King of Scotland murder'd 211 Kings are but Asses 38 Must kiss the Popes Feet ibid. Lead the Popes Horse ibid. Hold his Stirrop ibid. Carry up water for the Popes hands ibid. Carry up his meat ibid. Carry the Pope on their shoulders ibid. May be deposed by the Pope 41 42 c. May be deposed by Bishops though poor 53 Compar'd to Asses 38 to Dogs 43 May be deposed by their Subjects 86 87 c. May be kill'd by their Subjects 95 96 c. For how many Causes Kings may be depos'd 107 108 c. Their murder defended by a B. D. of the Sorbonne 503 L Lambert Emperour slain 190 Holy League and Covenant in France the introduction to it 483 484 485 486 to 494 The Articles of the Holy League 494 495 496 497 The Leaguers sollicite their cause at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII 506 Their Declaration drawn up in the name of Cardinal Bourbon whom they call first Prince of the Bloud 507 508 Their Council of Sixteen at Paris vid. Paris Some Preachers set on work by them to bespatter the King and his actions 518 519 Their insolences against King Henry III after the death of the Guises 529 534 Their Holy Vnion 535 They send Messengers to the Pope with private instructions to act 536 Card. Bourbon declared King by the Leaguers 562 563 c. Leo III Emperour troubled about images 163 264 L. Lessius bad Principles 74 75 Lewis le Debonnaire Emperour depos'd 170 171 c. 177 Lewis IV his eyespull'd out 189 Lewis VII of France Interdicted 254 Lewis IV Emperour his troubles 303 304 Lewis XII of France Interdicted 347 Calls a Council at Pisa to depose Pope Julio 349 Roderigo Lopez his treasons against Queen Elizabeth 461 462 463 Designes to poyson her ibid. Loretto's Chappel and flying story 23 Luidolph his humble submission 194 Those of Lyons joyn with the Leaguers 537 Their Declaration ibid. The form of their Oath 533 M THe Office of Majordom Maire du Palais first set up by Clotaire the I 165 One Landregesile first chosen to that Office ibid. Ebroin the first that advanc'd that Office ibid. Malcolme King of Scotland murdred 208 Malcolme II King of Scotland murdred 214 Gregory Martin's Pamphlet against Queen Elizabeth 437 Virgin Mary abused with lying stories 4 5 7 8 c. 21 29 Her kissing and marrying 8 9 Her kindness to whores 9 Equal to Christ himself 11 12 Her bloud better then Christs bloud 13 How hurried into Heaven 14 We must bow at the Name of the Virgin Mary 40 Queen Mary of England in her 5 years Raign put above 260 to death for Religion 418 Mauritius Emp. murther'd 153 c. The D. of Mayenne goes to Paris is made Head of the Leaguers 538 539 Refuses peace is proclaimed Traitor all his adherents 539 Medici the wicked designs of the Pope upon that Family 331 Giuliano murdred by Bandini de Pazzi 332 Lorenzo wounded but escapes ibid. Michael Emperour of Constantinople murdred 182 Miracles lying and forged 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 c. 21 22 23 24 25 c. 134 135 184 199 207 247 266 Monegario Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Cardinal Montalto his Letter to the General Council of the holy Vnion about the murther of Hen. III 549 550 551 c. N NAples its troubles 330 John Nichols an account of him 434 O OAths of Allegiance 60 Endeavour'd to be in France 57 58 59 Opposed in England 73 74 75 76 77 First framed 709 710 The Pope sends out two Breves against the taking
Charlemaign's Ambassadors coming to Constantinople found that design spoil'd by a great alteration for one Nicephorus having made the Army sure to him besiegeth Irene takes her prisoner is himself declared Emperour giveth an Oath of Allegiance to the Army banisheth Irene confining her to the Island Lesbos where she pines away with anguish and grief and so Nicephorus struck up a peace with Charlemaign and the Empire 's divided Thâ— Charles was the first that was Emperour of the West or Germany at whose Coronation the Pope did Adore him as used to be done to ancient Emperours that is as b Dupleix saith the Pope a Alors le Pape au report de nos Annales adora Charles à la maniere des anciens Empereurs c'est à dire s'humilia devantluy les genoux à terre le recognoissant comme Empereur Romain Scipion. Dupleâ—x Tom 1. pag. 449. § 4. kneeling on the ground humbled himself before him acknowledging him to be Emperour of Rome The French and Spaniard are yet at dispute concerning their Relation to this Charlemaign and the Empire the Castilian affirming himself to have much of this Charles his bloud in him being in part descended from him and so hath more right to the Empire than the other the Royal-line of Charles ending in France by the coming in of Hugh Capet This is as furiously opposed by the French but being nothing to my purpose I shall refer those of the Spanish Interest to the Reasons of b Vindiciae Hispan Chifletius whilst those who stand for the French may consult the Answers to them by David Blondellus where the Monsieur may clog himself with a bad method and multitude of Genealogies with a Preface as some say of the Gate of Myndus bigger than all the other work or Building And almost an hundred years ago Matthaeus Zampinus wrote an Apology for Hugh Capet as descended from the ancient French Kings and related also to Charles the Great But this by the by Sect. 2. The miserable and troublesome Raign of the Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire by the many Rebellions against him CHarles le Maigne or the Great being dead there succeeded him as Emperour and King of France his Son Lewes le Debonnaire i. e. the Courteous or Affable by the Latines call'd Ludovicus Pius one though very good-natured and religious yet was his life nothing