another place And his vivacious and couragious manner of supporting the Hereticks afterwards render'd him still more suspected The King hated him because he thought himself despis'd by him tho' he had done him great Services And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Aire of a Threat it was always taken in ill part because they thought him capable of doing more then threaten These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another and laid before each other the King's Easiness the Tricks and Artifices of Rome the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers who sufficiently shewed by the Articles of their Treaties their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion There were also a great number of Lords Governours of Places Captains and Persons in Authority who lay under the same Terrors among whom there were some who having seen the times wherein Massacre and Treachery were so rise made no question but there was a design to destroy the Reformation as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity The Catholicks did those who were thus Character'd the Honour to call 'em Brouillons Troublesom Restless Disturbers of the Publick Peace As if People with whom they had so often broke their Words were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienc'd and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions Du Plessis who made a Conscience of Religion was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it and a great part of the Affairs that tended that way were manag'd by his Counsels But in regard he was a Person of known Probity the King still put a Confidence in him and follow'd his Advice in many things because his Enemies themselves acknowledg'd 'em to be both prudent and sincere tho' they were often utter'd with great Boldness and Liberty He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies who appeas'd those who were over-hot and furious who put a stop to those that ran too fast and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches yet never fail'd in his Obedience There was no body that labour'd so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience during Negotiations for Four years together at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials through the Severity Delays and Artifices of the Court before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions These various Inclinations appear'd in all the National Assemblies both Temporal and Ecclesiastical which were held for naming of Deputies and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy There were some of those particular Assemblies wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the Kingdom or whether there should be a Form of Government erected to stand upon their own Legs without Protection But the whole was referr'd to the General Assembly to be there consulted Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bouillon who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector or some other Prince of his House and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom setting aside the Princes of the Blood whose Interests were such that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by ' em He was in hopes by this means that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousie under a Superiour then if he enjoy'd it in his own Name But the Reformed more especially they who were call'd Consistorials were weary of Personal Protection and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caus'd 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny There could be no National Synods assembl'd since the Year 1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban a City far remote from the Court and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause made amends for that long Interval of lost Time and handl'd Affairs of great Importance The first of all their Cares was to order Publick Prayers for the King's Prosperity to the end it might appear that his changing his Religion had not disingag'd 'em either from obeying or serving him And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange who refus'd to pray for the King tho' he were a Catholick and Crown'd with the usual Ceremonies This Diametrical Opposition of Duty in the one and Contumaciousness in the other plainly made it apparent on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were when they heard those whose Religion the Prince had relinquish'd pray to God according to the usual Custom for the Success of his Arms while they whose Doctrine he had embrac'd refus'd to name him in their Supplications to Heaven But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Prosperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion the same Assembly order'd that Prayers should be said at the same time that God would vouchsafe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person to make him some Remonstrances After this the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em the Reformed in those Quarters had been oblig'd to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importunately su'd for This Proceeding was disown'd by the Synod as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Mantes where they had obtain'd a Promise of a new Regulation which should enlarge that Edict and the Society gave in charge that their Complaints should be carry'd to the General Assembly at St. Foy which was conven'd the Month following The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict were because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds that they could no longer be assur'd of having any Advantage by it that something was â—…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League That the Reformed since that time having perform'd many faithful and important Services it was but just that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Priviledges they should grant â—…em new ones in recompence for their loss of Blood and Hardship â—ndergone That in short that Edict was granted at a time when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood who was
the King could not be admitted before taking an Oath that they would be Catholicks being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant ipso facto if they should ever happen to break their Oath In some places they were sent back without so much as hearing their Complaints in others they were turned out even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places or else they were forced to dispose of them in favour of the Catholicks The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed during three Years the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac where it had been setled before and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand Council at the time of these Complaints In several Provinces Gentlemen were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs on pain of forfeiting the same nay the Parliament of Paris when yet sitting at Tours inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League that upon the presentation of Letters Patents to the Court an Inquiry into the Behaviour Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered and that they could not be admitted without giving a sufficient Testimony of their being Catholicks save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League as I have related in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices whatever Edicts Orders from the Court and Decrees of Parliaments they might obtain whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices of Judges in Parliaments and Presidial-Courts of Sollicitors General of Publick Notaries of Attorneys and Sergeants The Parliament of Grenoble though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed was now still refusing to admit Vulson who had obtained a Patent for a Judges place in the same Court and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits One of the Reformed having obtained a Patent for the Place of one Colas Vice Seneschal of Montelimar an obstinate Rebel who would never be reconciled with the King whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere whereof he stiled himself Count that Reformed I say could never get his Patent allow'd by the Parliament of Grenoble but after he had to facilitate the matter treated with Colas for the Place and bought it of him then the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners and kept him eighteen Months about it being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholick Brethren and had been admitted even during the League which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts new Orders and peremptory Decrees from the Council All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature where in full Court they had been call'd Dogs Turks Hereticks Heteroclites of the new Opinion a People who deserved to be destroy'd with Fire and Sword and expelled out of the Kingdom Their being Hereticks added they had been allowed in several Courts as a sufficient cause of exception as if the Laws of the Emperours against the Manichees had been made against them Seguier one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais a very considerable Gentleman amongst the Reformed had said that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholicks and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman to restore him to his Estate the King's Council would oppose and take it away from him as from an unworthy Heretick They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed of Murders left unpunished of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process of false Witnesses tolerated though convicted A famous Highway-man being thought to be of the Reformed Religion was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive and fined five hundred Crowns two hundred whereof accrued to the King and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit that he had been a Catholick for two Years past the Punishment was changed into beheading and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits Colledge The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lyon such of the Reformed as went thither to demand Justice against the Catholicks of Saint Stephen of Furant were called Seditious Persons who troubled the Judges with their Complaints They added That the Writs obtained by the Reformed for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another were eluded by denying them Letters of Pareatis or Hereof fail not which they were forced to sue for sometimes whole six Months together but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse for there they judged the cause definitively and then granted Letters of Pareatis Whereupon it was observed that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will than the King was by his good will able to redress Whereupon they inlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts granted to the League and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace the former being allowed without alteration or reservation and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity as Edicts the Syllables Letters and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts delays and tricks or allow'd with so many limitations and exceptions that they were made altogether useless And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris There they shew'd also how little satisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which in their judgment was not fit for the present time for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in which reflected on them a thousand ways therefore they had not demanded but constantly refused it Whereupon they observed with what difficulty the Edict which re-established the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris they did not forget the shiftings and tricks of the Attorney-General and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices They named here the Parliaments which would not verifie it but above all they observ'd the severity of that of Dijon which likewise refused it tho' the King going through
and others left undecided for Reasons of State The fifth Demand was for obtaining an equal number of Judges of both Religions in all Parliaments and was grounded upon the ill-will of these Courts who daily did notorious pieces of Injustice to the Reformed and started a World of Difficulties and Scruples in the verifying of the Edicts granted for their Security Which they had made out with so many Instances in the Book of their Complaints that the Court was not able to deny it and thought it very insignificant to allow them only some Protestant Judges in each Court since it was certain that where-ever the Number of Catholicks were greater the Reformed should be infallibly cast But the Parliaments had such an Interest to prevent the multiplying of Offices in their Bodies and the dismembring of their Jurisdictions that this Affair met with many Difficulties and Obstacles The King nevertheless granted one miparted Chamber in the Parliaments of Thoulouse Bordeaux and Grenoble where all the Causes of the Reformed should respectively be brought There was already one at Castres and some reformed Judges had been establish'd in the Parliament of Grenoble and it seem'd that the Reformed of Dauphine where Lesdiguieres had a full Power had nothing common in several Affairs with those of the same Religion in the other Province three Judges were then added to the former to make up a miparted Chamber which at the very Time of its Creation was incorporated with the Parliament insomuch that its Members were call'd in when ever any thing was to be debated in a full House Moreover the King promised to erect a Chamber at Paris consisting of ten Catholick Judges and six reformed and those Protestants who lived within the respective Jurisdictions of the Parliaments of Rouen Rennes and Dijon had their choice either to bring their Causes before that of their own Province or before any of the Chambers granted in the nearest of them The King's Promise made to the Reformed in respect of the Parliament of Paris was not executed but it seems he made them amends for it by creating some new Offices of Judges in that of Normandy and a Chamber of the Edict upon the Model of that which was establish'd at Paris They had not the same Favour in the Parliament of Britany either because the Judges of that Court which were some of the most furious against the Reformed would not consent to it for that it was not judged necessary in that Province where the Number of Protestants was very inconsiderable or in fine that all the Members of that Parliament were so partial and passionate that a sufficient number of equitable Men could not be found among them to make it up Nothing was changed in what had been agreed upon concerning the Parliament of Dijon That of Rouen being a great Enemy to the Reformed they had therefore obtained the Choice I spoke of just now But this bringing up of Causes from one Court to another had brought to the Parliament of Paris all the Causes of Normandy where the Reformed were very numerous and the Catholicks themselves stuck not sometimes to beg their Intervention in their own Causes when they were jealous of their Judges insomuch that this Parliament losing much by that means chose rather to agree to the creation of a Chamber like that of Paris than to see almost all the Law Suits of its Jurisdiction brought to another The Reformed found also some Advantage therein because they were no longer obliged to travel out of their Province and so far from their Friends because also the Customs of Paris and Normandy were very different and that the Charges and Delays were more troublesome at Paris than at Rouen Besides they were Gainers in that Bargain by the three Offices of Judges created by the King in their behalf But for all this that Parliament was not reconcil'd to the Reformation and as it was the most corrupted and venal Court in all France so there was none where the Reformed were expos'd to greater Vexations and Injustice However this Establishment was made but 15 or 16 Months after the Edict Because it was long doubted whether the Clause concerning Offices inserted in the Edict granted to the Marquess of Villars permitted the Protestants to be sharers therein But upon the whole matter it was concluded That the King had not by this Clause deprived himself of his Right and the Interest of the Parliament oblig'd him to declare that it was but provisional The sixth Demand was For a free Admittance to all Offices of State War Justice Policy Treasury and to all Commissions Employments Professions Arts and Trades without Danger of being excluded upon the account of Religion It was directly against the Canon-Law which debars from all these Rights such as are not obedient to the Roman Church and who are for that Reason call'd Hereticks and it had been the Original of all the Oppositions made to the Reformed during so many Years together but it was of such great Consequence to them that they would never desist from that Article because besides the Honour and Credit of Offices which they would not have their Families to be depriv'd of they saw well that if that honourable Door was shut to the Protestants such as had more Ambition than Piety would soon bid adieu to their naked and barren Religion and thereby bring the Reformation to a declining State The greatest Opposition came from the Parliaments who refused to admit them to the Places of the Law But at last they obtain'd their Desire and the King declared them capable of holding all sorts of Offices whereby they thought they had gain'd a considerable Point because that Honour being refused to Hereticks by the Canons their being admitted to them was a Discharge from that odious and hateful Name This Pretension extended much farther than the former by which they only desired a certain Number of impartial Judges but the latter aim'd at no less than to be made capable of diverse Offices which were supream in Cities and Towns of Shrievalties Mayoralties Consulats Tabellionages of Places of Attorney of Recorder of Bailiff of Places in the Marshalsea Admiralty in the Table of Marble of those of the Chamber of Accounts of the Court of Aids of the Courts of Elections of those of Judge or Judge-Assistant in the inferior Jurisdictions of Judge in chief in the Court leets of the Lords They were also admitted by the same to the Places of Master of Requests two whereof had been promised them gratis and to those of Secretary to the King which are none of the least importance in respect of their Priviledges They were already possess'd of some Governments and military Dignities and several among them were even Counsellors of State The same Article had also a very great extent in the Profession of Mechanick or Liberal Arts and in a Word tended to a levelling of the Catholicks with the Reformed by making
fierce and so cruel would undoubtedly reduce them in the sequel to the most dismal Extremities of Slavery Therefore those who had the management of that Affair resolv'd to improve the Determination of the Assembly of Rochel and to summon the Deputies of the Councils of the three Neighbouring Provinces to Implore their Advice and Assistance to secure themselves In order whereunto after having celebrated a Fast in all the Churches of Bearn to beg of Almighty God a happy success in that Enterprise they Conven'd an Assembly of the three Provinces at Castel-jaloux But the thing being done publickly by Persons who had no private ends and who did not look upon that proceeding to be Unlawful the King had timely notice of it and sent orders to the Consuls of the place before the Deputies arriv'd there He also writ to the Parliament of Bourdeaux and to the Chamber of Nerac to impeach all such as should be concern'd in the said Assembly and to use them as Infractors of the Edicts and Perturbators of the Publick Peace which the Parliament did not fail to effect with their usual Passion Whereupon the Governor and the Consuls of Castel-jaloux refus'd to admit the Deputies within their Gates being unwilling to displease the Court. Tonneins whither the Deputies repair'd from thence treated them in the same manner This made them fearful that they would meet the same treatment throughout Guyenne and that while they lost their time in seeking a safe and convenient place the Court would oblige the Bearnois to do that by force which the â—â—â—oviâ—â—e was not in a condition to hinder They also conâ—â—â—ded that it would not be proper to hold their Assembly in a pâ—â—â—â— â—oo far distant from that which might stand in need of their â—ssistance Therefore they repaired to Orthez in Bearn where they were certain of a kind Reception The Court could not preâ—ent the effect of that Resolution by reason that it was held â—ecret until the very moment in which it was put in Executiâ—n As soon as the Assembly was form'd they writ to the â—ing who would neither receive their Letters as coming from an Unlawful Assembly nor yet give a hearing to the Deputies General On the contrary he put out a very severe Declaration on the 21st of May against the Authors and Members of the said Assembly In the mean time the Court expected to hear the Effect of the Journey of Renard Master â—f Requests chosen by the Clergy who had been sent into Bearn to put the King's Orders in Execution and to get the Decree of Restauration Registred in the Sovereign Council â—he Edict of Reimplacement and the Decrees of Verification â—t Thoulouse and at Bourdeaux and that of the Council given â—n consequence thereof which order'd the Council of the Province to do the like The said Commissioner was very ill â—eceiv'd at Pau where the Common People and all the Schoâ—â—â—rs stir'd a great Sedition against him The Wisest had not Authority enough to hinder it The Assembly of Orthez and the Council of the Academy endeavour'd it in vain So that Renard was oblig'd to retire But he did it like a Man who was willing to aggravate Matters For which reason he refus'd some Honours that were offer'd him as to a Commissioner from the King He refus'd to Communicate his Commission he only distributed some Letters among those the Court was sore of by which they were commanded to assist him He would not accept the Sureties that were offer'd him to come to Pau to acquaint the Sovereign Council with his Instructions Moreover he went away very abruptly after having sent a Verbal and very Violent Report to Court charging La Force and the Soveraign Council with all the Disorder He joyn'd the Decree that Council had lately made to it by which upon the pursuit of the Clergy and upon the opposition of the Estates and of the Churches they declar'd That they could not make the Inrollment and that the King should be humbly Entreated to leave things in the Condition in which they were and that every body should return home and live in Peace The Bishops had excepted against Lescun pretending that he was a Party against them as if it had been a private Process But their Recusation was not allow'd of by reason that Lescun had done nothing without Authority The said Decree was made about the end of June During these Transactions the People ever curious of Presages and of Prodigies did not fail to make great Reflexions upon some Earthquakes which were observ'd in some parts of Bearn the very next day after the Departure of the King's Commissioner And whereas those Signs are generally equivocal and only signifie what People desire or dread every body drew Consequences from it conformable to their Temper Nevertheless as People are most inclin'd to dread when they reflect on Accidents of which the Causes are unknown to them most look'd upon them as an advice from Heaven which denoted to them that the Affairs of the State were threatned with a great alteration and that both the Churches and the Country were going to suffer ruinous shakings For that reason the usual Devotions on such occasions were renewed in Bearn and a publick Fast was celebrated there on the 9th of July The Court being inform'd with the ill Success of Renard Commission nevertheless made an advantagious use of his Journey And by an Italian Policy they pretended that the Cause of the Bearnois having been defended at large in the Council of Pau was a sufficient reason to refuse an Audience to the Churches which desir'd that it might be pleaded before the King This Evasion would have been plausible supposing what is seldom true that Princes were inform'd with the particulars of the Affairs that are reported to them And then they might without Injustice to the Bearnois have freed the King of the Fatigue of several tedious Audiences by acquainting him with what had been said in the presence or with the Participation of his Commissioners who was to give him an account of it But the Favourites and the Ministers were unwilling to use the King to take so much Cognisance of Affairs They knew he was easie but withal capable to understand reason and they were afraid that should the Question he well explain'd before him it would deprive them of the fruit of all their Craft They satisfy'd him with Reflexions upon Soveraign Authority which seems to be incroach'd upon by the Liberty Subjects take to come to plead in the very Council of their Princes against the Laws which they have made This was the Character of Luine's Government counâ—ii'd by Spain and by the Clergy He and his Creatures onâ—â— preach'd absolute Power to the King which Doctrine he swallow'd as greedily as if others had not exerted it in his â—â—ead The Clergy has follow'd the same Maxim at all times â—eing perswaded that it would be more easie for
and accus'd 'em of the King's death and several other Assassinations Tilenus answer'd this Discourse by a Writing wherein excepting the Portraicture which he gives of Milletiere which is natural enough it may be said that he had neither sincerity nor judgment And a man may judge of it by the ridiculous Answer which he gives to the Example of the Maccabees and which he thought to evade by saying that the History that relates it was held at Geneva for Apocriphal as if neither Examples or Reasons avail'd any thing in point of Policy or Right if the Books out of which they were taken were not Canonical Moreover he makes an Apology for the Jesuits which justifies the Assassination of Kings and with he audaciousness of a Missionary he revives the reproach of having suborn'd Simon de Mâ—â— hang'd at Paris for other Crimes to attempt the murder of Katherine de Medicis Nor did he forget Poltrot who assassinated the Duke of Guise and fain would have one Philip de â—â—lombault Sieur de Varcieux executed at Paris in the Court of the Palace without any noise and without expressing the cause to be a Russian of the same stamp grounding his Conjecture upon the privacy observâ—d in his execution He also spends a great deal of time to prove that Kings are not bound to observe the Laws Nor do she spare for Testimonies and Examples and diâ—â—nâ—angles himself from the Testimonies on the other side by saying That a Prince is bound to go according to the Laws but if he breaks 'em it is not lawful to resist him which is as much as to say in a word that nothing obliges Sovereigns to the observance of the most â—acred Laws seeing there is no lawful means to defend the Laws in opposition to their violence when they break ' em Whence it follows that every man who submits himself to a King plainly renounces his own safety since he only grounds it upon Equity and Probity for which it may so happen many times that neither the Prince nor Counsellors have any regard 'T is for the People to consider whether such Politics as these are convenient for ' em Above all things Tilenus advances the Authority of the Kings of France to the highest degree The Emperor's Authority in his Opinion was much more limited Nevertheless all that the most powerful of Kings have ever aim'd at has bin to be Emperors in their own Dominions and those Lawyers who attribute the highest power to 'em say nothing more of it But that which might beyond all this encline the Court to protect the Arminian Theology was the Imposture supported against the Synod of Dort For they made France believe that the secret Design of that Assembly was to form a Protestant League â—o destroy the Church of Rome Tilenus also reveal'd this important Mystery in his writing and from thence concludes That the King did very well not to permit the Ministers of his Kingdom to go thither as if such a great Affair could not have bin â—esolv'd upon for want of French Ministers It may be judg'd by these little Remarks what kind of Answer Tilenus's was â—nd at the same time why the Court of France seem'd so averse â—o the Doctrine of that Synod But I return to that of Charenton They resolv'd upon a â—unctual Obedience in reference to the two Articles of which their Commissioners made their Report reserving to themselves â—he liberty of addressing to the King for his permission when they had a desire to send for any Foreign Minister As for the doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort they order'd it to be â—orn to under the name of the Doctrine of the Synod of Alets without any appearance in the wording of the Oath that it â—ad any relation to the Assembly of Dort And the Articles of â—â—at Doctrine were printed together with the Doctrine of the â—ynod and they were cri'd publicly upon Pont Neuf But they â—ho were not pleas'd with those decisions endeavour'd to disâ—arage 'em by a thousand Observations wherein Calumny was 〈…〉 Argument that carri'd the greatest stroke The Commissioners had in charge to demand the resettlement 〈…〉 Assignations which had bin given and which were due for â—…e preceding years for those which the Churches had obtain'd 〈…〉 the year 1621 were allotted to other uses nor had there â—…n any for the year 1622. and at first they had order'd bad ones â—…r the present year But Candal refusing to accept 'em they order'd better Nevertheless because they lay far remote they remanded such as were nearer at hand and of which they might have a quicker benefit At length the Commissioners obtain'd â—orty thousand Livres in ready money for which they had Bills upon the Exchequer They had also fair Promises for the future but were put quite out of hopes for what was past During the sitting of the Synod the King wrote a Letter to â—he Commissioner dated September 25. and containing three â—hâ—ngs to be propos'd to the Synod The first was That the â—ing would not give leave that either Primrose or Cameron whom the Catholics could not pardon the Affair of Bourdeâ—â—â— should exercise the Function of the Ministry or profess Divinity in the Kingdom He said That that Exclusion was not grounded upon their being Foreigners but upon Reasons that concern'd his service The second was That when the King permitted Politic Assemblies it was his pleasure that no Ministers should be deputed He alledg'd That they were taken off from their proper Duties and he added that he could have wish'd they had prevented his Commands But if they did not obey he should by an express Declaration give farther Order about it or else in the Brevets of Leave which he should grant 'em for holding their Assemblies Nevertheless he did not extend the Exclusion to the Pastors of the place who had his permission to be present The third was That this Declaration of his Intentions should be inserted among the Acts of the Synod The second Article was past because they saw well that it would be in vain to oppose it and for that other Synods had already taken a Resolution conformable to it which nevertheless had never bin observ'd The third Article pass'd in the same manner But they sent a new Deputation to the King upon the former to beseech him that he would remit something of his Severity in favour of Primrose and Cameron And that Affair made 'em also bethink themselves of Moulin whom the Court would not permit to return into France The King made Answer That he did not think they would have repli'd after he had both writ and said what he had done That he had good Reasons which the Synod would readily allow if they understood what they were nevertheless that he gave all the three Ministers leave to stay in the Kingdom upon condition that for the present they forbore all manner of Exercise of their Functions adding that time
him from leaving his Party and the success of the Fight at Arques joyned to the arrival of the English having made the Leaguers retire the King put his affairs into a good posture and gain'd several advantages During the time that this passed the promise which he had made to the Catholicks of his party being sent into the Provinces gave great Alarms to the Protestants These words were read with suspicion which had slipt into the Copies The late King whom God absolve and as they knew these were taken from the ordinary Language of the Roman Church when it speaks of dead persons they fear'd they were let fall from the K. as an effect of a Resolution already taken to embrace the Doctrin of that Church or at least as a mark of little zeal and affection to the Protestant Religion This was chiefly noised about in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge where the discontents began soonest They assembled together in order to a conference at St. John d'Angeli where under pretence 't was uncertain whether the K. would persevere in his Religion they propos'd to chuse a new Protector It seem'd but a Series of certain Intrigues which had caus'd the trouble in the last assembly at Rochel where some unquiet Spirits complaining of the Authority which the K. of Navar took in affairs would have taken away the power which the Protection gave him or limited it by rigorous conditions because they did not intend to chuse a Master in taking a Protector For this reason perhaps they would have chose rather to give this Quality to a man whom they had a mind to honour than to a Prince who seeing no body but the King above him would think all other Qualities inferiour to his Dignity Since the Death of Henry III. they had more reason than ever to renew the same Reflections because the K. of Navar having succeeded him he was thenceforward too great not to adjudge the Quality of Protector as derogating from that of a K The Reason why they mov'd in that business at the conference was because they talkt of suppressing the Chambers of Justice to please the Parliaments which the K. while he was only K. of Navar had established in divers places composed of Protestant Officers before whom the Protestants brought all their Affairs and that they had setled Royal Judges in divers places which deprived the Protestant Officers of their ordinary subsistance That they had restor'd the Mass in divers places against the express Terms of the Truce under the pretence of executing it and that their Protector had done nothing for them since his coming to the Crown That when the Truce was now ready to expire they saw nothing which tended to the peace which the late King had promised They complained also That their Ministers with whose maintenance the King had charged his Finances were worse paid under the New Reign than they had been under the Old Du Plessis in Negotiating the Truce made this a Capital Article and carried it after some Contradictions The Order which was observed for the Execution of this Treaty was That there were sent to the Secretary of State of each Division Rolls which certified the Names and Number of their Pastors which Du Plessis was to sign And upon these Rolls so attested Ordonnances were delivered to the Exchequer out of which it was paid to the Neighbouring Receivers of the places of their Residence Henry IV. was willing to have continued this Order for the Provinces where the Protestants were strong and this lasted till he changed his Religion after which he never setled it notwithstanding the promise he had made Moreover during the first troubles of the new Government this order was ill observ'd insomuch that the persons interessed were not able to support themselves and their condition was more uncertain under a King of their own Religion than they had ever been under any that was their Enemy This made them fear the event both for themselves and the common cause which the King seemed to defend with no great heat and therefore they thought they must rely upon a Protector who might apply himself to their Affairs with less indifference But before we go any further we must explain what the Protestants meant by a Protector for fear it should be imagined that it was a Project of Rebellion which was formed by them under the pretence of this Election The Protestants then having been constrain'd after the cruelties and wrongs of more than 30 years to unite themselves together for their common Defence they put themselves at first under the protection of the Prince of Conde who had the same Interest with them and to whom the Guises owed as little good Will as to the Protestant Religion The natural design of this Protection was to procure security and repose to the people who had embraced the Reformation to carry to the King the complaints and requests of the persecuted party by an authorised Intercessor to repress by the respect of their Protector the enterprises of the Cabals of Zealots or the Intrigues which the Ambitious might form for the ruin of the Protestants to have a Trustee and Guardian of the Faith of Treaties and Edicts which might be obtained for Liberty of Conscience so that this Protection gave to the person to whom it was given nothing but the care of obtaining tolerable conditions for the Protestants and to procure them to be observâ—d when obtain'd by his Solicitations and his Credit and by consequence he could never give any jealousy to any Princes but such as had no design to keep their Faith since to render the Protector of no use there was no more to do but to permit the People to live quietly in peace of Conscience the Protection doth then fall of it self when there is no infractions to redress nor any Injusticeâ—o â—o fear Since all the proceedings of the Protector aim'd at nothing else but to obtain and procure from the King a soâ—id Peace and Tranquility unto a considerable part of his Subâ—â—cts whom the other Disaffected Party designed to oppress The Royal Authority was always respected and indeed under that Protection Since if any thing was restrain'd or limited by this Protection it was not the Royal Authority which the Protestants desired rather to encrease than diminish but the Inhuman Zeal of the Catholicks which after all the Protestant Blood they had spilt by infinite number of Torments talk'd of nothing but the utter destruction and extermination of the rest And if that formed a party in the Realm Equity and humanity will blame them less for it that had but that one way left them to defend themselves than those that by a thousand Violences Wrongs and Frauds forc'd them to have recourse to that Remedy It is true this Protection has sometimes produced War but it was by accident because the infidelity of the Court the ambitious cruelty of the Guises the violations of
to the Royal Authority and with a Boldness of Rebels who wou'd make the King to understand that they staid there to take new Resolutions if they were not contented with the Answer he shou'd give their Deputy Passionate Historians make every thing on this side as odious as they can altho' the intention of the Assembly was much more innocent The Deputies were accustomed after having put up their Requests and named those which shou'd carry them to the King to return again and expect the effect of their Solicitations and contenting themselves with meeting together if affairs required it but this were an endless trouble There were already two Years past since the Assembly of Saint Foy had been going backwards and forwards and yet had obtain'd nothing and when those which were sent to the Court received any Answer there was so much time lost in communicating it to the Churches to the Councils of Provinces and in naming Deputies for a General Assembly that it was impossible to avoid tediousness Therefore to bring things to a more speedy issue the Assembly of Loudun resolv'd not to depart until they saw some conclusion of the Affairs for which they had met together and what they had order'd Vulson to tell the King was only a simple Declaration of the resolution they had taken And indeed this might confound the Council who found matters went more according to their minds in the preceeding Conduct because the Year was run out before another Assembly cou'd deliberate upon their Answers and this method served to gain them time and to defer them to a Conjuncture wherein the King might bring Affairs to such a pass as he might treat with the Reformed more at his pleasure whereas now they perceived that the Assembly were resolved not to part until they had brought things unto some certain conclusion and this without doubt hastened things more than ordinary and also hindred the ill-minded Courtiers from an opportunity of finding out new Illusions to amuse them But the King having taken the thing according to the sense his Council had represented to him was resolved to answer this Declaration of the Assembly by a Mark of absolute Authority and therefore commanded the Assembly to break up and to depart every one to his own home assuring the People of the good-will of the King whereof nevertheless they carried no other Testimonies than general Promises Such a Command made with a sort of a menacing Air rendred all these fine words suspected The Protestants doubted not but the secret design of this separation was to deliver the Court from these importunate Solicitors who too strongly demanded the effect of those Promises which they had no mind to perform and it is not to be wondred at if this Answer displeased the Assembly since some of the Council who was not so very severe had no hand in it and even Lomanie writing upon this Subject to Du Plessis confessed to him that he knew not why the Secretary of State had conceived it in such terms and he did not doubt but that he himself was offended and that he had some secret reservation The Assembly therefore was very much offended with this Answer and believing they ought to defer their breaking up until they had consulted together what was necessary to be done in this unfortunate Conjuncture they concluded they were no longer to expect any assistance from the Court but henceforth to seek it in their own strength The Deputies were authorised by the Provinces to do whatsoever shou'd be judged useful for the common Cause so that the Assembly was ready to depart having resolved to put the Reformed again into the same condition they were before the Truce with the two Kings But Du Plessis who feared the Consequences of these desperate Resolutions and the Effects of the Resentments that the Deputies might stir up in the Provinces did an act worthy his Wisdom and the Fidelity he ow'd to the King He went to the Assembly and was so far from advising them to break up that he proposed the fortifying themselves with a great number of considerable Persons and to enter into a Mutual Promise not to separate any more till they had obtain'd an Edict with sufficient security This they agreed to and invited such persons to them as were fitly qualified to strengthen their Assembly by their presence All that were in the neighbouring Provinces came to them La Trimouille who had never assisted before appeared there with the rest But the Courage of many Persons failed when they came to sign the Union that Du Plessis had proposed because they expected no relief from the Court therefore he signed first upon which all the rest resolved to follow his Example Thus Wisdom prevailed with them and altho' their Patience was tired yet it was not quite spent they gave Du Plessis time to write to the King and to represent to him the disorders that might proceed from a separation of the Assembly He plainly told him what the Deputies had reason to complain of the Rigours of the Parliaments the Injustices of the Officers which forbad paying the Garrisons of the places their Fears Distrusts and Suspicions and the Proposition of bringing themselves again into the same condition they were in before the Truce And to appease all these Disturbances he again renewed his Advice to the King of sending a Commissioner on his account to treat with the Deputies he nominated the President of Thou because he lookt upon him to be a lover of Peace He applied his Advice to the Example of Henry the Third who sent Bellieveure to Montauban in 1584. to treat with the Reform'd and he begged the King not to believe the affair of small importance because every person amongst them was resolved to see what was to be expected for their security Hesperian who carried the Letter with more particular Instructions upon the Subject in which was contained the Reasons the Reformed had to be afraid with an Account of their Complaints and the Motives that ought to oblige the King to yield to the desires of these alarmed persons As the King's coldness was caused by the displeasure the Catholic Zealots had made him conceive against the Proceedings of the Reformed so it was not very difficult to change his thoughts when they gave him better Reasons for it therefore whether he was touchâ— with the Remonstrances of his faithful Servant or that the effect of his harshness had convinced him that his Counsellors had made him take wrong Measures he gave pressing Orders that the Assembly shou'd not break up He promised to send somebody to treat with them and fixed a time when he wou'd send him and strongly enjoyn'd the staying the Deputies until the arrival of his Commissioner Thus the Mischief that the zealous Catholicks had done was very near repaired by the wise Advice even of those whom they had offended and the Reformed by this Expedient were hindred from any ill
4th Demand The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions 5th Demand Vnsuspected Judges Chambers Mipartie or of the Edict 6th Demand To be admitted to all Offices the extent of this Concession Illusion upon that Demand 7th Demand Securities Reasons for demanding them The Election of Governours for the places of security How they were serviceable to the King The paying of Garrisons Private Gifts Debates upon the Form of Concessions which doth vary according to the nature of the thing The distinction of Places The form of Payment The Conclusion AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the Assembly it might be well said that the Treatise ended with the Month of August of the present Year and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha or Date of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances But before we come to the Conclusion of this Important Affair it behoveth us for the better clearing thereof to take notice of a Book which came out this Year after the taking of Amiens under the Title of Complaints of the Reformed Churches of France about the Violences they suffered in many places of the Kingdom for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere but it was publickly printed this Year with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it besides some alteration in the form It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints though they are indeed as a Manifesto which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed and makes an Apology for their innocence It is true that amongst them there were some who disapproved the Impression of the Book but we shall not wonder at it if we consider that they had their Politicians and Courtiers who were always of a contrary opinion and whom the Court used as so many Tools to divide the Minds or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly Besides that part of the Reformed who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris being frighted at the sight of their small number were apt enough to be dazled with fair Words and Promises and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour did always speak the Court language either out of weakness or interest We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad effects of that timorous Policy even after the expedition of the Edict and when it was about to be verified in Parliament But the disowning of a small number doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real and all the Matters of Fact mentioned therein to have been the Subject of so many Petitions presented to the King and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands The Piece is very Eloquent for those Times it moves the Passions well but especially Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there that it is not easie to read the Work without pitying those who complain of so many Evils and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them There you may see above two hundred particular Instances of Injustices or Violences committed against the Reformed with all the Circumstances of Persons Actions and Time which so exact particularizing of Matters of Fact evidently sheweth that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand and feared not to be misrepresented since they made so publick Complaints and gave such Particulars thereof as made the thing easie to be inquired into Since therefore the Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict nor tedious to the Readers to give them a View of those Complaints as short as things of that nature can bear it First The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they took to complain which in a Kingdom so free as France was ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Subjects and Frenchmen could not be taken away who had been sufferers so long and who had been so serviceable to the State They declar'd nevertheless that they complained with regret and were forced to discover the shame of their Country by the fury of their Enemies which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by Afterwards they addressed their Discourse to the King and the better to move him with pity they most submissively shew'd that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers and there they made a rehearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle against those two sorts of Enemies and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head adding that these Truths which were clear and known to all the World had put them in hopes that though they were asleep the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left would have thought in their stead of not suffering such a necessary and servicable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost That yet during these eight Years they had seen no diminution in the Catholicks hatred nor any abatement in their Miseries That their Enemies had now if not more Malice at least more means to annoy them because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King 's Arms. That the Catholicks had even been emboldened against them from their Loyal Affection and Patience as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them for fear of raising new Troubles in so dangerous a Conjuncture That the Truce which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace which ought to content them if as 't was said they could be contented with any thing was infinitely more prejudicial to them than the open War during which they were aware of their known Foes and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less even upon account of Fears without ground whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable though spurred by real and present Evils and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity
place and joyn their Arms for the common Interest are in a fair way to be Friends They that consent to a Truce which is but a Provisional peace shew plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace Which is more especially true in this Case where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made In the second place the Act pass'd between the Catholics of the Army and Court and Hen. IV. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more then the preservation of the Catholic Religion without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine without forcing the Rest of his Subjects this Act I say is a proof of the same thing Of the same Nature also in the third place is the Writing Sign'd by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Mantes before the Conference of Surene wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers All this together makes up a kind of Compromise or mutual Consent by which it is evident that the Catholics of the King's party agreed that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent are yet more clear and more Authentic There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them where there is not one Article for the Religion But never did that Article demand more then two things that is to say the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits The clear meaning of which is this that upon those two Conditions they who Treat consent that the King should tolerate the Reformed 'T is a Law notoriously known and a General practise that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended and that the Exception of a particular Clause is a ratification of the General Decree We see then here the Catholics even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous then any Others closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient And after the passing of all these Acts it is that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest and that having call'd together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies as by the Decisions which he pronounc'd in favour of the one and the other in things wherein they could not agree among themselves he Form'd between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contain'd in the Articles of his Edict And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy of France which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale After the Parlament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century the Clergy set all Engines at work to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges who held several Ecclesiastical Priviledges for Usurpations And they obtain'd so far that the King summon'd the Cause before himself and after his Council had left it undetermin'd for above Sixty years at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago and the King adjudg'd the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to perswade the other to submission is this the Parlament was not a competent Judge of that Affair They only judge of Causes between Man and Man not of those that altogether concern either one of the States or the first Estate of the Kingdom The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions He has taken the business into his own Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded They had a Right to dispute the matter till then But now the thing is at an End The Soveraign Arbitrator has pronounc'd Sentence the Oracle has spoke and there is no more to be said Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict there was no competent Judge but the King 'T was not the Business of one of the Estates but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion The King was possess'd of the Business by the Petitions of the One and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other The thing was delay'd and spun out in his Hands for several years during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discuss'd to give a true understanding of the Cause At length he pronounc'd Sentence he made a Law he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescrib'd ' em And thus there was a Final End of this Business nothing more to be said or done in it The consequence is so much the more necessary in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict there is a difference advantagious to the Latter not to speak of others that may be observ'd there The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King as Soveraign Arbitrator has judg'd in his own cause But in the Edict the King Judges under the same Character without suspition of partiality in the cause of his Subjects where he has no personal part where he interests himself no otherwise then as a common Arbitrator and Father of his Country Now in an Affair of this Importance the Decision of which United all the disordering Members of the State and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions 't is evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-establish'd among his Subjects as being the person whose Authority had cimented it together 'T is the Priviledge of Supream Authority to Warrant and put a Value upon things where it intervenes 'T is because the Vertue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it that the King's Name and Seal are affix'd to 'em that he Judges Parties by their consent that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises and which are drawn up in his Name in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice If then in those Acts where the King is not presum'd to Judge but because his Name appears there his Quality of Soveraign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
do declare All Sentences Judgments Decrees and Proceedings Seisures Sales and Statutes made and given against the said of the pretended Reform'd Religion as well dead as alive since the Death of our said most honoured Lord and Father King Henry on the account of the said Religion Tumults and Troubles happen'd since together with the Execution of the said Judgments and Orders from this moment Void Revok'd and Annull'd and therefore order the same to be raz'd and taken out of the Registers of our Courts both Sovereign and Inferior as also all Marks Tracts and Monuments of the said Executions defamatory Books and Acts against their Persons Memories and Posterities and order the whole to be raz'd out And the Places that have been demolish'd and raz'd on that account restor'd to the owners thereof to be us'd and dispos'd of according to their pleasure XXXIII And as for the Procedures made Judgments and Decrees given against those of the said Religion upon other accounts than the said Religion and Troubles together with Prescriptions and Feodal Seizures accruing during the present last and precedent Troubles beginning the Year 1567. they shall be void as never having been made given nor happen'd neither shall the Parties derive any advantages by them but shall be put again into the same condition in which they were before the same XXXIV We also ordain That those of the said Religion shall keep to the Political Laws of our Kingdom in observing Festivals neither shall they labour or sell in open Shops on the said days nor yet open their Shambles to sell meat on such days in which the use of meat is prohibited by the Roman-Catholick Church XXXV And to the end that Justice may be render'd and ministred to all our Subjects without Partiality Hatred or Favour we have and do Ordain Will and it is our Pleasure That Suits and Differences mov'd or to be commenc'd among Parties being of contrary Religion as well in being Plaintiffs as Defendants in any Civil or Criminal Causes whatever shall be heard in the first place before the Bailiffs Seneschals and other our ordinary Judges according to our Ordinances And where Appeals shall lye in any of our Courts of Parliament in relation to that of Paris which is compos'd of Seven Chambers The great Chamber La Tournelle and five Chambers of the Inquests it shall be lawful for those of the pretended Reform'd Religion if they please in the Causes they shall have depending in each of the said Chambers to demand that four either Presidents or Counsellors may abstain from the Judgment of their Processes who without alledging any Cause shall be bound in this case to abstain notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Presidents and Counsellors cannot be excepted against without just Cause And besides that all Refusals of Right shall be allowed them against all others Presidents and Counsellors according to the Ordinances or Statutes XXXVI As for the Suits they shall have depending in the Parliament of Thoulouse if the Parties cannot agree about another Parliament they shall be return'd before the Masters of Request of our Hostel in their Court in the Palace at Paris who shall judg their Suits Impartially and Sovereignly without Appeal as if they had been judg'd in our said Parliaments XXXVII And as to what relates to those of Roan Dijon Provence Bretagne and Grenoble they shall be allowed to challenge Six Presidents or Counsellors to abstain from the Judgment of their Suits that is three out of each Chamber And in that of Bourdeaux four out of every Chamber XXXVIII The Catholicks shall also be allow'd to challenge if they think fit all such Members of the said Courts as have been discharg'd of their Offices upon the account of Religion by the said Parliaments â—o abstain from the Judgment of their Suits also peremptorily and they shall be oblig'd to abstain from the same They shall also be allow'd all usual Recusations against all other Presidents and Counsellors according as they are of Right allow'd by the Statutes XXXâ—X And whereas several persons have receiv'd and suffer such Injuries and Damages in their Estates and Persons that it will be difficult for them to lose the remembrance thereof so soon as it should be requisite for the execution of our Intention being desirous to avoid all Inconveniences that might arise from peoples being disturb'd in their Houses until all Grudges and Animosities are allay'd we have given in keeping to those of the said Religion the Cities of Rochel Montauban Coignac and La Charité in which all such as shall be unwilling to repair so soon to their own Houses shall be free to retire and to inhabit And for the surety of the same our said Brother and Cousin the Princes of Navar and Condé together with Twenty Gentlemen of the said Religion who shall be by us nominated shall swear and promise one and for the whole for themselves and for those of their said Religion to preserve the said Cities for us and at the end of two years to deliver them again into the hands of such a one as we shall think fit to depute in the same condition they now are in without innovating or altering any thing in the same and that without any delay or difficulty upon any account or occasion whatever At the expiration of which term the exercise of the said Religion shall be continued there as while they held them It being nevertheless our Will and Pleasure that in the same all Ecclesiasticks shall freely re-enter and perform Divine Service in all Liberty and enjoy their Estates as well as all the Catholick Inhabitants of the said Cities which said Ecclesiasticks and other Inhabitants shall be taken into the Protection and Safeguard of our said Brother and Cousin and other Lords to the end that they may not be hindred from performing the said Divine Service molested nor disturb'd in their Persons or in the enjoyment of their Estates but on the contrary restored and reintegrated into the full possession of the same Willing moreover that in the said four Cities our Judges shall be re-establish'd and the exercise of Justice restor'd as it us'd to be before the Troubles XL. It is also our Will and Pleasure That immediately after the Publication of this Edict made in the Two Camps Arms shall strait be laid down every where the which shall only remain in our hands and those of our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou XLI A Free Commerce and Passage shall be re-established through all Cities Towns Villages Bridges and Passages of our said Kingdom in the same condition as they were before the present and last Troubles XLII And in order to avoid the Violences and Transgressions that might be committed in several of our Cities those who shall be by us appointed for the Execution of the present Edict in the absence of one another shall make the chief Inhabitants of the said Cities of both Religions whom they