but trouble and misery I shall not say any thing of the Tumultuous Saxons Hunns Normans and suchlike people but tell you what oppositions he received from his own Kindred and what Rebellions and Treasons were waged against him by his own Sons Bernard Son to Pepin Son to Charles the Great and so Nephew to this Lewes le Debonnaire was call'd King of Italy and there year 800 lived to keep those people in subjection to the Empire but by his inconsiderate Rebellion against his Uncle Lewes he lost both it with his liberty eyes and life too Lewes having made Laws to restrain the excess of some Bishops procured him the hatred of some of the proud Clergy amongst the rest three were most eminent in this Faction and Rebellion viz. Anselmus Bilius the First Archbishop of Millan Wolfeldus Bishop of Cremona in Italy and Theodulphus Bishop of Orleans in France these fob'd up Bernard with strange hopes of success if he would war against his Uncle Lewes and in several discourses with him play'd their Cards so well that having at first breath'd into him discontent to which his own proud humour perswaded him then hopes of carrying all at last ingaged him to appear in open Hostility titling of himself a P. Berthault Florus Francicus pag. 118. J. de Serres King of France which he also resolved to seise upon to which purpose he had got a strong Army and fortified the Alpean passages into Italy The Emperour Lewes informed of this imploys his whole care to provide himself with a sufficient force which having gathered together from several places marched towards his Enemy Bernard understanding the great strength of Lewes and his own Souldiers running away from him whereby he knowing that he was not able to stand against him having consulted several ways for his own safety he found none that were probable to succeed but his submission and knowing the Emperour of all men to be most merciful and good-natured taking his opportunity he goeth to Lewes acknowledgeth his fault and humbly begs his pardon and so did others the chief of this Rebellion by which means a full discovery of the design was made but that which incensed most was that the Emperour by these confessions understood that some of his own chief Councellors and most intimate familiars were privy to and ingaged in the Treachery They are all imprisoned and an Assembly being held at Aken in Germany they are all there declared according to their old Laws guilty of High-Treason and so the chief of them adjudged to death The Emperour was very willing to spare Bernard onely to have confined him to perpetual imprisonment But the other Councellors about him so aggravated the pride arrogancie and this Treason of Bernard that Lewes though with grief consented that he should have his b Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 1. pag. 333. eyes pull'd out it being the common punishment in those times which accordingly was c Giacop Filip da Bergamo in his old Italian Chronocle it may be through a mistake declares the punishment thus Bernardo essendomenato in Aquisgrana fu decapitate fol. 304. b. done and the third day after he dyed for grief The Bishops who were found guilty of this Treachery were deprived of their Dignities and thrust into little Covents As for the Emperour Lewes he no sooner heard of Bernards death but he was hugely troubled publickly repenting that he had consented to such counsel openly confessing his cruelty as he call'd it and order'd all the Plotters to be set at liberty and restored to their former Beings But now let us proceed to a more unnatural Rebellion and first for the better understanding of it the Reader if he please for memory-sake may glance upon this small Scheme Charles the Great the First Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire to him was first given France but out-living his two Brothers he became Emperour Hermingardis Daughter to Earl Nigranus Lâ—tharius after the overthrow of Bernard made King of â—aly and was by his Father joyn'd with him in the Empire Pepin had Aquitane given him he dyed before his Father leaving two young Sons Lewes had Bavaria given him by his Father and his Brother Lothaire was forced to give all Germany and is call'd King of it Judith Daughter to Welfo Earl of Altdorf Charles the Bald was King of France and at last Emperour he was poysoned as some say by his Physitians Some have indeavoured to declare the true grounds of this unnatural Rebellion but others suppose that ambition was the real cause whatever might be the pretence one of them being this Lewes fighting against
the Moors in Catalonia as his Father Grandfather and Great-grand-father had done before him there was one a Imperial Hist pag. 392. Bernardo del Carpio Nephew to King Alonso who was so famous in those Wars against the Saracens for his great prudence and success that the Emperour Lewes took a special liking to him and being of such great Birth and Duke of Barcenona he took him to him into France making him a special favourite At this promotion of a Stranger the French took pet and at last by rumours and false news so increased the charge that the crime also fell heavily upon the Empress Juditha as one too familiar with the said Bernardo and as one that had so much possess'd the Emperours affection that she not onely ruled all but intended also to get all for her Son Charles from the Emperours other three Children But the truth is these reports are by the Wisest held to be false and impertinent for the Emperour to satisfie the world of the first order'd Bernardo to depart from him which accordingly he did returning into Spain and for any other crime