send Deputies to obtain his favour Threatning while they Intreat Arming while they Implore his Mercy amidst a thousand Terrors by submissions and intreaties executing while they hesitate and are deliberating taking of Places the keeping of which is still allow'd them for some years turning out their Governours violating his own Briefs while they to avoid the reproach of taking Arms with too much precipitation differ to put themselves in a posture of Defence which in a word ruins them half before the War is declar'd against them If to all this you add a world of infidelities committed by the Council of that Prince the constant practice of the Roman Church in what relates to Treaties made with Hereticks Henry the 3d's Declaration the Maxims of which had been inspir'd to that King by the Jesuits who had had the care of his Education that surprisiing Declaration by which Henry the 3d. had acquainted the World that the Reform'd ought never to trust to his Word when ever he made a Peace with them because he would never do it unless it were in order to take his time better and to renew the War again with advantage If I say we add all this and several other considerations that may be drawn out of History it will appear clearly that the Reform'd were more than convinc'd that their Enemies design'd to exterminate them That they kept barely upon the defensive That they were forc'd to take Arms but too late for their preservation That they tarry'd untill the Catholicks proceeded from craft to threatnings and from threatnings to effects before they lost their patience That a Peace was only granted to deceive them That they did not break it neither the first or second time whatever their Enemies say and in a word that they only defended themselves weakly and as it were in going back against a manifest Aggression Their King had at that time evidently renounced the Title of common Father of his Country as well as Henry the 3d. and by enâ—ndeavouring to destroy a numerous and very potent part of his Subjects he had given them a Just occasion to defend themselves The Chatholicks would never have had so much Patience had they foreseen at as great a distance that a Prince design'd I will not say to destroy their Religion and their main Privileges but only to retrench one of their most useless Ceremonies and as I may say to extinguish one of the Tapers of their Alters I will not insist on the secret design of the Court of France to deprive the People in General and without distinction of Religion of the remainder of their Liberty The Potent Cities of their Revenues Privileges Exemptions and Franchises The Nobility of their Lustre and Credit The Parliaments of their Power and Majesty This design was cover'd with the pretence of Religion while the Reform'd had Citys in their Power However the Court express'd it self so clearly about the Case of Rochel that no body could pretend to be Ignorant of the reasons they had to declare a War That City was under Subjection without being a Slave It was in France partly what the Imperial City's are in Germany The King Commanded in it but the Authority of that command was limited by Laws The King had been perswaded not to content himself with that limited Power What they desir'd of the Rochilois was only to renounce acquir'd advantages which had been confirm'd and as it were consecrated by Treaties by Services by Edicts by all that is most holy and most inviolable in humane Right Therefore that City was ruin'd only because they were unwilling to submit to slavery So that the War that was wag'd against it tho useful according to a certain Policy which allows everything Just that succeeds was nevertheless at the bottom the most manifest oppression that ever was heard of as well as that of the Principality of Bearn But I should be too Prolix if I should urge all that could be said to prove that the resistance of that Place and of all the Reform'd was not unlawful As for the third degree in which this History represents the Reform'd I have no long remarks to make upon it The Decay of their Religion appears in it in a thousand wayes Their Enemies begin to quarel with them upon the least Trifles Annexes Synods Books Projects of reunion the Rights of Temples and several other Articles become continual occasions of Debates and Disputes Offices and Trades the exemption of Ministers the Rights of professing their Religion the Liberty of abiding in all parts of the Kingdom become the subject of a thousand Contestations The Respect â—â—e to the misteries of the Roman Religion according to their pretentions expose the Reform'd to a thousand Troubles To all the enterprises of the Clergy to the violence of their Harangues and of their Petitions and to the progress of their designs against them whereby it is easie to judge that their Ruin was Sworn â—he Death of the Cardinal soon after follow'd by the â—ing by a Minority by a weak and wavering Regency by reason of the Ministry of a Stranger not well settled yet prov'd the true reason of their being allow'd some years Respite THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes VOL. II. BOOK I. A Summary of the Contents of the First Book The Court is surpris'd at the Death of the King Precautions us'd to prevent Disorder The Regency is given to the Queen The condition of the Reform'd who are dieaded and are afraid themselves False measures taken by the Duke of Sully He is advis'd to look to himself He is kindly entertaind at Court The Marshal Duke of Bouillon serves the Queen The Edicts confirm'd by a Declaration Remarkable Expressions The free Exercise of Religion confirm'd at Charenton The Reform'd deceiv'd by those Artifices think themselves secure New reasons of Diffidence which awaken them The Vengeance of the King's Death is neglected Impudence of Aubigni and Cotton the Jesuits The Court avoids penetrating into the Causes of the King's Death Prisoners releas'd Suspicions of the most speculative The double Alliance with Spain is resolv'd upon The Marshal of Bouillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde to side with the Reform'd again but in vaâ—n * Cahiers answer'd Disgrace of the Duke of Sully who is remov'd from the Treasury and from the Government of the Bastille He writes to the Queen A General Assembly allow'd for Chatelleraud but put of to Saumur by a new Brief The Marshal de Bouillon gain'd by the Queen Instructions for Provincial Assemblies Excuse of the demands that seem'd to be new Farther Instructions The Assembly of Saumur and the quality of their Deputies In what manner those of Bearn assisted at it Defective Deputations tollerated The Marshal of Bouillons inconstancy about the Presidentship of which the reasons are unknown Du Plessis is Elected President and excuses himself in vain Discontent of the Marshall Duke who reconciles himself in outward appearence with the Duke
observ'd â—t only to put them in force again in those where they â—â—re not observ'd The King also granted that the Reform'dâ—ould â—ould not be lyable to be Sequestrators of the Ecclesiastiâ— Estates seiz'd upon for the Tithes but it was his pleasure that incase they should accept it voluntarily they â—ould be subject to the ordinary jurisdiction and should â—t pretend a removal to the Chambers The third which related to the Affairs of Dauphine which were commonly treated of apart was also answer'd the same day and among several other Articles the King particularly granted these That the Grounds given to serve for Church-yards should be freed from paying of Tailles and Rents due to the King or that incase they should Lay in the Royalty of any other Lord they should have the same discharge the said Lords being indemnifi'd at the charge of the Communities injoyning the exemption That the number of the Judges allow'd of requir'd to judge according to the Ordinances not being found in the Chamber of Grenoble the Parties might of Right and without having recourse to the King or to the great Council apply themselves to the next Chamber as it was already allow'd in Case the Judges were divided in their Opinions That the Reform'd Associate who should be taken by the Catholick Judge to assist at the Information of Criminal Causes should also be taken for Assessor with a deliberative Voice in the Judgment That the Parliament should not be allow'd to give a Pareatis nor to give a Decree in Causes depending in the Chamber against persons who publickly profess'd the Reform'd Religion That the King should create a Reform'd Secretary and a Messenger to be officiated by such persons 〈◊〉 should be nominated by the Churches of the Province with the same Sallarys and Prerogatives as others who had the same Offices That the Parties who had reason to complaâ—… of the Ordinances made by the Commissioners which thâ—… late King had deputed for the Verification of the Country Debts might appeal from their Judgment in three Months time to the Party-Chamber It appears by those Cahiers that the Chambers had daily new disputes with the Parliaments concerning their Jurisdiction and Power So that those Judges allow'd to the Reform'd to exempt them from putting their Affairs and Lives into the hands of other suspected or partial Judges for the most part only serv'd to engage them into disputes of Jurisdiction which almost distracted them The Parliaments could not accustom themselves to that dismembring of their own Jurisdiction which depriv'd them of the major part of Afâ—…rs Therefore upon the least ground they retain'd the â—…uses of the Reform'd and refus'd their appeals At Paris man pretending to have a right of sight upon a certain â—…ace the Possessors opposs'd it and after the appeal of â—…e Sentence of the first Judge the Defendants resolv'd â—…t to submit the Cause to the Chamber of the Edict The â—…use was Civil if ever any was so since the thing debate was only a little Right pretended upon the â—…ound of a Community but whereas the owners of the â—…d Ground were Monks the Parliament retain'd the Cause â—…etending that it was an Ecclesiastical Cause Another â—…an being condemn'd for some pretended Irreverence by the Inferior Judge to keep and be at the charge of a burnâ—…g Lamp in a Church was like wise refus'd the removal he desir'd under pretence that it was a Cause that was excepâ—…d So that it was sufficient in order to deprive a Reform'dâ—…f â—…f the Privilege of a removal granted by the Edict for â—…e Subaltern Judge to condemn'd him to any thing in which the Church of Rome was concern'd by this Wile â—…ey gave the Parliaments a pretence to retain the Causes of Appeal In other places the Parliaments oblig'd the Messengers who were to execute any Decrees made by the â—…hamber establish'd within their Precinct to take Letters of â—…junction as not acknowledging that the said Chambers â—…ad an Authority to cause their Judgments to be observ'd independantly from the Parliaments This was the reason for which the Chamber of Grenoble desir'd the aforesaid â—…ettlement Nevertheless the Chambers of the Edict still retain'd â—…me notwithstanding these pretences and then they were â—…s severe in their Judgments as the Parliaments The Chamber of Paris gave one that year in the Month of April upon a very singular Case A Curate in resigning â—…is Cure had retain'd a Pension upon his Revenue and in order not to be liable to the Consequences of such Agreements when sufficient precautions have not been taken to Authorise them he had caus'd his contract to be approv'd of at the Court of Rome His said Pension was constantly paid him while he was a Catholick but as soon as he had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion the Assignee would no longer pay it The said Cause was brought before the Chamber of the Edict I know not why since it was at least as much Ecclesiastical as the others I have mention'd And they declar'd the Pensionary incapable of injoying the said Revenue by reason of his change of Religion The Proselite really acted contrary to the Disipline of the Reform'd which oblig'd all those of his Character when they embrac'd the Reform'd Religion to renounce their Benefices to preserve none of the Revenues of the same directly or indirectly But the Chamber of the Edict did not judge according to the said Discipline they only consider'd the Religion of the Parties As I have heretofore observ'd that the Reform'd complain'd that the Commissioners sent into the Provinces had made their condition worse than it was in some places it will not be amiss to give another proof of it The Commisioners who had the District of Burgundy and who made the alterations I have already mention'd in the Country of Gex did a thing in the Parish of Chalemant a dependency of the Diocess of Nevers which the Reform'd were very much concern'd at by reason of the Consequence of it A Reform'd Gentleman whose Family pretended to have a right of Burial in the Parochial Church had been bury'd there The Bishop complain'd to the Commissioners about it as of a great attempt and desir'd the Corps to be remov'd in order to reconcile the Church which was profan'd by the Burial of an Heretick Genicourt Master of Requests the Catholick Commisioner caus'd the said Corps to be taken out of the Ground and to be transported to the place which was allow'd to the Reform'd for their Burials The Reform'd Commissioner was absent at that time whither it were that he had no mind to have a hand in that extraordinary proceeding or whither being one of those complaisant persons nominated by the Duke Bouillon he absented himself on purpose not to be obâ—…d to do an Act of Courage by opposing that novelty â—…l this was done with a great deal of Ceremony and great â—…rmality which only serv'd to make the more noise and give a greater lusture
the Name and Lustre of their Families There were some Reform'd among the Deputies of the Noâ—â—lity but they were not strong enough to oppose the Cathoâ—â—cks Besides what ever came from them was suspected by â—…e ignorant Nobility and one of the reasons which prejudic'd â—…e rights of the Crown most and the Prince of Conde was that â—â—ose who maintain'd them most were Hereticks Peoples minds â—eing dispos'd thus The third Estate began to treat the queâ—ion of the Independency of Kings and of the safety of their â—ersons against the enterprizes and pretentions of the Court â—f Rome It was none of their fault that it was not pass'd â—â—to a fundamental Law of the State that they were subject 〈…〉 no Power directly nor indirectly and that there was no â—ase or pretence to authorise any body to declare their forâ—â—iture of the Crown to dispence their Subjects from their Allegiance The murther of the two last Kings had made a deep impression in the hearts of the King 's best Subjects and the Third Estate was desirous to stifle the remainder of the League by that Law by showing their maxims to be false and contrary to the principle of Monarchy It was still fresh in Peoples minds how those maxims had like to have torn the Kingdom into piece and to deprive the lawful Heir of the Crown under pretence of Religion and of the Excommunication pronounc'd against him by the Popes It seems wonderful in our days that a proposition so specious in it self and so advantageous to Kings could be rejected And yet it certainly was and that which is most surprising is that the King's authority was us'd to reject it The truth is that it was no novelty at that time the Court had partly done the same two years before The Monks had undertaken to make Kings stoop under the Popes feet The Clergy of the Sorbonne was inclinable to that Seditious Theology Regal Authority was the sport of their Disputes and most people were wretchedly misled into that opinion I do not wonder that they refus'd to allow the Reform'd at that time to have the honour to defend their Soveraign and that those Books were suppress'd which they wrote upon that Subject but yet methinks they should have had a little more regard for the Catholicks who maintain'd the same Cause Nevertheless the Court handsomely acquiess'd to its own disadvantage Richet only defender of the King 's Rights and of the Liberties of the Gallick Church and who maintain'd the propositions which the Clergy has lately defin'd was oppress'd by Duval another Doctor seconded by the Monks and the Court interposing in that Dispute he was oblig'd to part with his place of Syndis of the University to suffer the Condemnation of his Books without saying any thing and to suffer his Brethren and even the King himself whose Interests he did defend to treat him as an Heretick But whereas the Reform'd had a great share in that Dispute which was renew'd in the States I think it will be necessary for their Honour to relate somewhat at large how that affair pass'd The Clergy fell out into an Excess of Passion against â—…e Authors of that proposition They made as much noise as if they had design'd to take away their vast Revenues or to set the Reform'd Religion upon the Throne They drew the Nobility into their Sentiments and having put Cardinal Du Perron at the head of a solemn Deputation which they sent to the Third Estate he oppos'd â—…e good Intentions of that Body with all his might The did Cardinal made a long studyed discourse upon that â—…atter to render the said proposition odious and he maintain'd the Interests of the Courts of Rome with so much confidence that he seem'd only to make use of the Grandeur to which the favour of Kings had rais'd him to destroy them and to make them subject to a Forreign Power The turn he took to make an Impression upon the minds of â—…e Catholicks was to represent that Doctrine as a branch of Heresie in order to create jealousies about its Original â—…e maintained with a boldness suitable to a more odious â—ame that before Calvin the whole Church and even the Gallick Church did believe that when a King did violate the â—ath he had taken to God and to his Subjects to live and â—ye a Catholick and not only turn'd Arian or Mahometan â—ut even proceeded so far as to War against Jesus Christ â—…at is to force the Consciences of his Subjects and to oblige â—…em to follow a false Religion he might be declar'd deprived of his Rights and his Subjects could be absolved in â—onscience and at the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Tribunal 〈…〉 the Allegiance which they had sworn to him and that it belonged to the Pope or Council to make that Declaration â—…e maintained that this Sentiment expos'd no body to the Anathema and did not deprive those who held it of the â—ommunion of the Church He declared more than once that â—…e Oath which the King of England had exacted from the Catholicks was the Patron of the Doctrine of the Third Estate which at the bottom was the substance of that Oath â—…e alledged several inconveniences which might arise from the enterprise of that House for Instance that it would be a Snare for Consciences to make people read as an Article of Faith taken out of the word of God a Doctrine the contrary of which had been and was still held by all the rest of the Catholick Church That it was dangerous that Lay-men should undertake to decide matters of Faith without being guided by a Council or some other Ecclesiastical Judgment That it might create a Schism to declare a Doctrine Impious which was approved by the other Catholicks which they did seperate from by that Declaration That under pretence of securing the Life and Grandeur of Princes they would be exposed more than ever by the troubles which a Schism causes He had the boldness to say that the Murther of Kings could be prevented no otherwise than by the fear of Eternal Punishment and that nothing but Ecclesiastical Judgments can give a real Terror of Punishments He seconded all this with Examples and Testimonies set out with a great deal of Pomp displaying as he us'd to do the most fabulous and most false Reports and he endeavou'd to prove by subtil artificial answers the Examples and Testimonies to the contrary He also endeavour'd to refute the Objections drawn from other Causes and among the rest that which was taken from the Tolleration granted to Hereticks from whence it might be concluded that if Just Laws were made to preserve their Lives their Estates and their Honours Kings were much less to be depriv'd of theirs under pretence of Heresie He answer'd it in a manner which show'd that according to his opinion the Laws under which Hereticks lived did only suspend the execution of those which were against them and insinuating
made all his deâ—…miscary None but the Reform'd were still able to do something for him but they were slow to declare themselves Their Assembly had been open'd at Grenoble on the 15th of July and Lesdiguieres having refus'd the Presidentship which was offer'd to him by all the Deputies they had Elected De Blet Deputy for the Nobility of the Province of Anjou for their President and Durand Minister of Paris and Deputy for the Isle of France for his Associate and Boisseuil and Maniald for Secretaries The Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman thither to invite them to joyn with him in order to procure a good Reformation of the State in which he promis'd to make the Reform'd find all the Sureties they could reasonably expect A considerable part of the Assembly inclin'd towards that Union and the Pretences the Prince us'd were so plausible and so Noble that they could hardly fail of making an Impression upon many People To pass the Independence of the Crown into an Act of the State to secure the King's Person against Assassinations Excommunications and Depositions to revenge the too long neglected Murther of the late King to hinder the Publication of a Council against which a great King had Protested and which was very prejudicial to France to reduce Taxes and Impositions at reasonable Rates to remove the excessive Authority of Foreigners and to call them to an Account for the Abuses introduc'd during their being in Favour to settle the Edicts of Pacification beyond Reach All these were great designs which appear'd so Just so Lawful and so necessary that no body question'd but they would be attended with the Blessing of God and that all true Frenchmen would unanimously favour them But others were of Opinion that the Assembly ought to leave the management of the Political part of those Projects wholly to the Prince of Conde and to apply themselves solely to take measures for the safety of the Reform'd Religion They did not question but the Prince had a Right by his Birth to endeavour to purge the Government of all the Abuses that were slipt into it but they did not think it proper for the Reform'd to ingage in it otherwise than by Prayers to God and most humble Remonstrances to the King Some Provinces had given their Deputies Instructions to that Effect The diversity of Opinions manag'd by Lesdiguieres for the Interest of the Court having appear'd at the overture of the Assembly satisfy'd the Queen that the Reform'd would not be ready so soon but that she might have time to put her designs in Execution before the Prince and they could be in a Posture to oppose them She had given great Causes of Complaint to the Duke of Rohan whom she was Jealous of upon that Account Therefore being desirous to oblige him by some Favour to forget what was past she took the occasion of a difference between the Houses of Rohan and de la Trimouille about the Presidentship of the Estates of Britany to which they both aspir'd with such Equal Rights that it was impossible to decide the question otherwise than by adjudging the said Privilege to both to injoy it Alternately The Duke de la Trimouille who was lately return'd from Travelling design'd to appear in the Estates and so did the Duke of Rohan They refus'd to yield to each other which concurrence could not fail of being attended with ill Consequences The Queen being desirous to pleasure the Duke of Rohan by seeming to declare her self in favour of him either to imploy him elsewhere while she perform'd her Progress or to oblige him in an Affair of Precedence and Honour sent him an Order to repair to the Estates to preside there and at the same time sent a contrary Order to the Duke de la Trimouille whose displeasure she did not Value by Reason that he was very young not much known and far from that degree of Credit and Power in which the World had seen the late Duke his Father This avail'd the Queen but little by Reason that her Refusal of the Governmént of Poitou to the Duke of Rohan to whom she had formerly Granted the Survivorship thereof made a deeper Impression upon him than her pretended Favour about the Presidentship He made no use of the Order he had receiv'd from the Court and Presided that time by consent of the Duke de la Trimouille by Virtue of an Accommodation procur'd by their mutual Friends to hinder those two Potent Families that liv'd in Friendship at that time from coming to a Breach Nevertheless the Queen being so well satisfy'd with the then State of Affairs as to assure her self of success resolv'd to improve it and to do her Business before the Prince could have time to oppose it Therefore all of a sudden while the Negotiation of Peace seem'd to draw towards a happy Conclusion she sent an Order to him from the King to repair to his Majesty with all speed to accompany him in his Progress in Order to the Accomplishing of his Marriage And lest he might plead Ignorance she acquainted him with the very day he had pitch'd upon for his departure The Prince complain'd highly at this Precipitation and took occasion from thence to take up Arms but with so small a Number of Men and so little prospect of Relief that he was like to sink under it In the mean time the King set forward and continu'd his Progress slowly tho' some of the most Judicious and best skill'd in Affairs of State were of Opinion that it was a Rash Resolution by Reason that the King removing from the Center of the Kingdom left a kindl'd Fire in it which would have time and opportunity to do a great deal of mischief while the Court remain'd at one of the Extremities of the Kingdom the most distant from the Conflagration The Assembly of Grenoble which after all the delays occasion'd by the diversity of Opinions had at last determin'd to try what they could obtain from the Court before the taking any other measures had deputed three Persons to the King to present their * Cahiers to him and had charg'd them expresly humbly to beseech his Majesty to consider the Prince of Conde's Remonstrances Those Deputies were Champeaux Des Bordes Mercier and Maillâ—ray Champeaux had the greatest share of Honour in that Deputation by Reason that he was the Head and speaker of it But Desbordes had more Credit because he was a Man of better Parts besides his being ingag'd in the Prince of Conde's Interest to which the Marshal de Bouillon had drawn him as I have already said by very fair promises The King was gone before the Deputies reach'd Paris and could not overtake him till they came to Amboise from whence the King having heard them adjourn'd them to Poitiers for an Answer This delay was ill resented by the Deputies who lookt upon it as an instance of the little regard that would be had to
capable of by the Edict So that Berger's place could not be taken from them without injustice since it was one of the Six allow'd them by the Edict nor yet that of Villemereau which he had not render'd himself incapable of according to the Edict by turning to their Religion This Article decided the thing in their behalf which was the most considerable point in favour of them in the Treaty thereby gaining a New Office in the Parliament and another in the Chamber of Accounts which is one of the most considerable Courts of the Long Robe The Fifth confirm'd the Exemption of the Tailles which had been Granted to Ministers by a Declaration of the 15 of December 1612. which had not been Verify'd The Seventh abolish'd the Remembrance of the Sedition of Milhau and put the Catholicks under the Protection of the Reform'd for their Safety The Eighth did the same about the Affair of Belestat and put the Reform'd under the Protection of the Catholicks The Tenth restor'd the place of Master of the Ordinance to its former extent in favour of the Duke of Sully from whom they had retrench'd something of it to Vex him The other Articles contain'd some favours Granted to some particular Persons Moreover the Reform'd also obtain'd a Brief for an augmentation of 30000 Crowns for the keeping of their Garrisons and for the Sallaries of their Ministers besides what the King had already allow'd them more than his Father The Verification of that Edict was not delay'd long The Court of Aids pass'd it on the 8th of June but with several Modifications Principally upon the 14 of the General Articles and the 15 of the Private ones The Parliament did not do it until the 13 after reiterated Remonstrances They Modify'd the 14th Article and the following which they declar'd should be no President for the Future That which stopt these two Courts in the 14th Article was not the Confirmation of the Edicts which they had so often Verify'd But the Briefs that were mention'd in it which being unknown to them gave Cause to suspect that the King promis'd immense Sums in it to the Reform'd They oppos'd it so much the more Vigorously by reason that they were not Ignorant that Kings often make such Gifts in hopes that they will have no Effect It costs them nothing to make such Grants by reason that they are sensible that they will not pass in the Courts in which the Letters of it are to be Verify'd But in this occasion the Queen was willing the thing should pass by reason that she was desirous to expect a more favourable Conjuncture to retract her promise This was an Edict like to those in which nothing is refus'd which they are resolv'd to keep no longer than while they may revoke them with safety In the mean time the Parliament and the Court of Aids refus'd to pass those Briefs without examining the Contents or Use of the Sums which might be mention'd in them The Parliament made great Oppositions to the Article which related to Villemereau and the Reform'd were never fully satisfy'd upon that Subject because a War was declar'd against them before it was determin'd The Chamber of Accounts did not Verify the Edict until the 28th of the Month and as to the Article about le Maitre they said that before he should be allow'd to injoy the Benefit of that Article he should clear himself of some things he was accus'd of as it had been ordain'd by the Chamber by a Decree of the 23d of March Thus an End was put to the War and the State beheld the Renovation of a Peace of which the Sweets prov'd as Short as Flattering The End of the Fourth Part. THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK V. The Summary of the Contents of the Fifth BOOK A Declaration upon the Coronation Oath The Prince Authorizeâ— himself at Court The Queen puts him into Prison which occasions great Disturbances The Reform'd make themselves Masters of Sancerre A Declaration upon the Edict of Peace The Duke d Epernon makes War against Rochel Privileges of that City Pretences of the Duke Rochel has recourse to the King and makes an Ill Defence The Duke retires after reiterared Orders Importance of his Enterprise The Circle Assembles at Rochel and summons a General Assembly Which is not approv'd of by every Body The Deputies of the Circle are ill receiv'd at Court Reasons to prove that the Assembly is necessary Extremities to which the Male-contents are reduc'd The King's Temper The Original of the Fortune of Honoré Albert de Luines Some question'd whither he was Nobly Born Character of his Confidents Death of the Marshâ—â— d' Ancre Alteration of Affairs and confirmation of tâ—â— Ediâ—â—s Luines Marries into the House of Rohan The Assembly of Rochel deputes to the King and receives an order to break up They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn Their Cahiers National Synod of Vitré Deputation to the King Letters to the General Assembly and their Answer The Churches of Bearn and of Auvergnâ—â—â—â— disturb'd The Count of Sancerre commits Hostâ—… the City The Churches of the Province of the Country â—â— Foix and those of Provence ill us'd Leave given to Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies Places of Bailywicks establish'd but not exactly Rogueries committed by the converted Moors The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen The Jesuit Cotton out of favour Arnoux succeeds in his place A Sermon Preach'd at Court by him The Answer of the Ministers of Charenton to an Information exhibited against them Writings on both sides The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers Assembly of the Clergy The Bishop of Macon's Speech The Jacobins turn'd out of Mompellier They refuse to admit a Jesuit Preacher there The State of Bearn ill represented The Effect of this Speech A Decree Authorising the Jesuits to Preach at Mompellier A Decree of restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands in Bearn Re-union of that Country to the Crown which is oppos'd â—…e Estates La Force and Lescun Deceit of the Coâ—â—t A Dissertation upon this matter Discontinuation of Hommage Inconveniencies of the Dis-union and Advantages of the ReVnion By whom the Vnion is pursued Motives of the Opponents and their answer to the Dissertation Publication of the Edict of Re-union The Clergy obtains the Decree of restauration of Church Lands which declares That the Deputies have been heard and the Writings seen Subtilty of the Clergy A Violent Speech The Bearnois endeavour to ward the Blow Remonstrances of Lescun Libels The State of Religion in Bearn Lescun obtains only Words Those of Bearn pâ—rsist in their oppositions Writings in favour of them Why the Clergy refus'd to take the reimplacement themselves An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois The Sequel of the Answer Injustices against the Reform'd throughout the whole Kingdom Enterprizes upon the Cities of Surety The free Exercise of Religion hinder'd in sundry places Injustices of the
of the Prince of Conde's Advice march'd with speed into Normandy with such Forces as were ready near his Person and while the Remainder of his Forces were assembling he Subdu'd that Province without any Resistance Prudent Governor of the Castle of Caer was the only Person who seem'd to have a mind to defend himself but he did it only to be intreated and in few days he deliver'd bp the Place to the King As soon as all things were quieted on that side the King's Forces march'd towards Anger 's where the Queen found her self on a sudden as it were Invested unprovided and surpriz'd not knowing what to resolve upon Therefore a Peace was propos'd every body endeavouring by that Negotiation to gain time and to find Means to deceive the contrary Party But the King's Forces having accidentally and perhaps unwillingly defeated the Queen's at Pont de Cé the Treaty was broke off and that Princess was oblig'd to accept such Conditions as were offer'd her that is to submit at the Discretion of an Enemy who was not near so Powerful as herself her Friends were forc'd to lay down their Arms and all she could obtain for them was a General Pardon The King finding himself Arm'd thus without any Enemies to oppose him and having moreover gather'd the remains of the Forces the Queen's Friends had been oblig'd to disband in Guyenne he resolv'd all of a sudden to make use of them in order to force Bearn to obey which was not ready to oppose him He march'd towards Bourdeaux with speed without declaring his Design The Reform'd either not being jealous of it or wanting a Pretence to take up Arms by reason that the six Months in which the Court had promis'd to satisfie them were not as yet expir'd did nothing to put a stop to that Expedition La Force being surpriz'd by that unexpected Journey and having made no use of his Time could neither put himself in a Posture of Presence nor get any Assistance out of the adjacent Provinces which were astonish'd at the Sight of a Royal Army Therefore he came to the King at Bourdeaux to persuade him to after his Resolutions by Remonstrances He added Promises to oblige the Bearnois to obey provided no Violence were us'd But whether the Court did not trust him or whether the Clergy expected more from the King's Presence than from the Good-Will of the People the King continu'd his March La Force met him again at Grenade and brought him formal Proofs of the Obedience of the Estates He renew'd his Remonstrances he represented to the King what Dangers he was going to expose his Person to in a Country in which the Roads are very dangerous and Troublesome where there is nothing but Heath and Mountains and where Torrents and Floods are continually met with and where the Passages being difficult at all times were much more difficult yet at the beginning of Winter But all prov'd ineffectual The King refus'd their Submissions and his Reasons could not move him Therefore he was forc'd to go back without having obtain'd any thing The Memoirs of that Time accuse him of having neither known how to obey nor yet to defend himself and it is most certain that in all that Affair the Reform'd did nothing but by halves they dreaded the Rreproach of being Aggressors so much and of renewing the Civil Wars without a Lawful Cause that since the time the Catholicks had begun to trouble them by a thousand Disputes they had not been able to fix upon a certain Resolution ever ready to satisfie themselves with Words when the Court gave them good ones and to feed themselves with Hopes whenever they were flatter'd with the specious Name of Royal Faith Several among them were sensible that the Court had form'd the Design to destroy them and that they only troubled them by a thousand small Vexations sometimes harder to bear than great Injustices in order to incline them to a Rising which having no apparent Cause might give them a reasonable Pretence to oppress them But that very Consideration prevail'd with them not to take Arms in order to frustrate the Designs of their Enemies by their Patience So that this Disposition of Honest Men afforded those who were Corrupted by Pension or Promises from the Court a fair Field to make them neglect the Expedients and loose the Opportunities to defend themselves For which reason their very Enemies have reproach'd them that considering they were People who had acquir'd the Reputation of great Politicians by the Success of their Affairs during several years notwithstanding all the Forces and Artifices that had been oppos'd against them they did not know how to improve their Advantages and that they suffer'd with too much Blindness and without seeking out a Remedy the Preparations of their Ruin which were making before their Eyes The King continu'd his March as far as Preignac and there receiv'd the Remonstrances which du Faur and de Marca Councellors at Pau came to make to him in the Name of the Soveraign Council to obtain an Audience for the Churches according as he had been pleas'd to prescribe it himself But it prov'd ineffectual and he answer'd them that since they had not been able to oblige the Bearn is to obey him he was going to do it himself He perform'd it accordingly and he made his Entry at Pau on the 15th of October Two days after it he came to Navarreins a strong Place which might have sustain'd a long Siege had the Governor been pleas'd to defend it But de Salles who was a very ancient Gentleman being desirous to obey caus'd the Garison to march out to receive the King with more Respect and the Inhabitants following his Example repair'd to their Arms only to give a greater Air of Triumph to the Entry of their Soveraign The only Reward de Salle receiv'd for that Submission was the Loss of his Government without any Recompence for it and that he saw the Survivorship thereof taken away from a Nephew of his to whom it had been granted and the Baron de Poyane a Catholick was put in his Room with a Garison of the same Religion The King came back to Pau after it where he had summon'd the Estates of the Country and as if his Council had design'd to Instruct him how to make a Jest of his Faith and Word they allow'd him to take the usual Oath to the Estates before he receiv'd that of his Subjects but he began to violate it the same day It is remarkable that during the Course of that Expedition the King only advis'd with three Persons viz. the Duke de Luines du Vair Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Arnoux his Confessor The very same day on which he swore to observe the Laws of the Country grounded upon the Consent of his Predecessors and of the Estates he gave the Presidentship of that Assembly to the Bishops and Abbots
Dissembling Ambitious and Bold was capable of doing to much with an easie Prince who repos'd some Confidence in him to be agreeable to Persons who had neither Wit nor Experience enough to oppose him Therefore the Duke took a pretence to send him to Lesdiguieres to remove him from the Court and in Order to keep him at Grenoble a Place of first President of the Chamber of Accounts was bought for him in that City under pretence that it would hinder people from penetrating into the real Motives of his abode in that Province Altho Deagean was very sensible for what reason he was confin'd in Dauphine yet he accepted the Commission that was given him relying perhaps more on the Gratitude of Lesdiguieres than he had reason to trust to the Duke de Luines And flattering himself that he wou'd promote his own Fortune the better by opposing the Protection of a Constable against the Jealousies of a Favourite The success can never be unhappy when matters are well dispos'd Deagean easily persuaded Lesdiguieres to change a Religion which he little matter'd But in Order to render his Sollicitations the more Powerful he made use of the Wiles they us'd to practice There still remain'd a Scruple of Honour in Lesdiguieres which persuaded him that it was a shame for a Man of his Age to change his Religion But he remov'd it by private Conferrences by reason that Publick ones made too much Noise and that Deagean had no mind to make any He got Ministers whom he had gain'd to meet him at Lesdiguieres as if it were accidentally and whom he seem'd not to know that the meeting might seem undesign'd Those Traytors after some feign'd resistance never fail'd to yield to Deagean's Reasons and to give him a fair pretence to press Lesdiguieres to overcome those little Scruples Le Visconte Professor at the College of Dâ— who was an Italian and who had been a Fryar was one of them He suffer'd himself to be vanquish'd in a Conference after which he confess'd Ridiculously that it was impossible to Answer Deagean's Arguments That Comedy was Acted so grosly that it was impossible for Lesdiguieres not to perceive it It was pleasant to see Deagean who had pass'd the best part of his Life in the Dignity of Clerk of the Finances to become a Champion in a dispute of Religion and without using any other Arguments but certain Vulgar Sophisms repeated over and over to reduce all of a sudden Persons of some Reputation and better Vers'd than himself in matters of Controversie to confess that his Reasons were convincing Nevertheless those Artifices acquir'd Deagean so great an Empire over Lesdiguieres that he Govern'd him as he pleas'd and that when the General Assembly offer'd to create him General of the Churches to maintain him an Army of 20000 Men and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month and to give him sufficient security for the payment of it in any Protestant City he should be pleas'd to chuse the said Deagean dissuaded him from accepting of the said Offers and even dictated the Answer he made upon that Subject He did the same with all the Letters Lesdiguieres writ to the Assembly This great Credit of Deagean had like to have broken the measures of the Duke de Luines who intrusted the second Commission I have mention'd to the Marquess de Bressieux which tended to cross the Negotiation of Deagean and to persuade Lesdiguieres to yield the Dignity of Constable to that Favourite upon which Condition he was allow'd not to turn Catholick This New Deputy was order'd by an Article of his Instructions to obtain a promise from Lesdiguieres before he did reveal his Commission to him that he would conceal it all from Deagean But he could never prevail with him to do it and for fear of worse he was oblig'd to stick to the Terms of the first Commission and to content himself with pressing Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick But the Duke de Luines imputing to the Marquess who perhaps was not inclin'd to pursue so great a Cheat the ill success of his design imploy'd Bullion in the same Intrigue who prevail'd so far upon Lesdiguieres as to perswade him to come to Paris to renounce the Constableship and to yield that Dignity to the Duke of Luines to advise the King whom he said he would oblige to Raise his Favourite to that high Place and finally to serve against the Churches still professing the Reform'd Religion Lesdiguieres resisted a little at first but finally he was so good as to consent to all and was not asham'd to serve in the Quality of Marshal General under a Constable who was hardly any thing of a Souldier The Duke d'Epernon more resolute and more haughty than he refus'd to Obey either and whereas he had the art to keept the Court in awe of him the Court was oblig'd in order not to lose him to give him the Command of a small Body without receiving Orders from any Body Such Low and such abusive Wiles were practis'd to obtain this consent from Lesdiguieres that had not his Mind and Heart been weaken'd by Age it is not to be believ'd that he would ever have submitted to such unworthy proceedings The best friends he had among the Reform'd being acquainted with what pass'd by reason that the Duke de Luines had had the cunning to Publish it to raise difficulties upon that Affair omitted no means to raise his Courage again and to make him sensible how shameful it was for him to Sacrifice his Religion and his Honour towards the Ambition of the Duke de Luines But those who possess'd his Reason made him pass over all those considerations and he only seign'd to persevere in the Reform'd Religion to deceive those that had still some confidence in him The Catholick Zeal will undoubtedly appear very tractable in this Affair But at the same time it cannot be deny'd that the Roman Church alone knows to what degree treachery and Hypocrisie may be carry'd innocently and within what bounds they are to be kept to make them part of the service of God What Deagean did to remove the Scruples of Lesdiguieres about Religion is so singular upon that Subject that it deserves a Place in History Among the Ministers he had brib'd there was one of the Lower Languedoc in whom Lesdiguieres repos'd a great deal of Confidence who had been his Chaplain and who had secretly abjur'd the Reform'd Religion He acquainted Deagean with all his Masters secrets and told him the Reason for which Lesdiguieres express'd in a certain Conjuncture a little more repugnancy to pleasure the Court than he was wont to do The cause of that little disgust was a certain Suspicion which was given him of some designs form'd against the Reform'd in Dauphine in which he was to be involv'd When Deagean had Learn'd that secret it was easie for him to destroy the Suspicions of Lesdiguieres whose mind he turn'd as he
while before he was â—…s'd as a Rebel This Peace prov'd very honourable for the Duke of Rohan who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace which the King had refus'd at the Siege of Montauban but the Priâ—ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the General The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Reformed not under the Title of Security Marriage or Hostage but by way of free Gift and voluntary Concession which did â—ut only alter the name not the thing 'T is true that the King would no longer tye himself to pay the Garisons nor what was due for the time past as the Sums promis'd either by himself or his Father for the Salaries of the Ministers Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the future But that Article was ill observ'd as well as the rest By a particular Brevet the King promis'd that he would neither keep any Garison nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls and that there should be no Innovation other then the demolishing of the new Fortifications which Breif was deliver'd to the Duke of Rohan who lodg'd it in the Consul's hands By other Breifs permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as theâ—… stood and that the Works about Nimes Castres Vsez and Milhau should be but half demolish'd But when that Article about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to â—â— put in execution notice was giv'n to the Parlament of Tholouse that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities they made 'em better and stronger then before so that upon the 14th of December there came forth a Decree which forbid those counterfeit dismantlings which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found ' em Nor did the Parlament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications The Parlament of Paris instead of the words Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion put in Cities 〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion and in the room of thâ— words Ecclesiastical Affairs they alter'd 'em into Affairs concerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reformed Religion These petty Niceties however display'd no signs of Embitterment But the Parlament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shewn during the Frenziâ—â— of the League They verifi'd the Edict without approving any other then the Catholic Religion or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs They ordain'd that the dismantling of their Towns should be continu'd till it were thoroughly finish'd that such Judgments as were in favour of the Catholics should stand good but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed should be revokable upon a bare Petition and thâ—â— no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the Kingdom These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict â—ight well be lookt upon as a Presage that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom would not be of long contiâ—â—ance Nevertheless all the Cities which had join'd together in the â—â—mmon Cause accepted of the Peace though there were â—â—me that were afraid of the Consequence Privas and Brison who had held it out notwithstanding the Conquests which Chaâ—lloâ— had suffer'd the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts came in upon the general Conditions Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person and of preserving her Fortifications as a Troâ—…y of her Victory accepted the Conditions also Rochel prest 〈◊〉 Sea and Land and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom if she refus'd the Conditions propos'd submitted to the Count of Soissons who commanded the King's Forces that attacqu'd her However the Duke of Guise â—…ough well inform'd that the Peace was concluded adventur'd 〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City and because he could not â—â—â—d out a way to excuse that Action which cost a great deal 〈◊〉 Blood on both sides 't was given out that Rochel knew it as well as he and that she would not have accepted the Peace â—â—d she got the better To say truth her loss was not so great â—â—t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable And 〈◊〉 may be said that her damage consisted in this that the least â—…es of a City that has no other assistance to trust to but her â—wn are always considerable rather then in her receiving any great harm by the King 's Fleet. But after the tidings of the â—eace all Acts of Hostility ceas'd and the City thought herself deliver'd from all her fears of a long Siege Vsez Nimes Milhau all the rest of the Cities obey'd and flatter'd themselves with seeing the Edicts better observ'd for the future then hitherto â—â—ey had bin But Catholic Zeal had not yet alter'd her Characters nor was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature â—â—t with a resolution to violate it One of the first effects of â—â—e Infidelity of the Court was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause and denying 'em the Recompences which had bin promis'd em for the performance 〈…〉 which Promises they never had bin urgent The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed haâ—… disingag'd him from the Promises which he had made to particular men meerly to retain 'em in their obedience Nor would many People have murmur'd at this piece of Infidelity had thâ—… stopp'd there and it was agreed on all sides that they who haâ— sold for ready money the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences deserv'd no better usage bâ—… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of highâ—… importance For they had promis'd the Rochelois to demoliâ—… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built to curb and aâ—… noy the City But they were so far from observing that Article that the Fort was not finish'd till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain aâ—… other then feigned Commands to demolish it of which they to whom they were sent had private Orders to take 〈…〉 notice Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Fooâ—… which should march out back again with him To elude which Promise the whole Regiment of Guards was order'd to enter iâ—… under no more then four Colours unworthily abusing the aâ—… biguous signification of the word though as time has made it out the word Colours or Ensign signifies much more usually in common speech a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉 Ensign then
and Both together obtain'd two Decrees of Council one of the 3d of October against the Minister of Dieulefit the other dated the 11th of the same month forbidding 'em to preach in any other then the place of their Residence Nothing could be more vexatious in the Consequences of it to the Provinces wherein there were many Churches more especially since the King had taken away the money granted by the King his Father in recompence of the Tithes It appear'd by these Examples of the Persecution that the Reformed had not now those Forces which caus'd the Catholics to spare 'em before but that in despite of the Act of Grace they would be brangl'd every day out of the remainder of their Priviledges In a word within less then two years they had so many unjust Injuries done 'em as are hardly to be imagin'd But two things hinder'd that they did not hasten their destruction The first was because the Court itself was intangl'd in most desperate Quarrels and Confusions Providence permitted for the justification of the Reformed who had bin all along accus'd of being the sole Causes of the Troubles of the Kingdom that after the Ruin of their Affairs the Catholics should have their turn should enter into Treaties Leagues and Conspiracies renew the Civil Wars and keep the Kingdom till the death of the King in continual Combustions The original of which Troubles was the Queenmother's discontent who could not brook the high credit to which the Cardinal had attain'd by the success of his Enterprises That Princess ambitious and jealous of her Honour was affronted that the Cardinal whom she had introduc'd into Court should be so powerful as to slight â—…her and that on the other side she should have so far lost â—…her former Reputation that she could not as well contemn her Competitor She saw herself despis'd since the taking of Rochel and in truth since that Enterprize had succeeded the Cardinal had chang'd his Behaviour with all the world nor did he carry himself in any thing so cautiously as before because â—…e thought he stood in need of no body's protection Nay he could not forbear jesting a little too satyrically upon the Queen and in regard the Favour he was in had created him many Enemies there were some that took delight officiously to repeat his Jests and to season 'em with some dashes of particular malice So that the Queen display'd all her Fury against him and notwithstanding all the care which the King himself Cardinal Bagni and other persons of the highest quality took to reconcile 'em she would never pardon him The Duke of Orleans took his Mother's part and several other considerable Lords did the same As for the Cardinal he was too much employ'd in dissipating all these terrible Storms to think of the Reformed and his Enemies had too much business on the other side to mind these miserable Remainders of a Party that made no longer any Figure in the Kingdom But the Cardinal had the good luck or else the cunning to vanquish all these difficulties and to reduce the Queen his Mistress to retire into Flanders since she could not stay neither with safety nor honour in a Kingdom where she had so long exercis'd the Supreme Authority The Duke of Orleans also departed France soon after but return'd with his Arms in his hand The second thing which afforded some relaxation to the Reformed was that the Cardinal was desirous to uphold the King's Alliances with the Foreign Protestants that he had renew'd the League with the Foreign Protestants and for that he had renew'd an Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden a brave Prince Ambitious one that had acquir'd the Reputation of a great Captain and who but a little before had made an Incursion into Pomerania where he made it evident that it was not a thing impossible to bring down the Puissance of the Emperor This Prince enter'd Germany at the Cardinal's sollicitation and made those surprizing Progresses which are hardly to be believ'd upon the credit of Relations They were afraid he would have gone too far so that after two years of continu'd triumph he was slain at Lutzen no body being as yet able to discover wâ—â—ther the mortal Stroke proceeded from the hand of his Friends or his Enemies There was also great care taken in treating with him to prevent his Conquests from doing any prejudice to the Catholic Religion and that Prince was very complaisant with the Cardinal upon that Subject So that whether he would not offend a Confederate attended every where by Terror and Conquest or whether it were that it was thought but Justice to spare the Protestants for the sake of a Prince so favourable to the Catholics it was not lookt upon as a seasonable time to overwhelm the Protestants of France But what they were unwilling to do openly they attempted by means more closely conceal'd and dangerous With this design it was that they set afoot agen the Projects of Reunion which were always as it were Forerunners of a Tempest that was insensibly gathering together Two sorts of People were caught in this Snare People that were sincere and upright who believ'd in the sincerity of their hearts that a reasonable composition might be drawn from the Catholics at least in reference to the most gross and palpable Abuses and that after they should be agreed upon Expedients to secure the Conscience they might unite in an outward Communion that Schism lookt upon by both sides as a great mischief would surcease by this Accommodation and together with Schism all Discord and Hatred Persecution of the weaker by the stronger which are the inevitable Consequences of it that being return'd to the Bosom of the Roman Church People that were expert might the better labour in the Cure of her Distempers because they would be no longer suspected and for that being arm'd with Truth they would in time by the light of it dispel the darkness and mists of Prejudice and Error There have bin at all times some People flatter'd with this pleasing Vision and who never will be taught that the mischiefs of the Roman Church are incurable because she refuses all manner of Cure â—rroâ—s purely speculative and which arise from the false Idea's 〈◊〉 which the mind is prepossess'd may sometimes surrender 〈◊〉 the evidence of a Truth well made out by Demonstration 〈◊〉 Errors of Interest are proof against all the most evident â—…nstrations in regard they derive their Original from the â—…ption of the heart and for that Maladâ—es of that nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always to be assâ—ag'd by Remedies that convince the 〈◊〉 Other People of a quite different Character either 〈◊〉 by Promises or push'd forward by Ambition or else â—…ited of their own parts and aspiring to the Honour of haâ—…ng put an end to these fatal Contests which for above a hunâ—…er'd years together had occasion'd such Convulsions over all 〈◊〉 desperately threw themselves into the
which the Catholic Armies had ruin'd and the third deriv'd itself from the Decrees which the Bishop of Valence had procur'd upon occasion of the Annexes For beside those which he had obtain'd the year before he had caus'd another to be issu'd forth of the second of May wherein to obviate the Reason why the Reformed pretended to fix themselves in the possession of their Annexes by alledging that they were places permitted the right of which being grounded upon the Articles of the Edict had extended the prohibition of one Minister to preach in several places to places permitted For these several Reasons without naming the places where their Exercise had been obstructed in other Provinces they set down Fourscore and twelve in Cevennes Vivarets the Vpper and Lower Languedoc and in the Islands of Ré and Oleron The fifth requir'd the Revocation of the Decrees granted to the Bishop of Valence The sixth complain d of the Prosecutions of some Ministers accus'd to have utter'd words both disrespectful and undutiful tho they had only preach'd their own Doctrine with moderation The next set forth the delays of the Governors in the nomination of Commissioners that were to be present at the Synods which had reduc'd some Provinces to be without Assemblies of that nature The eighth and ninth insisted upon Foreign Ministers The tenth desir'd that the Prohibitions of Beraud Bagnage and Bâ—teroue to sit in the Synod might be taken off The ' leventh concern'd the grand Article of the Edict which declares the Reformed capable of all manner of Employments and complain'd that it was so ill observ'd that the Reformed were not admitted into the meanest and lowest Offices that they were refus'd the Degree of Doctors of Physic and the Title of Aggregated where Accumulation was customary and that they were refus'd their Freedoms in the meanest Trades The twelfth demanded the Release of such as had bin condemn'd to the Gallies according to the Edict of Peace of which number there were above Two hunder'd The thirteenth demanded restitution of the municipal Tolls which had bin promis'd in 1628. as also by the Paper answer'd at Montauban the next year which had not prevented the Revocation of the Assignations allow'd for the year 1627. nor their failing to allow any for the three next years so that there was due for the time past the Sum of Six hunder'd thousand Livres The Compensation promis'd the Bernois after so solemn a manner had bin as faithlesly observ'd as the rest of the Edicts The one moiety of it was of a sudden defalk'd so that the fourteenth Article requir'd that care might be taken about it We might add to the same Article the hard Usage of the Ministers of the Bailliage of Gex who had bin depriv'd for a long time of the King's Relief-money which had bin granted 'em in recompence for the Ecclesiastic Estates Not that either Bearn or the Countrey of Gex had any share in the last Civil Wars but only in testimony of a more perfect good-will to the Reformed they that liv'd peaceably and that they were call'd Rebels were treated both alike Lastly the fifteenth Article contain'd an humble Request That the Court would command the Advocate General of Bourdeaux to surcease prosecuting a Minister and his Son whose Cause was nevertheless depending in the Chamber of Guyenne which was then at Agen whither it had bin remov'd The Deputies that carri'd this Paper and the Letters from the Synod to the King and the Cardinal were Amyrant and â—â—llars The King gave 'em leave to make their Speech to him at Monceaux and testifi'd by his Answer that he was well satisfi'd with them and the Synod They were likewise well receiv'd by the Cardinal who assur'd 'em that the King would maintain and protect 'em according to his Edicts that he gave Beraud and Basnage leave to sit in the Synod but that before he granted the same Favour to Bouteroue 't was fit the King should be more amply inform'd of the Crime that was laid to his charge that the King would give a very favourable Answer to their Paper so soon as the Synod brake up To the end said he that he might treat with his Subjects in a manner more suitable to his Sovereign Dignity and the Sacred Authority of his Word But the more edifying and solid part of his Answer was a Gift of Sixteen thousand Livres in ready money to defray the Expences of the Synod All which the Commissioner imparted to the Synod before the return of the Deputies Beraud resum'd his Seat in the Assembly soon after Basnage took his again and at length Bouteroue had leave to sit there as well as the rest For five years together there had not bin any alteration of the General Deputies and during that time Bazin who was one of those that were employ'd happen'd to die The Synod therefore had Orders to supply his place but they were not left to their accustom'd liberty of Nomination 'T was the King's pleasure till then that six Persons should be nominated for him to chuse two out of that number and the circumstances of the Permission giv'n the Synod to name 'em pointed so exactly to the Persons which it behov'd 'em to nominate that it was to little purpose to make choice of any other The Synod well observ'd this Innovation but because it was the King's pleasure they obey'd The Marquis of Clermont was continu'd and the Commissioner's Son was put into Bazin's room These were order'd to carry the Nomination made by the Synod accompani'd with Letters full of Duty and Respect To which the King made known his Answer by the Commissioner which consisted of a testimony that he was more and more satisfi d with the Proceeding of the Assembly and the Nomination they had made that he would accept of 'em after the Synod was broken up that he would give a Gracious Answer to their Paper and he would allow the Synod three days longer to sit They were so accustom'd at Court to be afraid of the Reformed that they seldom slept in quiet while they were assembl'd and their very Synods gave 'em terrible Alarumâ— This which was only compos'd of People still consternated at the taking of Rochel and the reducing of all the rest of their Towns and Cities disquieted their rest for all that and the Catholics dreaded by the Progresses which Gustavus made in Germany fanci'd him already in France and restoring by main Force the Reformed to their pristine Splendor which was the Reason that the King as earnestly prest the separation of the Synod as if it had bin the Politic Assembly of Loâ—dun or that of Rochel Nevertheless before they broke up the Synod ordain'd three things which gave the Missionaries and Politicians fair Pretences to make loud Outcries The first was a Regulation against the Accommodations of Religion which referr'd to an Act of the same nature that pass'd in the National Synod of Mompelier 1598. where
Rochel and its Refutation * Thuanus An Inheritance held immediately and in Capite of the King * Use and Profit * A heavy Tax upon such as are not Gentle men * Germain Horse In French Grâ—ffe * An Inheritance held directly in Capite of the King * The word signifies Legacies * A heavy Imposition Câ—hirs Petition or Remonstrances * Petition 1610. The Court is surprised at the death of the King Precautions us'd to prevent disorder The Regency is given to the Queen The Condition of the Reformed Who are dreaded and yet are afraid False Measures taken by the Duke of Sully He is advised to look to himself He is well received at Court A Declaration which confirms the Edict Remarkable Expressions The free exercise of Religion confirm'd at Charenton The Reform'd being deceiv'd by those Artifices fall into a sâ—nd Opinion of safety New Reasons of diffidence which awaken them 1610. Impudence of the Jesuit Aubigni And of Cotton They avoyd penetrating into the Causes of the Kings Death Prisoners releas'd Suspicions of the most Speculative The double Alliance with Spain resolv'd upon The Marshal de Bouillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Condc * Petitions Answer'd †Chambre Mipartie in wâ—tch the Iudges were part Catholicks and part Protestants Disgrace of the Duke of Sully Who is removed from the Exchequer and from the Government of the Bastille 1611. He writes to the Queen General Assembly allowed for Chastelleraud * Petitions or Addresses Remov'd â—â— Saumur by a new Brief The Marshal de Bouillon is gain'd by the Queen * Petitions or Addresses Instâ—uctions for the Provincial Assembly Excuses of the demands that seemed to be new Continuation of the Instructions Assembly of Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies How those of Bearn assist at it * Petition or Address Toleration for defective Deputations Inconstancy of the Marshal de Bouillon about Presidentship Of which the reasons are unknown Du Plessis is elected President He excuses himself in vain Discontent of the Marshal Duke Who seems to be reconcil'd to the Duke of Sully And Interresses himself for Senevieres The Assembly do's the same The Court evades and the Marshal falls of The Oath of Vnion Another Oath against under hard dealing both ill kept * Petitions They examine the Affair of the Duke of Sully who makes a long discourse to explain it The Assembly is of opinion that this Affair concerns their Religion Anonymous Answer to the Duke's discourse The like Writings in Vogue during the Sessions of the Assembly A Satyical Letter which divides the Reform'd into three Orders Malicious Zealous Judicious Character of the Queen 〈◊〉 Character of the Reform'd From whence the reports proceeded that the Assembly design'd to make War * Cities Towns or Forts c. Artiffices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformâ—d Several Catholick Citys take up Arms. Du Plessis Fortifies the Garrison of Saumur after having asked the King's leave for it Commissioners from the King to the Assembly * Petition or Address The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court. * Petition or Address And makes Five Cahiers The Court will have the Country of Bearn to Treat seperately * Petition Apparent Vnion in the Assembly * Petitions or Addresses In which discâ—rd breaks out at last * The Commons The Power of the Deputies that carry the Cahier is limited The Deputies are well received at Court where they are flatter'd * Petition Address Demand c. And afterwards deceiv'd And proceed to Threats The Court gives them Letters and Commands them to retire The Assembly tarrys for the return of the Kings Commissioners And gives Reasons not to chuse six Deputies In which they persist after having heard Bullion * Petition written in one Column and the Answer in the other * Petition written in one Column and the Answer in the other Artiâ—â—ces â—â— undermine the steadiness of the Assembly Of which some Members suffer themselves to be Corrupted Dangerous Councelimputed to the Marshal of Bouillon Bellujon is censur'd by the Assembly A Letter from the Court Authorising the inferior number against the greater Bullion seems to accept of a Tempâ—r But he retracts all of a sudden by a strange advice of the Marshal Duke Wise Council of Du Plessis Who wards the blow The Assembly Nominates Commissioners Vexation of the Marshal at the success of his enterprise Nomination of the Deputies General The Answers to the Cahier satifies no body Nevertheless they resolve to break up Tho' nothing had been done worthy of the Assembly Artifices to disgust Chamier Ferrier retires Why the Court was unwilling to appear the Cause of those Divisions Regulations drawn by the Assembly * Commons Provincial Councils Their Functions Regulations of Vnion The Marshal de Bouillon will not allow the Ministers to make a separate order or Body in those Councils * Ministers and Elders c. †Petitions and Addresses Substance of the General Cahier and of the answer made to it Cahiers answer'd * A Land Tax c. Cahirs answered Cahiers answered * Yielding up a Title or Right to a Creditor c. * By whom the Cause ought to be tryed †Criminal Cases * Courts of Justice Cahiers answer'd Cahiers answer'd * Cities or Towns annex'd to others * Towns Castles c. Cahiers Answer'd Articles in favour of Bearn Mutual reproaches of the Members of the Assembly * Petitions or Addresses Books which make a noise Niceness of the Doctrine concrning the Authority of Kings Books of Du Plessis Number of 666. Paulo 5 Vice-deo V. 5. L. 50 V. 5. V. 5. I. 1. C. 100. D. 500. 666 Justness of the Calculation Sedition at Paris Return of the Deputies into their Provinces Commissioners in diverâ— places where they are not received Synod at Blois which the Commissioners are allarm'd at They writ to Court about it Assembly at Castel-Jaloux which causes a kind of League of the Catholicks Mortifications receiv'd by the Jesuits Commissioners in the Country of Gex The Reformed in a quarrel take the part of the House of Guise 1612. Death of the Lord de Vatan They allow him a Minister to prepare him to Dye but they hinder him from singing Psalms Deputies of the Provinces at Paris Sent back Outragiousty Decleration of the 24th of April The Deputies General oppose the Inrolement Which is notwithstanding perform'd National Synod of Privas Censures about the Divisions of Saumur Vnion Signed and Sworn Private Divisions Grave accusations against him in the Synod Which censures him grievously Nimes deputes to preserve him And the Synod aggravates Complaints of the Synod of Blois Cares of the Synods for the reconciliation of the Grandees Brief of augmentation of the Sums allow'd to the Reform'd Alterations made to the state of the Reform'd in the County of Gex The Synod endeavours to prevent the abuse that is made of the said augmentation Andrenews the demands of the Assembly of Saumur Reasons of the Repugnancy so often express'd against the
so Just so Wise an Administration that You have rendered your Name no less Illustrious for your Prudence and the rest of your shining Vertues than the Greatest King in the World I mean WILLIAM III. hath made His Glorious by His Valour Conduct and the Infinite other great Qualities of his Mind and both your Sovereign Majesties are become the Delight of your Honest and Loyal Subjects the Admiration of Foreign Princes and the great Dread and Terrour of your Enemies May you Both live long that your People may be happy long and rejoyce long in you and that your Majesties may be long happy in your People having the Hearts the Esteem and Veneration of ALL your Subjects to be the Felicity and Glory of your Reign So Wishes so Prays with all imaginable Earnestness and Devotion May it please your Most Excellent Majesty Your Majesties most Humble most Faithful and most Obediently Loyal Subject COOKE To My Lords The Lords Deputy Counsellors OF THE States of Holland AND WEST-FRIEZLAND Most Noble and Puissant Lords IF I do 〈…〉 follow here the example of those Writers 〈…〉 place a study'd Panegyrick upon those â—â— whom they have made choice for tâ—…ors at the beginning of their Works t was 〈…〉 fear of ill success that hinder'd me had I had any such design nor of exposing my self to the Distaste that has been long since taken against such kind of undertakings I must confess I have no great reason to build much upon my Eloquence but I might find in the abounding Treasure of the Subject wherewith to supply the defect of my Skill and Parts and I might hope withall to please the Reader since I should have an opportunity to tell him those things which he rarely sees in writings of the like Nature 'T is a difficult thing at this day to force into such an Eulogy those bold stroakes of Wit or Rhetorick that might adorn it with any Graces of Novelty more especially most people believe that Truth very seldom appears in such Applauses But it would be an easie thing for me to do something more then usual upon the Subject which I should have in hand in regard that tho my Praises were never so transcendent they would never be look'd upon as suspected or excessive There would need no more for me then to consider YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES as an August Body to which all the Merit of the Illustrious Members that compose it is due It would be easie for me by this means to adorn my Discourse with a thousand Ornaments not common to the World neither would any Person presume to suspect me of rearing the Glory of All together too High seeing that if we should take asunder every one of those who rae calld to those Eminent Dignities we should find in his Name in his Endowments in his Employments and his Services as many several Subjects for a just and lawful Panegyrick But I know well MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that solid Virtue is not ambitious of these vain Oblations Only vulgar Souls are intoxicated with such perfumes They who have a Soul truly Great choose rather to be profitable to the Publick by their noble Actions then to hear either their Persons or their Conduct extolld I make no question but your NOBLE PUISSANCES deem it far more worthy of your selves to engrave your Elogies in the Hearts and Memory of the People by your Sage and Prudent Government then to read 'em in an Epistle Dedicatory Therefore not to engage my self in a labour that would be â—o way grateful to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES I will only give you an accompt of the reasons which embolden'd me to present you this Piece which I have now transmitted to publick View I have not so good an Opinion of my self MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS to imagine that the Fruits of my Labours are Offerings that merit your Acceptance But the Nature of the Subject which I handle in this History dedicated to Your Lordships may serve to excuse the liberty which I take to lay it under the Protection of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES and after a full Examination it may be easily acknowledg'd that in reason and justice it could have been no other where address'd It contains a Recital of the misfortunes which in France have befallen those who for these fourscore and ten Years have liv'd in that Kingdom under the Faith of the most solemn Edict that ever was published It represents what they suffer'd till the Revocation of that Law which had been so long the Buckler of their Religion and the Bulwark of their Liberty It shews several thousands of Families by Violence and Injustice reduc'd to abandon the Advantages and Delights of their Native Country and to seek on every side a Sanctuary for their Persons and Repose for their Consciences 'T is true that in all parts of Europe whereever these Persecuted Professors of the true Christian Faith have been led by Providence they have receiv'd great marks of the compassion and good will of Foreigners but in no State or Kingdom were they receiv'd with more tenderness nor cherish'd with more affection than in this The Charity of our Thrice Potent Soveraigns made hast to meet their Petitions Upon their arrival they found all manner of succour ready at hand They shar'd as I may say the Conveniencies and Riches of the Country with the Inhabitants by the free and liberal participation which they met with They no sooner breath'd the Air of these Countries but they tasted the Abundance of it They also whom the common Tempest had cast on other Shores were sensible of this Heroick Beneficence not only because it was a leading example to others but because the effects of it were not enclos'd within the limits of these Provinces If the first Honour of this extreme Bounty be due to our Soveraigns whose Zeal and Piety became â—o signal by such a Glorious Testimonial it cannot be deny'd at least MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS but that the second belongs to your selves You found you distributed the Funds whence these Immense Profusions of Charity were drawn T was by the hands of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES that so many Professors of the Christian Faith so many persons of Great Quality so many Pastors and Teachers so many ruin'd Families so many people of both Sexes which the Persecution had reduc'd to utmost Exigency have hitherto receiv'd and still receive all necessary Succour and Relief In the midst of such Prodigious Expences occasion'd by a hideous War The care which you take for the Publick does not slackn your Diligence for the Consolation of so many afflicted Innocents and your inexhaustible Charity does the same in procuring them an easie and comfortable Life which your Indefatigable Vigilance performs in suffering nothing to be wanting to the Commonwealth in her lawful designes After all this there is no question to be made most NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that it is no more than justice to Dedicate to your selves
least expected and surprises them when their deliberations were already very far advanced and after he had patiently heard them till they came to a conclusion he ordered several of them to be seised Du Bourg and Du Faur were taken in their Houses and search was made after others which could not be found The Prisoners were Tryed by special Commissioners but tho they drove on the business with all the hast they could to satisfy the K's impatience yet he had not the pleasure to see the end of it for Death prevented him and when he thought of nothing but Joy and Divertisement he was kill'd by Mongomery whom he would needs force to break a Lance with him A little before the renewing of those severities the Deputies of the Churches already form'd in the Provinces held in the Suburbs of St. Germain at Paris their first National Synod and drew up that confession of Faith which they retain to this day and the first articles of the Discipline which has since been observ'd in all the Churches of the Kingdom That Synod lasted four days in the midst of the Fires and Gibbets which were prepared in all quarters of the Town and it was held with so exact a secrecy that the Assembly was neither discovered nor disturbed After the Death of Henry II. all things changed at Court except Vices which having taken root there during his Luxurious Reign assumed still a greater Empire under those of his Children The Interests there were very different and the Intrigues much divided The Q. Katharine being Ambitious Voluptuous Cruel Vindicative Perfidious and of a humour to sacrifice every thing to her Passions had a mind to retain the Authority in her own hands The K. of Navar was of an unequal Temper wavering in his Religion weak-spirited timorous devoted to his Pleasure and easy to be govern'd by any that knew how to take him at their advantage and bore a greater Figure than sway at Court The Prince his Brother was Bold Valiant Active firm in his Resolutions and fixed in the Reformed Religion by motives mixed with Ambition and Conscience but most extremely poor for a person of his high Quality Mompensier and la Roche-sur yon had more zeal than knowledg in matters of Religion The Guises were animated with a violent Ambition and besides were all-powerful at Court as well by the consideration of the great Merits of the Duke of that Name and because they were Uncles of the young Queen Wife to Francis II. who being a very beautiful Princess was in power by vertue of that charming Prerogative to assume a great Empire over the K. who was of an easy disposition and even confining upon down right simplicity And besides she was able the more powerfully to second her Uncles Ambition because she was a very apt Scholar in Politicks and knew to a hair how to imitate all the Maximes of her mother in Law as by the Sequel of her Life sufficiently appeared The Constable was a little wedded to his Interest but otherwise superstitious and not very knowing in Religion The Title of the first Christian Baron and the Cry of War used by those of his House founded upon the same Fable from which his Ancestors had drawn that Elogy was to him a decisive argument in all controversies The Coligni's were puissant brave and persons of Great Honour and if their Uncle had not abandoned them they might easily have made Head against the Lorain Princes But he supposed to find his account better in joyning with the Guises as likewise did Mompensier and La Roche-sur yon which obliged his Nephews to joyn with the Prince of Conde whose Constancy and exact fidelity to his Word gave them sufficient assurance he would never sacrifice them to his Fortune All which Combinations were in their first Original nothing but pure Court-Intrigues and Religion was taken into them only by accident the Guises making use of it as a pretence to clear the Court of all those that gave them any jealousie and the others were obliged for their better defence against such powerful Enemies to unite themselves in interest with those which were already united with them in Religion Philip II. then K. of Spain follow'd the Maxims of his great Grandfather Ferdinand and like him in all things he did improved the pretence of Religion to the utmost advantage He had signalized himself by the persecution of the Protestants in all his Dominions to that degree of Rigour that he spared not the Memory of his own Father and therefore was far from neglecting so fair an occasion as the same pretence of Religion then gave him to divide France by exciting one of these Parties to ruin the other All this joyned to the extream corruption of the Court in which debauchery and impiety were made soon after the most powerful Tools of Policy were the Cause why the Condition of the Protestants was rendred not a whit better than before There were erected in the Parliaments certain Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers which burn'd a sufficient number of those who past for Hereticks to deserve the Title given them The President de St. Andre signalized himself by his Cruelties in the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris being vigorously seconded by Le Moine Inquisitor de Mouchi so named from the Village where he was born from whence likewise those that served him for Spies or Informers to discover the Protestant meetings took the Name of Mouchards which has since remain'd to all those that have follow'd the same Employments That bloody Hangman afterwards changed his Name and assumed the barbarous appellation of Demochares under which he is known in History And those Spies or some like them who were almost all of them Apostates from the Reformation were the men that published those Calumnies against the Protestants I have before recited A little while after the people the better to discover those that were season'd with Protestant principles being mov'd thereto either by their own Superstition or by the Zealots took a Freak to set up Images at the corners of streets and to force all passers by to salute them and they that refused it were accounted to have good luck if they escaped only with a basting because such a Refusal was reckon'd a mark of Heresy It 's true indeed many of those Objects of Superstition were taken from the people but instead of being abolisht they were placed in the Churches And since that their Passion for Images has increased so prodigiously that there is not a Town in which they have not erected new ones and where the people are not used to paint them to dress them up to light Lamps and Wax Candles before them to meet and kneel down before them in the middle of the streets at certain Hours and sing Hymns and Litanies all which Extravagancies are at this Day committed more than ever in the open view of those very same Guides
brand them with disgrace But to return from this digression and re-continue the Series of Events I shall remark That attempts were made about that time to establish the Inquisition in France and that the Chancellor who would fain have hindered that pernicious Institution unwillingly consented that Causes of Heresie should be once more turned over to the Bishops of whom there were some not very ill-inclin'd to the Protestants For Marillac Archbishop of Vienna and Monluc Bp. of Valence spoke favourably for them in an Assembly held at Fountain-Bleau where the Admiral presented a Petition in the Name of the persecuted party for whom he begg'd Liberty of Conscience The Court seem'd dispos'd to moderation and accordingly talkt of calling a National Council prohibited all provocations on either side and put a stop to any further Executions so that during that shadow of peace the Protestants began to hold publick Meetings in several Provinces But yet when they least expected it the P. of Conde was made Prisoner his Enemies having gain'd time in that deceitful Calm with which they had purposely amused the World to take the surer measures against him and pretended a discovery of his being engag'd in new designs upon which he was prosecuted with such extraordinary diligence that the Sentence of Condemnation was already signed by all his Judges except only the Chancellor who held off as long as he could and he had certainly lost his Life if the K's sudden death had not deliver'd him from that tragical end which hap'ned so patly for his advantage that it gave occasion to their Adversaries to impute it to the Protestants to insinuate as if they had shortned that Princes days by the hands of his Surgeon who was of their Religion But sincere Historians have discharged them of that reproachful Calumny by informing the World That Francis II. had some natural Infirmities that brought on him that fate that his Brain had no vent at all to purge it self by the ordinary Conduits made for that use as in other men that about a year before his Death there appeared upon his Face some pimples that were taken for signs of some extraordinary Distemper which 't is reported his Physicians went about to cure by a yet more extraordinary Remedy From which it may easily be judged how much his Blood was tainted and how extreme full his Body was of corrupt humours The Estates who were in great haste Assembled towards the end of the year gave the Protestants some hopes that the Q. Mother would be no longer so much against them because the Chancellor her Creature was so bold there as openly to censure all violent proceedings upon the account of Religion the Guises were fallen from their former Credit as not having the same Ascendant over Charles IX who succeeded his Brother as they had had over the deceased K. who had Married their Niece the Admiral having been offensively treated in the Speech made by the Deputy of the Clergy at the opening of the Assembly reparation was made him for the Indignity The Prince of Conde was acquitted and the Bishops of Seez and Valens having Preached at the Court something very like the Doctrin of those called Hereticks were by the Q. protected against the clamours of the Zealots nay she writ to the Pope himself in their favour and seconded their demands for the Restitution of the Cup to the Laity and for the celebration of Divine service in the vulgar Tongue and granted them the first Edict for Poleration that ever was vouchsafed them but she not being a Woman that could long forbear shewing her self in her true Colours she her self stir'd up the Constable to Murmur at it and the more effectually to hinder the Parliaments from obeying it she slily ordered it to be directed contrary to custom to the Presidial Courts and accordingly the Parliaments fail'd not to complain of such an Irregularity and to oppose it by contrary Decrees And the Court fell again into the same irresolution they had often been in before whom to declare the most competent Judges of Causes of Heresy and by an Edict of the Month of July divided a new that Jurisdiction between the Presidial and Bishops Courts authorising the one to judg of the unlawfulness of Assemblies and the other of the Doctrin Preached in them the Clergy having well Bribed them for that favour for taking a hot Alarm at some proceedings of the Estates who were removed to Pontoise that tended to favour the Protestants they politickly ransomed themselves from that fear by consenting to a subsidy of four tenths of six years But the best thing done in the Edict of the Protestants was That it moderated the punishment of Heresies which before was Death to Banishment only In that year was the first rise of the Triumvirate that is to say of the threefold League between the D. of Guise the Constable and the Marshal de St. Andre the last of which engaged in it to exempt himself from giving an account of immense sums of Money he had embezel'd And the Constable did the same for fear of being obliged to pay back a sum of 100000 Crowns And tho Religion was one of the pretences of the Vnion by which they did a World of Mischief to the Protestants yet it was to those other sordid interests that the Roman Religion was chiefly obliged to for its preservation But there was nothing more remarkable in the whole course of that year than the Colloquy or Conference of Poissy which held all Europe for some time in suspence There never was any Assembly that ever made so much noise nor yet any that produced so little effect excepting only that they gave some Alarm to Rome The beginnings of it were pompous and stately for all the Court was present at it as well as several Cardinals and Bishops it began on both sides with very solid and grave Orations but one word which Beza unluckily let fall in his Discourse served for a pretence to the Cardinal de Tournon and others of his party to make a noise and to dissuade the K. from continuing to honour those Disputes any longer with his Presence And so that publick Conference dwindled into private Disputations and the Bps. either disdaining or being afraid to confer with the Ministers the whole business was committed only to some private Doctors and at last the Conferences were quite broken off after which instances being made in vain to Renew them The Protestant Deputies grew weary of being shamm'd off with so many delays and went away when they found they were amused only with vain hopes They spent some Months in reconciling the differences about some controverted Articles but when the persons commissionated to treat of them had agreed upon any point it was always travers'd by some zealous Drs. who made Oppositions and Protestations against such Accomodations which particularly hapned about the matter of Image-Worship For the
after the passing of that Edict to have her Marriage confirmed she could not obtain it as I shall shew more fully in time and place The pretence urged against her was That there appear'd no Evidence neither by writing nor witnesses to prove it an Authentick Marriage and not Clandestine It 's true indeed it was then 40 years since it was done and there remain'd but one man alive that could witness it but yet that hindred it not from being very true that the Marriage was celebrated by the consent and in the presence of the Cardinals Brothers and with all the Solemnity that the Simplicity of the Reformation and the circumstances of that juncture of time could permit That Cardinal passed in the time of the following Wars into England to demand assistance from Queen Elisabeth but as he was about to return into France he was basely poysoned by one of his own domestick Servants The Chancellor took his opportunity after the Edict of Peace to publish another commanding all the King's Subjects to pay Tithes as before to the Church-men And it was not doubted but that Edict was the preservation of the Roman Church because had the Protestants been suffered to escape free from paying those dues all that had any Goods or Estates lyable to pay Tithes would have wheeled about to their Party out of greediness to augment their Revenues at one jerko a full tenth part Yet for all that it appears by the repeated complaints of the Clergy in all their Assemblies that they had much ado to enjoy the benefit of that Edict And 't is only since the Edict of Nants that they have been established in the full possession of those dues And then indeed that question was contradictorily decided to the advantage of the Church-men and the recompense granted to the Protestants to indemnify them for what they paid in Tyths took from them all colour of renewing any more pretences on that Subject for till then the Clergy had not been able to keep possession of those Rights because the Protestants paid them nothing in places where they were strong enough to avoid it and the Catholicks in many places and especially the Gentry paid them but ' en what they liâ—ted But that Edict fortifying them with a new Title they recovered by little and little the full enjoyment of all their Rights and under pretence of explaining or confirming them against the pretensions of the Protestants they often procured orders which they made use of to the Disadvantage of the Catholicks themselves So that they that for time out of mind had been obliged only to pay certain fixed Tythes were then forced to pay Tyths of the Artichokes Melons Pumpions nay and of their Marjoram and in a word of all the Herbs of their Gardens And for the obtaining those Orders the Clergy was not ashamed to vacate the old customs that were confirmed by an interrupted possession of 2 or 300 years After the Peace both Parties contended which should be most active in re-taking Havre de Grace from the English who had a mind to keep it and the Protestants seemed to espouse the cause with more heat than the others the better to wipe off the reproach cast upon them of having given new footing in the Kingdom to a Foraign People that had been so long its mortal Enemies At his return from that Expedition the King was declared Major at Roan and put forth a new Edict to confirm that of Amboise which was again renewed towards the end of the year by another which explained some dubious Articles of it But when the King was return'd to Paris the Admiral was impeacht for the Murther of the Duke of Guise the affairs was very difficult to decide at that Juncture of time because of the equal Ballance that seemed to be between the power of the Accusers and that of the Accused and therefore after several insignificant proceedings it was cunningly put off for three years The same year likewise there began to appear at Tholouse and elsewhere some seeds of a League against the Protestants and the famous Council of Trent was at last terminated which having been long desired as the only salve for the Divisions of Europe was for sometime as 't were the Shittle-cock of the Policy of Princes and the Terrour of the Court of Rome which was afraid that in such a ticklish time in which she was so much cried down a Council would in spite of her attempt a Reformation of her intolerable Errours and Abuses But yet at last that Court found its account well enough here and that Council degenerated into a manifest Cabal confirmed all Abuses to the advantage of the Roman See exalted her above Princes and made the yoke of the Roman Church more heavy than ever upon mens Consciences The next year the Spaniards did what they could to re-kindle a new War but the time was not yet seasonable to hearken to them In expectation therefore of a better occasion they conspired with the Catholicks of Bearn to seise the Queen of Navar and her Children and to deliver them to the Inquisition for Hereticks which if effected would have given a fair occasion to Philp Iâ— to make himself Master of the rest of their Dominions which had escaped from the Ambition of his Great Grandfather The Conspiracy was discovered but yet Queen Katharine had particular reasons worthy of her self not to order the person to be taken up that was the chief Intriguer in it Four years after the Queen of Navar who was forced to provide for her own and her Childrens safety by flying to Rochel from the fury of the same Revolted Subjects sent from thence Montgomery to chastise them after which she Banisht quite out of her Country all exercise of the Roman Religion under the pretence of which such a horrid Treatment was design'd her And that was done by the consent of the States without which nothing can be legally done in that Principality So that the Catholicks lost all their Priviledges there by a just punishment for their furious Attempt in going about to deliver their Lawful Soveraign Princess into the Power of a Foraign Jurisdiction and the Reformation was by this means received there by the concurrence of that double Authority in which the Legislative Power of that Country Resides We shall see afterwards what respect was had to those considerations under the Grand-child of that Princess But in France the Protestants were not long at quiet without new occasions to be jealous of the Court for they were ill treated almost every where and saw their Tranquillity openly conspired against And the Pope the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy loudly demanded by their Ambassadours that the Edict might be Revoked and the Decrees of the late Council Publisht to which the King's answer was in such general and ambiguous Terms that the Protestants could not but be
understand derstand that the Resolutions were already formed at the Court of those things which afterwards hapned The only difficulty was to agree about the Pretences and Means to put them in Execution But at last they concluded upon one of the most detestable which was executed upon the 24th of August The Queen of Navar was poysoned before as was supposed by the Queens means who was very much suspected for the business of Poysoning The Admiral was wounded by Maurevel who was charged to kill him and they took this way as most proper to push the Reformed on to Sedition which would give a specious pretence for their Massacre or make them fall out with the Guises and so give the King opportunity to ruin either the one or the other of them But their patience was the cause of their being massacred without any pretence in the most cruel manner in the world I shall not give a particular account of this Horrible Action since all honest Historians have declared and detested it I shall add only that they are accused for having forced the King to ruin them to prevent a Conspiracy against his own Person so that after he had treacherously spilt their blood he would blacken their memory You must not be astonished if there be found some to apologize for this cowardly Cruelty since there was found those who were capable of committing it Peter Carpentier a Lawyer a Protestant Refugee at Geneva sold his Pen to his Brethren's Murderers and being made known to Bellievre whom the King had sent into Switzerland to justify this Action he received mony from him and permission to return into France and promises of great Recompence for declaiming against the memory of the dead This he doth by a bloody Letter which was printed again not long ago to justify the Cruelties of the last persecution as if the shameful perfidiousness of a Rogue of the last Age would serve for an Apology for the Injustice of this As for the Guises because they were not willing to bear the Reproach of this base treachery they constrained the King to take it upon himself and saved some of the Reformed from the hands of the Massacrers to keep themselves from the blame of so black an Infidelity The King of Navar and the Prince of Conde run a great risque of losing their lives The Prince was more difficult to be wrought on but in the end both of them gave way to the violence They took occasion for an honest pretence of des Rosiers who having been found in some Criminal Matters had redeemed his Life at the expence of his Conscience The Reasons which had made him change had the same effect upon the Princes because they were in the same fear as he Monsieur had drawn him out of trouble by his Credit and having secured him to his Interest by this benefit was willing to make use of him to bring back his Daughter and the Duke of Bouillon his Son in Law to the Roman Religion He already procur'd a Conference at Paris 6 or 7 years before between the Drs. of both Parties for the same end but it had then no effect for the Princess persevered in her former Opinions The Duke believ'd the Example and Reasons of des Rosiers would have the same force to convert Hereticks at Sedan as they had had at Paris And therefore sent Maldonat the Jesuit thither with this revolted Minister but the Jesuit obtain'd nothing and durst not let des Rosiers come to Sedan because he did not believe him as yet to be a firm Catholick The Conference which he had with the Ministers did not shake this Princess in the least and tho he publish'd a Relation of this Journey where he speaks very advantagiously of himself and makes the Ministers to argue like Children yet he brought back from thence no other fruit but the loss of his des Rosiers who having followed him to Metz fled himself 3 weeks after into Germany where he made an acknowledgment of his Faults But in France it was found more difficult to destroy the reformed party than was imagined For after so much blood spilt they stood yet upon their feet In a little time the War was kindled every where The Duke of Anjou lost his Time and Reputation before Rochel Sancerre could not be forced to surrender it self by the most cruel Famine that ever was recorded So that they thought themselves very fortunate in making peace and to find pretence for it in the Intercession of the Polanders who were come to offer the Crown of Poland to the Duke of Anjou The Edict granted the Exercise of Religion but to 3 Cities and revoked almost all the foregoing Concessions France was then divided into 3 Factions and in the Duke of Anjou's Army alone there was 4 1. that of the zealous Catholicks which was the ruling party 2. that of the New Catholicks discontented and suspicious 3. that of the Politicks sprung out of the foregoing War and without taking part in Religion formed one in the State under pretence of opposing either the Enterprises of the Court or the ambition of strangers and 4. that of the persevering reformed Religion which they suffered in the Army the better to deceive the rest and to make them believe that they would not exterminate them They had already publish'd an Edict to give this assurance to all that staid peaceably in their houses and to perswade them that the suspicious Conduct of the Admiral was the only cause of their misfortune But the Massacres either done or commanded on the same day in the most considerable Cities of the Kingdom made it known to all them that had not lost their senses how false and ridiculous a pretence this was The Princes and young Lords of those several Parties had like to have raised New Troubles during the siege of Rochel But La Noue whose wisdom they had a great deference for hindred the Effects of their head-strong resolutions But a little while after the Duke of Alenzon renewed those Intrigues to get the same Authority in Affairs which his Brother had before he was King of Poland and the Reformed and the Politicians acknowledged him for their Protector But before he could escape from the Court his Plots were discovered This cost him his Liberty as well as the King of Navar and many others and the Lives of some But all this did not hinder the War from breaking out again in many Provinces and the Protestants lost Montgomery whose Head the Queen cut off against the promise which Matignon made him of his life when he rendred himself his prisoner The Prince of Conde saved himself in a disguise in Germany and made a publick acknowledgment at Strasburg that he had been at Mass A little after the Death of Charles IX the King of Poland was called back into France and in expectation of his return the Queen made her self be
held a little after the Edict of Poictiers was remarkable for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde and the Consistory of Rochel which had suspended him from the holy Supper because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict for the laying down of Arms. It was found that the Judgment of the Consistory was too rash and that the Prince on the other side had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory and Deputies were named to reconcile them This Peace as to other things did not cease all Jealousies And therefore to take away all pretences for them there was a Conference held at Nerac where the Protestants had some new favours granted them and some new places of security The King of Navar was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants and all Churches which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or re-established were rated to it and accordingly every one paid his part and took an Acquittance And this was pretended some few years ago to prove that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature The young Gent. of the K. of Navar 's Court began a 6th War which was called the War of the Amorous because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished â—â—s course was stopp'd by the Conference of Fleix after this 5 years passed in peace such as it was the Edicts were observed in some places in others not regarded The King was he that kept them least of all for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own accord And when any of them asked any from him he had always some pretence ready to refuse the â—â— nay he took them from those that possest them already and stirred them up Troubles and Law-suits and always caused them to come by the worst to oblige them to lay them down reserving expresly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Hereticks He would not receive into his Houshold any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion and his Courtiers knowing his mind took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals that their Religion was the cause In one word the King kept his promise to the Estates and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Arâ—s in 5 years causing more Revolts among them than have been seen to happen in 30 years War and Massacres Nay you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embrac'd with great affection yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholick Communion because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholicks for fear of losing their Offices but for the discharge of their Consciences brought up their Children in the Reform'd Religion because they believ'd it to be the safer way to salvation During this false peace all Europe was engag'd in great conspiracies against them whom they believ'd to be the Chiefâ— or Favorites of the Protestants The Duke of Alenzon who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange fell in them They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom In the mean time the security into which the King fell made the Leaguers take Courage Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons They entertained the Catholicks with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen if a Reformed King should mount the Throne and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England At last the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince and drove him to incredible Extremities He was forc't to undergo the Violences of the Duke who had begun the War against him under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholick Prince He durst not murmur tho they disputed the right of Succession during his Life nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him Villeroi who was one of his Secretaries of State was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him oblig'd him to a distance from the Court and shewed him always after that great marks of his displeasure From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's mind who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy under this pretence which they paid but grudgingly as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies They protested they had never counselled the War tho it was notoriously known they had endeavour'd with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts The K of Navar made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council He wrote to others of the Nobles and the 3d Estate where he makes great complaints That they forced the King to make War against him But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Hereticks relapsed Favourers of Hereticks excommunicated deprived of all their Lordships and incapable to succeed to any Principality and particularly to the Crown of France did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself He appealed by his Remonstrance to the Peers of France in Temporals and in Spirituals to the next Council to which he cited the Pope declaring him Antichrist if he refus'd to appear In the Height of the War Claudius Trimouille the Son of a most zealous Leaguer embrac'd the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde and took his Sister Charlotte Katharine in Marriage This Alliance extreamly fortify'd the Reformed Party in Poictou because that House is there very powerful The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde towards the end of the year allayed not their Spirits and the next year France saw her self overrun with Strangers which both Parties had called in for Succours The K. of Navar gain'd the
excused himself upon the Parliaments being of a contrary Advice which he had consulted about it and upon that he desired the Affair should be debated in a full and solemn Company Mean while he sent the Bishops into their Diocesses The Clergy passionately desired to send to Rome to engage the King by that means into a Negotiation with the Pope the Success of which would oblige him to change his Religion or else would deprive him of the Service of the Catholicks if he refused to turn They would also have him sometimes for the same reason to write himself to the Pope for to tye the Party the more strictly The Reformed opposed both because they dispaired of their own Safety if the King should engage in any Commerce with Rome Their Reasons for to hinder him were drawn from Considerations of State and from the Kings Reputation which would be in hazard thereby what-ever Success it should meet with because that in that Juncture of Affairs he could make no Offers to the Pope but what wou'd be a prejudice to his Dignity So that for that time they had the Advantage over the Passion of the Catholicks This was the year that the Viscount of Turene being supported by the Recommendations of the Queen of England rais'd for the King a gallant Army with the Protestant Princes of Germany with whom from that time forward his Merit got him such Ties as he kept all his Life-time This Service added to so many others that he had rendred the King a long time was the Cause that he was pick'd out to be the Man to espouse the Heiress of Sedan whom it was of the King's Interest to marry to a Man of Trust by reason of the important Places she held And it was by this Marriage that this Principality entred into the House of the Tower of Auvergne in as much as the Princess who died without Issue a little while after left it by her last Will to her Husband The King for to bind more and more to his Service this Lord made him a Marshal of France tho' the Catholicks were mad to see a Reformed rais'd to so high a Dignity This new Grandeur augmented much the Credit he had already amongst Protestants and which sometimes had appeared so great as to give some Jealousie to his Master But this Army set the Catholicks very much upon thinking they fearing least the King with these new Forces should easily conquer his Enemies and afterwards forget the Promise of getting himself instructed They therefore did their utmost to hinder it's entring into France or to disperse it after it should enter there So as that they us'd all their Endeavours to divert the Fund which was kept for the payment of these Troops But du Plessis who was the Master of this Fund because it proceeded from the Alienation of the Dominion of Navarre managed the business so well that he kept the best part on 't notwithstanding the hard and severe Letters the King sent him upon that Subject There was that same year a kind of a Pragmatick drawn by form of an Interim for the distributing and administring Benefices The Reformed were satisfied with it as with a Preparative for a general Reformation The Parliaments upheld it as profitable for the good of the State The Archbishop of Bourges did accept it because he hoped to be made a Patriarch And if all the Clergy had been ruled by this new Discipline they had easily induc'd the Pope who thereby would see that he could be dispens'd with to make the King the Offers which they would fain oblige the King to make him But the Clergy chose rather not to serve the King than to disoblige the Pope and never would consent not to depend upon Rome The following Year pass'd as the former in Military Expeditions and in Negotiations that availed nothing if we except the Reformed who always lost somewhat thereby thro' the Instances of the Catholicks for what they called the King's Conversion For that they spared neither Cabals nor Artifices They attributed all the ill Successes to his Religion whereof for the most part they were themselves the Cause because they were not willing to see things ended before the King had accomplished the Catholicks Desires They ever-more represented unto him that his Religion alone was the Pretence of the League and the third Party's Obstinacy Tho' in truth it had been better for the Ring-leaders of the League to treat with Henry IV. a Hugonot than when a Catholick for to have better Conditions from him It appear'd even in time that it was not his Religion that held them seeing after that Pretence was remov'd by his turning they grew more difficult than ever and held out the War for Four years longer The Queen of England had unthinkingly said and to some Catholicks too That the King had not done well to give the Edict of Nantes in favour of the Reformed and that that was out of season This Princess's Intention was not to blame the King for doing something for those ancient Servants of his but because she did not doubt of the King's Constancy in matter of Religion she thought he could take a more convenient time for to content them than that wherein his Favours to them were neither sufficient for to reward them nor pleasing to the Catholicks who mortally hated them But the Queens Words were wrested as if they had intimated that she did not stick at Religion and that she blamed the King for preserring it to Policy Whence it was concluded that tho' the King should change his Religion he wou'd not be a whit the less in her Favour This Craft was dangerous because it took from the King one of his chiefest Reasons to persevere in his Religion next to those of his Conscience to wit the fear of offending Foreign Protestants whose Succours were so necessary for him He fear'd likewise the alienating the Hearts of his Reformed Subjects who with the rest of the same Religion made at least the two Thirds of his Army But for to cure him of his Fears they did represent what the Character of the Reformed was Men easily satisfied provided they had Liberty of Conscience given them and such as never had blotted the Names of Kings out of their Prayers at the very time that they were persecuted by them D' O. made the best he cou'd of these only Considerations and made use of them from the very first Speech that he made to the King after the Death of King Henry III. But that which most annoyed the Reformed was a joint Discourse between du Plessis and Villeroy which indeed ended without concluding any thing by reason of the Insolent Propositions of the Heads of the League yet notwithstanding it prepared things for the changing the Kings Religion which happened the following year The Heads of the League whereof Janin was the Interpreter did not intend said he to be treated
possibly could Nothing could overcome the Obstinacy of the Parliaments always bent to exclude the Reformed from the Charges how great soever the cause was to fear that the Indignity of that Denial after so many Services should bring them to a Resentment thereof The Leagued Catholicks were more tractable in that than those that followed the King They consented that the Reformed should continue as the Edict of 1577. and the Conferences of Nerac and of Fleix had prescribed them and to take away all Disputes with them concerning the number of Places that they could fill up they were ready to grant that the quarter part should be held by them Du Plessis was even in hopes to make them agree to a third part He chose rather to regulate the number of Places than to leave it indifferent and arbitrary fearing lest the King who had an extraordinary Complacency for Catholicks being oblig'd to nothing should do nothing for the Reformed whereas the number of Places that should be given them being fix'd upon he would in some wise be necessitated to put into places as many as were contain'd in that number He saw that else they should have but a little share in them that all the Governments were given unto Catholicks to the prejudice of the Reformed that deserved them That Roni himself a Favourite of the Kings found always his Pretensions cross'd when he asked for any thing It was therefore necessary that a Regulation should be made which by necessity should give Employments to the Reformed seeing Catholicks could not suffer that they should obtain them by their Deserts It is true that the Court of Aids made an Act by which the Reformed were admitted to the Offices of their Jurisdiction but neither the Parliament nor the Chamber of Accounts could be wrought upon to do the like The Patience of the Reformed was try'd in other things and particularly a thousand Indignities were offer'd upon the occasion of their Sepulture The Inhumanity of Catholicks on this Subject during the Siege of Roan surpasses almost all Belief There were Persons of Note amongst the Reformed that dy'd in that Siege Piles amongst others one of the valianrest of the Army was slain there but it could not be obtain'd of the Catholicks that his Body should be buried in any place of their Church-yards It happened besides that many Reformed having been slain in the great Sally that the Marquess of Villars made on the 25th of February whilst the King was observing the Duke of Parma they were buried pell-mell with the Catholicks that perish'd on the same occasion but the Catholicks finding it out were so cruel as to dig them out of their Graves and to leave their Bodies to the mercy of Wolves and Ravens that commonly follow Armies On the other hand the King was eagerly sued to hearken to his Instruction and no Artifice was omitted which Converters make use of on such occasions At one time the Abuses of the Romish Church were extenuated which they represented to be too slight for to be the cause of a lawful Scruple At another time they granted him that they ought to be corrected and he was made to hope that they should be look'd to when he became a Catholick He was sometimes desired only as a shadow of a Conversion towards the satisfying the People and was permitted the Liberty of his Opinions on divers things provided the People could see him at Mass It was offer'd him that a Vail should be drawn betwixt him and the Ceremonies that he might be the less scrupulous to be present at it The Commodity that his Change would give him of humbling the Pope was magnify'd and of lessening his Authority by putting an end to the Schism by a National Synod when the whole Clergy would be brought under Obedience Mention was made of a Patriarch that should be established for to render the Churches of France Independent on that of Rome An Allusion which at all times has dazled the Protestants the simplest of which think that for to make Truth triumph there only needs a Rupture with the Roman See But nothing made a more dangerous Impression on his Mind than the Artifice that was us'd for to perswade him that the Controversies which make the difference of both Religions were of small consequence Roni was one of those that inclin'd him most to this indifferency and would even tell him now and then that a Catholicity would be to his Advantage and that it would be the most efficacious means to quell all Conspiracies He would reduce the whole Religion for him to the Symbol of the Apostles to the Ten Commandments to the Love of God and our Neighbour to the Confidence in the Merit of Jesus Christ and that being supposed all the differences of Religion seemed to him of small consequence In a word he so dispos'd his mind as that the Romish Religion appeared to him as useful for Salvation as the Reformed by not being possess'd with the Abuses which corrupt the Worship and Maxims thereof Moreover they omitted not to gain some Ministers whose Ambition or Interest rendred them tractable Sometimes they were made to confess in the King's Presence that one could be sav'd in the Roman Communion Sometimes they were made to dispute as by Rencounter with du Perron to whom they would yield ill-disputed Victories And that what they should say might appear the less interessed or of greater weight they were not obliged to change their Religion their Prevarication being esteem'd more beneficial than a publick Profession of the Roman Doctrine By these Artifices it was that the King was supplied with the Argument whereof Converters have since made great use That the Reformed granted that one may be saved in the Catholick Religion and the Catholicks on the contrary maintaining That there is no Salvation in the Reformed Religion Prudence would have us stick to the surest and to take to that Communion wherein the two contesting Parties grant Salvation to be possible These Ministers had been prepared of a long time whereof Morlas Rotan de Serres de Vaux were the most noted and the latter of whom being troubled at his own Remorses revealed they say the whole Mystery Cayer was also of those that were to act this Comedy but some Books not very modest that he wrote and amongst others a Treatise for the reconciling of Religions having rendred him suspected he was deposed in a Synod and for a Revenge he turned Catholick Roni for to make his Opinions take said he had for Authors de la Roche Chandieu d' Esperien de Vaux de Gardesi and de Nord very famous Ministers yet whereof the greatest part had quite different Thoughts Du Perron whom Roni had got to be named Bishop of Evreux and whose Eloquence in Conversation dragged along the minds dazled the King by the vehemency and rapidity of his discourse but his reasons of Divinity did not perswade him so much as the motives taken