lay'd to him having beg'd leave he publickly challenged according to the custom of those times any his accuser against whom he would clear his innocencie by Combat but none appearing he purged himself by Oath As for Judith Lewes for peace-sake had sent her into a Nunnery nor would he receive her again till before her Enemies she had clear'd her self And a late judicious b Jo. Henr. Bâ—â—eler Comment de rebâ—s saeculi IX X paâ— 65. Historian sheweth us that the ancient Writers of those times do confess that the accusations lay'd against Judith were all false and lyes And their other pretence viz. the indeavours to have young Charles to over-top his Brothers is very impertinent considering how he had given to one a great part of Germany to another a great command in France and the Eldest viz. Lotharius he had had him crown'd Emperour though himself then living according to the custom of those times the better to confirm his succession in the Empire But were these pretences true I see no Authority to warrant this Rebellion which all Authors cry out against and acknowledge the cause of all to be meerly Ambition Arrogancie with hopes of domineering To this Rebellion several of their proud Prelates had an itching De Bussieres Tom. 1. pag. 349. humour nourishing within themselves an hatred against the Emperour because he had by Law restrained their Military Pomp most of them then going habited and acting like Souldiers not troubling their thoughts with their Office as Bishops onely to sweep up the Revenues The chief of these were Ebo or Ebbo Archbishop of Rheims at first a beggerly fellow but by the Emperours favour thus prefer'd Jesse Bishop of Amiens and such like and some of the chief Nobility were great promoters of this villany as Hilduin Hugo Monfredus c. And who must head these but Pepin the Emperours Son and so having got a considerable Army together he marcheth against his Father and in his way takes Orleans The Emperour upon notice of this sends his Empress for security Anno. 830. or policie to a Nunnery at Leon in Picardy himself going to Compeigne neerer Paris Pepin hearing of this sends a party of his Confederates to Laon where by force they take out Juditha and carry her to their General where she is threatned with all manner of torments and deaths unless she will use all her Arguments and Interest to perswade Lewes to become Monk and resign the Empire and she her self to turn Nun. Upon this she is carryed to Compeigne where she privately perswades the Emperour to be as cunning as possible in this great concern and having discovered to him some other hints she returns to the Confederates by whom she is sent to Poictiers and there thrust into the Abbey of a De S. Croix S. Radegonde and there by force vailed as a Nun Pepin and his Confederates publickly rejoycing at this fine act of theirs thinking that now they had all at command and as heart could wish Whilst these Insolencies were acted in France Lotharius or Lotaire the Eldest Brother was in Italy at his command but that he leaveth and cometh to be an Actor with the rest At his first coming in his Councils were divided for though he declared against any incivility to be done to his Father yet he punished all Don Bernardo's Relations he could met withal one he banish'd and another he commanded to have his eyes pull'd out and then did as much as approve of all that had been hitherto done and so the Emperour remain'd without any Power or Authority excepting the bare Name Having gone thus far 't was at last supposed the most plausible means to bring their designs about to have a publick Meeting or Assembly held where they did not question but their actions would be approved of and the Emperour forced to resign Upon this it behooves Lewes to play his Cards well now or never and having consulted all ways at last he found none that had any hopes of security but to trust to his old Friends the Germans where if he could procure the Assembly to be kept he question'd not but all would go well for he thought that at this time he had little reason to confide in his Country-men the French who had thus in time of such need left him in the lurch And accordingly he behaved himself so cunningly that he not only got the Parliament to be held in Germany but a so that none should appear at this meeting in a Warlike posture and accompanied with no more than his own Family and Attendants And having thus secured himself he goeth to the place appointed with his Son Lotharius where seeing himself strengthned with the affection and assistance of a great many Germans he pluck'd up his courage and began to oppose the vapours of his Enemies and in full Parliament being informed that the two Lord Abbots Halduin and Walachus his main opposers had come to the Meeting attended with Armed men boldly ask'd them how they durst appear so accompanyed against the Edict and to punish this their insolencie commanded both of them with their Souldiers to depart the place confining the first to reside and winter at Paderborn in Westphalia and the other at Corbie in Picardy This action quite broke the hearts of the rest of the Conspirators and put them to their wits ends and scarce knowing which way to turn themselves the next night the chief of them went to Lotharius to consult what should be done nor need this take up much time of consideration for they found but two ways either presently to put it to the venture of the Sword or to withdraw themselves from the Parliament till they could increase their force either to carry all France which they doubted not of or by some policie to get the Emperour out of the