Roman Doctrine and the very next day abjured at St. Denis the Reformed Religion It 's true he never would promise to ruine the Hereticks of his Kingdom which the Clergy would have him Swear to Whether he acted thus only through a sincere Affection for the Peace of his Subjects or that it was a premeditated Denial to take away the Fears his Change might give the Reformed Neither would he by any means sign a Formular which had been prepared for him by which he was to Swear one after another to all the Articles of the Romish Faith and in like manner to abjure all the pretended Heresies of the Reformed They were forc'd to draw up one on purpose where Roni interven'd and where without an express Profession or Abjuration of any Article he in sum submitted himself to the whole Doctrine of the Catholicks But as there was a necessity of satisfying the Pope the first Formular was sent him in the King's Name which was counterfeited by Lomenie Secretary of State who had us'd to Sign for him and who imitated his Writing pretty well The King agreed to this Writing which could neither set his Conscience at rest nor please the Court of Rome where the Craft could not be long kept hidden nor make the Reformed believe that he kept their Religion in his Heart tho' he had these different Prospects in this Artifice The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK III. The CONTENTS of the Third Book Mistrusts produced by this Change Boldness of the Leaguers Renewing of the Vnion-Oath Conspiracy of Barriere Pretence of the Rebels that the King's Conversion is not sincere That he must have the Popes Blessing Deputies from the Reformed on their March The King's Precautions against their Reproaches A Letter upon the King's Change The Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction Project of an Edict A Precaution against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation The Reformed not very well contented with the Project neither accept nor refuse it Assemblies permitted Vnion renew'd with the King's Approbation Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers A Design of a Re-union The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The Fears that the King 's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Reformed A Truce prejudicial to the King The Reducing Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed The Coronation Oath The power of the Jesuits Injustices done to the Reformed The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed A Synod at Montaubon Orders Prayers for the King's Prosperity and for his returning to his Religion Disclaims the Province of the Isle of France in several points Assembly at St. Foy Propositions and Regulations for the General Council and for those of the Provinces Secret Articles Sedition of the Croquans Deputies amused at Court Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope The King wounded by Chatel Jesuits banished Pyramid Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed The Courts Thoughts upon the Vnion of the Reformed The King's Thoughts upon this Subject Causes for which it is resolv'd to declare the Reformed capable of Employs The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands Methods for to succeed in it The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado The Attorney General 's ill-grounded Wrangling and the reason of new Mistrusts Assembly at Saumur at first displeases the King who at at last authorizes it Reasons for the permitting it Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities The King 's desired Absolution His Reasons for yielding the first Commissaries chosen for to treat about it Du Perron and d' Ossat The Popes high Pretensions Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary Testimony rendred to the present and past Services of the Reformed Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing it self Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed The Excuses of the Attorneys Punishment of two Protestants at Rome Secret Articles believed to be promised to the Pope THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Countenance of Affairs The Reformed Religion which the Death of Henry III. had put upon the Throne was on a suddain removed far from it and the Heads of that Party began to fear That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion he should by little and little be dispos'd to destroy them Which was so much the more probable that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change he was likewise to consider them as Men who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies and perhaps according to the natural Inclination of Man who never fails to hate those of whom â—e no more deserves to be belov'd to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendred them too good Services â—nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injur'd as a perpetual upbraiding of whom they think to rid themselves by â—estroying these troublesom Accusers And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience by continually upbraiding him with their Services their Misery and his Change They saw moreover that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made â—ut at their Cost La Varenne a Man of Fortune who notwithâ—tanding had a share in the King's Confidence because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks took a Journey into Spain â—nder certain Pretences but in effect to propose a Peace and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta for to see that Princess in the King's Name for to bring him her Picture and to promise to send a Lord of Note if the King of Spain would â—earken to it It is not known whether the King's Intention â—as really so or if he endeavour'd by the Overture of that Proposition to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League But â—is Voyage alarm'd the Protestants both at home and abroad â—o ' England and the Vnited Provinces had been included in the â—roject of this Peace because they feared lest at one time or anoâ—â—er their Ruine to be the fruit of that Alliance But in Franceâ—â—e â—â—e Reformed changed not their Conduct They were content to â—â—rug their Shoulders through Astonishment to exhale their Grief â— bitter Complaints and to expect the Issue of their Deputation whose Members were on their way to wait on the King who had given them fine Promises for
no more then six into his Presence But Du Plessis got the King to resolve the contrary However the Catholicks without losing courage endeavour'd to weary the Deputies at â—antes amusing the King near Fecamp and other places of Normandy â—â— give them occasion to Believe that the King shund 'em and was not willing to come to the speech of 'em and moreover they put him in some fear of the Pope who would be offended if he gave so soon and so publickly any token of affection to the Reformed But du Plessis still got the better of these Artifices the King went to Mantes saw all the Deputies heard their Complaints and Reproaches they wanting neither Strength nor Courage made them fair Promises heard President Feydeau that spoke for them received the Memorial of their Demands charged the Chancellor to examine it and made them hope he would give them satisfaction The Catholicks not being able to hinder him from seeing them endeavour'd at least to hinder his satisfying them and advised him to send them home with a promise to answer their Memorial in three Months But the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis shewed so many inconveniencies in that advice the suspicions so lawful that the Deputy's return would give the Churches without carrying back any thing but words so many sad Consequences of despair that such a conduct would cast the Reformed into that the King took a contrary advice And because they always alledg'd the Pope who had not as yet approv'd the King's absolution and how the Edict that would be given the Reformed would hinder his approving it they reply'd that there was no heed to be given to the Pope when their affairs were in agitation because they knew but too well that he would never be pleased that any thing should be done in their favour But to testifie that the King's Service was as dear to them before as after his change and that they were not willing their Precipitation should bring him any prejudice they did agree that the publishing of the Edict which would be granted them might be deferr'd provided the Memorial was presently examined and the Edict drawn up in order to its Publication at a less ticklish Juncture They therefore obtained that seven Catholick Commissaries should be named that what they should conclude might be the more authorized and in this very number were some of the most rigid to taâ—â—â— away all causes of murmuring if the business should be carried on without them But these Commissaries knew not where to begin whether their design was to frustrate the persuits of the Reformed and to put them off to a time that the King's Conversion should not be a new thing or that out of their zeal for Religion they were not willing to grant any thing to those that they held for Hereticks So that after several Conferences wherein time was spent the Marshal Duke de Bouillon and du Plessis were added to the Catholicks who soon agreed with them upon several Articles The chief of them were that the Edict of 1577 should be â—evived with the Interpretations given it in the Conference of Neâ—ac and Fleix that the Edicts extorted by the League to the preâ—udice of the former should be repealed That by reason of the changes caused by the disturbances of the League and the damages that the Reformed had suffered thereby a new Regulation â—hould be made by way of amends for their Losses conformably â—o which the Chancellor and Secretaries of State should govern themselves upon occasions and give the necessary advices to the â—arliaments in the Affairs that should be Transacted by them That the Catholick Religion should be re-establish'd in all places â—â—at the War had banished its Exercise from which should be perâ—rmed without Fraud and without Prejudice to the Reformed â—hat the Reformed should exercise theirs in the Cities under the â—ing's Obedience Because the War hindered them from assembling â—ith safety in the Country which however the King should orâ—â—r according to the places That when the King's Sister was at â—ourt the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be in â—â—r House and in her absence only in the Families of Lords â—â—ongst whom were reckoned namely the Duke de Bouillon a Trimouille Rohan du Plessis yet with that reservation that 〈…〉 Psalms should be sung there That it should also be in the Arâ—y whether the King was present or absent in the Quarters the Captains of the Gendarms and Camp-masters That no Oath â—ade or to be made should be a prejudice to the Article â—reed to That a Fund should be appointed for the Saâ—y of their Pastors according to the Rolls certified by the â—â—ovinces and that it should be charged upon the Provinces â—â—der the name of Madame That the Legacies and Gifts that â—â—ght be bequeath'd to the Churches and Poor should be valid â—…d that the Reformed should be admitted to sue for the Payment â—â—ereof after the ordinary ways That the Children of the Reformed should be brought up in the Religion of their Parents tho' the Fathers and Mothers of them should not order the same in their last Will. They added verbally to all these Articles that were written down that the Reformed might build and rent Colledges for the instructing their Youth The Reformed Commissaries got an Article to be inserted against the Oaths under pretence of which all the Promises that should be made might be evaded because they knew very well that the King was to take the Oath of the Order of the Holy Ghost and that at his Consecration he would be made to take another whereby he should be obliged to extirpate the Hereticks In like manner they obtain'd that the Fund appointed for the maintaining their Pastors should be charg'd upon the State under the name of Madame by reason the Catholicks look'd on it as a very grievous thing that the States of a most Christian King should be charged with the Maintenance of Heretical Ministers But when these Articles were communicated to the Deputies of the Churches they were not satisfied with them for two principal Reasons The first was That there was no care taken that Justice should be administer'd to them as well as to Catholicks whereas the Parliaments and other Judges did them great Injustices in Civil Matters and great Cruelties in Criminal ones as if the Protection of Laws and Common Right had not belong'd to them Add to this That the reviving the Edict of 1577. which seemed to provide for that did not free them from their fear 〈…〉 being deprived of its effect by the same Frauds of which they hadâ— Tryal under the Reign of Henry III. The second was that the Securities given them did not seem sufficient against the Animosities of the Catholicks os which they had a fresh example by the peevishness of the Commissaries that had treated with the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis It had appeared by all their former Behaviour but
removâ— from the Jurisdiction of their Bailiwick Some added pain of Death to those that should break the Conditions Paris remov'd the Liberty desir'd by the Reformed Ten Leagues round Villars banish'd it Roan and all the Towns and Places that he caus'd to submit to the King's Obedience and added That there should be neither Judge nor Officer that was not a Catholick employ'd therein and did not live according to the Constitutions of the Romish Church But to temperate this rigorous Clause it was subjoined that this should only last till the King had otherwise order'd it Poitieres besides the removal of the Exercise of the Reformed from the Town and Suburbs and from all the places that the Edict of 1577. did not permit demanded that the Catholick Religion might be restor'd in divers places of Poitou Agen limited her Bonlieve to half a league round where the Reformed Religion should not be exercis'd Amiens prohibited it in the City and whole Bailywick without having respect to the Edict of 1577. Beauvois obtain'd that it should be no nearer then three Leagues about nor in any places of the Bailywick but where it had been in the late King's time S. Malo treated after the same manner The Towns and Lords that return'd latest to their duty follow'd the example of the rest and got what they cou'd from the King against the Reformed Religion Some of the Edicts were publish'd before the Reformed had formed the Assembly they were permitted to hold at St. Foy â—o that they had time to see what they were to expect from the Reconciliation of their old Enemies with the King and to be â—onfirm'd in their fears of seeing the Kingdom pacifi'd at their â—ost They saw even some of those Cities which having held â—or the King revive their zeal after the example of the Towns of â—he League and pretended that their fidelity shou'd not deprive 'em â—f the Advantages granted to Rebels whence they drew this â—onsequence that they ought not to be forc'd to suffer the exerâ—ise of the Reformed Religion seeing such were free'd from it as â—ad for a long time stood out against the King But their allarums â—ill encreas'd by the Ceremony of the King's Coronation which â—as celebrated at Chartres because Rheims was as yet in the â—ands of the League The Clergy that never forgot their â—â—terest in Ceremonies of this kind which they have introduc'd â—â—ther thro' Ambition then Necessity inserted a Clause in the Oath that was then taken by the King whereby he was bound 〈…〉 express words to root out Heresie He is made to swear â—fter some other things that concern Justice and publick Tranquity I shall to the utmost of my power sincerely endeavour to drive â—â—om my Jurisdiction and Lands of my Subjection all Hereticks deâ—ar'd by the Church The Reformed knew well what share they had 〈…〉 this Article of the Oath they to whom what Catholicks call the Church had so often declar'd their meaning they against whom the â—opes had rais'd such cruel Persecutions and they to whom the â—rench and even those of the King's Party gave every day the odiâ—us name of Hereticks But part of the Suspicion which this Clause might give was remov'd by granting the Reformed a Brief wherein the King assur'd 'em that he did not mean Them in that Oath And they had in fome measure provided a Remedy against this fear by one of the Articles that were agree'd on at Mantes Another cause of jealousie was the Favour into which the Jesuits had crept a little after the King had chang'd his Religion and chiefly after the Reduction of Paris The Cardinal de Bourbon had undertaken to establish 'em in spight of the oppositions of the University The Duke of Nevers upheld 'em with his whole Credit and many Lords openly protected them Part of the Parliament was for 'em the King himself who was brought to any thing in hopes to soften the Pope favour'd ' em Their cause was pleaded pro and con the Rights of the University were maintain'd with utmost vehemency Arnauld ther Advocate enlarg'd much upon the Inclination altogether Spanish of that Society whose Founder had made a vow of mortal hatred against France and shew'd how formidable their power was They had encreas'd in fifty years to the number of ten Thousand men they had already two Hunder'd twenty eight Houses two Millions of Gold Revenue great Lordships Cardinals in their order all which cleerly shew'd that they ow'd this propagation to their unquiet covetous and ambitious Disposition But it appear'd at that very time that they had a great credit in France seeing their Cause was pleaded privately to avoid Scandal That is to say these Refin'd Politicians by means of their Friends prevented their being told their own in a publick Audience Whence the wise might perceive that it was not safe to offend ' em The Reformed beheld the Settlement of the Jesuits as an ill omen for them because they were their sworn Enemies born on purpose to oppose the Reformation and the ordinary Instruments of all their Persecutions Moreover the Society was altogether Spanishly affected and consequently engag'd to persecute the Reformed whose ruine Spain sought with all the strength of her Policy But this terror did not go far the matter was not decided and e're the year was ended there fell out things that found the Jesuits other Intrigues to disintangle The Reformed were still deny'd any places of trust and there were Catholicks so unjust upon that matter that they chose rather to see the King lose a place then to suffer a Reformed to have the Government of it D' O. publickly said that it were better Catelet a Frontire place of Picardy shou'd be taken by the Spaniards then that a Protestant should have the keeping of it because it wouâ—d be easier to retake it from the King of Spain then to drive a Reformed Captain out of it But what made the Reformed more sensible of the injury of this denial was that whilst they were depriv'd of lesser Offices the chiefest places of the State were given to the Leaguers that demanded them for returning to their Obedience As if Rebellion had given more right to the highest Dignities then long Service and tryed Loyalty to the lesser ones Nay at Tours itself wou'd they make Recorders and Notaries take an Oath of living and dying in the Catholick Religion which if it were not done the place was declar'd vacant and free for the purchase of another This so unequal a distribution of Recompenses mortally offended the Protestants who not without a just Resentment found that the Parliament made no Scruple to Register the Patents for Admiral or Marshal of France granted to the Heads of the Rebels yet would not admit an Usher or a Procter of the Reformed Religion without obliging him to swear that he wou'd live a good Catholick Nor was this all the Governments and Places were taken from the Reformed and
had set up this new Order among themselves they were forc'd to make use of all their Dexterity Vigour and Patience before they could procure any firm Peace to themselves it may be rationally conjectur'd that they had never obtain'd it had they taken any other Course This Regulation reduc'd the Number of the Provinces to Ten every one of which was to send a Deputy to the Assembly It was decreed that there should be a Distinction of States among the Deputies according to the Model of the States General of the Kingdom since they were desirous that the Deputies should be chosen some out of the Body of the Nobility some out of the Body of the Ministers and some out of the Third Estate But the Ministers were not allow'd the same number as the other two Estates whether it were for fear that if they had as equal a Voice as the other two they would get all the Power into their own Hands or whether it were that they thought that the Deputies from the Nobility or from the Third Estate being in a Capacity to be also Elders of some Church tho' they were not Deputies under that Title the Consistorials would be always strong enough in the Assemblies So that in the number of chosen Deputies there were to be Four Gentlemen Four of the Third Estate and but only Two Ministers The Provinces were to send Persons of these distinct Qualities every one according as they were in degree and for the better regulating of what Estate the Deputy of every Province should be for the first Assembly that should be held they had recourse to Lots 'T was also agreed that the Deputies should be chang'd every Year So that every Six Months the Five Seniors quitted the Service and gave way to Five others It was likewise agreed that Dukes Lieutenant Generals or other qualify'd Persons should have Voices in the Assemblies tho' they were no Deputies provided they were such as might be confided in By the same Regulation Provincial Councils were erected composed of Five or Seven Persons of the Three Estates and of which one Minister at least was to be a Member and one Governour of a Town in a Province These Councils were to answer the General Assembly and to have the same Authority in their several Jurisdictions as the Council General had over the whole Kingdom and particularly to collect digest communicate Opinions and Memoirs maintain Concord among the Grand ones and appease their Quarrels make the Distributions of Money that was to be rais'd for the Common Cause to have a watchful Eye upon the Garrisons and to take care of the Fortifications and Stores of the Strong Towns And there was also a Regulation of the Time that every Deputy was to continue in Service of the manner of electing Presidents and Secretaries in all Assemblies General and Particular and of the Signing of Acts and Dispatches All the Deputies were oblig'd to take an Oath and all the Reformed to have a venerable Respect for the Persons thus employ'd and they resolv'd before the end of September that there should be a Council of this Nature set up in every Province Measures were also taken there for preserving the Places of Strength whether the Court went about to take 'em away from the Reformed Governours or whether the Governours happen'd to die when the Lord Lieutenant chanc'd to be a Catholick It was order'd that none should be receiv'd into those Towns but Soldiers whose Religion was attested by sufficient Testimonies and to provide for their Maintenance according to the Model of the last Settlement in case that any thing were retrench'd from the Strength of the Garrisons Others advis'd the stopping of the Money call'd the Deniers du Tablier and the Money arising from the Impositions and Tax for the Gensdarmes to the value of the Sum sufficient for the payment of the Garrisons if they could not be paid otherwise and if there happen'd any Prosecutions upon these Proceedings the Churches were to join together to save harmless those that should be put to Trouble upon that account They likewise settl'd a Fund of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns for General Affairs of which every Province to the South of the Loire was to pay Five Thousand and the rest Two Thousand Five Hundred This Sum was to be rais'd partly upon the Garrisons detaining one of Fifteen Pay's partly upon the Benefices possess'd by the Nobility of the Revenues of which they were to take the Sixth or Seventh Penny partly by voluntary Contributions to which the Ministers were to exhort the richer sort This Sum was different from those that were set aside for the payment of the Deputies that were to attend the Councils and the way to raise those Sums was left to the particular Provinces Some Regulations were made as to those that were willing to advance any Money or to bestow any thing of Free Gift The particular Councils were permitted to look after the laying out of that same Sum of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns reserving to the Assembly General to take Cognizance of the Expence and to dispose of the Interest as they should see most beneficial for the good of the Churches There was also Order taken about the manner of communicating Intelligence which was to be imparted to every particular Flock Particular Councils were oblig'd to be assisting to each other for their mutual Defence and they referr'd back to the first Assembly which was order'd to sit at Saumur certain Affairs which that at St. Foy had not determin'd particularly concerning the Maintenance of Pastors Scholars and Colledges To these were added eight other Private Articles the first of which imported the Administration of Justice in order to which they demanded Chambers half one half t' other Catholicks and Reformed in all the Parliaments but that of Grenoble where the Reformed who did what they pleas'd under Les Diguieres were well enough contented with their Condition And if they could not obtain those Chambers they took a Resolution to appeal from all Parliaments Presidial Courts and all other Royal Judges in Affairs of which they have the Power to determine without Appeal And that they would set forth the Causes of Appeal from all those Courts The Second was That they would apply themselves to the Mediation of the Queen of England and the States of the Vnited Provinces because they found the Affairs of the Churches in a deplorable Condition The Third That the Grandees should be written to and exhorted to Piety and Union The Fourth gave Liberty for that one time to double the number of Deputies that every Province was to send to the next Assembly by reason of the Importance of the Affairs which were there to be handl'd The fifth order'd That the Exercise of the Reformed Religion should be forborn in such places where it had been introduc'd by Surprize provided it might be done without Tumult or Sedition and that Mass should be re-establish'd in such
upon as Enemies by the Catholicks far from being treated as Members of one and the same Kingdom and Legitimate Children of the same Family In this Conjuncture of Affairs the King was wounded in the Mouth by John Chastel a Disciple of the Jesuits and the Reformed had that slight Consolation in the midst of their Afflictions and Fears to see that Society condemn'd to Banishment by the most August Senate of France A Pyramid was also order'd to be set up in that part of the House where the Parricide was hatch'd upon one of the Faces of which was engrav'd the Decree that banish'd the Jesuits out of the Kingdom and contain'd the Reasons for inflicting that Punishment upon ' em But the Parliaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux would not follow the Example of that of Paris so that the Society kept their footing till they were again restor'd in the Provinces under their Jurisdiction In the mean while this audacious Attempt made a great Noise at Rome where d' Ossat highly aggravated the consequence of such an Enterprize at a time when they were treating so seriously about a Reconciliation between the Pope and the King But that which this Accident produc'd of most remarkable was this That it drew from the Lips of that Agent for France altho' a zealous Catholick and bred up in the Maxims of the Court of Rome an Authentick Testimony how highly the Reformed abominate all Crimes of this nature and of the profound Respect which they bear to the Persons of their Sovereigns This Prelat giving an account of the Fact to the Pope's Cardinal Nephew and aggravating the Horror of it contriv'd and encourag'd by them that call'd themselves the Support of the Catholick Religion told him in express Terms That if ever any body had a seeming just occasion to make use of such Assassinates the Hereticks had most cause to purchase 'em and set 'em at work against the King who has quitted and abandon'd 'em and of whom they had reason to be afraid nevertheless they never attempted any such thing either against Him nor any of the five Kings his Predecessors whatever Slaughters and Massacres their Majesties had made of the Huguenots This Misfortune did the Reformed no unkindness for it put the King in remembrance that he had never ran the like Risco while he was in their Hands Whence it came to pass that he sometimes declar'd to his Confidents that as to what concern'd the Safety of his Person he had a far greater Assurance in them then in the Catholicks On the other side the Result of the Consultations of the Assembly at St. Foy gave the Council no small occasion to make particular Reflections who beheld with Astonishment that numerous Body without a Chieftain to reunite the various Members of it to close and confederate together in their own Defence and take such proper courses to become formidable to their Enemies Therefore they would have had it look'd upon as a form'd Rebellion and an insolent sort of proceeding what was done by the Reformed at that time in order to their Preservation They call'd the Union a Design to set up a State with separate Interests and a distinct Government And because this was spread abroad at that time by passionate and violent Persons all the Historians that have since put Pen to Paper have not fail'd to exclaim against that way of proceeding and to black'n it with furious Declamations as if it were a Crime to be careful of Self-preservation when People have Enemies to deal with void of Equity Faith Humanity such as the Catholicks had more then once appear'd in reference to the Reformed The King had no reason to be offended at these Precautions since they were made use of neither against his Person nor against his Authority but against a sort of Zealots who might abuse his Power to oppress the most faithful part of his Subjects and against the Court of Rome with whose cruel Intentions and bloody Maxims all Europe was too well acquainted Nevertheless the King forbore not to disturb these Assemblies and to look upon 'em at least as du Plessis had sometimes represented 'em that is to say such as might degenerate and give occasion to Factious Spirits to raise Commotions and Tumults not easily to be appeas'd Which was the reason that sometimes he complain'd of their being conven'd and sometimes he gave express Orders for their Dissolution But then the King follow'd rather what his Councils peal'd in his Ears then his own Inclinations for as soon as others laid before him how dangerous it was to reduce the Reformed to the Provocations of Despair by depriving 'em the Comfort of those Assemblies he revok'd his former Orders by others more expresly forbidding their being dissolv'd In a word it was more advantageous for the King to permit that Union of his Subjects which oblig'd 'em to request his Leave for the time and place of their Assembling then to reduce 'em to throw themselves under a Foreign Protection by refusing 'em the means of securing both their Religion and their Lives under the Good Will and Authority of their Lawful Prince It was also better to see them united among themselves by that form of Correspondency then under a Protector whose Courage might be elevated by his Power by Foreign Adherences and Domestick Discontents and give him fair Opportunities and Advantages to enlarge his Reputation But for the present 't was thought that the most assured means to disperse those Assemblies or prevent the Mischief they might do was to afford the Reformed some occasion of Content to the end the first Assembly that was call'd together might have no more to do then to accept the King's Concessions and to return him Thanks For this Reason the Verification of the Edicts which had been formerly granted was press'd for at a more then usual Rate and the Confirmation of 'em by a new Edict as had been agreed with their Deputies at Mantes The greatest Difficulty consisted in their declaring the Reformed capable of all manner of Employments and this was that which the zealous Catholicks were extreamly unwilling to do who could not by any means brook the Violation of their Canons by which the Hereticks are excluded from all sorts of Offices and Preferments This Difficulty could not be remov'd by Four Years Sollicitations nor by the express Orders of the King nor by a new Delcaration given at St. Germans in November of the year preceding The Council consented to it as also to several other Provisional Regulations because they were then bethinking themselves of getting the Prince of Conde out of the Hands of the Reformed either because the King was desirous to have him bred up in the Catholick Religion to prevent the Pretences of a Civil War which might be taken one day from his being Educated in the Reformed or because the Count of Soissons a turbulent ambitious Prince and who look'd upon himself as
they might well think that he would might and main obstruct what ever should be done to lift the Prince of Conde to the Throne in prejudice of his Claim There was also another Reason besides the general Interest of his Party why the King sâ—pected Trimouille His Ambition and his Courage made him fear that the Duke would never consent to the Delivery of the Prince under whose Name he might one day be Head of the Reformed among whom he was in great Reputation He had taken a Journey to St. John d' Angeli where the Prince was bred up which had made the Court very uneasie believing he went to make sure of the Person of his Nephew and to order it so that they who had him in their Custody should never deliver him to the Catholicks But afterwards 't was known by the Information of du Plessis from whom the Reformed never conceal'd any thing that his Journey was only to get the Suspension from the Communion taken off which the Princess his Sister had been under ever since the Death of her Husband with whom she was thought to have been an Accomplice This perhaps might have been a Stop in order to the going farther in time but then it prov'd of no effect to prejudice the Designs of the Court. In the main it would not have been an easie thing to support the Claims of that Prince whose Mother was suspected even by the Reformed themselves of being guilty of a strange piece of ill Conduct if the Catholicks seeing him bred up in the Reformed Religion should have once bethought themselves of fost'ring against him the same Suspicions to exclude him from the Crown So that a Head-strong Resolution to keep him in their Power would have signify'd nothing to any other purpose then to have put the Reformed and his Uncle to a great deal of Trouble 'T was thought they might provide against these Inconveniencies by the Care which was taken to justifie the Princess of 〈◊〉 Trimouille was perswaded to come in himself for the Honour of his Sister as being in some measure branded by the Sentence which the Judges of St. John d' Angeli had given against her Therefore 't was so order'd while the King was in Burgundy where Trimouille perform'd great Services both in his Person and by his Courage that the Kindred should present a Petition to the King wherein the Judges who had condemn'd her should be expeâ—'d as incompetent and a Demand made that the Information should be cancell'd and the whole business be referr'd to the Parliament of Paris where it was proper for the Causes of the Princes of the Blood to be determin'd The King receiv'd the Petition and granted by his Letters Patents that the Process should be sent back This done he sent the Marquess of Pisani to St. John d' Angeli to be near the Person of the Prince and to find out a way to get him from thence together with his Mother under the pretence of carrying him to the Court where he might be present at the Prosecution of a Process wherein he was so visibly concern'd But the Marquess met with many Difficulties There were several who by no means relish'd the Reasons that were alledg'd and thought it very imprudent to dispossess themselves of so assur'd a Pledge for the Observation of the Edicts Rochel would not consent but oppos'd it might and main but the Intreagues surmounted all those Obstacles and the greater number was over-rul'd by the Considerations which I have set down so that the Prince and his Mother were deliver'd up to the King's Disposal One of the greatest Difficulties proceeded from the Consciences of zealous Persons who foresaw that if once the Catholicks got him into their Clutches they would mould him in such a manner as soon to make him forget the Religion of his Father and Grandfather Therefore they were desirous to take some Cautions to secure him the Liberty of his Conscience And the Court who were unwilling to break off the Negotiation by engaging in new Difficulties promis'd to do whatever the Reformed desir'd But they never remember'd their Promises after they had once got the Prince into their power For a while they suffer'd him to have his Reformed Domestick Servants about him but they took 'em from him notwithstanding his Cries and his Tears when they â—erceiv'd that he withdrew into private places along with 'em to be catechiz'd to sing Psalms and say his usual Prayers After which they plac'd about him persons who being of the same Religion which they were desirous to infuse into him â—oon choak'd the Seeds of that Doctrine which he had learn'd among the Reformed So that in the progress of his Life after he had been a declar'd Persecutor he became a great Casuist and a Converter of others In the mean time his Mother was fully justify'd no body appear'd against her and tho the Prince of Conti and the Count of Soissons were Summon'd as Persons interested in the Affair they never made their Appearance so that the Princess gain'd her Cause with little or no Trouble 'T is true that many People were very lavish of their Tongues against her and that the Reformed spar'd her no more then others But after she had got the Day the Princess embrac'd the Catholick Religion at what time the King lay at Rouen and renounc'd the Reformed Faith while the Legat who was arriv'd in France but a little before held her by the hands This same Change was deferr'd till then that it might not be said she had purchas'd her Justification at the Expence of her Conscience as might have been spread abroad had she quitted her Religion before she had been clear'd by the Law But in regard 't was well known at what time that Reselution was taken People stuck not to ask the Question to what Interest a Princess in whose behalf so many Reasons and Princes sollicited was oblig'd to Sacrifice her Religion had she been innocent I must confess that some part of this Relation belongs to the next Year but I thought it more convenient to recite it entire in this place then to break off and return to it again In the mean time the Assembly at Saumur having taken their last Resolutions sent away to the King la Nove and lâ— Primaudaye who waited on him at Lyon and there presented to him their Petitions and their Papers with new Proposals which they were enjoyn'd to make by way of Addition to their preceding Demands They accompany'd 'em with a short Remembrance of their Services which was taken for a kind of Reproach However the King receiv'd 'em with outward Civilities which concluded in nothing and of which the Court is never niggardly They only obtain'd general Promises from Him He assur'd 'em he would never forget their Services and that in a little time he would satisfie their Demands but he declar'd he could not do it then by reason of the great
to advance the King's Power Their Aim was to hinder him from obliging himself by any Edict before they had taken all their measures for the Destruction of the Reformed for fear lest after that they might not be able to perswade him to violate the publick Faith of the Observance of which no Prince in the World was more jealous then himself They labour'd therefore with great Application to put off the Effects of his good Intentions of which they were not ignorant and they made use of all the Considerations to this purpose that might Incense the King whose Courage active to excess and vigorous easily took Fire They fought to incense him by laying before him the Importunities of the Reformed for recompense of their Services as an injurious Reproach as if they had fail'd in their respect to his Majesty in upbraiding him with a Fidelity confirm'd by long Experience And Kings are apt to show their Weakness in that particular They love to be serv'd without Interest and that after great Services done they may be permitted to forgive ' em The more they are pleas'd with the Affection of their Subjects the more they dread the Reproach They take it for an Affront that a Subject who has done no more then his Duty should think he has any way oblig'd 'em and many times also when they acknowledge the Services of any one they would have their Returns of Gratitude rather look'd upon as Favours then Rewards So that it was no difficult thing to perswade the King that the Reformed were in the wrong to boast their Services as they did and that the more deserved the Recompense was the more injurious the Demand seem'd to be The Catholicks were the first themselves that were provok'd at these Reproaches of good Services because they almost all knew that it was against them that the Reformed had perform'd it so that the one could not vaunt their Fidelity but the other were put in remembrance of their having been either Enemies or Rebels Moreover the Catholicks represented the Reformed to the King as a kind of Cabal that was form'd against his Authority under the Pretence of Religion and who having Oaths of Union Assemblies Councils Cheiftaines Strong Holds and Finances or Exchequers were a kind of another State set up within his own and which would prove a Source of Trouble and Confusion a Sanctuary for Male-Contents and Rebels and a Party always engag'd in Domestick Conspiracies and Foreign Correspondencies The Pretence for these Accusations was that among the vast number of stout and brave Persons of which the Party consisted there were some that were turbulent and talk'd high and some perhaps who had Interests of their own apart by themselves under the Vail of the Common Cause But it was a most malicious piece of Injustice to accuse of Faction so many Thousands of peaceable People that desir'd no more then the Repose and Liberty of their Consciences Nevertheless because the King's Vivacity render'd him susceptible of suddain Impressions from thence it came to pass that he gave the Reformed either Cold or harsh Answers while his Mind was prepossess'd with a present prejudice against 'em tho' in the main he had always a Design to grant 'em part of their Demands The Pope on the other side well knew how to improve his Advantages and in regard he saw there were many things of Importance wherein the King stood in need of him he granted him nothing for which he did not make him dearly pay That Pontiff diligently heighten'd all the Suspicions that were infus'd into him that the King's Conversion was not sincere and all the Discourses upon which those Jealousies might be grounded 'T was easie to pick out several Pretences in the King's Conduct which oblig'd him to speak and act quite contrary according to the Character of those with whom he had to deal To 〈…〉 the Catholicks it became him to shew a great Disgust against the Religion of the Reformed On the other side to satisfie the Reformed there was a necessity of telling 'em sometimes by way of secret Confidence that he had always a kindness for their Religion His principal Allies were Protestants and it behov'd him that his Ministers Resident among 'em should let 'em know as much to refix that Assurance in their Minds which his Reconciliation to the Roman Church and the Pope had almost quite eradicated They were afraid that another Religion had caus'd him to espouse other Interests Therefore he order'd his Agents to excuse to his Consederates his outward manner of Proceeding and to assure 'em that only the necessity of Affairs oblig'd him to dissemble and that he had alter'd his Conduct but not his Sentiments The Pope who was inform'd of every thing by his Spies believ'd or else seign'd to believe that this was true And therefore he extorted from the King many things under that Pretence as Dimonstrations of a sincere Conversion And fain he would have drawn him by these study'd Distrusts into a League against the Protestants But the King who could not confide so well in any but the Protestants refus'd to hearken to those Propositions And when he call'd to his remembrace that he had been bred among 'em and faithfully defended by the Protestants or that he had been so well assisted and serv'd both by Them and Foreigners in so many Dangers he could not without Horror hearken to the Council that was given him for their Extirpation Of all the Ten Things which he had made the Objects of his Wishes in his Life-time one of the most ardent was That he might be in a Capacity to establish the Reformed Religion which he then professed Therefore when he saw himself the Umpire of his Wiâ—e the Success of which depended upon his Will he could not resolve to destroy a Religion the Advancement of which he had so much desir'd and favour'd However there must be something done to pay the Pope For which reason the King enhanc'd the value of the Changes which had happen'd at Court as so many Effects of his Sollicitations his Acts of Kindnesses or his Example Sometimes he acted the Converter and disputed against such as presented themselves before him to the end he might boast at Rome the Benefit and Sincerity of his Cares for the reducing of all his Subjects to one and the same Religion He assum'd to himself also the Honour of the Decay and Ruine into which some Reformed Families fell and of the Advancement of some Catholick Houses as if it had fallen out through his preferring the one above the other whenas for the most part neither the one nor the other proceeded from any other Cause then the Ingratitude and Capricio of the Court among whom there is as little Justice in the Refusal as in the Distribution of Favours Certain it is however this way of proceeding drew upon him sometimes most cruel Reproaches and if we may judge of his Inclinations by the Satyrs of
not upon the Catholic Relicks or Ornaments of their Churches as holy things and it wou'd have made a great noise if they had been prosecuted as criminal for Pillages of this nature whereas the Catholicks very far from being treated civilly upon such accounts might in pursuance of the Canons be prosecuted as guilty of Sacrilege The Thirteenth commanded the restitution of all Ecclesiastical Goods of what nature soever and forbad the detaining of them even under the pretence of Reparations Amendments or any thing of the like nature and gave a Grant of Possession of the Livings belonging to the Bishops of Dags Bayonne Tarbes and Aize which had been seized of in Bearn This Article might interest many of the Reform'd who were very probably entred upon the possession of these Goods on the credit of the Attachment But this was the main Design of all the Attempts the Clergy had made In their Harangues nothing was so much press'd as the restitution of their Livings and Charity was not the Motive that induced them to desire Peace but a Fear that instead of regaining what they had already lost they might yet lose more in a new War These Intrigues of the Clergy continued near half a Year but in the beginning of them the Traty with the Duke of Mayenne was concluded which had been put off for so long a time in which the Duke had proposed an Article of being exempted out of the Enquiry that might be made into the Murder of Henry the Third whether it was that he knew himself too nearly concern'd in it which made him willing to secure himself from the Prosecution of the Queen Dowager or that he look'd upon it as a reparation of the Death of his Brothers whom the late King had caused to be slain at Blois to leave those unpunished that had revenged him even upon the Person of the King The Parliament had much ado to pass this Article and perhaps it was the only one amongst all that was agreed between the Leaguers upon which there was so great a contestation They wou'd have oblig'd the Duke to have clear'd himself by an Oath that he had no hand in the Parricide or upon his refusal to have ratified the Article with this Modification That it was agreed to because of the urgent necessity of Affairs The Attorny-General who had innocently introduced into Henry the Third's Chamber the Monk that assassinated him thought himself obliged to bring the guilty to punishment and form'd great difficulties which the zeal of the Parliament seconded very briskly But in the end it was pass'd and the Orders of the King were so strong that they confirm'd the Edict without restriction The King was obliged by many Reasons to prosecute the Revenge of Henry the Third besides the common interest of Kings who ought to their utmost to preserve the glorious Priviledges of their Persons he ow'd this Revenge to his own Glory to the end that he might not appear to have advanced himself at the expence of his Predecessor's life and he had also engaged himself to do it by formal Promises to the Queen and to the Officers of the former Court But the present Affairs made him forget both his Duty and his Promises and the Death of Henry the Third was not reveng'd Upon which one thing may be observ'd worthy the Reader 's attention Henry the Fourth was also basely assassinated as his Predecessor had been but there was so little care taken to revenge his death that even those were punished that endeavoured to discover the Authors of it And in these two cases only the Executors of both these Parricides were put to death for they did not what they ought or what they might have done either to punish or to discover the accomplices So that Henry the Fourth had the like respect shew'd him after his death as he had shew'd to him that reign'd before him This Remark is in the History of the Reform'd for there was none in the Kingdom which complain'd lowder than they did that revenge was not taken on the Murderers of their preserver But to return to the Duke of Mayenne who only demanded the exclusion of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion for six Years in those Towns which he gave up to the King and he was indeed after his reconciliation one of the most equitable of the Court when it was in dispute whether such an Edict shou'd be granted as might comprehend the Reform'd Nevertheless they saw nothing which cured their distrusts not only the remembrance of what had passed gave them just fears of what was to come as Impartial Historians acknowledge but they gave them every day new occasions which made a Secretary of State ingeniously confess to du Plessis in a Letter which he wrote to him that they continually gave them too much subject of complaint But still Prudence wou'd not let them push their Patience to the extremity in a time wherein it might have been the cause of strange disorders Throughout the Kingdom there was almost none less powerful than the King the Governours look'd upon their Places and Provinces almost as a Possession that belonged to them by propriety they were only made obedient by the power of Caresses and Benefits So that the State seem'd remiss in the same point it had formerly been when the House of Cartienna began to decay upon which some unquiet and ambitious Spirits built a like Project to that which brought Hugo Capet to the Crown This Prince bestowed part of his Kingdom upon those which had assisted him in the gaining it and gave the Dukes and Earls a Propriety to such Countries as they were Governors of keeping to himself with that Country which belong'd to him by Inheritance only the Sovereignty and Homage of all these Lords with the Condition of Reversion to the Crown in certain Cases This same Method was proposed to the King as a good Expedient to pacifie the Kingdom The young Duke of Mompensier was ingaged in this Project and was to tell the King of it but the King's Answer so cast down this young Prince as made him sensible it was a slender experience had engaged him in this undertaking but this did not put an end to the design for it yet continued in the minds of several persons and if the Reform'd had but stirr'd then many without doubt wou'd have taken an advantage of the occasion There were strange Intrigues carried on in France The Duke of Mercoeur had already retired into Bretagny and Du Plessis had stopt a Courier of the Arch Duke's who was carrying Letters to this Prince which discovered very strange things to them the greatest part of the Catholic Lords were interested therein Even Biron who afterwards suffered himself quite to be corrupted was ingaged in this Conspiracy and it was plain enough that whatsoever fomented the Troubles at home proceeded from a strange inspiration If the Authors of these Intrigues cou'd but have
effect their despair might have produced Yet without doubt there was some difficulty in making every one patient and especially when they saw the time past that was prefixed without any one being sent to the Assembly from the King Du Plessis was even told sometimes That they ought not always to exercise Patience after so many Injustices and so many Delays the most peaceable were ready to answer that they were weary after seven Years sufferings having seen the King neglect them whil'st he was of their Religion and turning from them and adhering to the Catholicks treating to their prejudice contrary to his Word and the Promises signed with the Princes and Lords of his Court with the Members of the League agreeing with the Pope and it may be engag'd to destroy the Reformed to please him and after all no answer to their Solicitations but vain words and their Services were like to be no otherwise recompenced than by endless Delays Yet however they waited the time the King desired without taking any certain Resolution This Patience might very properly have past for a great piece of Service since the only Motive with them was an unwillingness to trouble the State in a very unfortunate Juncture wherein the least disturbance might have confounded all and in which perhaps the King might have found himself to have had a less share of the division than any of those that shou'd have rent the Kingdom But as they were jealous of the glory of their Services so they wou'd not be corrupted and they appear'd always very much afraid of being esteem'd Authors of the ruin of the Crown Their Enemies have very ill interpreted what they spoke either by their Deputies or Requests that if they were not assisted by the King in their pressing Necessities they shou'd seek a Remedy from themselves as if by that they had threatned to take up Arms. That was never in their thoughts they never dreamt of forcing him but only purposed to have stood up in their own defence if the King abandoned them to the Injustice and Fury of their Enemies And to make it a Crime for Men whom they had treated near 35 Years with so much Perfidiousness and Cruelty to be careful to avoid the like treatment for the time to come is to speak rationally a Proof that they wou'd not spare them and that they seemed to intimate they ought to suffer themselves to be oppress'd without making any defence Altho' the Catholicks rallied them bitterly sometimes because they had not known how to take their time and make use of advantageous Conjunctures to have prevailed in they suffer'd them to pass this upon them since they were able by their Arms to make them agree to whatsoever they wou'd They yielded even all of a sudden upon one of their most important Demands and it appeared by the conclusion of the Treaty how much their desire of preserving the State was more powerful with them than the consideration of their own Interests Those amongst them that were inclined to have things carried quietly had two powerful Reasons to command their Minds One was the Reproach they shou'd deserve if by a Civil War they encreast the King's Troubles The other was the consideration of what might one day happen if they shou'd gain any thing by force as the state of Affairs then were They very well foresaw that their quiet wou'd not be very durable if obtain'd at such a price that the King wou'd retract these extorted Favours as soon as he was in a condition to resent them and that he wou'd reduce them again more than ever under the discretion of the Catholicks Wherefore they contented themselves with continuing their Solicitations by Assemblies Deputations Requests Demands and Complaints If these Solicitations are lookt upon as importune it must be remembred that the King liked the advice of Du Plessis and that to have an excuse to the Catholicks and to the Pope he was not sorry he was importuned so that these Importunities cou'd not be criminal since they were necessary and tacitly authorised It may be an offence to Princes when they are vigorously pursued to force something from them they are not willing to but Importunity is not amiss when it serves for an excuse to such persons as they wou'd not offend yet care not to yield to The arrival of a Legat that the Pope sent to France obliged them to be more and more earnest in their Importunities This Legation gave the Reformed new cause of distrust because they doubted not but the Legat was ordered to use his interest against them and they were afraid the King might be prevailed on by his Solicitations or that at least the credit of this new Enemy wou'd put a new stop to their Affairs and the reason of this Fear was too apparent Altho' it was promised them that the Bull and the Power of the Legat shou'd be verified with great Exceptions yet they did not stick to do quite the contrary for they confirm'd his Power to the utmost altho' they thereby injured themselves in many things They continued likewise to retrench the Garrisons of the Reformed in Poictou and Saintonge they suppressed that of Thouars on purpose to disoblige La Trimouille who was Lord thereof and to take away from him a place of strength The pretext of these Proceedings was that the Mony arising from this Suppression was to be made use of in the War against the Low Countries but it wou'd have turn'd to so small account that it was easie to perceive their chief end was to perplex those that had an interest in the management of these Garisons Roni who began to dispose of the King's Revenue might easilier have rais'd that Fund upon others than those of his own Religion but as he was friend to none but himself and perhaps the King to whom his Fortune engaged him so he was very jealous of all those that had any reputation amongst the Reformed and he was not sorry to have them far distant from the Court that their Merit might not stand in competition with his therefore he contributed what he cou'd to their ruin and he was not displeased when they had occasion to make any advances which might procure them the ill will of the King He hated the Marshal de Bouillon who had a very acute Genius in the management of Affairs and who was capable of prevailing with the King who had an high esteem for him He loved not Lesdiguieres who wou'd have no dependance on him and whom he was obliged to have a great regard for about the Affairs for Dauphine but above all left his Merit and great Services might bring him to a higher degree of Authority La Trimouille disturbed him being a Man that was no slave to Favour and with whom in time he was like to fall out As for Du Plessis he was insupportable to him as a Man that was the King's Confident and who if he
promote the Work The King had both in the Instructions and by his Commissioners made some Complaints to the Assembly of their stiffness in their Demands and above all of their seeming to mistrust his Promises but had joined to it a kind of an Excuse for the Answer made to their Deputies which he thought would have been satisfactory to them considering what Circumstances he was under when he made it Whereupon he mentioned the loss of Calais and Aâ—dres together with the lingering and uncertain Siege of Fere. There was however amidst these Complaints a very advantageous acknowledgment of their Fidelity when he said That the Remedy which they sought for their Grievances was very far from that respect and affection they always had for him that which nevertheless he charged upon some among them who making advantage of the bad posture of his Affairs were thereby willing to make themselves amends for their distaste at his Answers I have observed before that the very Privy Counsellors had deemed it capable of producing this bad effect and thought that the Contrivers of it had then some secret Slave to sweeten it in due time But the Reformed grounded their holding fast to their Demands upon the Answers themselves that were made them and could not apprehend what kind of publick Good they were required to prefer before their own Preservation since the whole Matter amounted to no more than the retaking some Frontier Places from the Enemy which might be done at any time so soon as all the Forces of the Kingdom were re-united whereas now by delaying to do them right upon their just Complaints many thousands of the best Subjects the King had were left to the Mercy of their Enemies Men trained up to Persidy Injustice and Slaughter The Comissioners having given the King an account of the Assemblies Resolution he gave them new Instructions at Monceaux where they met him These were no larger than the former but the Commissioners were charged to complain of their seizing the King's Mony in some places and demand satisfaction for it as being a thing the King was much offended at they moved also that the Assembly should remove from Loudun to Vendome that they might be nearer to the Court which being consented to the Deputies repaired to Vendome on the Tenth of November where they waited three Months for the return of the Commissioners In the mean while they sent new Deputies to the King then at Rouen where they presented to him some Articles drawn up upon Proposals made them wherein they desisted from none of their former Demands concerning their Security they did not so much as revoke their Orders for seizing the King's Mony to pay their Garrisons because they were satisfied that their Holds were the only thing their Enemies did value them upon and thought themselves lost so soon as they should consent to the disbanding of their Troops and the ruin of their strong Towns They were also inflexible in their Demands concerning the maintenance of their Ministers and the administration of Justice for the security whereof they would have in suspicious Parliaments Courts consisting one half of Protestants the other of Catholick Judges commonly called Chambers Miparties But they were somewhat loose in the point of their religious Exercise and accepted the Compensation before offered by the King It amounted to two new Grants or such at least that looked so By the First they were allow'd to continue the exercise of the reformed Religion in all places where it had been publickly made ever since the beginning of the then instant Year The Second allowed them a second place for Worship in each Balliwick or Precinct commonly called Senechaussee almost the same Conditions prescribed by the Edict of 1577. in a Grant of the same kind There will be occasion to speak more at large of these Grants hereafter The King not being willing to grant them their other Demands held fast to these two Articles but as a proof of his good Will to them he would not set out from Rouen before he saw the Edict of 1577. pass in that Parliament as it had passed at Paris This really was of no great advantage because the Reformed were not contented with it and would needs have had another Edict Moreover this verification of an Edict which they had so often declared they could not be satisfied with was but an Artifice to keep up their Patience by putting an end to those gross Wrongs done them in Parliaments which occasioned their Complaints And it was easie to judge through the daily Denials made them of farther Grants that if they could be prevailed upon to live quiet under the shelter of this Edict until such time as a thorough settlement of the Kingdom both at home and abroad could be made they would then doubtless be made to believe that another Edict was needless since this had proved sufficient to secure them All that might be granted them over and above this was to give them some new places for their Worship in lieu of those that the several Treatises of reduction had taken from them The Catholicks themselves consented to that kind of Compensation and it seems that the King was resolved never to grant them any thing but under the same pretence it being a plausible Excuse to the Pope or his Legate for all his Favours to them It was clear enough that the Reformed could never be obliged to be content with less nay that they might with good reason hold fast to their Pretentions since 't was but just to indemnifie them for the loss of an advantage taken from them without cause against the express word of a King and that Promise signed by the Princes and Lords which has been so often mentioned by us But this Compensation was not sufficient to the Reformed who aimed at more liberty and security than was given them by that means This Verification was nevertheless ill resented at Rome whereby it created the King at least seemingly a very difficult Work The Pope made bitter Complaints to d' Ossat both of the thing and of the manner of it because said he the King had forced it upon the Parliament over-ruling their opposition D' Ossat display'd all his skill and ability to pacific the Pope he inlarged upon the great advantage of Peace after a Civil War of 35 Years which could not end but by this Edict besides he represented that Peace as necessary for the conversion of Hereticks wherein the King did daily make considerable Progress he exaggerated the great Miseries which the War had brought especially upon the Church and the spoil of the Ecclesiastical Revenues occasioned by it he shew'd 't was not the King but his Predecessor made that Edict when he was obey'd by all Catholicks at home and assisted by all those abroad that this was the least favourable of all those ever obtained by the Reformed that so long as it was observed their
feared more mischief from the Assembly than perhaps the Assembly designed to do and on the other hand the Assembly apprehended more harm from the Court than was there prepared for them Thus in dubious Affairs Fear is often mutual and there is a kind of emulation who shall shew most Resolution and Courage when really the Fright is equal on both sides The King severely complained to the Assembly by his Letters and laid openly the Fault at the doors of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille but there happened such Divisions in the very Assembly as did e'en almost ruin their Affairs It may be 't was â—n effect of the usual Intrigues of the Court who designedly had drawn the Assembly nearer home the better to have them within the reach of its Caresses and Favours Not but that it might be also the effect of that Misfortune commonly attending the union of divers Persons differing in Genius Abilities and Interest who tho' agreeing in a general Design do often fall out about the choice of necessary Expedients It is with them as with that Harmony by which the World subsisteth through a correspondency of several discording Causes which might easily break out of that just proportion whereby they agree if they were not preserved and maintained by an Almighty and Divine Hand Thus the union of many Men who aim at different ends may break of it self tho' they often have the same Motives for acting concertedly when each one wou'd regulate the Conduct and Interest of all others by his own Maxims and Prejudices The Assembly who ascribed the Progress of those Disorders to the influence of the Court to prevent more Mischief thought it fit to remove elsewhere and accordingly came to Saumur on the Fifth of March This removal might be agreeable to both Parties to the King to whom du Pâ—â—ssâ—â— might be very serviceable there in allaying with his Wisdom the Heat of the most forward and accordingly the King had sent for him a while before and commanded him to go to Vendome and endeavour to bring them to a better Temper and it was agreeable to the Reformed also in that the Authority of du Plessis his Prudence and Equity might heal their Divisions and bring them all to an unanimous Effort for the common Cause In the mean while Matters went on slowly and the Assembly being very little satisfied with the Commissioner's delays which were supposed by several Members to be designedly made they carried their Discontents along with them to Saumur Nay on a Report spread abroad that the King was secretly treating of a Peace with the Arch-duke their Jealousies increased and they thought that the Court used so many delays to the end that if a Peace could be made before any thing was concluded with the Reformed the King might be in a condition to grant them only what the Catholicks pleased But a little while after the Assembly was settled at Saumur there happened an Accident which did extreamly allarm all sorts of People the Spaniards having surprised Amiens the defence whereof was left to its Inhabitants they defended it very ill This Blow made a great noise through all Europe France was counted lost the old Caballs began to revive and the consternation was so great that People knew not what course or resolution was best to take the King himself was disheartened in this Misfortune and fell from that greatness of Soul he had always been Master of before In short one may judge what condition France was thought to be in by what happed in Britany Brissac who was Deputy Lieutenant in that Province and a late reconciled League man caused an Assembly of the Nobility to be held there in his presence being therein as 't was said countenanced by Mompensier and the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille There they proposed to put themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England by the Name of the good French People bons Francois taking it for granted that the King after that loss was no longer able to keep his Kingdom and defend his Subjects against a foreign Invasion The same accident occasioned great Agitations amongst the Reformed some were for taking up Arms and endeavoured to draw to their Opinion all such as were capable to bear them insomuch that one moved for an Attempt upon Tours whither some Troops were to be sent in the Name of la Trimouille others thought that they ought not to make use of such a dismal occasion and that it was even more honourable for them to desist from their former Demands than to make new ones As for the two Dukes they pushed on briskly their Proposals and endeavoured to perswade them that War was the only remedy they had left But almost all the Churches rejected it the great Towns whose example might have drawn in the rest and the best part of the Nobility were deaf to it so that the Project of the two Dukes fell to the ground It was nevertheless reported abroad that Discord had alone hindred the Reformed from voting the War because the Nobility and Consistory men renewed their old Quarrel and fell out about the management of the Money that was to be raised the Nobility claiming it as their right and the Consistory men being for Commissioners to be appointed by the respective Churches for the safe management of it But all these Intrigues as it was given out miscarrying through the dissention of the different Parties every one at Court after the retaking of Amiens valued himself for having no share therein and strove very hard who should make the first discovery to the King so that all the odium fell upon the two Dukes who had been the authors and promoters of the whole matter From whence it follows that their misdemeanour might be misrepresented and made a great deal more than really it was since in Reports of that nature Men use to say more than they know and consequently run the hazard of telling more than the truth As for the Motive of the two Dukes 't is not easie to guess at them The Catholic Writers charge them with designing to make advantage of the Disorders of the State that they might get by force those Preferments that were denied them but the President de Thou who saw the matters nearer than any body else as being present in all these Transactions gives us a more innocent Motive of those two Dukes He ascribeth their Design to Necessity and the Publick Calamity because in the General Confusion of the Kingdom every one did almost despair of his own safety and thought he ought to seek his security from himself for the proof of which he saith that as soon as Amiens was retaken they submitted to what Terms the King was pleased to prescribe to them because then their former hopes of enjoying Peace under a King capable to defend them were without doubt revived That is in a word that we may
that it might bring the most patient People in the World to despair That they were still striving with that despair by their confidence in the King's love which having proved so favourable to those who made War against him could not be severe and backward towards them who had always been his most affectionate Servants but that the Papists were hard at work to deprive them of this very Support by endeavouring with Pretences of Conscience to oblige the King to destroy them That first they had forced him to go to Mass in order to draw him from them whereupon he gave them his Royal Word that he would never consent to their ruin but rather join with them again than suffer any War against them That even those who induced him to a change and feared that in such a case the Reformed might highly resent it and come to extream Resolutions which however they bless God Almighty that the event â—ad made it appear they were not capable of and that they did not make use of Religion as a Pretence to disobey their King that those very Men represented to the Reformed the great advantage which might accrue to them by that change and that the King thereby might be in a greater capacity to make them feel the effects of his Affection and might even go so far as to undertake a Thorough-reformation of the Church as having nothing changed in him but the outside whereupon they represented with exaggeration how little likely it was that the King whose Conscience was so enlightened and knew so well that Temporal Interest ought not to be preferred before the Kingdom of God would change his Sentiments on a sudden upon meer Reasons of State That nevertheless the Papists had obliged him to believe the grossest Errors of the Romish Religion and to take a Solemn Oath at his Coronation renewed since at his taking upon him the Order of the Holy Ghost that he would to the utmost of his power extirpate both the Heresie and the Hereticks as they used to call their Persons and Doctrin though the same Oath had been established not only against them but himself too when he was engaged with them in the same cause from whence concluding that their Enemies might also by the same Considerations engage him to their ruin they beg leave to let the King know the Particulars of their Grievances to the end that he may see thereby how ill they fare under his Reign since his Counsellors do misrepresent to him the Miseries of their present Condition and that such as are free from Passion may not take it ill if they demand so earnestly a general Liberty to serve God according to their Consciences impartial Courts of Justice to whom they may trust their Estates their Lives and their Honours and sufficient Securities against those Violences wherewith both the present and past time threatneth them and that all equitable People may use their best interest for the relief of those who are unwilling to survive the State but only to be preserved with it fearing God and honouring the King Next they came to particulars and declared that in general they complained of all Frenchmen not but that there might be some who would do them justice but they were so fearful and weak that they suffer'd themselves to be drawn in by the rest and so might be well included with them in a lump Then they hinted at all Orders and Degrees complaining of the Nobility and Gentry of the People of the Magistrates of the Council but above all of the Ecclesiastical Order as that which influenced them all and inspired them with injustice and hatred to the Reformed They handled that Order pretty roughly with great Contempt and shrewd nipping Jests and Railleries From thence they passed on to their Sufferings and said that for 50 Years together they had undergon all sorts of cruel Punishments that they had been burnt drowned hanged massacred one by one massacred by whole shoals banished out of the Kingdom by Edicts that the Catholicks had for those fifty Years made a cruel War against them to which they added that the Exercise of their Religion was free in those places only where they had been strong eno ' to keep it but that they had lost it every where else They named some places where the Reformed were fain to go ten or twelve Miles to hear a Sermon and whole Provinces where they had not so much as one place of Exercise allow'd them as Burgundy and Picardy and others where they had very little liberty as Provence in which they had no preaching but at Merindol and Lormarin and Britany where it was allow'd them but at Vitre They named other places where tho' the Reformed were the strongest yet they durst not exercise their Religion within the Walls but were forced to go abroad for it and expose themselves to fall into the hands of the Enemies Garrisons others where even the French abused them at a strange rate and lay in wait for them to throw Dirt and Stones at them others where Seditions had been stirred up against them as at Tours on Easter-day where the Ring-leaders did insolently boast that they had whetted their Weapons Moreover they related that an eminent Gentleman Bordage by Name being invited to stand Godfather to a Child of the Lord Mongomeri at Pontarson the Parliament of Rennes had commanded the Militia of several Parishes to stop the Passes and that having avoided that danger he was in his return set upon by two or three thousand Men who notwithstanding the resistance of the Garrison of Pontarson which guarded him kill'd two of his Men and had it not been for the Garrison of Vitre that came to his help he could never have escaped They related likewise that at Saint Stephen of Furan in the Province of Foret a Parish-Priest of which place did with impunity offer every day horrid Violences to the Reformed thirteen hundred People fell upon one hundred of them as they were coming from a place distant one day's journy from their Town where they had celebrated the Lord's-Supper on Easter-day and then beat them wounded them maimed them leaving several for dead upon the spot that the Night following their Doors and Windows were broken and on the next day the Catholick Mob gathered again together before their Houses threatning them with worse The like had happened at Manosque in Provence where the Reformed coming home from receiving the Communion at Lormarin were served after the same manner and it is observable that the seditious Rabble to give a colour to their intended Violence had themselves pull'd down a wooden Cross and then accused the Reformed of doing it They represented farther that they were troubled even in their private Devotions at home and for Instances thereof named places where Men had been clapt into Prison for praying to God with a loud Voice as well as the Masters of the
Neighbours to her help caused the Child to be christened in a Catholick Church That at Bourdeaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion to keep the guardianship of her Children and having a little while after reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church the Attorney-General sued her at Law and got her bound to remain a Catholick that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans when that Town was in the power of the League and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun to put them in the Catholick Colledge of Angiers contrary to the last Will of their deceased Father who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion that the same Judges had appointed a Catholick Guardian over a Maid who refused to go to Mass Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of dealing with the Prince of Conde whom the Reformed had surrendred to the King even beyond the hopes of the Catholicks they said that this young Prince had bitterly wept and strugled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli that since being kept at Court he was used to withdraw into his Closet there to sing Psalms to Pray and Catechise his Pages but that at last they were taken away from him notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it They complained afterwards that to all these so great and so publick Grievances the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy but Reasons of State as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences or that the Reformed had not been part of the State or that the State could not stand but by their fall Then returning again to the particulars of the Injustice that were done them they complained of their being forced to keep Lent that at Rennes the Parliament caused the Houses to be searched to see if their Orders in this point were obey'd that the Bishop of Agde did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocess that keeping of Holidays was also forced upon them that even at Saumur one of their Towns of security a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days that their School masters had been expelled out of several places even without any form of Justice that divers Parliaments had refused to verifie the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King for the establishment of some Schools even after reitera ted Orders from Court but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar that even so in several places they refused to admit in or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth which Article was concluded with these remarkable words Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barbarity so did Julian Next they complained of their Poors ill usage That the Laws of Equity were so little regarded in this point that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the publick Alms the Poor of their Religion had no share therein that in many places the Reformed were deprived of their Birth-right and not suffered to live there though they promised to be quiet and make no publick Exercise of their Religion that the Judges of Lyon had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction upon occasion whereof they complained here that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King himself whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage letting this gentle Reproach slip withal that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown and the Reformed banished from their Houses but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed he had not yet restored them to their Houses Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage he did not suffer the Catholicks to let out their Houses to the Reformed and constrained them to turn out before the term such as had already taken any he hindred Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades This mad Fellow of a Priest had caned a Man born in that place but setled elsewhere who was come to the Town upon some business his pretext for abusing him was that he had forbid him to come thither as if he had authority to banish whom he pleased But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice and that no body took his part kill'd the Priest in a passion and so rid the Country of this furious Beast The King granted him his Pardon but the Catholicks hindred it from being allow'd by the Judges They remonstrated besides that the Reformed were excluded from Trades and to colour their exclusion the Companies made new By-laws by vertue whereof none but Catholicks were to be admitted to them That in several places Violences against the Reformed were countenanced by impunity that a Man seventy five Years old having complained that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours was sent to a Goal instead of having satisfaction from whence afterwards being released he was pursued anew and pelted with Stones in the very sight of the Judges who did but laugh at it that a Fraternity of Penitents called The Beaten Brothers walking barefoot in order of Procession their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets which they did immediately lay upon the Reformed because the Glass was found before the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying Injustice done them about Offices That in several places they were kept from those of the Town-house and that it was publickly said at Lyon that none ought to be admitted to them who either was now of the Reformed or ever had been so nay not even any Son of one that had been so that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac according to the custom of that Province meerly because the party elected was one of the Reformed that even those who were appointed by
we may enjoy what is common to all your Subjects that is much less than what you have granted to your furious Enemies your rebel Leaguers An Edict which may not constrain you to dispose of your Dominions but as you please which may not force you to exhaust your Treasure or to burthen your People with Taxes It is neither Ambition nor Avarice moves us but the Glory of God the Liberty of our Consciences the Tranquility of the State the Security of our Lives and Fortunes these are the heighth of our Desires and the only aim of all our Petitions Altho' the reformed Courtiers in a manner disowned these Complaints as I observed before yet it is certain that they could not deny the truth of the several Facts contained therein nor that there was a necessity to put a stop to so many Injustices and Violences but they imbraced the Opinion of the Court which was much offended at the Form of those Complaints and would fain have had the Reformed to wait for another time to publish them but upon the whole the generality of the Reformed spoke their Minds in that Book and it cannot be doubted but it had been viewed by the ablest Men of the Party nay it may be easily perceived by the Style that the greatest amongst them had notice of it and even given to the Subject a great part of its Form What most vexed the Court in the printing of it was their being now and then upbraided in it with bitter Reproaches of past Services which were so much the more insupportable because they were just and well-grounded that the warm Strain of this little Piece made them sensible they had to do with Men who took the thing to Heart and whose Courage was not yet lost and that in fine such a long Series of Injustices Outrages and Violences made them ashamed of their so long delaying to satisfie those who deserved at their hands a more favourable usage insomuch that the Court's dissatisfaction served only to make them resolve to handle this Affair more seriously and put an end to such an important Negotiation But before we proceed any farther it behoves us to make at least slightly some Reflections upon this Abridgment of their Complaints First They make it appear That this Business of the Reformed was no trifling Matter and that their Fears and Jealousies were but too well grounded which is the more observable that in complaints of this nature as every body knows commonly no other Facts are related but such as are most notorious and important and that a great deal more are buried in oblivion either because the Complaints thereof have not been made by the Parties concerned or that they appeared less clear or of a less moment in their circumstances Secondly These Complaints do well answer the Reproaches made to the Reformed That they followed the King too close when he was in his greatest Perplexities But this must not be wondred at since 't was at that very time they were used worst and that the Facts here mentioned except perhaps thirty were all recent and had happened either in this or the foregoing Year giving therefore just causes of Fears and Jealousies to the Reformed who were from day to day by so much the greater sufferers as the Peace and Re-union of the Catholicks was more forwarded by the reduction of the Leaguers In fine Those Complaints may serve to shew the Injustice of those Tricks used to elude the Edict in these last Years since that the Edict having been granted upon Complaints made by the Reformed of such-like Vexations it was impossible to renew them without acting directly against the intention of that irrevocable Law In the mean while the Year was spun out with tedious Delays as I observed before and though the Reformed had with a wonderful patience overcome their grief occasioned by them the minds on both sides were nevertheless grown sour and much exasperated the King himself expressed sometimes his resentment nay he would now and then let out some menacing words very pat to the purpose and he had once written to his Commissioners that it would grieve him to the very heart to come to Extremities with the Reformed whom he loved more than they loved themselves This new Language the King had been taught of late since the retaking of Amiens had a much worse effect than it was thought at Court and the Reformed who found it so different from that which was used with them when the King stood in need of their assistance and when he invited them to shed the rest of their Blood at the Siege of that place they drew I say very sad Consequences from that change which seemed to them to imply as much as if they were told that their Tranquility could never agree with the Prosperity of the State since they were cajoled only when the King's Affairs were embroiled but that when the same began to clear up they were told they must surrender at discretion that when the success of the King's Enterprises was dubious fair Promises Prayers tender and pathetick Intreaties were used to them but that when the Court was puffed up with some advantagious Success then their most just Petitions were answered with Shiftings and Menaces from whence they concluded that since new Causes of Mistrust were given them they ought also to take new Precautions against the ill Designs of their Enemies The Dukes of Bouillon and La Trimouille were the most exasperated of all because they were sensible that the Court's Threatnings chiefly aimed at them being looked upon there as the Authors of those Motions made in the Assembly contrary to what the Catholicks called the Publick Good and the King's Service but what the Reformed called the Artifices of the Council and the Oppression of their Consciences Therefore the Assembly was no less importunate than before They had sent new Deputies to Court with full Instructions which were altered as new Difficulties arose besides they seriously examined the Answers sent them by the King's Commissioners and as they had sent some Gentlemen to England and to the Vnited Provinces in order to beg the Intercession of those faithful Allies of the Crown they also expresly charged their Deputies to wait upon the Protestant Embassadors now at the Court of France and represent to them how necessary it was to satisfie the Reformed that the King might be able to give the Spaniards or the Duke of Mercoeur some considerable Blow to make them sensible that the Affairs of Religion instead of being forwarded were delay'd at Court insomuch that they knew not when the end of such a tedious Negotiation might be hoped for and to engage them by the general Interest of the Protestants to see it brought to a happy conclusion The Points left still undecided were not so little important but that they well deserved this warm pursuit The Council started new Difficulties about the Right of Exercise in respect to
comprehended in the Edict nor in the particular Articles were Promises by private Patents where with the Reformed were not easily satisfied because these sorts of Letters are not like a Law but only continue at the King's Pleasure who revokes them when he has a Mind to it But as these Grants were the nicest and such as the Catholicks were the least pleased with so they were under a necessity of depending upon the King 's good Will and allowing such Excuses as were taken from the State of his Affairs which would not permit him to do any more There were Three Patents of this nature The first which was dated the third of April granted a Sum of Forty five thousand Crowns for the Payment of the Ministers it was assigned upon several provincial Exchequers for the Conveniency of its Distribution payable quarterly in ready Mony with Precautions that were very favourable for the Payment and a Dispensation given to the receiver appointed either by the King or the Reformed by which he was freed from giving an Account in any Court. As the Court durst not declare openly that this Sum was designed to maintain the Ministers lest the Catholicks should murmur to see part of the King's Revenue employed in the Preservation of Heresy so they were obliged to put in some Clause which might secure it from giving them any Scandal Duplessis having inserted an Article on this Subject among those which had been agreed upon at Mants after the King 's turning Papist had obtained that the promised Sum should be paid under the Name of the Lady Catherine because she might receive greater Gratifications from the King her Brother without its being suspected by any one But she could not live always and therefore some pretext must be thought on which might serve them at all times So that it was declared in the Patent that this Sum was given to the Reformed to be employed in their secret concerns which his Majesty would have neither specified nor declared The Second Patent concern'd the Places of Security But it contain'd also many other Passages which explained several things that the Edict seem'd to leave undetermined It was dated the thirtieth of April at Nants and the King declares there in the manner of a Preface the Motives that induced him to grant them the keeping of these Fortresses viz. That the Reformed thought it necessary for the Liberty of their Consciences and Security of their Persons and Estates and that his Majesty was assured of their Fidelity and of their sincere Affection to his Service To which he added in general Terms many other important Considerations for the Advantage and Peace of the State After which there followed Twenty four Articles the first of which permitted them for eight Years under the Authority of his Majesty to keep all those Fortresses Towns and Castles which they had held until the End of August 1598. wherein Garrisons were to be maintained according to the Settlement made in the Council for it the eight Years were to be reckoned from the Time the Edict was published in all the Parliaments The second promised That nothing should be innovated in any of the Reformed Towns where there was no Garrison The third excepted some Places which they should not keep under the Title of Security and that even for the Time to come if the King should place any Governour of the Reformed Religion therein they should draw no Consequence from it These Towns were Vendome Pontorson Aubenas and its Citadel He commanded also that Chavigni which belonged to the Bishop of Poictiers should be restored to him and the Fortifications thereof rased but by one of the secret Articles of the Edict the Exercise of their Religion was formally permitted continuing there The fourth gave them the sum of One hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns for the maintaining of their Towns and Payment of their Garrisons The fifth excepted the Places in Dauphiny of which a particular State was promised to be set up by it self Lesdiguiers liking better to defend them on his own account than for the common Cause and the Court favoured this Division to weaken a Party the uniting of whose Members would render it redoubtable The sixth promised good Assignments and that the Money thereof should not be diverted to other uses The seventh promised That the Reformed should be called when the state of the Places should be settled to take their Advice and hear their Remonstrances and afterwards to do every thing as much to their Liking as possible The same Promise was made to Lesdiguiers for Dauphiny The eighth permitted That in case any Change should happen in their Places either by the King's Pleasure or through the Desire of the Reformed themselves they should act there in the same manner as when the former State was settled that is that the Reformed were to be called in order to give their Advice and Remonstrances The ninth assured them That if by Death any of these Governments became vacant during the eight Years none but the Reformed should be admitted who likewise must be obliged to take an Attestation of the Assembly which belonged to that Province the Place was situated in And added That if the Assembly should refuse their Attestation then the Cause should be heard before the King The tenth provided That after the eight Years were passed although the King was quitted of his Promise he should nevertheless continue those in their Governments that were then in possession in such Places as he thought good still to keep a Garrison The eleventh declared That the keeping of these Places should not exclude the Reformed from other Governments whereto they might be received indifferently with others according to their Merits But that such Places as were given them upon this account should not nevertheless be reckoned among their Places of Security The twelfth permitted the keeping of Magazines Ammunition Powder Cannons c. to those to whom the Reformed had given them and to take a Commission from the Master of the Ordnance and from the Commissary General of Provisions which should be delivered them gratis under certain Conditions The thirteenth provided for the Payment of these Commissioners out of the Hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns and not to charge the King's Exchequer with it The fourteenth declared That the King had caused the Temple of Mets to be removed and granted Letters Patents to the Inhabitants thereof which permitted them to dispose of the Materials and promised them to give them another Place within the Walls to perform their Exercise in for which Reason this was not necessary to be inserted in the Edict The fifteenth assured the Reformed Lords that might happen â—o reside at Court that they should not be question'd for what they did in their Houses with their Families only and their Gates shut without they sung Psalms with a loud Voice or gave any reason to suppose there was a Publick Exercise The sixteenth had a relation to the
Publick State and the rest was set down in the other which was called the little State In respect to the first they followed the accustomed Order for the Payment of the Garrisons furnishing of Rolls of Acquittances c. and they were paid by the extraordinary Treasurer of War but the other was paid with less upon simple Orders obtained from the respective provincial Exchequers Thus ended the long Civil War whereof Religion was made the Pretence The Reformed began to take Breath and the Minds of the People to be a little settled again La Trimouille by his inflexibility incurr'd the Hatred of the King but gained the Esteem and Confidence of his own Party The Court endeavoured all ways possible to draw him from the common Cause but nothing could work upon him to that end the President de Thou offered him incredible Advantages but he answered very generously Whatsoever they could do for him would avail nothing whilst the Requests of the Reformed were unanswered but if they would grant them the Security of their Consciences and Lives they might hang him up at the Gate of the Assembly and that no Disturbance would come upon it They also endeavoured to stir him up with Emulation and Jealousy when the Duke de Bouillon came to the Assembly where La Trimouille being youngest gave him the first Place that he had held for two Years together But he was not concerned for this Point of Honour which would have shaken a Soul less Noble than his He gave way without any regret and maintained himself unto the end with an equal Courage There were many other great Men which seconded him the Minister Chamier was one of the most undaunted and because of that he became as odious to the Court as he was considerable to the Churches There are some Authors among the Reformed who affirm That the King's Avarice was the Reason why the Division was less in the Assembly than it might have been if the King had been willing to buy its Members at as dear a rate as he had bought the Leaguers But that many continued firm to the Common Cause because there was no Advantage in abandoning it Indeed Aubigny one of these Authors might speak by Experience he was not rich and he was very willing to make his Fortune but they did not love him at Court because he was too free and satyrical in his Discourses and disturbed them with the Reproaches of his Services Tho' it was not really so much from the King's Avarice as his Wisdom and good Intentions for the Preservation of the Reformed he chose rather to grant Favours to them in general whom he had some reason to love than to raise the Fortune of some private Persons which he thought he might have cause to complain of The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VI. The Contents of the 6th Book THE Sentiment of the Reformed in the Provinces upon the Edict Artifices to gain them at a Synod at Mompellier The Number and Condition of the Churches What it is that Forms a Church Uniting of many Churches into one Reasons why they are contented with the Edict obtain'd Projects of Re-union The Religion of Lesdiguiers A Treatise of the Eucharist The Consequences of its Publication Three Important Negotiations with the Pope 1. A Dissolution of the King's Marriage 2. The Re-establishment of the Jesuits their Confidence and their Credit the Passion of the Monks against the King The Persecution in Piedmont and in the Marquisate of Saluces the Kings Reasons for favouring the Jesuits Opposition Marriage of Madam her Constancy the Unkindness of the King unto her The difficulties on the Popes side and their Reasons The King goes on without staying for a Dispensation The Pope is Offended thereat and persists in his Refusal the Consequence of this Negotiation until the Death of the Princess The Advantages the Reformed drew from her Perseverance Difficulties upon the Examination of the Edict An Assembly of the Clergy their Propositions upon the Edict The Disgust of some Prelates The Moderation of the Nuncio Contradictions of the Parliament The Equity of the Duke of Mayenne The Resolution of the King The withdrawing of the Reformed from the Court upon many Articles Prejudices of the Clergy The Chambre of the Edict at Rouën The Mipartie Chambre in Guienne The Examination of the Edict after which the Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Mouth of the Spaniards The Answers of Cardinal de Joyeuse and Cardinal D'Ossat agreeable to the Inclination of the Pope An Edict for the Principality of Bearn which is Received Complaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Article concerning Burials Particular demands Precedency pretended by the Catholick Officers who compos'd the Chambres Miparties over the Reformed Verbal demand upon Occasion of the Chappels in Gentlemens Houses Answers to those Papers Article concerning Church-Yards Precedency preserv'd to the Ancient President Martha Brosier counterfeiting her self to be Possess'd The Consequence of that Comedy both within and out of the Kingdom The Kings Marriage dissolv'd The Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne upon the Oath referr'd by one of the Reformed to a Catholick La Trimouille made a Peer of France the Pope grumbles and d'Ossat appeases him He takes little Notice of Roni's Advancement Commissioners to put the Edict in Execution and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproaches of the Catholicks cast upon the Reformed Answer'd THE Edict being then at length Decreed in this manner nevertheless did not all of a sudden allay the general Murmurings And when the News was carry'd into the Provinces several people of Nice and Difficult Palates found that there were many things altogether omitted others ill-explain'd others inconvenient and with which the Reformed had less Reason to be contented then the Catholics The delay of the Verification put 'em to a great deal of trouble and the Reputation of the Duke of Beuillon who had taken upon him to engage 'em to Patience in this particular was not sufficient to stop the Mouths of all the World But the Court had then recourse to little Artifices to mollifie their minds by gentle means and bring 'em to that submission which she desir'd She had her Confidents in all places who according to the Genius of those people with whom they discours'd knew how to vary their Arguments and their Remonstrances Sometimes they put a Value upon the King 's private Promises who durst go no farther for fear of Offending the Catholics and returning their Arms into the Hands of the Leaguers but who had giv'n his Word to do so many things for the Reformed for the future which was that which far exceeded all they had demanded and which was contain'd most favourable in the Edict Sometimes the Prince himself was represented as altogether of the Reformed Religion in his Heart Weeping when he spoke of the Churches and causing his usual Prayers to be
were afraid of if they should be oblig'd to Request the Kings Permission for holding their Colloquies and Synods or else they were remitted to the Instructions of the Commissioners to which the Reformed had likewise agreed and according to which the Edict was to be Executed Such was the Article wherein they complain'd of an Addition of the Equivocal Words By them Establish'd in the 9th Article of the Edict From whence it appear'd that they were to seek for the Meaning of this Term in the Manner of the Commissioners or Judges ordering the Confirmation of Right or Priviledge grounded upon this Article whereas in our days they would needs derive the Interpretation from the Discipline itself of the Reformed as if it could not be said that an Exercise had been Establish'd by them if they had fail'd to observe the least Formalities therein Lastly in others besides the General Instruction which was written on the side of the Article Answer'd there was a secret Reservation according to which they were to Govern themselves in the Execution of the Thing and those Reservations were always to the Advantage of the Reformed So that altho the King left the two Clauses complain'd of in the 11th Article because said he in his Answer That the second Place of Bailliage was a favour which he might have Limited with all the Restrictions which he thought proper to add Nevertheless there was this Reservation That if it prov'd more difficult to Establish the second Place of the Bailliage either because of the Exception of Ecclesiastical Demeans or for want of some convenient place in the Kings Demesnes it should be settl'd upon the â—eife of some Catholic Lord. Also upon the Exception of Ecclesiastical Causes which the Chambers are forbid to take Cognizance of tho the King preserv'd this Priviledge to the Clergy yet there was this Reservation That the Leading-men of the Parlament should be treated with to send back Causes of that Nature to the Chamber of Edict since there would be but one Reformed Counsellor in that Chamber But the Clergy would never surrender this Point for fear it should be taken for too express a Mark of their Consent to the Edict should they own the Jurisdiction of a Chamber that bare the Name of it As to the Change that was made in the 27th Article from whence they had taken away the Prohibition to insert the Clause of the Religion Catholic and Apostolic in Grants of Offices 't was answer'd that the Prohibition was made in the Chancery and so that they would make that Prohibition pass for Insignificant because it had been put in Execution But that Alteration was one of the most Important and Lewis XIII took his Advantage of it to debar the Reformed from all Offices and Employments The truth is that the King supposing always in his Grants and Patents the Religion and Good Manners of the Person who enjoys any Place of Trust had slid in after the Word Religion the Words Catholic Apostolic and Roman to exclude from all Employment all those that made Profession of any other Doctrine But now that the Edict declar'd as well Reformed as Catholics indifferently capable of Employments it was but just to take away that Mark of Distinction and to require only Testimonials of the Religion of the Person to be preferr'd without expressing what Religion since it was indifferent what Religion the Person admitted Profess'd whither the one or the other This was very useful to the Reformed for the time it was observ'd but Lewis XIII thought it the better way to mark the difference of Religions to the end that the Name of Pretended Reformed being inserted in the Grants might be a signal to give notice to the Jurisdiction where the Parties were to be Presented to start Scruples upon the Admission of those that were the Bearers of ' em The particular Remonstrance was answer'd much after the same manner The King ordain'd upon the point of Precedence that the Articles of the Edict should be observ'd and there was a private promise that the President de Paule should be commanded to return to Castres and obey the Regulations Thus the Reformed gain'd their point but for the Honour of the Parlament of Tholouse the Matter was privately adjudg'd The Amnesty of Hostilities committed before 1585 was granted to the Province of Lang uedoc and promis'd to all the rest that stood in need of it as also to particular persons who might be put to trouble under that pretence The Affair of Church-yards and Burying-places was referr'd to the Commissioners but there was this Reservation that the Commissioners should order Places for Burying the Dead to be allow'd Gratis or otherwise that they shou'd order the Corporations to purchase 'em without putting the Reformed to any Charges of Contribution As to the Process of the Jesuits against the City of Pamiers it vvas order'd That the Decrees of Council made in favour of the City should be put in execution not withstanding any Decrees of the Parlament of Tholouse to the contrary As to what concern'd the Churches and Chappels in Reformed Gentlemens Houses as it was only propos'd by Word of Mouth so it was determin'd after the same manner The King gave leave that particular persons who were concern'd therein shou'd appeal to him and he would treat with the Clergy in order to perswade 'em to remove into other places and to rebuild at the Charges of the Reformed in places left to the Bishops choice Chappels and Churches endow'd wherein the Catholic Service should be continu'd for the future But as for places not endow'd and where the Service was only perform'd at the pleasure of the Proprietor that the Clergy should agree to leave 'em at the Discretion of those to whom they belong'd This seem'd to be nothing but Justice then but the Law being alter'd in these later years the Clergy is become Master of all the places of this Nature without any other pretence then that of the Name of Chappel which those places bore or some Figure of a Cross or some other Footsteps of the Roman Worship still remaining But while the Assembly that kept firm at Chastâ—lleraud were busily employ'd in drawing up Papers and getting Answers the Zealous Catholics were preparing new Devices to disturb their Repose and not finding the Wiser sort dispos'd to make new Broils they resolv'd to stir up the Mobile by means most proper to put 'em in a Ferment Martha Brossiere the Daughter of a person of mean Extraction Born at Romorantin having a good Wit but a very Infirm and Diseas'd Body and joining Hypocrisie to her Infirmities would needs set up for one possess'd by the Devil Her Father being Advis'd by some Bigots or Flatter'd by the Hopes of Profit by reason of the Concourse of people to such Sights and the Alms which they pour forth upon people under such Circumstances carry'd her up and down from Province to Province under pretence of getting
re-assum'd the Title of Common Father but that could not be done but by quite surceasing the Causes of the Animosity or by re-settling Concord by a Treaty which might procure Confidence and Assurance I say this moreover The Reformed were if possible more capable of Treating in his Reign then under the Reign of Hen. III. 1. Because he had given 'em Authority to embody had exhorted 'em to Unite together in their own Defence permitted 'em to Erect Councils and Assemblies which he had as it were Legitimated by his Letters Patents supposing they had not been Legitimate without it He had been the first Author of their Union when he put himself at their Head to defend 'em against Hen. III. and by consequence as much as their Union was just under the Reign of that Prince as just it was under the following Reign when they had the same Differences to dispute with Hen. IV. as they had with his Predecessor 2. He had acknowledg'd those Assemblies capable of Treating with him by sending his Commissioners to Treat with 'em according to their Commissions and Instructions and by permitting the Proposals on both sides to be Debated Argu'd Explain'd Decreed as is usual in all Treaties Now the King could not enter into a Treaty but in these two Respects The one as Chief of the Catholics upon which he very much Valu'd himself and whose consent he had as will presently appear to conclude a Peace that should for ever extinguish all Animosities and Discords The other as King to whom the Kingdom belong'd and to whom it belong'd to preserve in Union all the Members of which it was compos'd In the First Respect that which was Negotiated between his Commissioners and the Deputies of the Reformed can never be taken for any other then a means to reconcile the Opposite Pretensions of the Reformed and Catholics and to regulate the seperate Conditions under which they were to live Forming out of these Agreements a New right which was to serve as the perpetual Law of their Union in Civil Society so that the contrary Interests of both Parties being manag'd in such a manner in this Negotiation that there was nothing on the one side which msght turn to any remarkable Prejudice of the other but which made a Compensation within a little Matter equal for their Advantages and inconveniences it cannot be deny'd but that whatever is comprehended in a Treaty is comprehended in this as in all the Acts that have born the Name of it Now it is so evident by what I have said of the Condition wherein the King found the Kingdom after the Death of Hen. III. that he Treated with the Reformed as Head of the Catholic Party both as he was Successor to a Prince who had Solemnly tak'n upon him that Quality as for that he had also put himself at the Head of that Party by his reconbiliation with the Church of Rome that I need not make any longer stay upon it I pass then to the second Consideration and I say that he Treated in the the Quality of a King in whose Power it was to give his Subjects all the Assurances of the Protection which he ow'd 'em and whatsoever else is call'd by the Name of Favour Liberties or Priviledges Now certain it is that the Quality of King includes within it that of Common Father who when Quarrels arise among his Subjects keeps the Ballance equal between 'em and by his Paternal Justice limits and Bounds the Enterprizes of the one upon the other Which being done with a true knowledge of the Cause becomes the Decision of an Arbitrator whose decision is the Warrant of what he has judg'd Convenient This is that which made me say before that the Edict ought to be consider'd as a Treaty between the Catholics and the Reformed under the Authority of the King as their their Natural Arbitrator whose Majesty stood bound to Warrant the Edict against all Breaches that might be made on either side This very Warranty was clearly express'd by the Clauses of the Edict which imported that the Violations of it should be Prosecuted in the Kings Name by his Proctors General In regard it is Natural that Treaties being Warranted by a Power which is suppos'd to be sufficient to inforce Observance the people always apply themselves in case of Breaches to those that Warrant 'em and require their Protector to reduce the Violators to more exactness of performance I say then that the Catholics and the Reformed are the Parties between which the King as their lawful Sovereign their Arbitrator born procures and Warrants the Peace by his Edict well understanding the Cause upon a due examination of the Pretences and Replies and having obtain'd the consent of the Parties interested as far as is necessary It appear'd that the Catholics and Reformed were parties in this Treaty because they were the persons that reap'd the benefit of it that is to say the Concord and Peace which it procur'd 'em and for that the Differences and Contests between 'em surceas'd so soon as the Edict came to be put in Execution It appears that the King determin'd 'em because 't is he that speaks in the Edict and from whom all the Decisions flow in reference to the matters in Dispute It appears that what he did was done with a true knowledge of the Cause Since he was inform'd of the Demands of the Protestants by their Papers their Requests and their Deputations and of the Pretensions of the Catholics by their Contradictions and their Oppositions Lastly it appears that there were sufficient Marks of consent on both sides by several Reasons which are easily drawn from History The Consent of the Reformed is express and plain from their long endeavours and pursuits to obtain those things which were Granted 'em by the King's Commissioners and the Consent of the Catholics was Apparent by what I am going to relate after I have first observ'd that their Oppositions no way destroy their consent By the usual Method of Proceeding 't is certain that the Disputes and Contests before an Arbitrator are no Obstruction to hinder those that raise 'em from submitting to the Award of the Arbitrator Those Contests only serving to clear the Matters and to instruct the Person who takes Cognizance of the Difference In like manner the Oppositions of the Catholics were no more then a Contest in Form of Law touching such Matters of which the King was to be Judge which however did not hinder 'em from consenting to stand by the King's Decisions I say then that there are several Marks of the Catholic's consent to the Edict which the King was about to Grant the Reformed First the Truce between the two Kings is a good Proof that the Catholics that follow'd the Kings party were no way averse to Peace There is no great Distance between the one and the other They that can make a Truce with their Enemies so as to live tegether in the same
a Contradictory Decree after both Parties had been heard and their Pretensions and Defences duly weighed The Clergy also were present there and they made their Remonstrances and Objections as the Parlament had done with some Solemnity and Deliberation They met a little after the Conclusion of the Edict the Legat being still in France They Address'd themselves to the King by their Deputies and presented him with Cases and Petitions but he did nothing without Consulting the Legat and after his Departure without the advice of the Nuncio The General Agents went farther likewise in their Oppositions then this Prelate and behav'd themselves with so little Respect that they were even Guilty of Undecent Language Their Remonstrances however had partly their desir'd Effect They obtain'd Immunities and Favours for the Clergy and caus'd some of the Articles of the Edict to be Alter'd Insomuch that afterwards no Man with any Confidence could say he was not heard If the King did not Consent to every thing the Clergy desir'd and made 'em quit some part of their Pretensions yet it cannot be denied but that he heard 'em and Judg'd of the Dispute with a perfect knowledge of the Cause The Murmurs of the Clergy after the matter was ended wou'd not allow them to Complain that they were not heard no more then a Man has Reason to say after Sentence has pass'd against him that the Judges did not perfectly know his Case To which we may add That the Clergy reap'd greater Benefit by the Edict in many things then the Reformed themselves So that tho they had been totally excluded from having any Negotiation in the Edict yet they cou'd have had no reason to complain that Affairs were not manag'd to their Advantage without giving 'em the trouble of attending ' em In short The Pope himself had given his Consent as far as cou'd be desir'd of him He was made sensible from the time that the Treaty of a Reconciliation between the King and him was on foot and that the King wou'd not be oblig'd to Destroy the Reformed In the very Articles to which his Councel agreed they made use of General Clauses that imply'd a Consent to the Edict which was to be made for Liberty of Conscience At least those Proctors did positively assure His Majesty that it was clearly the sense of those ambiguous Terms with which they must be satisfy'd because the Pope neither cou'd nor ought to suffer others which is as much as to say That the Church of Rome esteeming it a point of Duty and Honor to Massacre Burn and by all manner of means to Extirpate those whom they call Heretics the Pope cou'd not think it look'd well for him to Consent in express Terms that he shou'd suffer 'em to live in Peace and that of course he was oblig'd to express himself in obscure Significations The Testimony of the King to the Parlament that the Pope had approv'd of all he had done is a Demonstration in this case and what happen'd some time after the verification of the Edict confirms the same The Pope vigorously press'd the Publication of the Council of Trent and to obtain it insisted upon the promise which was made him upon his demand in the Kings Name before he gave him Absolution Among other things the Chancellor answer'd to these Instances That this Article cou'd oblige the King no farther than the welfare of the Kingdom wou'd allow of This Answer being carry'd to the Pope by such as had a mind to Exasperate him against France was expounded in such a manner that it gave him no small displeasure But d'Ossat who was desirous to remove all occasions of disquiet from him told him That the Chancellor intended no more by these words than what du Perron and he had said to His Holiness himself when they Treated with him about the Absolution of the King to wit That by the Publication of the Council the Edicts of Pacification shou'd not be Abrogated That the Heretics shou'd not be compell'd to observe 'em And that the King shou'd not be oblig'd to renew a War with 'em That for the same reason du Perron and he had refus'd to pass the Clause which was design'd to have been Inserted in the Formulary of the Profession of Faith to wit That he who did it shou'd be engag'd to cause it to be done to all his Subjects The Pope reply'd That he well enough remembred that what was meant by the welfare of the Kingdom was so Explain'd to him and if this Chancellor meant so there was no great hurt in it These words do sufficiently evince that he agreed to observe the Edicts and that he gave many marks of it as his Dignity cou'd conveniently permit We may add to this what I have said elsewhere which shews That he was well enough acquainted with the whole proceedings of the Edict That he had at that time a Legat in France That his Legat was inform'd of all that pass'd there That there were people who gave him occasion to suspect the Conduct of the Kings Commissioners That the President de Thou was oblig'd to give him an Account of his own particular Conduct That this Prelate having understood it seem'd well enough pleas'd with him and with the proceedings and left the management to the discretion of the Commissioners I said also That the presence of the Legat was the cause of delaying the verification of the Edict He made likewise such pressing demands that they durst not refuse him tho we cou'd have wish'd without this obstruction that the Publication had been made whilest those of the League were stunned as it were by the Kings Successes lest Time shou'd force 'em to take measures to cross this design When the Legat left France a Nuncio supply'd his Room without whom the Clergy would not proceed one step and who was also much more moderate than the General Agents and some Prelates of the Kingdom in regard that without any scruple he promis'd the Pope's support provided they took care of the Catholic Religion So that if after that the Pope shew'd some Signs of dissatisfaction it was only as I have observ'd by way of Comedy which the Politicians know well enough how to play when they have any prospect of saving themselves 'T was necessary as he himself said complaining of the Edict to stop the mouths of the Spaniards who having some concerns with him sought all occasions of blaming his Conduct This was the reason why after the first clash he never desir'd the Repeal of the Edict and all he did was to press the Publication of the Council and the Re-establishment of the Jesuits in recompense of those favours which the Heretics had receiv'd These were as great marks of his Consent as cou'd well have been desir'd in an Affair where his Religion and Dignity wou'd not suffer him to write Briefs and Bulls of Approbation This is sufficient in a business whose Nature chiefly requires that
given cannot be ambiguous especially in a business where it is a Natural Right that the persons concern'd should have equally Notice 't is plain enough that this was a Trick of the Chancellors to make Plessis's not appearing at a day prefix'd to seem as if he had a mind to shun the Dispute after he had so much desir'd it which would have made people believe that he doubted his Cause Whereas the Bishop appearing first at the place assign'd seem'd likewise by his diligence more assur'd of his Conquest But du Plessis follow'd his Adversary the Bishop so close that he had nothing wherewith to charge him about it One arriv'd there the 27th of the Month and t'other the next day Du Plessis was immediately for Regulating the manner of the Conference for which he made his Application to the King He entreated that the passages of his Book might be Examin'd in Order that so those which were not Tax'd with false Citations might be look'd on as verify'd And on t'other side he thought it but reasonable that the Bishop should give him the five hundred passages charg'd with Falsehood in a paper Sign'd under his hand The Bishop had more Wit then to comply with his first demand But the Reasons he gave for it were very Weak and Childish He said he had shewn Reasons for this refusal in the Answer he made to the first Challenge that Du Plessis had Publish'd Besides That du Plessis having Summon'd him to appear without refuting his Reasons or Offering any thing in his own Defence he had quitted that pretension by a tacit compliance Whence he concluded that he ought not to be permitted to renew it These Reasons of his Answer oblig'd him to spend a great deal of time in Transcribing all those passages with the Bishops Reflexions as if length of time ought to be consider'd when things of greater Moment were in Agitation This Evasion which at Court would have been Hiss'd at in a matter of less consequence pass'd however for current in this Affair Tho if they had design'd things fairly and honestly they would have scorn'd such little Formalities 'T is true that to support this mean way of cavilling Du Perron added that the Business at that time was not to examin the Book from one end to t'other and that after the first business was decided he offer'd to stay Six Months without stirring to make this Examination This specious offer engag'd him to just nothing at all for the King could not so long attend a Conference of this Nature nor suffer it but in his Presence And they well knew that it would break off before they came to the substance of the Book But as for Plessis's second pretention the Bishop offer'd to leave the five hundred Passages in the King's Hands from whence he would every day take fifty as he thought fit to examine ' em The design of this Artifice was apparent enough for if the passages had been given to du Plessis he might have been assisted by those to whom he should have Communicated 'em and so have come better prepar'd to the Conference On the other Hand the Bishop having every day of the Conference his choice of the Passages he might hold du Plessis in perpetual uncertainty on which side he meant to Attack him so that he should never have had any longer time to prepare himself then what his Adversary should please to allow him In short among the five hundred passages which he had to peruse the Bishop might pick out such as had carried the likeliest appearance of being quoted Wrong so to prepossess on the minds of Men by this Artifice and to insinuate to 'em that the Rest were all of the same nature Thus is the World for the most part prepossess'd The first Impressions are generally the deepest and the suspicious we suddenly entertain of any Man's Honesty can hardly be effac'd by all the other Proofs of his Integrity Du Plessis perceiving the Snare that was laid for him by this Wile would not be satisfy'd with these Offers of the Bishop but desir'd notwithstanding in a New Address that the Passages might be left in the Hands of two of the Commissioners whom the King had Nominated But du Perron wou'd not consent to it Du Plessis remain'd still Resolute for sometime and urg'd as a Reason for this his Resolution that he plainly saw that after they had made an effort upon five or six Passages they would find out a way to break off the Conference so to fix in Men's minds a like Opinion of the Rest To which he added what the King's Religion what the Religion of the Nobility and of the Greatest part of those who were to be present at the Conference gave him just Cause to fear The Chancellour reply'd very faintly to these Objections But they desir'd du Perron to take some Course that might remove Plessis's Jealousie of this foul Play The Bishop propos'd to Examine fifty passages presently whose Falsities he would engage to lay open in two Hours time and the other four hundred and fifty in nine days after Offering not to stir from Fontainbleau till the matter was ended Du Plessis did not find that this Proposal remov'd his Scruples But the Chancellour together with four of the Commissioners whom the King had appointed and Roni who at this Consultation sate in the place of Calignon who should have been the Fifth and the only unsuspected person adjudg'd that du Perron offer'd him Fair. Du Plessis would not submit to this Judgment the Partiality of which was but too visible But the Chancellor being very willing to perswade him to be satisfy'd with it told him that the King was resolv'd to know the Truth of this matter that whether du Plessis were present or absent it must be Examin'd that it would be more advantageous to him if it were done in his presence that his going away would be look'd upon as a Flight that it would turn to his Disgrace which way soever it was taken either because he would be suspected of having spoken Falsities in Holy matters or else they would blame him for deserting the Cause of his Religion in things that he maintain'd for Truths 'T was the King himself who had order'd the Chancellour to tell him that his Absence should not any way prejudice him but that he would cause the Citations to be rightly judg'd of which they had charg'd him with having wrongfully Quoted Insomuch that they did in a manner compel this Gentleman either to lay himself at the discretion of his Adversary or to expose him to the disadvantageous Censures they might pass upon his Book if it were Examin'd when no body was present to defend it But as he very well knew that no Men of worth would look upon his Prudence not to throw himself Headlong into a manifest Snare as any thing like a flight he was not at all shaken by the Chancellour's
did not extinguish the Reformation in that little Country And those of Berne having made themselves Masters by Force of Arms it was there so well Establish'd that there were fewer Parishes in the Country of Gex then places where the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was Publick The Roman Religion was only tolerated and those few people that profess'd it no longer Exercis'd it with that Pomp that attends it where it is Mistress The Reformed enjoy'd all the places and apply'd the Ecclesiastical Revenues to their Use They were in possession of Houses and Church-yards There was no Town but only that of Gex within whose Walls had not yet one Church This was the condition of this Country when it fell under the Dominions of Henry the Fourth who as soon as he had taken Possession gave the Government of the Citadel of Bourg Capital of Bresse and the only place of Defence that there was in those parts to a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion The Reason of this Choice was that he believ'd these places better secur'd to him by the Reformed then those he had given to the Catholics in regard he did not look upon the latter to be resolute enough to hold out against the Spanish Faction When as he was perfectly assur'd of the Fidelity of the other and this was a third thing that displeas'd Rome which could no digest that a Man inaccessible to all the Intrigues that are hatch'd beyond the Mountains should be Master of a Place so near Italy chiefly because his Relgion was the Cause that he was prefer'd before the Catholics There was yet another that the Pope could not endure to remove whom he was long very Importunate with the King This was the Governour of Chateau Dauphin an inconsiderable Castle on the very extremity of Dauphine which a Reformed held not only as Governour for the King but also by a Deed of Engagement He had establish'd his own Religion there and a Reformed Garrison The Duke of Savoy exasperated the Pope upon this occasion for that this Castle incommoded him and that he would fain have remov'd a Man thence that would not easily engage in his broils Insomuch that this Trifle made a great Noise at Rome so that they appear'd there sufficiently troubled to see all Dauphine intirely and a 11 or 12 strong places in particular at the Command of Lesdiguieres The Creation of New Employments in all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom ev'n in the Parlaments which was one of the Expedients that Roni propos'd to Raise Mony may be look'd upon as one Business of the Edict These New Creations ever Vex those who are in Possession of Old Employments whose Fees are made less considerable in retail when the Number of Persons that should share 'em is Augmented This is the Reason that the Parlament of Paris would have confounded these New Offices with those out of which the King was to gratify the Reformed according to the Edict one part of which was of a Preceding Creation and t'other of the first Offices of Ancient Erection which would become vacant by Death The Parlament was desirous by that to lessen the Number of New Offices But that did not accommodate the Reformed who were to have the Places that were design'd 'em given 'em Gratis whereas the others were to be Purchas'd Besides this confusion had been of no Advantage to the King who had partly lost by that the Fruit he expected from these New Creations which was the cause that he readily promis'd the Reformed that their Offices should not be comprehended in the Number of New Employments But the most important Assair of this Year was the Execution of the Edict to which End Commissioners were sent into many Provinces But the measures they took were not alike For there were some places where they did acquit themselves with the same exactness that was done in others There were some Provinces where they went from Town to Town from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction and where they Visited the Places which ought to be deliver'd for their Exercise therein in Order to settle all things as close to their Commissions as possibly they could Others only went to the Capital Cities contenting themselves to receive the Petitions the Pretensions and Objections of Parties without coming near the particular places where the Disputes arose to which nevertheless they commonly sent Subdelegates There were likewise some Provinces to which they never went at at all There were Places where the Catholics were more scrupulous others where they were more Moderate and Tractable There were some where the Reformed were Exact and Diligent and others where they did their business with a great deal of Negligence Which was grounded upon divers considerations They waited an approaching decadency of the Roman Religion as if they had had express Revelations And they doubted not that their Doctrine would make great Progresses in a little time for that they might Embrace it without exposing their Goods their Lives or their Hopes As if there had been nothing to surmount but the Prejudices of Interest and of Fortune to the End that the Truths of which they were convinc'd might become evident to all the World This was the Reason that they did not think it necessary to take their measures in many things in which this Happy Juncture might have been much more securely provided for This thought inspir'd 'em with another of vexing the Catholics a little in placing themselves as far as the Edict would permit it in those Places where the Clergy were troubled to see ' em This was one little Mortification which they would have put upon 'em in return of those many acts of Injustice and Cruelties with which they had Treated them This was the Cause that in some places they had less regard to their own profit that they might have the pleasure of putting their Enemis to more Pain A third consideration serv'd as a Foundation for their Negligence They rely'd too much on the Integrity of these who made 'em believe that no interruption should be given to the establishments once made and as they were resolv'd to make no Attempt on the Catholics they were apt to believe that the Catholics would never consult to disturb their Possession with Wranglings In fine they imagin'd that as these settlements were made in the sight of the Catholics and that the Grounds of that Right which they had acquir'd were publick and manifest to all the World the Children would never come to dispute what had been so Evident and Notorious in their Fathers time One or other of these Considerations cast the Reformed in many places into a Negligence common to those who believe that what they once possess shall never be taken from ' em Many were contented with the notoriousness of the things as sufficient proof of their Possession never minding to have it attested by the Commissioners Many were satisfy'd with the Verbal or tacit consent of the Catholics in
their Maintenance was not great because the King who was not troubl'd at their attendance upon him took upon him to allow 'em a certain Sum which should be laid yearly on the Privy Purse But because the Reformed would bind 'em as well to their Cause by some Interest they resolv'd at the National Synod of Gap that if the Deputies were not absolutely assur'd of their allowances what was wanting should be rais'd half on the Money that the King gave to the Churches and half on what he gave to the Garrisons But by little and little that which was not Order'd but by way of Succour in Case the Allowances were not sufficient became Ordinary and was converted into an Augmentation of the Salaries of Deputies General This Institution was no burthen to the Council that could not be troubled with so few persons with whom all Affairs might be ended without Noise and Bustle and who had nothing to fear from their Intrigues But this Innovation had almost absolutely ruin'd the Assemblies which had now no more pretence to Meet since the Deputies could supply the use of them in all things which requir'd their sitting This is the Reason why they were suffer'd no more but for the Nomination of Deputies which done they were Order'd to seperate and to oblige 'em to it Their Messengers were neither heard nor their Papers ever Answer'd till they had separated themselves However they kept up their Credit as long as they could and maintain'd themselves powerful enough till the taking of Rochelle The first that undertook this Employment were St. Germain and des Bordes Nam'd by the Assembly of St. Foy for one year But they were continu'd by the Synod of Gap and kept this Commission long enough They would have joyn'd to these Deputies one of which was chosen out of the Nobility and the other of the Third Estate a third who was to be a Minister But the Court that lov'd none of the Consistory hinder'd 'em from sending any of those people whom it esteem'd untractable Nor was that difficult to be done because 't was judg'd that a Residence at Court was not suitable to a Minister who ought actually to abide near his Flock The Reformed would have limited the duration of their Commission to a Year but the King would have it to be longer Both had their Reasons The Reformed under colour that the discharging them whom they had kept at a distance from their own Affairs to attend the prosecution of the public business would prevent their Deputies from accustoming themselves too easily to the Court Air if they should stay there long And the King who knew well that the Charms of the Court tam'd the most fierce would avoid frequent changes as not willing to see Affairs pass out of the Hands of a Deputy already taught and familiariz'd into those of a New Comer whose first Movements would always be Brisk and Severe On the other hand the short Service of Deputies was one Reason of renewing the Meeting of Assemblies as often as New ones were to be Nam'd which was the Reason that the Reformed would change 'em so often and that the Council for the same consideration would have 'em serve longer The Reformed desir'd again that the King would stand to their Nomination and that he would agree to those Deputies that they should appoint because as they only were concern'd in the Affairs which their Deputies were Order'd to Treat on so it was but just that they alone should be left to choose their own Procurators The matter pass'd thus at present But not long after the King would have 'em name to him six persons of which he would take two that best pleas'd him whether it were that he would have part in the Obligation of the choice or that he would be sure not to have in his Retinue persons that displeas'd him He obtain'd likewise with a little difficulty and time that the duration of their Commission should be for three years It seem'd that this Institution should have ceas'd as soon as the Edict was Executed But because it was never fully done and that when good Provision was made on the one side there was presently some New breach of promise on the other to be repair'd this Commission became ordinary and lasted as long as the Edict This was at the time of the Assembly which was held four years after at Chatelleraud that the King to take off the Reformed from concerning themselves with Marshal de Bouillon permitted 'em to have frequent Deputies at the Court and that the time of their Service should be regulated as well as the manner of naming ' em 'T is certain that this Deputation has been chang'd several times since the Institution of it to the time it was put down and Leuis the thirteenth was the Author of these changes The first was that having forbidden the Politic Assemblies to whom the Nomination of Deputies belong'd he Transfer'd the Right to the National Synod by a Brevet on purpose This was in Truth no Novelty because as much had happen'd in the Reign of Henry the 4th at the Synods of Gap and Rochelle But there was at least thus much of Novelty that under Henry the 4th the Synods did not meddle in this Affair but by way of Proviso in expectation of a Politic Assembly whereas Levis the thirteenth made it the Synods business and would no longer hear of other Assemblies The second Change was that he charg'd himself with the full Pension of the Deputies when he had taken from the Reformed all the Sums which his Father had Granted 'em The Third was that he substituted a New Deputy by his own Authority in the room of one of the other two that dy'd in the Interval of the Assemblies 'T is true he writ to the Provinces to consent to this Substitution But they understood well enough that his entreaties were those of a King that were as good as Commands A little after it became a Custom The Fourth was that the number of the Deputies was reduc'd to one because the vacancy of one of the two that was Dead was not supply'd The Fifth was that the Commission became perpetual And the last was that in the end the Churches lost all the part that they had had in the Nomination the Right of which the King reserv'd wholly to himself So that for near fourty years the Reformed have had no other General Deputies but those whom the King has appointed ' em This Abridgment is sufficient here But the sequel will give occasion of speaking more at large Few matters of Importance pass'd in the Synod of Gergeau where they only examin'd some Books of Reunion which were Publish'd under all manner of Titles They writ once again to Lesdiguiers for 17000 Crowns which he kept back but they receiv'd no more satisfaction then before They Writ to Casaubon to congratulate his Constancy in Religion of which they had very much
have their Exercise free therein although they were inclos'd in Episcopal Towns and that the King shou'd forbid any farther searching in Booksellers Houses for Books of Religion at Rouen Bourdeaux and elsewhere and seizing upon 'em tho not expos'd to Sale 'T was Remonstrated that in many Colleges they had refus'd to admit the Regents and the Scholars for the sake of their Religion only That in many places the Reformed had no Church-yards That to avoid the Inconveniencies of Funeral Attendance in the Night and which expos'd the Reformed to a Thousand Affronts from which they cou'd not Guard themselves they ought to be permitted to Bury in the Day To this were added Complaints against several Curates who had caus'd divers Bodies to be digg'd up again in the very places which had been assign'd to the Reformed for their Burial-places before the Civil Wars of which they demanded leave to inform But above all they aggravated the Outrage done to the Body of a Lady by Cardinal de Sourdis Archbishop of Bourdeaux a Man the most Passionate and most Rash of his time and who perplex'd himself in all sorts of Affairs with the least consideration He order'd the Body to be taken up Eighteen Years after it had been Bury'd and made the Bones to be thrown into the High-way There was a long Train of Articles that concern'd the Chambers of the Edict or Miparties and by their diversity it may be observ'd that the Catholics wou'd have subjected these Chambers to the Parlaments and have made 'em a kind of an Inferiour Jurisdiction whereas they ought properly to have been Little Parlaments which having nothing to do with those of which they were Members but that they were compos'd in part of Judges taken out of those greater Bodies had the same extent of Jurisdiction and Privileges These Articles then requir'd that the Six Counsellors of the Parlament of Paris and the Three of the Parlament of Rouen might be admitted all together into the Chambers of the Edict because of those Acts of Injustice that one alone cou'd not hinder That the Invasions of the Parlament of Tholouse upon the Jurisdiction of the Chamber Establish'd at Castres of which Examples wholly new were produc'd might be repress'd That the Reformed Counsellers that serv'd at Rouen in the Chambers of Inquests might judge of Clerical Priviledges and of Crimes of which the Ecclesiastics were accus'd That the Chambers of the Edict might take Cognizance of all Causes where the Reformed should be Parties as also of Causes relating to Benefices in Possession of Tithes of Ecclesiastical Rights and Demains of Criminal Causes where the Ecclesiastics were Defendants That there shou'd be an Expedient found to Protect the Reformed from the severity of the Parlaments of Tholouse of Bourdeaux and Grenoble from which no Justice was to be expected in Affairs the Cognizance of which was taken away from the Chambers That in Causes relating to a pretended Ecclesiastical Fund the Chambers might have power to examine the Nature of the Fund to retain the Cause if the Fund was not of the Quality pretended That the Affairs of the Reformed against the Ecclesiastics in some Parlaments where the Judges had their Children possess'd of Benefices and Church-Employments shou'd be brought before the Parlament of Paris or the Grand Council That the Chambers shou'd take Cognizance of the Affairs of the Reformed concerning Hospitals That they shou'd be allow'd the Cognizance of Affairs of Subsidies and Accounts given to the Parlaments of Rouen and Provence in Causes where the King was not to Intervene and where only his Farmers were to be dealt with That Matters of Corporation-Government where the Reformed were Parties shou'd be sent back to the Chambers of the Edict when they demanded it That the Chamber of Grenoble might give Audience with open Doors and that the Parlament shou'd admit Advocates of the Reformed Religion That the Orders of this Chamber might be executed in Provence without demanding Pareatis That in each Bailliage an Office shou'd be Erected for which the Patents should be given at the Nomination of the Reformed empowring 'em to do whatever concern'd the Edict and the Execution of it because that in Normandy and other parts the Parlament refus'd Pareatis's for the Execution of Decrees of Council Letters Patents and other Acts of the same Nature That at Paris shou'd be Created a Substitute to the Advocate-General who shou'd be of the Reformed Religion That removing of Causes to the Grand Council shou'd not be granted to the prejudice of the Chambers That the Causes of Presidents and Counsellors shou'd be kept in the Chambers where they serv'd without being constrain'd to go Plead at the nearest Chamber That Causes shou'd not be remov'd under pretence of Kindred which the Parties shou'd have in the Chambers That the Exceptions shou'd be Judg'd there before the King gave his Letters of Removal That there shou'd be a Fund rais'd for the Maintenance of the Sessions of Vacations in the Chambers as for those of Parlaments That the Commissioners of Registers in the Chambers of Castres and Nerac shou'd be half Papists half Protestants That the Parlaments shou'd not oblige the Counsellors which they sent to serve in those Chambers to Judge according to certain Rules that should too much limit the Jurisdiction That in the Criminal Instructions to Parlaments Reformed Assistants should taken in such as the Parties should agree upon or who should be Nam'd ex Officio if the Inquisitors were Catholics There were other Articles which spoke of Employments There was a Complaint that the Catholics held Contests with the most Ancient Counsellors upon the point of Precedency and that at Paris upon the Request of the Attorney-General those of the Catholic Apostolic and Roman Religion had inform'd against Molâ— Possess'd of Presidents place There was a General Regulation demanded conformable to the Declaration which the King had Verbally made on many particular Affairs touching the Right of admitting indifferently to Consulships and other Elective places without distinction of Religion those who shou'd be call'd thereto by ordinary means Ancient and Accustom'd The Reason of this demand was That the Reformed being the strongest in almost all the good Towns of Guyenne and Languedoc and persons capable of these employs being no where to be found but amongst them it happen'd that they always fill'd the most Honourable places if they were given according to the Ordinary Forms to those who should be judg'd worthy by the plurality of Voices On the contrary the Catholics would deprive the Reformed of this advantage and obstinately persisted almost every where that there might be an equal Division of these Places between Papists and Protestants In which they buoy'd themselves up by the Example of certain Treaties which had been made in some places before the last Edict that equally divided the Consulships between the Reformed and the Catholics But there arose daily Law-Suits upon these opposite pretensions which being carry'd to
to put off the Cause to be heard before the Council for other Reasons then those that appear'd in the Decree That is to say That nothing might be pronounc'd in an Affair of this Nature and to give place for an Accommodation A very passionate Author who has inserted Servin's Pleading in his Work says That the Decree was agreeable to the Evidence but he does not relate the Terms of the Decree whereas the Advocate General Talon relates 'em in his Reports such as I have said In a word this Affair was one of the principal Reasons of making the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars so as it is and the opposite Interests of the Widow and the Defendants gave room for greater Contests since the year 1600. The Cause of a Carthusian who had lest his Cloyster before the Edict and who demanded a share with his Brothers and in 1605. that of a Capuchin whose Case was the same were Judg'd according to the Tenor of the Article If they deviated a little in this Widows Cause 't is easie to see that there was more regard had to the Quality of the Persons concern'd then to the Nature of the business The Duke of Rohan this year likewise receiv'd a Check at the Court He was not willing to live unprofitable to the World and with a design to advance himself therein he made some steps which did not please the King But that was calm'd by the submission of the Duke who referr'd himself to the Discretion of his Master But the following year the Reformed and all good Frenchmen with no small disgust beheld the Pyramid thrown down which was rear'd to Eternize in a Plate of Brass the Decree of the Banishment of the Jesuits after the wicked attempt of Chatel Those Assassins who had the Credit to Re-establish themselves in spite of the Decree had yet a greater Reputation to demolish that Monument of what they were capable to do nor could the Parlament who were troubl'd beyond imagination to see the noblest mark of their Zeal for the good of France destroy'd prevent it either by Oppositions or Remonstrances All that they obtain'd was That they were not constrain'd themselves to undo their own Work and that it was Demolish'd without Formality of Justice Discourses Writings and Verses were on this Subject but the Jesuits who had what they desir'd took little notice of these slight storms well knowing it to be a Liberty of no consequence which may be Granted for his Consolation to an Enemy that can do no more mischief then only evaporate his Anger in Satyrs and Pasquills After this nothing but Favours were granted to this Society nothing but Benefices united to the Colledges but Houses built to Lodge their Novices more at their Ease In the mean time the Kingdom was full of Alarms and the King received from all parts Advice of the great designs that the Spaniards had upon several places Several Parties of the Male-contents got together of which the one had for pretence the Publick Good others design'd to raise up the Nobility again which had bin too much humbled others to pull down Roni whose Fortune they compared to that which Sejanus had done under Tiberius and wish'd that his end might be like to the downfal of that Favourite as there had been a resemblance in the advancement of the one and of the other and in the abuse which as they pretended the one in imitation of the other made of his Masters favour Others pretended to Revenge the Death of Biron whose Relations they were or else his Creatures The greatest part of these Intrigues were Spun by the Marshal de Bouillon who thought to render himself formidable in hopes perhaps to be recall'd and who had every where such great Intelligences that he seem'd capable of putting all Europe in Combustion He Labour'd above all things to engage the Reformed in some League by insinuating a dread in 'em from the King 's having promis'd the Legate to Ruin them And he caused Propositions to be made them for Establishing fixed Councels in all the Provinces to Treat of the Affairs of the Common Cause to exclude the Kings Officers of all the Politick Debates of their Assemblies to draw up Models for Raising Men and Money and to make Alliances with Strangers for their Common Defence But I know not how they could impute to him any other Projects Inconsistant with these as to design to change the Religion to conspire the Dismembring of the Kingdom to desire the Dauphinate for his share to disturb the Succession of the Dauphin to make a League with the Spaniards to make Peace between them and the Vnited Provinces It is impossible to join these Designs with the other for his part he deny'd constantly ever to have had such thoughts and it was so much the more easie for him to justifie himself in that it was not possible to find the least Proof against him in Writing Some body deposed that Money brought from Spain was distributed by the Orders of the Marshal to some private Gentlemen of Querci Guyenne and Languedoc and that they were promis'd at the same time that they should be assisted with greater Succours but the Sum which did not exceed Ten or Twelve Thousand Crowns was so little that it could not be thought to come from Spain which would never have confin'd her Profusions to so small a Matter It was believed that the Marshal had drawn this Sum out of his own Purse to keep his Friends in hope of a more considerable Profit Nevertheless every thing caus'd a Jealousie in a Kingdom where the Remains of so many old Factions gave occasion to fear that new ones were forming and the Assembly of Chattelleraud being come unlook'd for in this state of Affairs redoubled the perplexity of the Suspicious they well knew at Court that great matters were there to be Debated They were to consult which way to preserve their places of Security of which they knew that the Council would all at once take two Thirds away from them by distinguishing those which belong'd to particular Lords from those which were the Kings only The Revolt of Gentlemen of which already many Examples had been seen made the consequence to be feared in regard that if one Person of Estate happen'd to change his Religion all his Places would be lost from the Party Moreover the King talk'd openly of making War against the Marshal de Bouillon and of seizing his strong Holds and nothing could divert him from it but the Consideration of his Breeves which allow'd the Reform'd the keeping of the Places or Garisons for a time which was not yet expir'd But the difficulty was remov'd in case the Places belonging to particular Persons were not included with those they call'd Places of Surety from whence it follow'd that when ever the King should think fit he might dispossess the Reform'd of all those Places one after another and the Breach being
whereupon they beseech'd his Majesty That whenever he should allow such Gatherings an express Clause might be inserted in the Grant declaring the Reform'd exempt of such Taxes the which might impower the Chambers of the Edict to take Cognizance of the Infractions thereof That the Reform'd might be allow'd the peaceable Possession of the Employments they had upon which several Examples were alledg'd of the Oppositions they had met with That they might be receiv'd into the Offices of Receivers of the Tythes That the Six Reform'd Counsellors or at least Three of them might serve commonly at Paris in the Chamber of the Edict to the end that there might be People enough to have an eye upon the observation of the Edicts and that in case of Absence or Recusation some body might constantly remain there to take care of it That it might not be in the Power of Parliaments to judge the Affairs of the Reform'd unless they pleaded voluntary before them and that the Counsellors of the Reform'd Religion who should be accus'd of Misdemeanours in their Offices might only be summon'd before the Chambers they were Members of That no removal might be allow'd from one Court to another without a just Cause That in such a Case the Neighbouring Chamber might judge according to the Formalities Use and Customs of the Places where the Suits were depending without obliging the Parties to appear Personally unless at the Charge of those that summon'd them there That the Registers of the Parliaments of Burgundy Provence and others might be oblig'd to send to the Register's Office of the Courts where the Affairs of the Reform'd of their Jurisdiction were referr'd the Original of the Criminal Informations that lay before them by reason that in several cases the Extracts were not sufficient That the Reform'd might not be oblig'd to appear in person to demand a removal nor to surrender themselves Prisoners unless to the Courts where the Removal should be desir'd There were several others some refus'd or not answer'd and others of less consequence The King's Answer to all these Articles was as favourable and as just as could be expected from an Equitable Prince who desir'd the welfare of his Subjects His Majesty order'd all the Modifications of the Edict to be cut out That it should be Registred in such Places where it had not been done yet That the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Deputies should execute the Edict at the first requiring and take a Catholick or Reform'd Assistant according to the Religion they should be of themselves That the Reform'd should continue the Exercise of their Religion in such places as were allow'd them by the Edict of 1577. belonging to the Ecclesiasticks but that the Lands belonging to the Order of Maltha should have the same Priviledge for the performing of the Exercises granted by the new Edict as the other Lands belonging to the Clergy That the Poor should participate without distinction to the benefit of Hospitals and Alms That Places should be provided for the Burying of the Reform'd and that no Prosecutions should be made against them for the Burials they had hitherto made in Catholick Church-yards That his Majesties Officers should prevent Popular Commotions and Injuries by Words or Fact That they should not be allow'd to disturb the Reform'd in their Conferences and Synods or to sit among them in the same and that the Reform'd should admit none but Ministers and Elders there and should treat about nothing but the Affairs relating to their Discipline in the same but that it should be free for them to hold other Assemblies by the King's leave to Nominate Deputies-General to reside near him That the fourth of the particular Articles touching Liberty to assist the Sick and Condemn'd should be observ'd That the second should also be observ'd which exempts from contributing towards Fraternities That the Clause of Exemption should be put in favour of the Reform'd in the Letters the King should grant to make Collections applicable to the use of the Roman Church and that the Infractions should only be Try'd in the Chambers of the Edict or Party Courts That according to the 27th Article of the Edict a stop should be put to all the Obstacles that were rais'd against the Reform'd who were provided with Imploys That no alteration should be made to the Order establish'd for the Chamber of the Edict of Paris but that in case of illness recusation or absence of the Person who was to serve in the Chamber the Elder of the other five should serve in his room while those Causes should be depending That the Decrees of Parliament should only be put in execution against such as should plead voluntarily before them and that such Reform'd Officers as should be accus'd of Misdemeanors should be summon'd for the same only in the Chambers of the Edict That no transferring of Causes should be allow'd to the prejudice of the Edict That the Registers who had Informations against the Reform'd should send the Originals to the Chambers unless some Catholicks were guilty of the same Crime or concern'd in the Dependencies thereof and already Appeach'd by Catholick Judges who should have order'd the entring of the Informations in their own Offices in which case the Extract or Copies of the same should only be sent to the Register's Offices of the said Chambers Finally that the Reform'd should be receiv'd to desire the Parliaments to grant them a removal by Attorney without being oblig'd to appear there in Person At the very beginning of the following year the Jesuits undertook a thing which in any but themselves would have beer judg'd worthy of a severe punishment whereby it is apparent that as they fear'd nothing they had found the way to make themselves fear'd Seguiran one of the boldest of that Order being favour'd by Varenne their Protector obtain'd Letters from two Secretaries of State without the King's knowledge tho' in his Name to those of Rochel commanding them to allow him to Preach in their City The Jesuit presented himself at the Gates and boldly told his Name his Profession his Design and his pretended Power from the King The Rochellois refus'd to let him enter into their City answering That they were very well satisfy'd that Jesus had no Companion nor he any Letters from the King The Jesuit made a great deal of noise about their refusal and the King out of Policy not to discredit the Letters subsign'd by the Secretaries of State or not to offend so daring a Society seem'd to be very angry at it He gave Seguiran other Letters and oblig'd Rochel to receive him for form sake after which he order'd him to retire quietly The King at the very time he seem'd to be angry whisper'd to his Confidents that the Rochelois were not in the wrong There were also Catholicks who did not use the Jesuits better than the Rochelois had done Poitiers refus'd to allow them to establish a Colledge there and
to the King's Desire and to be pleas'd in the mean time to accept the two Deputies which were nominated to him by the Synod they were Villarnoul and Mirande Persons of great credit amongst the Reform'd and very zealous for the Publick Good Tho the Synod had positive orders to treat about nothing but what related to their Discipline it did not hinder them from examining several things relating to the advantage of their Churches which passed under the notion of the Instructions they were to give their Deputies and the Articles of their Petitions The deliverance of several Prisoners that were detained at Paris and elsewhere upon the account of Religion The pursuit of the establishment of the Churches where the free liberty of the exercise of their Religion was either hindered or contested The naturalization of the Reform'd Refugies of the Marquisate of Saluces The care of restraining the insolence of the Monks who often made seditious Enterprizes as it happened at Alencon where a Capuchine had affix'd injurious Libels and at La Roche foucault where the White-Fryars had often insulted the Reform'd The Affair of one Mascla who had a great Suit depending about his Mothers Burial which had cost him 7 or 8000 Livers Foreign Ministers who desired Letters of Naturalization The removing of Causes granted to the prejudice of the Jurisdiction of the Courts notwithstanding the Regulations that had been often promis'd upon that Subject were the main things the New Deputies took upon them Above all the exemption of the Ministers was recommended to them for which Letters Patents had already been obtained which the Court of Aids had already verify'd The Synod allow'd the Deputies of the City of Rochel to assist at their deliberation about the Affair of the Deputies and their Instructions by reason that it was a Political concern and that Rochel held the Rank of a Province in the Assemblies in which they treated of Affairs of that nature That Synod enjoy'd the same Liberty others had had in relation to Strangers They receiv'd Letters from Princes and from Protestant Universities and some Ministers either actually assisted at the Synod or were invited to it by the Churches tho no Natives of France But Rochel gave the Court some Discontents by their calling one Malwin a Scotch Minister He was a Prisoner in England upon the account of some Words or Writings he was accus'd of against King James and his Council That Prince to get rid of him granted him to the Rochelois declaring positively that he only gave him his Liberty on condition that he should depart his Territories and that he should go to exercise his Ministry in France This was a happy kind of Banishment in which Malwin would have found considerable advantage But one Primrose another Foreign Minister call'd to the Service of the Church of Bourdeaux reveal'd that Secret to the King in order the better to obtain leave to settle himself in that advantagious Post He might well be positive in the Matter since he was the person that had been employ'd to carry the Letters from Rochel to the King of England and who had brought that Prince's answer back again Thus Private Interest began to divide the Party and even the best among them suffer'd themselves to be drawn into little Infidelities against the General Cause The King found fault with two things in the proceeding of those of Rochel in the Case of Malwin First the manner because they had call'd him without the King's leave Secondly The person by reason that the man who was a Prisoner in England for an Offence against the Government was not proper for France where the disposition of Affairs did not permit to tolerate Persons of that Character and yet less at Rochel than any where else considering their inclination for Liberty which they indulg'd more than they ought to have done according to the Policy of Monarchies Sulli writ to the Rochelois to come to justify themselves in case they were accus'd wrongfully or to beg pardon if they were guilty But the Affair stop'd there without being attended with any ill consequences During these Transactions Chamier lost his time at the Court where he had been sent by the Synod to offer the King the Nomination of Villarnoul and Mirande and the Remonstrances of the Assembly upon the dependencies of that Affair He had been there above six Months and yet had not been able to obtain the honour to speak to the King His Person was dislik'd he being one of those Fools of the Synod the King had an aversion to one of those hard Sculs that nothing works upon of those hearts which neither threats or promises could move tho they are the strongest Machines of Courts Neither perhaps was he more acceptable to Cotton the Jesuit with whom he had formerly had a conference at Nimes in which both of them as it is most usual pretended to have the better of the other The truth is that the Jesuit had dazl'd the Auditors by Eloquent Digressions which made them lose every moment the Subject of the Dispute and that Chamier whose Arguments had much more solidity and Scholarship in them had reduc'd the Jesuit to save himself by that Artifice Those who have written the Life of that Jusuit say enough to show us that the sharpness of Chamier would have put that Hero to a stand had he not warded the Blow by Eloquence and Discourses wide from the purpose which he had at command But the Affairs Chamier came about were yet more disagreeable than his Person The King refus'd to accept the Nomination that had been made by the Synod because it was not according to the Form prescrib'd in the Brief The Council disapprov'd two things alike one of which was of necessity to be allow'd They were oblig'd either to receive the Deputies the Synod presented which could not be done handsomly the King having so positively declar'd that he did not like that Nomination or to allow a General Assembly as the only way to accommodate that Affair which was a thing the Council never did willingly They would perhaps have been glad to tire Chamier's patience by making him wait and so oblige him to give over his Suit but it was difficult to send him back without some satisfaction by reason that the Reform'd having no body at that time to mind their Affairs they daily grew worse La Noue and du Cros had no longer any power being discharg'd by the Synod Villarnoul and Mirande could not do it neither because the King would not accept them Thus the Complaints made by the Reform'd remain'd unanswer'd The Evils that requir'd speedy remedy receiv'd none Therefore all things rightly consider'd the Council thought it best to allow them to call an Assembly but that Permission was accompanied with such Limitations that no considerable Advantages could be expected from it The Matters they were to treat of were prescrib'd to them they had not
in going to the said Assemblies or elsewhere or any other prohibited or forbidden Weapons excepting only Swords and Daggers for Gentlemen which are the Arms they commonly wear VI. Moreover forbidding the Ministers and Chiefs of those of the said Religion to receive any Persons in their said Assemblies without being first inform'd of their Qualities Lives and Conversations to the end that in case they should be condemn'd for non-appearance or Contempt upon the account of Crimes deserving punishment they should deliver them into the hands of our Officers to receive a condign Punishment ¶ That whenever our said Officers shall be willing to go into the said Assemblies to assist at their Predications and to hear what Doctrines they teach there they shall be receiv'd and respected according to the dignity of their Places and Offices And in case it be to take or apprehend any Malefactor that they shall obey favour and assist them in the same as need shall require VII That they shall make no Synods or Consistories unless with leave and in presence of one of our said Officers nor likewise any creation of Magistrates among themselves Laws Statutes and Ordinances that belonging to us only But that in case they shall think it necessary to constitute some Regulations among them for the exercise of their said Religion they shall show them to our said Officers to have their approbation provided they be things they ought and can reasonably do otherwise to give us notice of the same to obtain our leave or to know our Intentions therein VIII That they shall list no men either to fortifie and assist one another or to offend others nor make any Impositions Gatherings and Raisings of Money among themselves ¶ And that as to their Charities and Alms they shall neither be made by Assesments or Impositions but voluntarily IX Those of the said New Religion shall be oblig'd to keep our Political Laws even those that are receiv'd in our Catholick Church as to Holydays Days of rest and Marriage for degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity in order to avoid all Debates and Law-Suits that might insue to the ruin of several of the best Families of our Kingdom and the dissolving of the Bonds of Friendship which are acquir'd by Marriage and Alliances among our Subjects X. The Ministers shall be oblig'd to repair before our Officers to swear the observance of these Presents and to promise to preach no Doctrine contrary to the pure Word of God according as it is contain'd in the Nicene Creed and in the Canonical Books of the Old and New-Testament lest they should fill our Subjects with new Heresies Forbidding them most expresly and on the Penalties above mention'd not to use reproachful or scoffing Expressions in their Sermons against the Mass and Ceremonies receiv'd and kept in our said Catholick Church or to go from place to place there to preach by force against the will and consent of the Lords Curates Vicars and Church-Wardens of Parishes XI In the same manner forbidding all Preachers to use in their Sermons or Predications injurious or reproachful Expressions against the said Ministers or their Sectators by reason that such proceedings have hitherto contributed much more to excite the people to Sedition than to provoke them to Devotion XII And all Persons of what Estate Quality and Condition soever from receiving concealing or harbouring in their Houses any person accus'd prosecuted or condemned for Sedition under the penalty of 1000 Crowns applicable to the Poor And in case of not being solvable on pain of being wipt and banish'd XIII Furthermore it is our Will and Pleasure that all Printers Dispersers and such as sell Defamatory Libels and Satyrs shall be Whipt for the first fault of that kind and lose their lives for the second XIV And whereas all the effect and observance of this present Ordinance which is made for the preservation of the general and universal quiet of our Kingdom and to prevent all Troubles and Seditions depends on the duty care and diligence of our Officers We have ordain'd and do ordain that the Edicts by us made about Residence shall be inviolably observ'd and the Offices of such as shall be wanting therein vacant and forfeited and that they shall neither be restor'd or kept in the same either by Letters Patents or otherwise XV. That all Bayliffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Magistrates and Officers shall be oblig'd without bidding or requiring to repair forthwith to the Place where they shall be inform'd that any Misdemeanor has been committed in order to inform or cause to be inform'd against Delinquents and Malefactors and to secure their persons in order to their Tryal on pain of forfeiting their Places without hopes of restitution and of all cost and damages towards the Parties And in the case of Sedition shall punish the Seditious without deferring to an Appeal according calling to their assistance such a number of our other Officers or famous Advocats as it is order'd by our Edict of July and in the same manner as if it were by a Decree from one of our Sovereign Courts XVI Forbidding our dearly belov'd and trusty Chancellor and our belov'd and trusty the Masters of Request quest in Ordinary of our Palace keeping the Seals of our Chanceries to grant any Relief of Appeal and our Courts of Parliament to relieve them or otherwise to hinder our said Inferior Officers from taking cognizance of the same in case of Sedition By reason of the dangerous consequence thereof and that it is necessary to proceed with speed against the same by exemplary Punishment Therefore we will and require by these Presents our Beloved and Trusty the Persons holding our said Courts of Parliament Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts or their Lieutenants and all our other Justicers and Officers and every one of them as unto them shall appertain To cause our present Ordinances Will and Intention to be read publish'd and register'd kept preserv'd and inviolably observ'd without any infringement and to constrain and cause to be constrain'd this to do and suffer all such to whom it shall belong and shall want to be constrain'd for the same And to proceed against the Transgressors in the manner aforesaid And that the said Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Officers shall give us notice within a Month after the Publication of these Presents of their proceeding in the execution and observation thereof For such is our Pleasure All Edicts Ordinances Commands or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding To which we have in respect to the Contents of these Presents and without prejudice to them in others derogated and do derogate In witness whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd to these Presents Given at St. Germain en Layc the 17th Day of January in the Year of our Lord 1561 and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the King being in his Council Bourdin and seal'd upon a double Label with Yellow Wax The King's Declaration and
shall chuse swear to keep and observe our said Edict shall make them guard each other charging them respectively and by publick Act to answer for the Transgressions that shall be made to the said Edict in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof respectively or else to secure and deliver up the said Transgressors into the hands of Justice XLIII And to the end that our Justices and Officers as well as all other our Subjects may be clearly and with all certainty inform'd of our Will and Intention and to remove all Doubts and Ambiguities and Cavillings that might be made in relation to the precedent Edicts We have and do declare all other Edicts Letters Declarations Modifications Restrictions and Interpretations Decrees and Registers as well secret as all other Deliberations heretofore made in our Courts of Parliament and others that might hereafter be made to the prejudice of our said present Edict concerning the case of Religion and the Troubles occasion'd in this our Kingdom to be void and of no effect To all which and the Derogatories therein contained we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate and from this very time as for then do cancel revoke and annul them Declaring expresly That it is our Pleasure that this our said Edict should be sure firm and inviolable kept and observed by our said Justices Officers and Subjects without respecting or having the least regard to whatever might be contrary and derogating to this XLIV And for the greater assurance of the maintenance and observation we desire of this it is our Will Command and Pleasure That all Governors of our Provinces our Lieutenant-Generals Bailiffs Seneschals and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of this our Kingdom immediately upon receit of this our said Edict shall swear The same to keep and observe cause to be kept and observ'd and maintain'd every one in their Precinct as also the Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other Officers Annual or Temporal as well the present after the reception of the said Edict as their Successors in taking the Oath they are used to take when they are admitted into the said Places and Offices of which Oaths publick Acts shall be expedited to all such as shall require it We also require our Trusty and Well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament immediately upon receit of this present Edict to cease all their Proceedings and on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should pass otherwise to take the like Oath and to cause our said Edict to be Published and Registred in our said Courts according to the Form and Tenor thereof purely and plainly without any Modifications Restrictions Declaration or secret Register and without expecting any Mandamus or Order from us And our Attornies-General to require and pursue the immediate Publication thereof without any delay the which we will have perform'd in the Two Camps and Armies within six Days after the said Publication made in our Court of Parliament of Paris in order to send back the Strangers forthwith Injoyning likewise our Lieutenants-General and Governors speedily to Publish and to cause this our said Edict to be published by the Bailiffs Seneschals Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of their said Government where-ever it will be necessary As also the same to keep observe and maintain every one in his Precinct in order to put a speedy stop to all Acts of Hostility and to all Impositions made or to be made upon the account of the said Troubles after the Publication of our present Edict Which from the Moment of the said Publication we declare liable to Punishment and Reparation viz. against such as shall use Arms Force and Violence in the Transgression and Infraction of this our present Edict hindering the Effect Execution or Injoyment thereof with Death without hope of Pardon or Remission And as for the other Infractions that shall not be made by way of Arms Force or Violence they shall be punish'd by other Corporal Inflictions as Banishments Amende Honourable and other Pecuniary Punishments according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offences at the Will and Pleasure of the Judges to whom we have assign'd the Cognizance thereof Ingaging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with all the Justice and Equality the Cause shall require without respect or exception of Persons or Religion Therefore we command the said Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of Aids Bailifs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers whom it may concern or their Lieutenants this our present Edict and Ordinance to cause to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in their Courts and Jurisdictions and the same to maintain keep and observe in all Points and all whom it may concern the same fully and peaceably to use and to enjoy ceasing and causing all Troubles and Hinderances thereunto contrary to cease For such is our pleasure In witness whereof we have sign'd these presents with our own hand and to the same to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at St. Germain en Lays in the Month of August in the Year of our Lord 1570. and of our Reign the Tenth Sign'd Charles And beneath it by the King being in his Council Sign'd De Neufville And on the side Visa and Seal'd with the great Seal with green Wax upon Knots of red and green Silk Read Publish'd and Registred at the request and desire of the King's Attorney-General at Paris in Parliament on the 11th of August 1570. Sign'd Tu Tillet Edict of Pacification made by King Henry the 3d in order to put an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to make all his Subjects thenceforward live in Peace and Quietness Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and Publish'd in the Court of Parliament the 8th of October 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all present and to come Greeting God who is the Searcher of the hearts of Men and sees the bottom of their thoughts shall always be Judge for us that our Intention has never been other than to Reign according to his Holy Commandments and to govern our Subjects in all uprightness and Justice approving our self a Common Father to all who has no other end but their welfare and quiet In order thereunto we have always us'd our utmost endeavours to do whatever we judg'd most proper according to the occasions and times even with a design to establish a certain Peace in this our Kingdom and to provide against the Disorders and Abuses that have crept in to the same through the License of such long Troubles and to restore it to its Pristine Dignity and Splendor To which end we did convene our Estates General in our City of Blois where several things were treated of and particularly upon matter of Religion it being propos'd by some that one of the best Remedies
and 12 Councellors of which eight shall be Catholicks and the other four of the said Religion Which Catholick Presidents and Councellors shall be by us selected and nominated out of the number of the Presidents and Councellors of the said Courts And as to those of the said Religion such shall be employ'd as shall be found at this very time in possession of the said Offices in the said Courts And in such places where their number shall not be sufficient we shall erect other Offices as much as shall be necessary to accomplish the aforesaid number with the same Salleries Honours Authorities and Prerogatives as the others of our said Courts for persons of the said Religion XXIII A Chamber shall also be establish'd for the Jurisdiction of our Court of Parliament of Thoulouse compos'd as the others of two Presidents the one a Catholick and the other of the said Religion and of twelve Councellors eight Catholicks and the other four of the said Religion Which Catholicks shall be by us chosen out of our other Courts of Parliament and out of the Great Council And as for those of the said Religion such shall be employ'd there as shall be found still at this present time provided with Offices in the said Parliament of Thoulouse besides which a sufficient number shall be created to supply the said Chamber as is above said for the others Which Chamber being thus compos'd shall by us be sent into the City of And as for that of Dauphine it shall sit six Months in our City of Grenoble and the other six Months in such another City as we shall hereafter order XXIV The said Chambers compos'd as abovesaid and establish'd in all our said Parliaments shall take cognisance and judge sovereignly and definitively by Decree exclusively to all others of Suits and Differences mov'd or to be mov'd In which Suits those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others that have been ingag'd in their Party shall be Principals or Warrantees either Plaintiffs or Defendants in all Causes Civil or Criminal whether the said Processes be by Writ or Verbal Appeals in case the said Parties like it so and one of them requires it before any Plea in the Cause in respect to Suits to be commenc'd XXV It is also our Pleasure by way of Care and Circumspection until we have otherwise ordain'd it that in all Processes mov'd or to be mov'd in which those of the said Religion shall stand as Plaintiffs or Defendants Principals or Warrantees in Civil Causes in which our Officers of Presidial Seats have power to judge Sovereignly and definitively they shall be allow'd to demand that two of those of the Chamber where the said Cause is to be try'd shall abstain from the Judgment of the same Who without alledging any cause shall be oblig'd to abstain in this case Notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Judges cannot be excepted against without a just cause besides their still retaining the Refusals of Right against the others And in Criminal matters in which they also judge Sovereignly the accus'd of the said Religion shall be allow'd to demand that three of the Judges may abstain from the Judgment of their process without shewing cause And the Provosts of the Marshals of France Vice-Bailiffs Vice-Seneschals Lieutenants of the Short Robe and other Officers of the like Quality shall judge according to the Ordinances and Rules heretofore given in respect to Vagabonds And as for Housholders charg'd and accus'd of Provostal or Criminal cases if they be of the said Religion they shall be allow'd to demand that three of the Presidial Judges before whom the said Cases are to be try'd by the Statutes may abstain from the Judgment of their Process And they shall be oblig'd to abstain from the same without shewing cause except when in the Chamber of the said Presidial Seats where the said Processes are to be judg'd there be to the number of Two in Civil Cases and Three in Criminal matters of the said Religion In which Case it shall not be allow'd to refuse without shewing cause But yet we do not mean that the said Presidial Tribunals Provosts Marshals Vice-Bailiffs and Vice-Seneschals by vertue hereof should take cognisance of the Troubles past XXVI It is farther our Will and Pleasure that our most Dearly Beloved Brother the King of Navar our most Dearly Beloved Cousin the Prince of Conde as well as all other Lords Knights Gentlemen and others of what Quality and Condition soever of the said Religion and others that have been ingag'd in their Party shall be restor'd and effectually preserv'd in the possession of their Governments Places Estates and Royal Offices which they enjoy'd before the 24th of August 1572. the said to hold and to use in the said form and manner as other Governors and Officers of this our same Kingdom without being oblig'd to take new Letters Patents all Decrees and Judgments given against them and Letters Patent obtain'd by others for the said Employments notwithstanding As also that they shall re-enter inpossession of all and singular their Estates Rights Names Dues and Actions all Judgments and Sentences given upon the account of the said Troubles notwithstanding The which Decrees Judgments Letters Patent and all that may have follow'd we have to that end declar'd and do declare null and of no effect and value XXVII Not intending however that those of the said Religion and others that have been ingag'd in their Party who have resign'd their Employments and Offices by vertue of our Letters Patent or of the Late King our most honour'd Lord and Brother whom God absolve should recover the same and re-enter into the possession thereof reserving to them however all Actions against the Possessors and Titularies of the said Offices for the payment of the price agreed on between them upon the account of the said Resignations And as for those who have been constrain'd by particular persons by Fact and Force to resign their said Employments and Offices we do permit them and their Heirs to sue for the same by Law in a civil manner both against those that have us'd the said Force and against their Heirs and Successors XXVIII And as for those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party and had the grant of the said Offices before the 24th of August 1572. and were not yet receiv'd into the same It is our will and pleasure that they be receiv'd into the said Employments and that all necessary Patents be expedited them to that End XXIX It is also our will and pleasure That in case any Commanderships of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem belonging to those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party shall be found seiz'd by Authority of Justice or otherwise barely upon the account and pretence of the Troubles and they any wise dispossess'd of the same they shall be immediately restor'd to the said Commanders
during the said Troubles shall be remov'd XLIX All Places Cities and Provinces of our said Kingdom Territories Lands and Lordships under our Obedience shall use and enjoy the same Priviledges Immunities Liberties Franchises Fairs Markets Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice as they did before the present and precedent Troubles all Letters to the contrary and the removing of any of the said Tribunals notwithstanding provided those things have only been done upon the account of the Troubles the which Tribunals shall be restor'd and re establish'd into the Cities and Places where they were before L. In such Cities as have been dismantled during the pass'd and present Troubles it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants to rebuild and repair the Ruins and Dismantlings of the same with our leave at their own cost and charges LI. Such of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party which had taken to Farm before the present Troubles any Registries or other Demean and Rights to us belonging which they have not been able to enjoy by reason of the said Troubles shall remain discharg'd as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not receiv'd of the said Farms since the 24th of August 1572. as also of what they have paid without fraud in places not belonging to the Receipt of our Revenues all Obligations pass'd by them upon the same notwithstanding LII And to the end that no body may doubt of the good Intention of our said Brother the King of Navar and of our said Cousin the Prince of Conde We have said and declar'd do say and declare that we hold and repute them our good Kinsmen faithful Subjects and Servants LIII As also all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers and other Inhabitants of Cities Corporations Villages and other places of our said Kingdom and Countries under our command who have follow'd succour'd and favour'd them in any part whatever for our good and loyal Subjects declaring all Decrees Informations and proceedings made and given against them upon the account of the said Troubles void and of no effect as things never done nor happen'd willing the same to be raz'd out of the Registers of the Chief Clerk's Offices both of our Courts of Parliament and other Jurisdictions where they have been recorded LIV. We also declare that we hold and repute our Cousin Duke John Cazimir for our good Neighbour Kinsman and Friend LV. We do also acquit and discharge our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde as well as all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities and Communities and all others that have abetted and succour'd them their Heirs and Successors for all Sums taken and rais'd by them or their Orders out of our Offices of Receipt and Revenues to whatever sum or sums they may amount as well as out of Cities Corporations and from particular persons Rents Revenues Plate Sales of Estates Goods both Ecclesiastical and others Forests belonging to us or others Fines Booties Ransoms or other Sums taken by them upon the account of the present and precedent Troubles and that neither they nor any that have been employ'd by them for the raising of the said Sums or that have given and furnish'd them by their Ordinances shall any wise be liable to be call'd to an account for the same either at present or for the future And that both they and their Clerks shall remain acquitted for all the management and Administration of the said Sums only producing for a full Discharge within four Months after the publication of our present Edict given in our Court of Parliament at Paris acquittances duly expedited by our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde or by such as shall have been by them committed for the audit and closing of their Accounts or from the Corporations of the Cities that have been employ'd and intrusted during the said Troubles They shall also remain acquitted and discharg'd for all Acts of Hostility Levies and marching of Soldiers Coining and Rating of Species made according to the order of the said Chiefs Casting and taking of Artillery and Stores both out of our Magazine and from particular persons making of Powder and Saltpeter taking fortifying dismantling and demolishing of Cities Castles Towns Enterprises upon the same Burning and demolishing of Churches and Houses establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions of the same either in Civil or Criminal Causes Civil Government and Regulations made among themselves Voyages Intelligences Negotiations Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of this our Kingdom and generally for all that has been done manag'd and negotiated during the present or past troubles since the Death of our late Lord and Father by those of the pretended Reform'd Religion and others that have been engag'd in their Party although it be not particularly express'd and specifi'd LVI And those of the said Religion and others that have adhered to them shall give over and desist from this time forward from all Practices Leagues and Intelligences they hold out of our said Kingdom as also all other our Subjects that might have held any And all Leagues Associations Fellowships contracted or to be contracted under any pretence whatever to the prejudice of our present Edict shall be cancell'd and annul'd as we do cancel and annul them forbidding our Subjects most expresly to make any Assessments or raise Money without our leave Fortifications listing of men Congregations and Assemblies other than such as are allow'd them by our said present Edict and without Arms Which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of severe punishment as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Orders LVII All Prizes taken both by Sea and Land by vertue of the Licenses and Warrants given which have been judg'd by the Judges of the Admiralty and other Commissioners deputed to that end by those of the said Religion shall remain dormant under the benefit of our present Edict for which no prosecution shall be made neither shall the Captains their Securities and the said Judges Officers and others be call'd to an account for the same nor molested in any kind whatever All Letters of Mark and Seisures depending and not judg'd notwithstanding of which we will have them absolutely discharg'd and releas'd LVIII It is also our will and pleasure That the Children of such as have retir'd out of our said Kingdom since the Death of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father upon the account of Religion and the Troubles altho the said Children are born out of our said Kingdom shall be acknowledg'd as true Natives of France and actual Inhabitants thereof and such we have and do declare them to be without their being oblig'd to take any Letters of Naturalization or other provisions from us besides the present Edict All Ordinances thereunto
Attorney-Generals and other Officers His Majesty declaring however that the Children proceeding from the said Marriages shall only succeed to the Movables Acquisitions and Purchas'd Estates of their Fathers and Mothers not willing that the said Profess'd Religious Persons should be capable of a direct or collateral Succession Neither will his Majesty allow that those of the said Religion having heretofore contracted Marriages in the third or fourth degree should be molested for the same or the Validity thereof call'd to question nor likewise the Succession taken from or disputed against the Children born or to be born descending from the said Marriages And in order to judge of the Validity of the said Marriages made and contracted by those of the said Religion and to decide whether they are lawful or not if the person of the said Religion is Defendant in that case the Judges Royal shall take cognizance of the Fact of the said Marriage and he being Plaintiff and the Defendant a Catholick the Cognizance thereof shall belong to the Official and Ecclesiastical Judge for which Letters-Patent shall be granted by his said Majesty to be verified in his Courts of Parliament IX And as to Marriages already treated of either of second or others among those of the said Religion those that shall have contracted Marriages in such a degree in that kind applying themselves to his Majesty such Letters-Patent shall be granted them as shall be necessary to hinder them or their Children from being prosecuted or molested for the same X. Upon what has been granted by the General Articles That in each of the Parliaments of Paris Roaâ— Dijon and Rennes a Chamber shall be establish'd compos'd of a President and a certain number of Counsellors taken and chosen out of the said Courts it has been thought fit and agreed upon in order to remove all cause of Jealousy from those of the said Religion and therein to gratifie the most humble Petition they have made to his Majesty about it That the Presidents and Counsellors shall be chosen by his said Majesty upon the Register of the Officers of the said Parliaments among the most equitable most peaceable and most moderate the List whereof shall be communicated to the Deputies of the said King of Navarre and to those of the said Religion who shall be near his Majesty before their being ordain'd to serve in the said Chambers and that in case they shall suspect any of them it shall be lawful for them to acquaint his Majesty therewith who shall chuse others in their stead XI The same shall be observ'd in the Election of the Catholick Officers that are to serve in the Chambers that shall be establish'd in the Countries of Guienne Languedoc Dauphine and Provence XII As to what relates to the Election of those of the said Religion for the Offices of Presidents and Counsellors that shall be erected by the said Edict to serve in the said Chambers it has been agreed That it shall be made by his Majesty upon the Attestation of the said King of Navarre for the first time and without taking any Money for the same and that upon any Vacation his said Majesty shall provide other capable persons in their room being of the said Religion XIII And whereas those of the said Religion have alledg'd several reasons for which they suspect those of the Court of Parliament of Roan which made them very solicitous to have a Chamber establish'd there as in the Parliaments of Bourdeaux Thoulouse and Dauphine in order not to make that Parliament differ from those of Paris Dijon and Rennes it has been granted to those of the said Religion having any Suits depending in the said Parliament in case they will not receive those of the Chamber that shall be erected there for Judges to apply themselves to his said Majesty and Letters of Transferation shall be allow'd them by him in the Chamber of the Parliament of Paris ordain'd for the Administration of Justice to those of the said Religion or to the Great Council for Processes mov'd or to be mov'd before any Plea in the Cause bringing good and due Attestations along with them of their being of the said pretended Reform'd Religion XIV His said Majesty also wills and means That the said Chambers compos'd and establish'd in the said Parliaments for the distribution of Justice to those of the said Religion shall be reunited and incorporated in the said Parliaments when need shall require and when the Causes which have mov'd his said Majesty to establish them shall cease and shall no longer subsist among his subjects XV. To those ends the Presidents and Counsellors who shall be invested with the Offices newly created into the said Chambers shall be nam'd Presidents and Counsellors of the Courts of Parliament each in that into which they shall be establish'd and reckon'd in the number of the Presidents and Counsellors of the said Courts and shall enjoy the same Salaries Authorities Prerogatives as the Presidents and Counsellors of the other Courts XVI The Examination of which Presidents and Counsellors newly chosen shall be made by his Majesty's Privy Council or by the said Chambers each one within its Precinct when there shall be a sufficient Number of them and yet the accustom'd Oath shall be taken by them in the Courts where the said Chambers shall be establish'd except those of the said Chamber of Languedoc who shall take it before the Lord Chancellor or in the said Chamber when it shall be establish'd XVII In the said Chamber of Languedoc there shall be two Substitutes of his Majesties Attorny and Advocate The Attorney's shall be a Catholick and the other of the aforesaid Religion who shall have sufficient Salaries from his said Majesty XVIII There shall also be two Committees of the Parliament of Thoulouse the one Civil the other Criminal which the Registers shall be responsible for XIX Moreover some Messengers shall be appointed who shall be taken out of the said Court or elsewhere according to the King's pleasure as many as shall be necessary for the Service of the said Chamber XX. The Session of which shall be appointed by his Majesty and remov'd to such Cities and Parts of the said Country of Languedoc as his said Majesty shall think fit for the convenience of his Subjects XXI Whereas those of the said Religion have made complaints that from the Publication of the Edict made in the year 1572. to the day of the Publication of this that shall be now there have been several Prescriptions Nonsuits or Judgments given against those of the said Religion in places where the Suits have neither been heard nor defended and that tho they have desired a removal to the Party-Chambers it has been denied them It is granted them that in case they can give sufficient proof of the same they shall be receiv'd in their first Condition again XXII Likewise upon the Remonstrances that have been made by the King of Navar and the Prince
places for the interment of the Dead of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion And the said Officers and others are forbidden to ask any thing for the Transportation of the said Corps on pain of Extortion V. And to prevent all Differences that might arise between the Courts of Parliament and the Chambers of the said Courts ordain'd by the said Edict the King shall speedily make a good and large Regulation between the said Courts of Parliament and the said Chambers Insomuch that those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall fully enjoy the benefit of the said Edict The establishment of the Chamber of Languedoc shall also speedily be perform'd in pursuance of the said Edict And in case at any time hereafter the Number of Judges should not be sufficient in the same by reason of the affluâ—ncy of Causes those of the said Religion shall apply themselves to his said Majesty who will make sufficient provision for it As to what relates to the King's Council the secret Articles of the Year 1577 shall be observ'd both as to what relates to the Chamber of Languedoc and that of Guienne Nevertheless the said King's Council shall be continu'd in their Places without being liable to revocation unless in the cases of the Ordinance although they bear the Title of Substitutes of Advocates and Attorneys-General in the said Courts of Parliament The Committes of the Registers Civil and Criminal in the said Chamber shall exercise their places by the King's Commission and shall be call'd Committes of the * Registry Civil and Criminal and therefore shall not be liable to be turn'd out or to be revok'd by the said Registers of Parliament and that they shall be bound to yield the emolument or profit of the said Registries to the said Registers and the said Committies shall receive Salaries from the said Registers according as it shall be thought fit and agreed upon by the said Chambers And as for the Messengers besides those that shall be taken out of the said Parliament who shall be Catholicks two more shall be erected in every Chamber who shall be of the said Religion And the said Messengers shall be directed by the said Chambers both as to the execution of their Places their District and the Fees they shall take In the Cities where the said Chambers shall be erected there shall also be two Offices of Serjeants to be kept by those of the said Religion And as to Attorneys the Attorneys of the said Parliament shall be allow'd to plead in the said Chambers And in case their number should not be sufficient the King shall create some without paying of Fees who shall be nominated by the said Chambers in such a number as they shall think fit provided it does not exceed ten of which they shall send a Roll according to which their Patents shall be made and seal'd The Expeditions of the Chanceries or Seal-Offices shall be made in presence of two Counsellers of the said Chambers of which the one shall be a Catholick and the other one of the aforesaid Religion In the absence of one of the Masters of Requests belonging to the King's Hostel one of the Notaries and Secretaries of the said Courts of Parliament shall reside in the places where the said Chambers shall be establish'd or one of the Secretaries in ordinary of the Chancery to sign the Expeditions of the said Chancery And it has been agreed that the Chamber of Languedoc shall be setled in the City of L'Isle in Albigeois VI. As to the Decrees given in the Court of Parliaments since the said Edict in which Courts the Parties have not proceeded voluntarily that is have alledg'd and propounded ends declinatory or that have been denounc'd through default both in matters civil and criminal notwithstanding which the said Parties have been constrain'd to go forward they shall be deem'd and reputed as those that have been given before the Edict and revok'd by the same The same is ordain'd for the presidial Judgments given since the Edict and for the Cases abolish'd by the said Edict and by the present Conference And as for the Decrees given against those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion who have proceeded voluntarily without proposing ends Declinatory the said Decrees shall remain in force Yet nevertheless without prejudice to the execution of the same they shall be allow'd if they think fit to take some course by way of Civil Request before the said Chambers And until the said Chambers and their Chanceries are establish'd Verbal Appeals and those in Writing interpos'd by those of the said Religion before Judges Registers or Committees Executors of Judgments and Decrees shall have the same effect as if they had been sued out by Letters-Patent And as for Processes not yet determin'd depending in the said Courts of Parliament of the Quality abovesaid they shall be return'd whatever condition they are in into the said Chambers to which they have their reference if requir'd by one of the Parties and according to the Edict within four Months in such Provinces where the Chambers are establish'd after the Registring of these present Articles And as for the other Provinces in which they are not yet establish'd four Months after the establishment thereof before the Registers of the said Courts of Parliament and that for Suits that are ready for tryal And as for such as shall be discontinu'd and are not in a state to be judg'd the above-mention'd of the pretended Reform'd Religion shall be oblig'd to make the said Declaration at the first intimation and signification that shall be made unto them of the pursuit and the said term being expir'd they shall no more be admitted to demand the said Returns And as for the Suits remov'd either in the Courts of Parliament Great Council or elsewhere those of the said Religion giving a particular account of the said Suits provision shall be made for the same VII All Sovereign Courts and others within this Kingdom are prohibited and forbidden before the installation or seting of the said Chambers to take cognisance of and to judge the Processes either Civil or Criminal of those of the said Religion and others who have been engaged in their Party the cognisance whereof by the last Edict of Peace is referr'd to the said Chambers The Prohibitions contain'd in the 26th Article of the said Edict of pacification about the cognizance of matters relating to the Troubles until now shall also be reiterated And generally all Judgments and Decrees given contrary and to the prejudice of the Edict shall be annihilated and revok'd together with all that has follow'd thereupon VIII That henceforward in all Instructions other than Informations of criminal processes in the Seneschalships of Thoulouse Carcassonne Rovergue Lauragais Beziers Montpellier and Nimes the Magistrate or Commissary deputed for the said Instruction if he be a Catholick shall be oblig'd to take an Associate of the said pretended Reform'd Religion which the Parties shall
approve of And in case they cannot agree about it the above-nam'd Magistrate or Commissary shak take one of the said Religion out of the Office as in like manner if the said Magistrate or Commissary be of the said Religion he shall be oblig'd in the form abovesaid to take a Catholick Assistant And when any occasion of Criminal Tryal shall occur before tbe Provost Marshals or their Lieutenantsagainst any one of the said Religion being an Housholder who shall be charg'd and accus'd of any publick Crime the said Provosts or their Lieutenants if they be Catholicks shall be bound to call to the hearing of such a matter an Assistant of the said Religion The which Associate shall assist also at the Judgment of the Competency or Validity of the Indictment as well as at the Definitive Judgment of the process The Validity of which Indictment shall only be judg'd at the nearest presidial Seat or Tribunal in an Assembly before the principal Officers of the said Tribunal who shall be found there on pain of Nullity IX In puting the said Edict of pacification in execution the Seats of Justice shall be re-establish'd at Montauban Montpellier Nimes and in all other places where they us'd to be before the Troubles X. The Mint shall be re-establish'd in the City of Montpellier as it us'd to be before the Troubles XI The King in order to remove all occasion of Dissentions that might create the least Division among his Subjects ordains that whatever has happen'd since the publication of the said last Edict until now against and to the prejudice of the said Edict on either side shall remain extinguish'd and be forgotten as if no such thing had been And that no body shall be prosecuted upon the account of the Assembly of Soldiers made in Cities or in the open Fields establishment and maintaining of Garisons Enterprizes and Seizures of Cities Places Castles and Houses Murthers Imprisonments Ransoms or any other Excess neither for destroying of Churches Houses and Buildings belonging to Ecclesiasticks and others of all which the said Subjects on both sides shall be and remain acquitted and discharg'd Neither shall his Majesty's Attorney-General or any other persons publick or private at any time or on any occasion be allow'd to make any prosecutions of the same in any Court of Jurisdiction nor in any wise whatever The whole in the same form and manner as it is express'd by the 55th Article of the last Edict of Pacification excepting Ravishments of Women c. Incendiaries Robberies Murthers committed treacherously and with premeditation and not by way of Hostility upon the account of private revenge and other Crimes and Misdemeanours reserv'd by the last Edict of pacification which shall be prosecuted according to Law and punish'd according to the nature of the same And as to what relates to the Money that has been taken either out of his Majesty's Exchequers or out of Cities and Commonalties and from other private persons and the Sums that have been impos'd and rais'd of any kind whatever and howsoever rais'd by those of the said Religion and other who have been engag'd in their Party since the said Edict of pacification they are and shall remain absolutely discharg'd for the same without their being any wise liable to be prosecuted upon the said account nor those who shall have order'd it Corporations of Cities and Communalties nor yet their Clerks Nevertheless those of the said Religion shall be oblig'd to assemble with the Corporations of those Cities to make a true estimate among them on the last Day of April next at farthest both of their Receits and Expences The which Estimate they shall be oblig'd to sign and jointly to affirm and to deliver the same within the said time of two Months into the hands of those that are appointed to execute the said Edict of Pacification in Languedoc to the end that upon the said Estimate the Chamber of accounts may pass into receipt and allow in expence what shall be contain'd in the said Estimate and no more And in order to check the insolence of several and to prevent those Evils for the future the King declares that hereafter he will no more grant any Pardons for the abovesaid or the like Transgressions of the Edict And forbids his Chancellor or Lord Keeper to seal any such and his Judges to have the least regard for the same And in case any of those to whom this Pardon is granted should relapse into the same Fault they shall not only be punish'd for the new Fault but shall also be depriv'd of the fruit and benefit which is granted them by this Article XII That all the processes and causes concerning the case of the said Troubles that have been return'd by the Commissioners Executors of the preceding Edict of pacification before the presidial Judges or other Judges shall be return'd in the State they now stand to the said Chambers of the Edict The King not intending that any of his Subjects should be prosecuted for what has been done since the last Troubles according to the 55th Article of the said last Edict And in case any of the said processes should already be judg'd the Parties shall be allow'd to apply themselves for redress by the ways of Right to the said Chambers of the Edict XIII Whereas at the beginning of the 42d Article of the said last Edict of pacification in several Common Impressions that have been made of the same these Words are found And that shall have been taken by way of hostility by way of affirmation altho it should be conceiv'd negatively and in this manner And that shall not have been taken by way of hostility As it is written in the Original agreed on and sign'd at Bergerac on the 17th of September 1577. It is ordain'd that it shall be corrected by the said Original And all Judges are enjoin'd to judge conformably to this present Correction XIV That all Assesments Impositions Gatherings raising of Money and new Subsidies by whomsoever and on any account whatever unless by the King 's express Commission shall cease and that none shall be made otherwise hereafter on the Penalties mentioned in the Ordinances XV. The General Assemblies of Cities and Corporations shall be made according to the Ancient Customs and such Inhabitants as us'd to come to the same shall be summon'd thither without distinction of Religion according to the last Edict of pacification Article 19. XVI That the Edict of pacification and what has been resolv'd in this Conference shall be executed in every Article according to its Form and Tenor and that the said Execution thereof shall begin on the 1st Day of March next coming at farthest and shall be continu'd in Guyenne without interruption on either side And as for Languedoc the said Execution or Performance shall begin on the 1st Day of April next coming at farthest But that in the mean time all Prisoners of War shall be put at liberty
Bayliwicks Seneschalships and other Royal Jurisdictions to inform against and make prosecution in the King's Name against all such who shall move Seditions c. and in publick shall utter Scandalous Expressions or any wise transgress the said Edicts Articles and Conferences in order to have them punish'd according to the Penalties inflicted by the same The which being omitted the said Attorneys and Substitutes shall be responsible for the said Infractions in their own particular Names and depriv'd of their Places without ever being restor'd or re-establish'd to the same And the Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks shall be requir'd to keep and to oblige the Preachers instituted by them to keep and observe the Contents of the said Articles and his Majesty commands the same most expresly to all others who speak in publick on the Penalties contain'd in the Edict IV. In consequence of the 4th 9th and 13th Articles of the said Edict all those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion of what condition or quality soeverare allow'd to be and safely to inhabit in all the Cities and pars of this Kingdom without being disturb'd or prosecuted upon the account of the said Religion under any pretence whatever they behaving themselves according as it is order'd by the aforesaid Articles of the said Edict They shall not be oblig'd to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on the Festival Days on which it is order'd but only shall suffer them to be hung and adorn'd by the Authority of the Officers who belong to those places Neither shall they be oblig'd to contribute towards the Charges for the Reparations of Churches or to admit Exhortations when sick or at the point of Death either by Condemnation of Justice or otherwise from any but those of the said Religion V. The 1st Article of the Conference shall hold and remain in force altho the King's Atorny-General be a Party against the High-Justicers who were in actual possession of the said Justice at the time of the publication of the said Edict VI. In executing the 8 Article of the said Edict those of the said Religion shall nominate unto the King four or five places in every Bayliwick or Seneschalship of the Quality mention'd by the Edict to the end that being inform'd of the convenience or inconvenience thereof his Majesty may chuse one of them there to establish the Exercise of their said Religion or they not proving convenient to provide another for them within a month after the said Nomination which shall be as convenient for them as can be and according to the Tenor of the Edict VII And as to the Burying places of those of the said Religion the Officers belonging to those parts shall be oblig'd within a Fortnight after their being requir'd so to do to provide them convenient places for the said Interments without delays on the penalty of Five Hundred Crowns in their proper and private Names VIII Letters Patent shall be pass'd directed to the Courts of Parliament for the registring and observing of the secret and particular Articles made with the said Edict And as for Marriages and the Differences that shall arise upon the same the Judges Ecclesiastical and Royal together with the aforesaid Chambers shall take cognizance of the same respectively according to the said Articles IX The Taxes and Impositions that shall be laid upon those of the said Religion according as it is express'd in the 3d Article of the said Conference shall be executed all Oppositions or Appeals whatever notwithstanding X. Those of the said Religion shall be allow'd the Exercise thereof in the Cities and places in which it was perform'd on the 17th of September 1577. according to the 7th Article of the said Edict XI The King shall send a Chamber of Justice in the County and Dutchy of Guyenne consisting of two Presidents 14 Councellors a King's Attorney and Advocate persons of worth lovers of peace of Integrity and proper Abilities which shall be chosen by his Majesty and taken out of the Parliaments of this Kingdom and Great Council the List of which shall be communicated to the King of Navar to the end that any of them being suspected Persons it may be lawful to acquaint his Majesty therewith who shall elect others in their room The said Presidents and Counsellors thus ordain'd shall take cognizance of and judge all Causes Processes Differences and Transgressions of the Edict of Pacification the Cognizance and Jurisdiction of which has been by the said Edict referr'd to the Chamber compos'd by the same They shall serve two whole Years in the said Country and shall remove their place and Sessions through the Seneschalships of the same every six Months in order to purge the Provinces and to administer Justice to every one upon the spot Nevertheless it has been agreed that by the establishment of the said Chamber those of the said pretended reform'd Religion shall not be depriv'd of the priviledge and benefit which is granted them by the said Edict by the establishment of the Tripartite Chamber ordain'd by the same The Presidents and Councellors of which being of the said Religion shall remain united and incorporate in the Court of the Parliament of Bourdeaux according to their erection there to serve to hold a Rank and sit from the very day they have been receiv'd there and shall enjoy all the Honours Authorities Preheminences Rights Profits and Prerogatives as the other Presidents and Counsellors of the said Court. And as for the Provinces of Languedoc and Dauphine the Chambers that have been appointed for them by the Edict shall be establish'd and constituted there according as it is specifi'd in the same and by the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac And the next sitting of that of Languedoc shall be in the City of And that of Dauphine shall be establish'd according to what has been heretofore ordain'd XII The said Presidents Counsellors and Officers of the said Chamber shall be oblig'd to repair forthwith to the places appointed for their Sessions there to exercise their Office on pain of losing their said Offices and to serve actually and reside in the said Chambers without departing or absenting from thence without leave registred from the said Chambers which shall be judge in the Assembly upon the Causes of the Ordinance And the said Catholick Presidents Counsellors and Officers shall be continu'd there as long as can be and as the King shall judge it necessary for his Service and for the Publick Good And in licensing the one others shall be put in their places before their departure XIII All Sovereign and other Courts of this Kingdom are forbidden to take cognizance and judge Processes either civil or criminal in which those of the said Religion are concern'd until the Day on which the said Chambers shall sit or afterwards on pain of nullity Charges Damages and interest of the Parties unless they shall proceed voluntarily in the said Courts according to the 26 Article of the
our selves to what may concern the Glory of his Holy Name and Service and in procuring his being ador'd and pray'd unto by all our Subjects And that since it is not his pleasure as yet to grant that it may be done in one and the same Form of Religion it may be done at least with one and the same Intention and with such Rules that it may occasion no Troubles or Tumults among them And that both we and all this Kingdom may always deserve the Glorious Title of Most Christian which has been so long and so deservedly acquir'd And by the same means to remove the Cause of the Grievances and Troubles which might arise hereafter upon the point of Religion which has always been the most prevailing and most dangerous of all others Therefore observing that this Affair is of very great Importance and worthy of weighty Consideration after a resolving of all the Petitions and Complaints of our Catholick Subjects and having also permitted our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform'd Religion to Assemble by Deputies to draw theirs and to put all their Remonstrances together and having conferr'd several times with them upon this Subject and review'd the precedent Edicts We have thought fit at this time upon the whole to give our said Subjects a Universal Clear Intelligible and Absolute Law by which they shall be limited and govern'd in all differences that have heretofore happen'd among them upon that Subject or that may hereafter happen whereby both Parties may remain satisfi'd according as the nature of the time can allow it We being entred into this Deliberation for no other end but the Zeal we have for the Service of God in order that henceforward it may be perform'd by all our said Subjects and to establish a firm and perpetual Peace among them Wherein we implore and expect from his Divine Goodness the same Protection and Favour which he has ever visibly conferr'd upon this Kingdom from the first Erection thereof and during the many Ages it has continued and that he would bestow the Grace upon our said Subjects truly to apprehend that in the Observation of this our Ordinance next to their Duty towards God and towards all Men consists the main foundation of their Union Concord Tranquility and Quiet and the Restauration of this State to its Pristine Splendor Wealth and Power As we on our part do promise to have it exactly perform'd without permitting it to be any wise transgress'd For these reasons having by the Advice of the Princes of our Blood other Princes and Officers of our Crown and other Great and Notable Persons of our Council of State about us maturely and diligently weigh'd and consider'd the whole business We have by this Edict perpetual and irrevocable denounc'd declar'd and ordain'd and do denounce declare and ordain I. First That the Remembrance of all things pass'd on both sides from the beginning of March 1585. until our coming to the Crown and during the other precedent Troubles or upon the account thereof shall remain extinguish'd and ras'd out as matters that never had happen'd And it shall not be lawful for our Attorneys-General or other Persons whatever publick or private at any time or upon any occasion soever to make mention of or to Commence any Process or Suit thereupon in any Courts or Jurisdictions whatsoever II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Estate or Quality soever theybe To renew the Remembrance thereof To assail urge injure or provoke one another by way of Reproach of what is past upon any cause or pretence whatever To Dispute Contest Quarrel or Outrage or Offend each other about it by Word or Deed but to contain themselves and live peaceably together as Brethren Friends and Fellow-Citizens on pain for the Delinquents of being punish'd as Infractors of the Peace and Disturbers of the publick Quiet III. We ordain That the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion shall be re-establish'd and restor'd in all Places and Parts of this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience where the Exercise thereof has been interrupted there to be peaceably and freely put in practice without any hinderance or disturbance Forbidding most expresly all Persons of what Estate Quality or Condition soever on the Penalties abovemention'd To trouble molest or disturb the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service the injoying and taking of Tythes the Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices with all other Rights and Immunities appertaining unto them and that all those who during the Troubles have seiz'd the Churches Houses Goods and Revenues belonging to the said Ecclesiasticks detain and possess them shall surrender unto them the intire Possession and peaceable Injoyment thereof with such Titles Liberties and Security as they injoy'd before their being dispossess'd of the same Also expresly forbidding those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion to Preach or perform any other Exercise of the said Religion in the Churches Houses and Habitations of the said Ecclesiasticks IV. It shall remain at the choice of the said Ecclesiasticks to buy the Houses and Buildings erected in prophane Places whereof they were dispossess'd during the Troubles or else to constrain the Possessors of the said Buildings to buy the Ground the whole according to the Estimation that shall be made thereof by experienc'd Men agreed upon by the Parties and in case they should not agree the Judges of the Place shall appoint some reserving ever to the said Possessors their recourse against whomsoever it shall belong And where the said Ecclesiasticks shall constrain the Possessors to purchase the Ground the Money it shall be valued at shall not be put into their hands but shall remain in the hands of the said Possessors to be improv'd at the rate of 5 per Cent. until it be employ'd for the benefit of the Church which shall be done within the space of a year And the said Term being pass'd in case the Purchaser will no longer continue the said Rent he shall be discharg'd thereof consigning the said Money into the hands of salvable Persons by Authority and Order of Justice And as for Sacred Places Information thereof shall be given by the Commissaries who shall be ordain'd for the Execution of the present Edict in order to our taking a course for the same V. Nevertheless no Grounds and Places imploy'd for the Reparations and Fortifications of Cities and other Places within our Kingdom or the materials therein us'd shall be claim'd or recover'd by the said Ecclesiasticks or other Persons publick or private until the said Reparations and Fortifications are demolish'd by our Ordinances VI. And to remove all occasions of Contention and Trouble from among our Subjects we have and do permit those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion to live and reside in all the Cities and Places within this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience without being examin'd molested troubled or constrain'd to do any thing in matter of Religion against their Conscience or examin'd in
done and ministred to our Subjects without partiality hatred or favour which is one of the principal means to keep peace and concord among them we have and do ordain that a Chamber shall be establish'd in our Court of Parliament of Paris consisting of a President and 16 Councellors of the said Parliament the which shall be called and entitled The Chamber of the Edict which shall not only judge the Causes and Processes of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion within the Jurisdiction of the said Court but also those of the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of Normandy and Britany according to the Jurisdiction hereafter conferr'd upon it by this present Edict and that until a Chamber be establish'd in each of the said Parliaments to minister Justice upon the place We also ordain that the four Offices of Councellors in our said Parliament of Paris remaining of the last election by us made shall be forthwith bestowed on four of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion fitly qualify'd and capable to serve in the said Parliament who shall be distributed viz. The first shall be receiv'd into the Chamber of the Edict and the other three in order as they shall be receiv'd into three of the Chambers of the Inquests Moreover the two first Offices of * Laiz Councellors that shall become vacant by Death shall also be given to two of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and the persons thus receiv'd shall be distributed into the two other Chambers of Inquests XXXI Besides the Chamber heretofore establish'd at Castres for the Jurisdiction of our Court of Parliament of Thoulouse which shall be continu'd in the state it now stands we have for the same considerations ordain'd and do ordain that in each of our Courts of Parliament of Grenoble and Bourdeaux shall also be establish'd a Chamber consisting of two Presidents the one Catholick and the other of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and of twelve Councellors six of which shall be Catholicks and the other six of the said Religion which Catholick Presidents and Councellors shall be by us selected and chosen out of the body of our said Courts And as to those of the said Religion a new Creation shall be made of a President and six Councellors for the Parliament of Bourdeaux and of a President and three Councellors for that of Grenoble the which with the three Councellors of the said Religion that are at present of the said Parliament shall be employ'd in the said Chamber of Dauphine And the said Offices of new creation shall be allow'd the same Salleries Honours Authorities and Preheminencies as the others of the said Courts And the said Sessions of the said Chamber of Bourdeaux shall be held at Bourdeaux or at Nerac and that of Dauphine at Grenoble XXXII The said Chamber of Dauphine shall determine the Causes of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion of the Jurisdiction of our Parliament of Provence without being oblig'd to take Letters of Summons or other Citations any where but in our Chancery of Dauphine Neither shall those of the said Religion of Normandy or Britany be oblig'd to take out Summons or other Citations any where but in our Chancery of Paris XXXIII Our Subjects of the said Religion of the Parliament of Burgundy shall have the choice and election to plead in the Chamber ordain'd in the Parliament of Paris or in that of Dauphine neither shall they be oblig'd to take out Letters of Summons or any other Citations but in the said Chanceries of Paris and of Dauphine according to their own choice XXXIV All the said Chambers compos'd as abovesaid shall determine and judge in sovereignty by Sentence Definitive by Decrees excluding all others of Suits and Differences mov'd and to be mov'd in which those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion are concern'd as Principals or Warranties either as Plaintiffs or Defendants in all matters as well Civil as Criminal whether the said Processes be by Writ or Verbal Appeal if the said Parties like it so and one of them requires it before any Plea in the Cause in relation to Suits to be mov'd always excepting all matters of Benefices and the Possessors of Tythes not enfeoff'd Ecclesiastical Patronages and Causes wherein the Demean of the Church shall be concern'd which shall all be try'd and judg'd in the Courts of Parliament and the said Chambers of the Edict shall not be allow'd to take cognizance of the same It is also our Will and Pleasure that in order to judge and decide Criminal Causes that shall happen among the said Ecclesiasticks and those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion if the Ecclesistick is Defendant the Judgment of the Criminal Cause shall belong to our Sovereign Courts exclusively to the said Chambers and the Ecclesiastick being Plaintiff and he of the said Religion Defendant the Cognizance and Judgment of the Criminal Cause shall belong by Appeal and in last reference to the said Establish'd Chambers The said Chambers also in Vacation-times shall determine of Matters referr'd by the Edicts and Ordinances to the Chambers establish'd in times of Vacation each one in their Jurisdiction XXXV The Chambers of Grenoble shall from this present be united and incorporated to the Body of the said Court of Parliament and the Presidents and Councillors of the said pretended Reform'd Religion entitled Presidents and Councellors of the said Court and held in the number and rank of them To this end they shall be first dispos'd of in the other Chambers and then call'd and drawn out of them to be employ'd and to serve in that which we institute a-new yet they shall assist and have a Voice and Session in all the Deliberations that shall be made when the Chambers are assembled and shall enjoy the same Sallaries Authorities and Preheminencies as the othe Presidents and Councellors do XXXVI It is also our Will and Pleasure that the said Chambers of Castres and Bourdeaux shall be reunited and incorporated into the said Parliaments in the same manner as the others when it shall be needful and the Causes that have mov'd us to establish them shall cease and subsist no longer among our Subjects And therefore the Presidents and Councellors of the said Chambers being of the same Religion shall be call'd and held for Presidents and Counsellors of the said Courts XXXVII There shall be also newly created and erected in the Chamber ordain'd for the Parliament of Bourdeaux two Substitutes of our Attorney and Advocate General of which the Attorney's Substitutes shall be a Catholick and the other of the said Religion who shall be invested with the said Offices with competent Pensions XXXVIII All the said Substitutes shall take no other quality than that of Substitutes and when the Chambers ordain'd for the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse shall be united and incorporated into the said Parliaments the said Substitutes shall be provided with Councellors Places in the same XXXIX The Expeditions of the
Chancery of the Chamber of Bourdeaux shall be perform'd in the presence of two Councellors of the said Chamber of which the one shall be a Catholick and the other of the said pretended Reform'd Religion in the absence of one of the Masters of Request of our Hôtell or Houshold And one of the Notaries and Secretaries of the said Court of Parliament of Bourdeaux shall reside in the place where the said Chamber shall be establish'd or else one of the Secretaries in ordinary of the Chancery to sign the Expeditions of the said Chancery XL. We will and command That in the said Chamber of Bourdeaux there be two Committees of the Register of the said Parliament the one Civil the other Criminal who shall officiate by our Commissions and shall be call'd Committees of the Registry Civil and Criminal and therefore shall neither be displac'd nor revok'd by the said Registers or chief Clerks of Parliament yet they shall be oblig'd to yield the Profit of the said Registries to the said Register the whâ—h Committees shall receive Salaries from the said Registers according as it shall be thought â—t and order'd by the said Chamber Moreover Catholick Messengers shall be appointed there who shall be taken out of the said Court or elsewhere according to our Pleasure besides which two new ones shall be erected being of the said Religion without their paying any Fees All the said Messengers shall be govern'd by the said Chamber both as to the execution and precinct of their Office as well as the Fees they shall receive A Commission shall also be dispatch'd for a Pay-master of Salaries and a Receiver of the Fines levy'd by the Chamber who shall be chosen by us in case the said Chamber be establish'd in any place but the said City and the Commission heretofore granted to the Pay-master of the Salaries of the Chamber of Castres shall remain in full force and the Commission of Receiver of the Fines levy'd by the said Chamber shall be annex'd to the said Office XLI Sufficient Assignations shall be provided for the Pensions or Sallaries of the Officers of the Chambers ordain'd by this Edict XLII The Presidents Counsellors and other Catholick Officers of the said Chambers shall be continu'd as long as possible may be and as we shall find it most expedient for our Service and the good of our Subjects And in dismissing some others shall be appointed in their room before their departure and they shall not during the time of their waiting absent themselves or depart from the said Chambers without their leave which shall be judg'd by the Proceedings of the Ordinance XLIII The said Chambers shall be establish'd within six Months during which if the Establishment continue so long a setling the Suits mov'd or to be mov'd in which those of the said Religion shall be Parties within the Jurisdiction of our Parliaments of Paris Roan Dijon and Rennes shall be remov'd or summon'd to the Chamber at present establish'd at Paris by vertue of the Edict of the Year 1577. or else to the great Council at the Election and Choice of those of the said Religion if they require it Those that are of the Parliament of Bourdeaux into the Chamber of Castres or to the said Great Council at their choice And those that are of Provence to the Parliament of Grenoble And in case the said Chambers be not establish'd within three months after the Presentation there made of this our present Edict such of our Parliaments as shall have made refusal thereof shall be prohibited to take cognizance or judge the Causes of those of the said Religion XLIV Suits not yet determin'd depending in the said Courts of Parliament and Grand Council of the nature abovesaid shall be return'd in what state soever they stand into the said Chambers each Cause to its Court of Reference in case one of the Parties of the said Religion requires it within four months after the establishment thereof and as for such as shall be discontinu'd and are not in a state to come to trial the abovemention'd of the said Religion shall be oblig'd to make a Declaration at the first intimation and signification they shall receive of the pursuit and the said Term being expir'd they shall no longer be receiv'd to demand the said Returns XLV The said Chambers of Grenoble and Bourdeaux as well as that of Chartres shall observe the Stile and Forms of the Parliaments within the Jurisdictions of which they shall be establish'd and shall judge in equal numbers both of the one and other Religion unless the Parties agree to the contrary XLVI All the Judges to whom the Executions Decrees Commissions of the said Chambers and Letters obtain'd out of their Chanceries shall be directed as also all Messengers and Serjeants shall be bound to put them in execution and the Messengers and Serjeants shall also be oblig'd to serve all their Warrants in all parts of the Kingdom without demanding Placet Visa nor Pareatis on pein of suspension of their Places and paying the Damages Charges and Interests of the Parties the Censure whereof shall belong to the said Chambers XLVII No removal of Causes shall be allow'd the tryal of which is referr'd to the said Chambers unless in the case of the Ordinances the return whereof shall be made to the nearest Chamber establish'd according to our Edict And the Issues of Suits of the said Chambers shall be try'd in the next Chamber observing the proportion and Forms of the said Chamber from whence the Processes shall proceed except for the Chambers of the Edict in our Parliament of Paris where the said Party Suits shall be dispos'd of in the said Chamber by Judges that shall be by us nominated by our particular Letters to this end unless the Parties had rather attend the Renovation of the said Chamber And if it should happen that one and the same Suit should pass through all the Party Chambers the issue thereof shall be return'd to the said Chamber of Paris XLVIII Refusals propos'd against the Presidents and Counsellors of the Party-Chambers shall be allow'd to the number of six to which number the Parties shall be restrain'd otherwise they shall go forward without any regard to the said Refusals XLIX The Examination of Presidents and Counsellors newly erected in the said Party Cambers shall be perform'd by our Privy Council or by the said Chambers each one within its Precinct when their number shall be sufficient Nevertheless the usual Oath shall by them be taken in the Courts where the said Chamber shall be establish'd and upon their refusal in our Privy Council except those of the Chamber of Languedoc who shall take their Oath before our Chancellor or in the said Chamber L. We will and ordain That the reception of our Officers of the said Religion shall be judg'd in the said Party Chambers by the plurality of Voices as it is usual in other Judgments it not being requisite that the Voices
to persuade the vulgar that the others would have been punished also had they been found Guilty as well as these Perhaps also the better to stifle the remembrance of a Conspiracy in which none but Catholicks were concern'd they thought fit to Execute those Wretches because there was a Protestant among them In order to persuade the World that this Conspiracy to the prosecution of which a stop was put and of which the King's Death might be the sequel was not a work of the Catholicks But nothing confirm'd these thoughts more than the reports of the King's Death which for some time had been spread through Europe The News of that very Murther was reported the same day on which it was committed in places so distant from Paris and with such circumstances as were impossible to be known without Divine Revelation or without having known the thing Originally It was very natural from thence to conclude that there were places in which the King's Death was spoken of as a thing that was expected and consequently that there was a Conspiracy by which that Death was prepar'd and that those that were concern'd in it endeavour'd to conceal the secret of it by making him pass for the Author of the Enterprise who had only been the Executioner In a word It was thought that those who Govern'd design'd to conceal the true Motives of that Death from the People and not to dive too far into the secret of it for fear of discovering Persons of so high a Rank and who were so nearly related to the King that it would be dangerous to attack them especially in a State where the least pretence might have fill'd all with Factions and Disturbances Nevertheless these considerations did not secure those Persons from being expos'd to the secret Judgments of those who had a diffident disposition and the misery that has attended their latter years has been look'd upon by some as a punishment for their neglect of discovering the Authors of a Crime which a thousand reasons oblig'd them to Revenge However the Reform'd were sencibly griev'd to see nothing but the Blood of so unworthy a Victim spilt upon the Ashes of that Hero This difference indeed has been observ'd between the Death of Henry the 4th and that of his Predecessor that this was absolutely forgotten whereas Henry the 4th's occasion'd Civil Wars and that it was not the fault of his good Subjects if it was not more exactly inquir'd into It was particularly the passionate desire of the Reform'd who seeing how much the memory of their Protector was neglected concluded that the Court had as little inclination to maintain what he had done as to Revenge his Person All this convinc'd them that they had more reason than ever to dread surprizes and violences and their Terrors increas'd when they heard that the double Alliance with Spain which they had been so much afraid of was finally resolv'd upon In the mean time the Marshal de Bouillon being desirous to deserve the Queen's favour and to improve the times and the alterations that were happen'd in affairs stoopt even to please her Confidents and condescended to sell his Place of first Gentleman of the King's Chamber to Conchini who was afterwards Marquess and Marshal d'Ancre a Man unworthy of that Rank whether we consider his Birth Personal Qualifications or his Services The Marshal obtain'd great advantages by it as to his Interest but his Credit prov`d never the greater for it and Conchini was not of a Nature to be ingag'd out of Gratitude The Queen behav'd herself kindly towards him in order to use him as a Tool to ruin the Reform'd and the complaisance he had for her contributed considerably towards the Ruin of their Affairs But whereas that Lord had commonly more than one prospect he did not absolutely confide on those appearances Therefore he endeavour'd to strengthen himself and his Party by a considerable Conquest The Prince of Conde who had nothing more to fear at Court after the King's Death had been recall'd there At his first arrival he consulted the most considerable of the Reform'd and particularly before he would appear there he resolv'd to confer with the Duke of Sully as if he had design'd to regulate himself according to his advice It appear'd by the sequel that he had not relish'd it and he express'd but little regar'd for him on divers occasions But the Marshal de Bouillon who had a better Genius and greater designs than the Duke of Sully fancy'd that it might be possible to persuade the Prince to return to the Communion of the Reform'd Religion that having been bred among them in his tenderest years and having before his Eyes the example of his Father and of his Grand-Father whose Names had been made so famous by the Wars of Religion it would be easie to recal him to their Union He urg'd very powerful Reasons to him upon that Subject He represented to him what might prove the Consequences of a Minority which was a Source of Civil Wars He describ'd to him the Power of the Reform'd which having a Prince at their Head was sufficient to dispose of the Regency He alledg'd the Example of the two last Princes of Conde and endeavour'd to show him that Reformation ought to be Heriditary to their Family and that it was in some measure inseperable from their Glory He represented to him that in a Conjuncture of Affairs when the Government was weak the Court at odds and the remainder of the Kingdom divided he might be strong enough with the Reform'd to obtain the first Authority himself He seem'd moreover to give him a glimpse that Time might occasion such a turn of Affairs as would allow him to think on greater things But whether the Prince did not think affairs dispos'd to so easie a success or whether his Education had inspir'd him with Irresolution and Timerousness or whether those who had been intrusted with the Government of his Youth had given him an aversion for a Religion which had contributed so much towards the Glory of his House or finally whether he thought it more suitable with his designs to remain a Catholick because he did not think it impossible to secure the Reform'd on his side without embracing their Doctrine and to ingage them to joyn with the Malecontented Catholicks under him he did not relish those propositions and he took other measures to advance himself The Deputy's General obtain'd some favourable Answers to the Cahiers they presented particularly upon the Subject of the Sufficiency or Power of the Chamber of Grenoble and upon some disputes of the Chamber of Accounts of Provence against the Reform'd to hinder them from removing their Causes to that Party-Chamber Moreover they obtain'd Decrees and Commissions upon that Subject in the Month of February of the following Year The King also promis'd to write to the Duke of Savoy to oblige him to grant to the Reform'd of the
Marquisat of Saluces who had been constrain'd to remove from thence upon the account of Religion leave to go and come there to receive the fruits of the Estates they had left behind them or to dispose of them as they should think fit And whereas the Reform'd complain'd that the Estates of Dauphine made them contribute towards the Gifts they made to Monks and Nuns either by way of Pension or to Build or repair their Convents or Churches and that they refus'd even to receive or Register the oppositions of the Reform'd the King setting aside what was past forbid the Estates to Comprehend the Reform'd for the future in the like Impositions and to make them amends for not ordering the Restitution of the Sums they had been oblig'd to pay till then he granted 1800 Livers which should be rais'd upon such Lands of the said Country as were Lyable to Contributions towards the charges of the Journey the Deputys of that Province had sent to Court to sollicit that affair But the most Important Affair of the Year was the disgrace of the Duke of Sully who lost his Super Intendency of the Finances and the Government of the Bastille Never did people argue more upon the Causes of an Event than they did upon this fall and the Reform'd themselves look'd upon it as a specimen of the Evil that was design'd to them The Court of Rome had murmer'd so long to see the Finances in the Power of a Protestant that it is very likely that Religion had a share in the reasons for which they were taken from them But on the other hand it was as clear as Day that the ancient discontents of the Queen of Conchini of his Wife and of some others were the principal Motives of it His Zeal for reducing the House of Austria had made him Odious to all Passionate Catholicks or to those that enter'd into the Intreagues of Spain His unsociable humour had created him Enemys among all degrees of People and even during the time of his Favour a letter had been written to him without a Name but yet pretty well Pen'd to exhort him to be more Complaisant and more Liberal The Count of Soissons hated him for the ill Services he had often done him by taking the King's part against him The Prince of Conde was disgusted by him and upon that account had followed the advice of the Marshal de Bouillon his Enemy Sillery Villeroy and Jeannin who were the three Heads of the Council that govern'd all the rest had conceiv'd of old a hatred of Ambition against him because he had a greater share than all of them both in Affairs and in the Kings favour Moreover he depriv'd them of the Pleasure to which Men of their Quality are most sencible not allowing them the least Authority in the management of the Finances which he had the Sole disposal of without imparting it to any body so that they could neither inrich themselves nor their Creatures Being thus assail'd on all sides and seconded by none it was impossible for him to defend himself against the Revenge Ambition and Avidity of so many Enemies Nothing spoke in favour of him at Court but his Fidelity his Labours and Long Services but those are but little regarded there unless one has better Recommendations and that Merit be seconded with Flattery and Complaisance Therefore after having maintain'd himself in his Places for the space of six Months he receiv'd an order from the Queen to resign the Finances and the Government of the Bastille But that which prov'd most offensive to him was that they were taken from him in an insulting manner persuading him that he had desir'd to be discharg'd of them and to receive a Recompence instead thereof The Pretence on which the Court gave this Turn to his Disgrace was that when he offer'd his Services to the Queen he at the same time offer'd his Person and Places to her in terms that were very positive and full of exageration But tho it was only meant as a Compliment the Queen took it in the Verbal Sense and seem'd to have understood that in Earnest which Sully had only said to express his Devotion the better to that Princess So that the Command he receiv'd to resign his Places was pen'd in such a manner that it seem'd to be a favour he had desir'd the remainder of his Employments were confirm'd to him and he was allow'd a recompence of 300000 Livers for those that were taken from him This was accompanied with Expressions and Testimonies of his Majesties being very well satisfied with his Services The Queen writ every where to give an Account of this Removal and of the Reasons that had induc'd her to it so that she prepossess'd peoples minds which so bold an attempt at the beginning of a Regency might have been capable to shake had Sully spoken first The Duke seeing himself depriv'd of the high Credit he had possess'd at Court during the Life of his good Master and dreading perhaps that this first stroke was but a specimen of what they design'd against him resolv'd no longer to appear in a Place where he had so many Enemies and in which he could make but a very melancholly Figure for the future Therefore he remov'd to Sully within a Weeks time and from thence in order to be reveng'd of those that had injur'd him Persons who little valued that Vengeance or rather to acquaint all Europe with the injustice that had been done to him he writ an Apology in the form of a Letter to the Queen It was very strong and bold He disown'd the pretences that were us'd to divest him and constantly refus'd the profer'd Recompences He declar'd that he would have been less offended if the morossness and untractableness of his Humour had been alledg'd as the cause of his disgrace instead of a pretence which turn'd him into Ridicule and which under the appearance of an Approbation of his Services depriv'd him of his Employments as if he had been unworthy or incapable of them He express'd his Services in it in Terms that look'd somewhat like a Reproach and demonstrated that he had sav'd upwards of two Millions by his management It is certain at least that he had acquitted the King'sdebts clear'd his Demesne and Revenues and put his Exchequer in a better condition than ever it had been So that he might speak the more boldly because he had no Enemys that could be so impudent as to deny it Some Replys were dispers'd against him but at the bottom those who had thrown him down thought they might content themselves with his fall and so left him the Consolation of not disputing with him about the truth of his Services Nevertheless that affair was canvas'd again in a General Assembly which the Reform'd held that year at Saumur and had not their Divisions hindred them from taking good Resolutions or from putting those in Execution which they
about any thing with the King's Commissioners which were expected at Saumur untill they had obtained satisfaction for that disorder But this Resolution produced but little effect The Court evaded the Petitions of the Assembly by an illusory Commission which was given to Frere a Master of Requests a Man often imployed in Affairs in which the simple were to be amused This Commissioner maintained Senevieres in the Government and in the Possession of the Castle but it was upon very hard Conditions which leaving him the Title of Governor nevertheless deprived him of the Authority of it Among other Clauses he oblig'd him to keep the Draw-Bridge ever down and to keep but five Servants about him which exposed him to all the enterprizes of the Catholicks The Marshal de Bouillon after having seen the King's Commissioners refused to speak any further for Senevieres neither did he suffer himself to be moved by the Remonstrances of the Assembly As for the Governour who seemed to be disposed to embrace the Reformed Religion he was exhorted to make his Declaration speedily and the Assembly promised to use their utmost endeavours to protect him The Affair of Senevieres was treated of on the very first day of the Assembly The next day they renewed the Oath of Union which had been taken on other occasions of the like nature and a Draught was made of it which only contain'd two points The one was Obedience to the King and the other Concor'd and no Self-Interest among the Reform'd for their Common Preservation under the Protection of the King and within the bounds of their Allegiance And yet this Oath was so ill observ'd that even during the Session of the Assembly Discord and Interest were like to ruin all Nevertheless all the Deputies took it without the least scruple and the Duke of Sully who had formerly oppos'd those Renovations of Union was not one of the least diligent to enter into it because he was sencible that the Common Cause would secure his They took another Oath which oblig'd all the Members not to make Brigues to obtain the Nomination of Deputies General or to be imploy'd in the Deputations that should be sent to the Court This Oath was as ill kept as the first and those Brigues were made almost publickly In the next place Commissioners were nam'd to draw the Cahiers of the Complaints and demands they should have occasion to make and an order was made that all such as should have any secret or important Affairs to propose should declare the same to the Moderators before they mention'd them to the Assembly The Duke of Sully's Affair was treated of at Large He made a long Remonstrance to the Assembly He answer'd the Complaints of those who had found fault with his giving his Demission without having first consulted the advice of the Provinces And he alleg'd for his Reasons that he had been press'd too much to have time to consult them Besides that the Queen had given notice of it her self in causing the News of his destitution to be writen every where That he did not dare to complain for fear of offending the Court in saying the truth That he had not consented to his fall out of choice but obedience and that he had been forc'd to do it in some measure That nevertheless he had done nothing as yet in relation to the recompence he might pretend not having taken any resolution about it yet so that it was still time enough to take advice and he desir'd it upon four things First Whether he should leave all things as they were that is never more to mention a restablishment or recompence Secondly Whether supposing that he should speak about it again he should desire only to be re-establish'd in his Places And Thirdly Whether all hopes of being restor'd to them being taken away he should accept the Recompence that was offer'd to him From thence he took occasion to make the fourth Question viz. Whether in case he should accept a Recompence he should receive one of Honour and Safety or of Profit and Convenience that is whether he should desire a Marshal's Staff or a new Government which he call'd Honour and Safety or whether he should accept the 300000 Livers which he call'd Profit and Convenience After this he desir'd the Assembly above all things to consider whether his affair was General and related to the Observation of the Edict or whither it was particular to himself In the next place he endeavour'd to excuse the Queen tho she was the real cause of his disgrace He also added a recital of the Services he had done the State of which he alledg'd for proofs of one side the satisfaction the King had express'd to him about it and on the other the Comparison of the State of Affairs when the Administration of it was committed to his care and when it was taken from him His remonstrance would have been very moving if to all this he could have join'd some marks of his Services to his Religion and to the Churches of France while it was in his power to do it The Assembly declar'd that the Duke of Sully's Affair concern'd all the Churches since that considering his great and known Services no reason could be given for his fall but his Religion They concluded that he ought to accept no other recompence for his Services but of Honour and safety They promis'd to order the Deputies General to joyn with him in the prosecution of that affair They desir'd both him and his Son not to lay down the remainder of their Places and they promis'd to assist him by all lawful means in case he should be unlawfully prosecuted which they would incert in the Instructions of the Deputies General This Protection was due to the Duke by the Churches if it be true that his affection for them transported him beyond the bounds of Prudence and Respect in the Council where Villeroy propos'd to put a Garrison of Switzers into Lyons contrary to his advice as I have heretofore related it Things went so far between those two Lords and Villeroy spoke of Sully and of the Reform'd in terms which express'd so much contempt and inveterate aversion that it is said that Sully answer'd him that he would find a way to hinder him from sacrificing them to the Policy of Spain and that he even threatned to strike him which added a potent Reason to those which the Cabal of Spain had already to remove that surly superintendent out of the Treasury and to ruin his Credit The Remonstrance he had made to the Assembly being design'd for the Publick as well as for them the Copys he dispers'd of it occasion'd the Answer of an unknown Person Intituled Advertisement given by an Overseer of Charenton to the Assembly of Saumur It was properly a Satyr against the Duke which under the Notion of remonstrating what answer ought to be made to his four Questions turn'd him into
Kings illness which stopt him by the way going from Paris to give orders about the defence of the Coasts of his Kingdom against the Descent threatned by the English prov'd exactly according to the Prediction of the said Astrologer and that of another fit of Sickness which the said Prince had at Lyons some years after it prov'd no less exact So that the Queen had as much Faith in his Predictions as if they had been so many Oracles This Credulity ruin'd all her affairs and the same thing happen'd to her which commonly happens to all those who are Govern'd by the like Maxims that is she could neither obtain the advantages that were promis'd to her by the Stars nor avoid the misfortues she was threatned with At least we may find by the comparing of the Lives of those two Queens that the one was much happier than the other Catherin who had so often expos'd the State within an Inch or two of Ruin to retain the pleasure of Commanding nevertheless maintain'd â—…er Credit almost to the last moment of her Life But Mary soon lost her Authority and received a Cruel Punishment for her Intreagues towards the latter end of her Days The first found all her Council in her own head and wanted no body to guide or direct her The last was too much govern'd by her Passions and her Confidents Nevertheless the Author I am speaking of enlarg'd very much upon her praise and represented her as a Princess that had never had an equal That was the Stile of those daies and sordid flatteries became so much in vogue that even those who banish'd her from the Government rais'd her up to the Skies by their Elogy's She had wherewithal to comfort her self even in her Exile if she took any delight â—â— Panegyricks the only good her Enemies allow'd her The Author concluded with upbraiding the Reform'd for â—…e haughtiness he found in their behaviour He accus'd â—…em of demanding favours in the same tone as Spaniardsâ—…sk â—…sk for Alms That is with a drawn Sword and haugâ—…y Air as if they had requir'd the payment of a just â—…ebt and he would persuade them that they had no just â—…retence either of fear or jealousy It would have been easie to have made a more judicious distribution of the Reform'd by dividing them into three viz. The Lords of eminent Quality who made use of the others for their particular ends The Persons of Integrity who were sencible that no good could be expected from a Council govern'd by the Jesuits and who for that reason endeavour'd by all lawful means to secure themselves against Perfidious Implacable Enemies and the Timerous who were either naturally weak and indifferent or softned and made tractable by the Artifices of the Court The first and last occasion'd all the Evil Those made use of the Zeal of the second to make themselves considerable at Court and these abandon'd the others as soon as the Court offer'd them a shaddow of quiet I will observe in this place before I proceed any farther the Cause of those Writings against the Assembly No means were omitted to oreate jealousies in the Catholicks about it as soon as the Reform'd had obtain'd leave to hold it It was reported that they design'd to make excessive demands and to take up Arms to compel the Court to grant them The Memoirs sent into the Provinces to serve as a project for the Instructions of the Deputies which the particular Assemblies did send into the General of which the Court had an account by their Pensionaries did not a little contribute towards the confirmation of those common reports The demands which some of the Provincial Assemblies added to those of the said Memoirs likewise contributed considerably towards it Those who had seen the Assembly of Milhau recall'd it to mind upon this They said that of five things that had been propos'd in it there only remain'd two unobtain'd viz. Two Places of surety in every Province in which the Reform'd had none and that the Tithes of the Reform'd might be imploy'd for the payment of their Ministers They magnified the Consequences of the Union the Assembly was to swear saying that thereby the Reform'd would oblige themselves to maintain each other in all the Governments and in all the Offices the late King had given them even in all the Places they held besides those that were set down in the Breef of the Places of Surety And whereas it was not likely that the Court would comply with all those things they concluded that the Reform'd were going to take measures in order to make a War But that which is most to be wonder'd at is that there were some among the Reform'd who seconded those extravagant reports The Marshal of Bouillon was one of them and some accus'd him of having told some Catholick Citizens and others at his going from Saumur the Assembly being broke up that they had a Peace at last but that it had been obtain'd with a great deal of pain and trouble Nevertheless all the rest of the Assembly protested that they had never mention'd the least thing tending to a War during the whole Session This reproach was made to the said Lord with a great deal of sharpness by the Dukes of Rohan and of â—ully who fell out publickly with him It is very likely that he had no other design in spreading this report but to perâ—…ade the Queen that he had done her great Services and that he was of great use to her to keep the Reform'd within the bounds of their duty However this made deep impressions upon the People and notwithstanding the â—rotestation of Sixty Persons who affirm'd that the Assembly had not had the least thoughts of War the Court at that â—…ery time alledg'd the said pretended design of a Civil War as a Crime against the Reform'd and did since renew â—…e said accusation against them as if it had been plainly â—…erify'd The ancient Enemies of the Reform'd who did at that â—…ery time take all their measures in order to destroy them â—…conded that report as much as in them lay and they made â—eople take such extraordinary Precautions in divers plaâ—…es against this Chimerical War that they created real susâ—…icions in the Reform'd who could not imagine the reason of those panick fears Whether the Court really enter'd into those fears or whether they seem'd to credit them out of policy in order to remove Persons from thence which were troublesome to them they took that pretence to send the Duke d' Epernon to his Governments and the Prince of Conde into Guyenne Moreover they cunningly caus'd it to be reported that the Prinee would go through St. John d' Angeli in order to bury the Prince his Father who by reason of the Law-Suits in which his Widdow had been involv'd upon the account of his Death had not as yet receiv'd the last Duties That City was one of the most considerable of those
Assembly an account of their Journey and deliver'd the Letters they had receiv'd The substance of them answer'd the Verbal answer the Deputies had receiv'd They mention'd the King's having receiv'd the Cahier as a great Instance of kindness considering the reasons he had not to receive it Those Reasons were that the Custom was to receive them from the Deputies General after the dissolution of the Assembly whereas the King had been pleas'd to receive this from particular Deputies while the Assembly was in being and even before their having nomnaited their Deputies General The same Letters press'd the Assembly since they had nothing more to do to proceed to the Nomination of six Persons and to break up immediately Ferrier whom his Collegues pitch'd upon to be their Speaker making his report of their Negociation to the Assembly did it in such a way as gave great suspicions of Treachery and they were sufficiently confirm'd since by the sequel of his Life In the mean time the Assembly was unwilling to Nominate the six Persons out of which the Court was to chuse two before they had heard what Bullion had to say They were in hopes of waving that Nomination as being contrary to the first Liberty of General Assemblies as being introduc'd into the Assembly of â—hatelleraud for private Reasons relating to the Marshal of â—ouillon who was out of favour at Court at that time â—hose Confidents and Creatures the King would not adâ—it to reside near him as being afterwards made at â—ergeau out of complaisance to the King who would have 〈…〉 so But they were of opinion that those two singular â—xamples ought not to serve as Presidents Moreover â—â—l the Provinces had Instructions which requir'd the reâ—â—oring of the Election of the Deputies General upon the â—ormer Foot and that the Assembly should only Noâ—inate two which the King should be intreated to apâ—rove of Bullion being come insisted upon the same things that were contain'd in the King's Letters which the Deputies â—…ad remonstrated He alledg'd the Examples of Chatelleâ—aud and Gergeau He added that he had the Cahier with â—he answers that they ought to content themselves with what they should find upon the said Cahier and that the Court having done whatever they could do would grant â—othing more The Assembly being sencible that this proâ—eeding was not barely upon the account of formality â—…s Bullion endeavour'd to persuade them refus'd â—o acquiess without deliberation And after having taken â—he Votes by Provinces they remain'd in the resolution to â—ollow the Instructions which the Deputies had receiv'd â—ot to name above two Deputies General and not to â—reak up without having first receiv'd satisfaction and â—o make most humble remonstrancies to the Queen upon â—he whole They acquainted Bullion with this Resolution by express Deputies and soon after they deliver'd their Remonstrances into his hands and desir'd him to send them to the Queen He promis'd to do it and did but this show of good will was only a Cloak to cover other designs When he was sent back to Saumur he was order'd to take the Marshal Bouillon's advice in all things and to submit to it either because they were already sure of him or because they design'd to bring him quite over to them by this shaddow of Confidence Bullion's chief endeavouâ— were to persuade that the Cahier was answered in such a manner as would satisfie the most difficult and he sworâ— it in terms little suitable to his Age and Quality He sometimes declar'd that if what he said was not true he would be Damn'd Eternally The Reason which oblig'd him to make those horrible Oaths was that the secret of the Answers made to the Cahier had been ill kept Several Persons were inform'd by very good hands that they were limited to a very inconsiderable matter But whereas those extraordinary expressions did not blind every body they set another Machine at work which prov'd more effectual La Varenne who had made his Fortune under the late King by his Capacity in the Intreagues of Debauches had been sent to Saumur without a Character but with a secret Commission to Corrupt as many Persons as he could in order to incline them to follow the Sentiments of the Court This Man who knew how to promise and how to give and who had learn'd among Women not to give over at the first Denial and to overcome the first shame that hinder'd them from yielding to his promises imploy'd his Time and his Pains effectually here He barter'd for Votes almost publickly and went from Door to Door to display the means of Corruption he was intrusted with He prevail'd with some he shook others and the Oaths of Bullion coming to the assistance of the Presents and Promises of La Varenne a small number of Deputies devoted themselves to the Court. Men must sometimes have a fit Reason to tell when People wonder at their behaviour altho it be not the Reason which moves them They must have a plausible Motive to conceal the real Motive they are asham'd of People would blush to confess that they do Act for Money but those never fear reproaches who only fail through an excess of Credulity The execrable Oaths of a Considerable Man are a fair pretence to suffer â—…es self to be deceiv'd in order to deceive others There so were others who tho incencible to bribes suffer'd themâ—…ves to be deluded into the Snares of those powerful â—…ffirmations and condemn'd the Constancy of the Majoriâ—… who would see the Answers before they would proceed 〈…〉 any thing else Nevertheless all this could not amount 〈…〉 high as to make so strong a party as the Court desir'd â—…he Number of the Obstinate surpass'd that of the Comâ—…aisant above one half Insomuch that all things being decided in those Assemblies by the Plurality of Votes the â—ourt was certain to lose her Cause The Marshal de Bouillon found an Expedient for it at â—…ast it is imputed to him and the effects show'd it clearâ—… enough It was to send for another Letter from the â—ourt more positive than the preceeding to order the â—ssembly expressly to Nominate six Persons to the King 〈…〉 accept the Answers given to the Cahier and to break â—… which declaring such to be Rebels who should reâ—…se to obey without reply should Authorise the inferiour â—umber to remain at Saumur to make the said Nomination â—…d to accept the Articles The substance of that Letter was drawn at the Marshal Bouillon's House who â—…ad made his boast for some days that 30 of the Deâ—uties would obey the Order of the Court and who in â—…se the others should retire being unwilling to have a â—…are in that Complaisance were resolv'd to remain to oâ—…ey the Queen in all things The said Letter was sent to the Court by Bellujon who tarry'd two days after the Courier to whom Bullion had given the Remonstrances of 〈…〉 Assembly They thought thereby to
if he had a mind to â—…e angry on purpose to please them Neverthless he kept his word and whereas he always appear'd zealous 〈…〉 other things for his Religion this did not forfeit his Credit 〈…〉 the least in the Provinces of which some afterwards forbad the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies and to preach against the Sentiments of private persons Before I make an end of what relates to the said Assembly 〈…〉 is necessary to give some account of the substance of their * Cahiers and of the answers that were made to them since they occasion'd those fatal divisions I will only give an abstract of them by reason that they are set forth at large at the end of this Volume They contain'd 57 Articles of which the three first demanded the re-establishment of the Edict and of its particular Articles in their first form and the verification of them in the Soveraign Courts The King refus'd these three Articles directly being willing as he said to conform to the resolutions of the King his Father which he call'd Good and Holy and who had explain'd himself upon that Subject in the year 1602 The fourth demanded Commissioners of which one should be of the Reform'd Religion and nominated by the Reform'd of the Province to which he was to be sent and the other a Catholick unless the Reform'd had rather leave the execution of the Edict to the Baylifs or Seneshals of the places which should be oblig'd to take a Reform'd Associate The King granted it for such places in which the Edict was not put in execution according as the Parliaments had verifi'd it The fifth demanded for the Reform'd Communities which did possess some Fief or some Judicature of the quality mention'd by the seventh Article of the Edict the right of performing the exercise of the Reform'd Religion there and the King referr'd them to the observation of the Article of the Edict without any Alteration The sixth demanded that the exercise of their said Religion perform'd in 1577 and 1597 however it had been establish'd even by Power of Fief altho the Fief were since possess'd by a Catholick even by an Ecclesiastick should notwithstanding be continu'd there The King without deciding whether the Articles 9 and 10 of the Edict were favourable or contrary to the said pretention referr'd them to the observation and maintenance of the same The seventh remonstrating that the exercise of the said Religion ought to be re-establish'd in certain places by Vertue of the 10th Article of the Edict of Nantes where it could not be perform'd without exposing the Reform'd to the danger of a Tumlt by reason of the long discontinuation thereof demanded that the right of it might be transferr'd to other places of the Province which the Synod sould appoint The King answer'd that the Commissioners should inquire both as to the right of performing the said exercise in those places and the reasons of the interruption thereof after which it should be regulated which made the Reform'd sencible that it would go against them by reason that the Possession of the same having been interrupted for reasons which the Court would approve of they would not think it fit to restore them The 8th renew'd the Petition that the Reform'd might not â—e oblig'd to qualifie their Religion themselves in Publick Acts with the Title of Pretended Reform'd The King refus'd it and referr'd them to the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Reform'd in 1609 by the late King The â—â—h requir'd that the Ministers might have the same exemption as the Ecclesiasticks The King referr'd them to â—â—e Exemption granted by the late King in 1604 by Letters Patent which only freed them from the Taille in that related to their Goods and Pensions The 10th grounded upon the 16 Article of the Edict demanded the restitution of â—â—e places that did formerly belong to the Reform'd without obliging them to justifie their Possession by Titles The King referr'd it to his Commissioners who should â—â—use a restitution to be made of those usurp'd Places provided the Reform'd could prove that they had lost their Titles or Writings In the 11th they desir'd an exemplary punishment of such Preachers Confessors and other Ecclesiasticks as did forbid the Catholicks to hold any Communication with the Reform'd as to serve them to nourish their Children to undertake their Affairs and who declar'd that all those who frequented them would be Damn'd In case they could not be seiz'd the Article requir'd their Superiors should be responsible for the same and that the Attorneys General and their Substitutes should â—e injoyn'd to see it perform'd The answer instead of the punishment requir'd forbad only according to the 17th Article of the Edict Seditious Sermons and Discourses and made a very mild Exhortation to Preachers to aim only in their Sermons to preserve publick Peace and Tranquility The 12th complain'd of the multiplicity of Festivals and desir'd that the Commissioners might retrench some of them in such places where it should be desir'd That neither they nor the Curates might be allow'd to become Parties in the examinations of the Contraventions of the same nor the Provosts Warders or other Officers to prosecute the same nor even Serjeants without a positive order from the Judge of the place The answer spoke nothing as to the restriction of the number and confirm'd the 20th Article of the Edict The 13th related properly to the Affair of the Duke de Sully and of the Catholicks that embrac'd the Reform'd Religion demanding the observation of the 27th Article of the Edict concerning Imployments and the re-establishment of such from whom any had been taken without observing the usual forms That is without having convicted them of any fault by which they could forfeit the same The ancient Jurisprudence of the Kingdom allow'd no other reason to take away a place from a Man unless he desir'd to be discharg'd himself for some known reason The answer said in a word that the Article of the Edict should be observ'd leaving a just cause to believe by that briefness that the King would allow no re-establishment of that Nature The four following related to Church-yards and Burials and demanded the confirmation of the Possession of the places which they had injoy'd since the verification of the Edict the delivery of some convenient places in those parts where they had none leave to perform their Burials in the day time even in such places where they were oblig'd by the Treaty to perform them at inconvenient hours and good regulations to prevent Seditions and Tumults in such places where the Gentry and other Reformed had right of Burial in the Chappels of their Predecessors The answers preserv'd to the Reform'd the possesion of the Church-yards which had been deliver'd to them by the Commissioners order'd others to be deliver'd to them according to the answer to the Cahier of 1602 referr'd to the Commissioners to consider in what places
their Burials might be allow'd in the day time without fear of a Sedition and refusing to allow the Reform'd to be Buried in the Churches by reason that it was contrary to the Canons prejudicial to the Catholick Religion and capable to give a Scandal and Discontent to those that profess'd it it only allow'd that the Commissioners being upon the place should seek expedients to preserve to the Successors of the Reform'd the Rights which belong'd to them as Patrons The 18th which demanded leave to establish little Schools in all Cities and Towns of the Kingdom receiv'd only leave by the answer to have one School-Master in the Towns in the Suburbs of which the exercise of the Reform'd Religion was allow'd there to teach reading and Writing only forbidding them to teach new Doctrines That is as it has been explained since even to make Children repeat their Catechisms and to receive above twelve of the Neighbourhood in any Place The 19th requir'd the same Privileges for the Accademies of Saumur and of Montauban as were injoy'd by the other Accademies of the Kingdom and the Answer putting the Change upon them allow'd them to establish Colleges in such Places where the Exercise of their Religion was allow'd and gave those Colleges the same Privileges of the other Colleges receiv'd and approv'd of in the Kingdom This signifi'd nothing by reason that the Immunities of simple Colleges erected by the Wills of private Persons are nothing The 20th tended to obtain that the Catholick Counsellors who were to serve in the Chambers of the Edict might be chosen with the Deputies of the Churches â—o the end that none might enter there but persons of Equity and Moderation and that the same might remain there at least three years without being chang'd but by the Answer the King look'd upon that choice as a right which only belong'd to him and which he would keep The 21st which desiâ—'d two places of Counsellors to equal the Chamber of Neraci to that of Castres was waved by the Answer under pretence that there were too many Officers or places in the Kingdom already and in order to answer the inconvenience of recusations which sometimes reduc'd the number of the Judges below that which was requir'd by the Ordinances the King allow'd the said Chamber to judge to the number of Eight as it was practis'd in some Parliaments The 22th complain'd that in most Causes the Catholick Judges were divided in the Chambers of Guyenne and of Languedock which they imputed to the Passion of the Parliaments who having the liberty to nominate to the King the Counsellors of their Courts which were to serve in the said Chambers always nam'd the most passionate Wherefore they desir'd that the number of those Counsellors might be fill'd up in part with some Counsellors of the Grand Council and part of those of the said Parliaments which the King should chuse himself upon the List The King refus'd to alter the method of forming those Chambers and promis'd to take care as to the choice of those that should serve in them to the satisfaction of the Reform'd The three following petition'd the Creation of some Offices especially in Dauphine and by the Answers the King said that Patents had been given for some and that he could not grant the others for which he gave a remarkable reason viz. That he had promis'd to make no new Creation in that Province The 26th contain'd complaints for that the Parliament from which the Causes of the Reform'd were remov'd to the Chambers of the Edict or Party-Chambers gave Decrees against the Serjeants who within their Precincts did Execute the Decrees of the Chambers into which those causes were remov'd and desir'd that since the Serjeants being frighted by the said Decrees refus'd to put the said Sentences in Execution his Majesty would be pleas'd to Create two Royal Offices of Serjeants in every Bayliwick to be given to the Reform'd and the following petition'd the same thing for two Offices of Notaries The King refus'd those new Creations and pretended to remedy the said Grievances by commanding those who had such Offices to make or receive all the Acts as should be demanded or offer'd to them by the Reform'd Three other Articles related to the Validity of the Certificates given by the ministers The regulations of the Judges and the time of descriptions of which the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy refus'd to deduct a certain number of years of which the Edicts allow'd the deduction in favour of the Reform'd and upon those Articles the King granted nothing new or at least of any moment The 31st demanded â—e revocation of a Clause which took away the right of transferring Causes into the Chambers of the Edict from those who had not made an open profession of the Reform'd Religion six Months before their requiring the said removal and this demand related particularly to Ecclesiasticks who after having chang'd their Religion remain'd oppos'd to the hatred of the Parliaments who were very â—ere against men of that Character The answer was very â—â—tile and in refusing to alter any thing about the Clause â—â— six Months the King promis'd that he would take care â—â— the Causes of the Ecclesiasticks if they made their applications to him The Reform'd were very sencible that â—â— meaning of this was that after having chang'd their religion the Ecclesiasticks would be us'd worse in the Council than in the Parliaments The 32d desir'd a right of transferration for the Reform'd Heirs to those that had ready proceeded before the Parliaments and for those â—o should have their right by Cession or otherwise The King refus'd it to the Cessionaries by reason that it â—â—ght be done fraudulently but he granted it to Heirs â—â—serving at the same time that the said Concession was a â—…our It is true but it was so slight a one that it was â—â—rdly worth observing the occasion of using it not occurring perhaps once in 50 years The 33d demanded â—â— Foreign Inhabitants or Traders in the Kingdom the â—â—e Priviliges as were injoy'd by the other Reform'd and particularly that of transferring of Causes The King by â—s answer reserv'd to himself to do them Justice incase they appeal'd to him The 34th desir'd that the Priviledge to take a Reform'd Assistant or Associate in all criminal Causes in which the Reform'd were concern'd might be extended to all the Provinces and not only observ'd for some which were specifi'd in the 66th Article of the Edict The King granted it for the instruction only but he would not allow the Associate a deliberative Vote in the Judgment of the Process The 35th desir'd that the Judgment of the Competence in Provotal Cases which by the 67th Article of the Edict was referr'd to the nearest Presidial Seats within the jurisdiction of some Parliaments might be transferr'd to the Chambers of the Edict as in the others The reason of this demand was evident The jurisdiction
committed to â—…der it necessary that the Assemblies that had been â—…d since that of Saumur were lawful that the like â—…d often been held during the Reign of Henry the 4thâ—…hout â—…hout â—his ever complaining against them That whenâ—…r a permission was given to hold a General Assemâ—… it included leave to hold particular ones either beâ—…e the General to Nominate the Deputies that were to â—…st at it or after it to give them an account of their â—…nsactions there This was particularly grounded on the â—…y form of the fatal Letter the Queen had written the Assembly of Saumur which commanding the Deputies to break up order'd them at the same time to carry assurances of the King 's good Intentions into their Provinces which had induc'd the general Assembly to summon particular ones to acquaint them with those gooâ— dispositions They added that the Council was not ignorant â—â— the resolution of holding those particular Assemblies since the Commissioners that were sent into divâ—… places had receiv'd Orders to repair thither if possâ—… before the Overture That the King had sent some Pâ—… sons of Quality to assist at them in his Name in soâ—… Provinces That the King's Lieutenants Magistrates Counsellors and Presidents had sent for some of the Deputies of those Assemblies to speak to them and to know thâ—… Intentions That the very Commissioners nominated 〈…〉 the King had assisted at some of them That their Caâ—iâ—… had been receiv'd in the Council and that they had treaâ—ed about the Answers that were to be made to theâ— from whence the Synod infer d that the said Assemblies wâ—… neither Criminal nor Clandestine They complain'd thâ—… the Reform'd were blacken'd by that Tacit reproach Tâ—… it revivd former hatreds making them odious both 〈…〉 home and abroad by those oblique accusations which were contrary to the peace of the State Therefore thâ—… seconded the intreaties which the Deputies General hâ—… made and the Petition they had presented to the Parliament of Paris and did protest that the Reform'd hâ—… neither required nor sought after those Letters not deeâ—… ing themselves guilty in any respect and being ready 〈…〉 expose themselves to all manner of torments rather thâ—… to suffer their Loyalty to be tainted by that spot Thâ—… protested that they would make no manner of use of tâ—… pretended Pardon and that they disown'd all the proceedings avowals and approbations the said Declaration might take the advantage of as being contrary to thâ—… approv'd fidelity in which they promis'd to persevere aâ—… to maintain it with their Fortunes Lives and Honouâ—… This Act was dated the 2d of June and the Synod charg'd the Churches of those places where there were â—hambers of the Edict to make Remonstrances to the â—ounsellors who had suffer'd the Inrollment of the said â—eclaration to be made without a vigorous opposition â—…d the Churches of Cities in which there were Parliaments were also order'd to present the protestations of â—…e Synod to them They also writ to the Marshals de Bouillon and de Lesâ—…iguieres to desire them to assist the Deputies General in order to obtain the revocation of that injurious Pardon â—nd moreover because the Synod dreaded the consequences of the Division that had broke out at Saumur â—…ey imployed their utmost cares to reconcile Peoples â—inds They charg'd the Deputies General to imploy themselves about it and gave them for Associates Du Moulin Durant and de Lisle Grolot a man of great merâ—… and credit They wrote to all those who were any â—iâ—e concern'd in those disorders and made very lively â—…d very pressing exhortations to them and declaring themâ—elves positively for those who had insisted for most sureâ—â— they intreated the Marshal de Bouillon and de Lesdiâ—â—ieres to joyn themselves again to the Dukes of Rohanâ—â—d â—â—d de Sully to La Force Soubise and Du Plessis and the â—â—st of those that were Zealous to forget all that was â—â—st and all the diversity of sentiments and of opiniâ—â—s to lay aside all animosities fomented by their common enemies to re-unite themselves to the Churches in â—â—eir Remonstrances in order to obtain favourable anâ—wers at least upon their most important demands They â—rit at the same time to Chatillon to the Duke de Rohan 〈…〉 Parabere and to others upon the same subject to exâ—ort them to a Reconciliation and to make a Sacrifice 〈…〉 their Resentments to the good of the Churches The â—utches de La Trimouille was not forgotten She had begun to apply her self to that Work The Synod writ 〈…〉 her to continue and to breed her Children in good â—entiments of the Reform'd Religion The said Letters were carried by divers Persons who were able to second them but by reason that the Division had pass'd from the great ones to the inferiour sort the Synod also made strong exhortations to private Persons to reunite themselves and conjur'd them in a very moving manner not to abandon the Common Cause Neither did they forget to threaten the obstinate with Ecclesiastical Censures or to denote the Vengeances and Judgments of God against them and they charg'd all the Ministers to endeavour to restore concord in their Flocks The Deputies General had brought the Synod a Brief of 15000 Crowns which the King granted for an augmention to the Sallaries of the Ministers It was dated on the first of October last past and contain'd only what related to the augmentation Another had been granted before to confirm that of 45000 Crowns of which the King promis'd to continue the payment declaring that he knew what considerations had oblig'd the King his Father to give that Sum to the Reform'd to be imployd about their secret affairs Therefore the King allow'd the Reform'd the same Liberty to dispose of that Sum which had been granted to them by the Briefs of the late King But the King did not design to do the same thing in relation to the Brief of augmentation which the Court undertook to distribute themselves Insomuch that the said grant which look'd like a favour was in reality a dangerous Snare All those who were self-interested were fir'd with the hopes of obtaining more from the Court out of that Sum than they expected to get from the Synod in which the Distributions were made with more Husbandry and Equity So that it was easy for the Court to make that serve to corrupt the Reform'd which seem'd to be given to oblige them Some private Persons had already made their Addresses to the King in the short time that was past since the Date of the Brief in order to obtain some gratification out of that new Sum. Even some Communities had been taken by that Charm and the City of Bergerac had obtain'd 15000 Livers that way under pretence of erecting a College Moreover it occasion'd a great Alteration that year in the State of Religion in the Bayliwick of Gex I have related in another place the condition of the Reform'd there when that Country was
and they desire Grenoble again to which the Court consents Assembly of the Clergy Settlement for the Pensions of Converted Ministers Conduct of the Court and of the Prince of Conde who invites the Assembly of Grenoble to joyn with him Diversity of opinions The King's Progress The General Assembly sends Deputies to him Those Deputies are adjourn'd to Poitiers The Queen waves the Princes propositions and performs her Progress without hindrance Particular Cahier of the Assembly General Cahier Answers which are not satisfactory The Deputies are amus'd they Communicate their fears to the Assembly Lesdiguieres keeps them in awe They remove to Nimes inspight of him and excuse themselves at Court which does not approve it very well They are jealous of the Lords Lesdigueres and Chatillon are ingag'd in the Interest of the Court The Duke of Candale embraces the Reform'd Religion The Reform'd are hated by the Favourites The Duke d' Epernon hates them mortally Treaty of Vnion between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde under divers reservations which revives the Princes Party New Declaration which confirm the Edicts after an argumented Preface Effect of the Declaration The Reform'd are disarm'd â—â— Bourdeaux The Consistory discontinues the exercise of their Religion Two Advocates acquaint the Parliament with it which orders the usual Assemblies to be continued The Ministers withdraw The Consistory cites the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace who appeal to the Parliament The Consistory suspends them publickly from the Communion Severe Decree Passion of the Advocate General Facts disown'd by the Ministers Absurdities and ridiculous pretention Proceedings against the Ministers Sequel of the ill will of the Parliament False Decree of Inrollment of a Declaration against the Prince of Conde Propositions of Peace Deputies and Lettes from the Assembly of Nimes The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable The King of England offers to be Mediator of the Peace which the Council of France refuses Conferrence and Peace of Loudun Translation of the General Assembly â—â— Rochel from whence they send Deputies to Loudun Vnjust proceedings of the Court The Assembly is almost forc'd to accept a Peace Edict of Blois Private Articles Sequel Inrollment and modification of the Edict Have inlarg'd upon the preceding Articles presented by the Clergy by reason that they may be look'd upon as the Plan or Scheme of the Persecution the Reform'd have undergone from that time untill our days As the â—â—â—â—gy thereby show'd how little they were inclin'd to Peace 〈…〉 Equity the Nobility which follow'd their inspirations 〈…〉 movements did not appear better dispos'd They 〈…〉 during the Session of the Estates to Petition the 〈…〉 to maintain the Catholick Religion according to the 〈…〉 he had taken about it at his Coronation The Reâ—â—â—â—'d who were present took that proposition to be made â—â—â—â—nst them and were persuaded that the Nobility aim'd 〈…〉 Religion And indeed those that were acquainâ—â—â— with the nature of that Oath which I have set down in â—â—â—â—her place can think no otherwise since that the King â—â—â—â—ising thereby utterly to destroy all Hereticks declar'd 〈…〉 so by the Church the Application of it fell naturally 〈…〉 the Reform'd who are look'd upon as such by the â—â—â—â—olicks Therefore the said proposition was warmly â—â—â—â—ed between the Reform'd Gentlemen who were preâ—â—â—â— and the promoters of it in so much that they were 〈…〉 to proceed to great extremities The King was acâ—â—â—â—nted with it and he hinder'd it from going any further 〈…〉 promises and whereas peoples minds were strangâ—â—â—â—'d by that dispute he issued out a new Declaration on 12th of March which Confirmed all the Edicts 〈…〉 began with great Elogies of the Queen's conduct duâ—â—â—â— the Regency and of the care she had taken to conâ—â—â—â— the Edicts in imitation of the late King and to remeâ—â—â—he infractions of it as soon as she was acquainted with 〈◊〉 which the King look'd upon as the true Cause which 〈…〉 to the assistance of God had maintain'd his Subjects 〈…〉 the bounds of their Allegiance to him and in amiâ—â—â—mong themselves After which the King expressed that 〈…〉 good effect of the Queens Prudence had obliged him after the Declaration of his Majesty to intreat her to continue to assist him with her Council with the same authority as if the Administration of the Kingdom were still in 〈…〉 hands That by her advice he had issued out another Declaration of the same substance with that she had publishâ—… and caus'd to be verifi'd at the beginning of her Regeâ—… to signifie that it was her earnest desire to make his Subjeâ—… live in Peace and friendship and to observe the Ediâ—… Inviolably In the next place he declar'd that he was soâ—… for what had happen'd in the Estates upon the proposiâ—… of the Nobility and in order to satisfie the Reform'd 〈…〉 rejected it at first as little necessary or rather absolutâ—… useless since he was resolv'd to profess the Catholick Religion to his dying Day but after that he excus'd it proceeding from the Zeal of the Nobility towards the preservation of the Roman Religion without a design of gâ—…ing offence to any body whereupon he said that 〈…〉 Catholick Nobility had declar'd it to him first separatâ—… and then altogether That they had protested to him 〈…〉 they were very desirous of the observation of the Pâ—… establish'd by the Edicts That they had intreated him to 〈…〉 the re-union of his Subjects to the Providence of God 〈…〉 the usual means of the Church being but too much â—… swaded by experience that violent Remedies had â—… serv'd to increase the number of those that had left 〈…〉 Church instead of teaching them the way to return to 〈…〉 Therefore in order to remove the jealousies of the Refoâ—… who avoided factions and ill designs and all pretence of â—… sturbances from those that endeavour'd to promote 〈…〉 The King confirm'd anew all the Edicts Declarations â—… vate Articles Settlements and other Letters and Decrâ—… given in favour of the Reform'd both by himself and 〈…〉 Late King upon the Interpretation and Execution of 〈…〉 Edict of Nantes and order'd the same to be observ'd â—… olably This Declaraton which remain'd upwards of 〈…〉 Weeks before it was verify'd in the Parliament of â—… not cure the Evil the aforesaid Contestaion had creâ—… It hardly serv'd to Pallitate it And indeed it was very likely that it should satisfy any body considering it was Penn'd It was natural to suspect that a Constant Law could not be the Sequel of a Preface without â—…h That Imitation of Henry the 4th's Prudence it Inâ—… so much upon had never appear'd in the Queen's â—…duct On the contrary she had abandon'd all the late â—…s projects alterd confounded and destroy'd all â—he had done for the Peace and grandeur of the Kingâ—… and concluded the Alliance with Spain for which â—ad express'd an Invincible Aversion to his dying day affectation of always speaking of the Imitation of a Prince whose Maxims had been
would of necessity follow his Inspirations and Orders and would serve for Spies to give him a faithful Account of all Transactions there Moreover in Order to put the Assembly in a place where they might have no more Liberty than they had at Grenoble the Court Resolv'd to remove them from Nimes and Order'd Frere to transfer them to Montpellier This seem'd to be done for the Interest and Honour of the King to the End that the Assembly which was only Lawful by his Permission might seem to receive from him the appointment of the place where they might continue their Deliberations But the secret Motive of the Council was that Montpellier was at the disposal of a Lord from whom the Court expected as great services as from Lesdiguieres It was Chatillon Grand Son to the Famous Admiral That Consideration and his own Merit had acquir'd him a great deal of Credit among the Reform'd He was of a Mild Temper and was an Enemy to Troubles and Confusion but he had not the Zeal of his Grand-Father for the Reform'd Religion in which his only Son was so ill Educated that he did not â—arry for his Father's Death to turn Catholic Moreover he was Ambitious and the Court knowing his Foible on that side flatter'd him with the hopes of a Marshal's Staff which was given him some years after as a Recompence for his having abandon'd the Affairs of the Reform'd So that he was a Man like Lesdiguieres in two Respects First in holding a great Rank among the Reform'd and Secondly in being accessible to Hopes and Rewards The Reform'd still confided in him as they made it appear several years after it by Intrusting him with their Affairs in the Circle of the Lower Languedoc There had been an Example not long before how much he was lik'd on both sides The Government of Aiguemortes having been taken from Rambures the Reform'd had made great Complaints about it and the Court not being inclin'd to restore it to him whatever Promises they had made about it by Reason that they were desirous to maintain Berticheres in that Post whom the Churches were not pleas'd with they were oblig'd to agree upon a third Person to keep the Place until the Case were decided Chatillon was propos'd The Court accepted of him and the Reform'd agreed to it But soon after that in Order to put a stop to the Jealousies which the Enterprises of the Court upon divers places belonging to the Reform'd might Create in them Rambures gain'd his Cause and was Restor'd The Assembly had not as yet laid aside the Confidence the Reform'd had repos'd in Chatillon till then but they had already a general diffidence of the Fidelity of those Eminent Persons who only know how to Obey Sovereigns and who never joyn with their Inferiors unless it be to Command them who never unite the Interests of their Party to those of their Fortunes and who look upon the Services of the People and the Recompences of Kings as things that are equally due to them They had Learnt at Saumur that the Reform'd Lords were capable of promoting their private Interest at the Cost of others and that the common Cause may become the sport of their Ambition and of their Intrigues Those diffidencies were increas'd at Grenohle from whence the Assembly departed very much dissatisfy'd at the Behaviour of Lesdiguieres Therefore they refus'd to put themselves in the Power of another who might put them to the same hardships and so remain'd at Nimes pretending that they were afraid of displeasing Lesdiguieres by putting themselves at the Discretion of Chatillon as if they design'd to show that they confided more in the one than in the other However those two Lords us'd all their endeavours to hinder the Assembly from joyning with the Prince of Conde And as they had Creatures among them they delay'd the Conclusion of the Treaty a long while The Prince of Conde tempted them both to joyn with him and sent some Gentlemen to them with Reasons and Offers to perswade them But it was to no purpose because they expected greater and more speedy advantages from the Court than they could possibly expect in following the Prince who had not manag'd his Affairs well and who seem'd almost reduc'd to the necessity of submitting to the Mercy of the Court. But an unexpected Accident broke all their Measures and made them lose the Fruit of their Intrigues and Pains in the Assembly The Duke of Candale Eldest Son to the Duke d'Espernon being dissatisfy'd with his Father from whom he had endeavour'd to take the City and Castle of Angouleme threw himself into the Party of the Reform'd and Embrac'd their Religion publickly at Rochel They receiv'd him with great Demonstrations of Joy and of greater hopes for the future They gain'd one of the most considerable Houses in France by it The Example of it might prove Fortunate and invite other Persons of Quality to do the same So that they omitted nothing to express their Respect and Esteem for him The Assembly of Nimes paid him great Honour and made him General of the Cevennes and gave him so great an Authority over them at the very first that he broke through all the Oppositions of Chatillon and Lesdiguieres and made them Resolve to declare themselves in favour of the Prince But that was all the Good or Ill he did while he was Reform'd The Duke his Father was not Tractable in point of Religion He had begun to hate the Reform'd from the time of his being in favour with Henry the III. It seem'd to be one of the Proprieties of their Religion to be expos'd to the hatred of Favourites perhaps because they were not so willing as others to bend their Knees before those Idols which the Gapricio of Princes or of Fortune Rais'd above them and that they complain'd highly of the profusions that Ruin'd the State to Inrich those Objects of an unruly Favour I will say nothing in this place of the Cardinal de Tournon under Francis the I. Of the Constable of Montmorency under Henry the II. and under his Children of the Duke of Guise Father and Son under the same Kings and under Henry the III. But at least the Dukes of Joyeuse and of Epernon Favourites to that last King had ever express'd an invincible Aversion towards them And under Lewis the XIII the Marshal d'Ancre and the Constable de Luines show'd the same Passion to destroy them But besides this General Reason of Hatred against the Reform'd he had another which was Personal because they suspected his having had a Hand iu the Death of Henry the IV. Some look'd upon him as an Accomplice to the Conspiracy which succeeded so fatally against the Person of that Prince And those who spoke with most Modesty about it made no scruple of saying that sitting next to the King he might easily have warded the second Stab that was given him had be been so pleas'd
He took occasion from thence to make New Demands one of which was to punish those that were concern'd in the Falsification of the Decree Nevertheless when all things seem'd to be in the greatest Confusion they were disintangl'd all of a sudden and a Peace was talk'd on before the end of the Year The Queen having gain'd her ends by the King's Marriage Judg'd a Peace necessary to injoâ— the Fruits of that Alliance to disarm and divide her Enemies and to maintain her Authority and her Creatures On the other Hand the Prince seeing the Marriages were accomplish'd and that his Arms would prove ineffectual in that point finding himself moreover sufficiently formidable to make an advantagious Peace forgot his Promises and Treaties of a sudden and only thought of clearing his own Affairs The Duke of Vandoâ—â— who declar'd himself and rais'd Arms for him in Bretagne and the Duke of Nevers who likewise rais'd Men without declaring himself render'd him the more considerable The one by seconding him by a Potent Diversion and the other because he had the power to do it in case the Court refus'd to buy his Forces at his own Rate The most obstinate were sensible that it was impossible to dissolve the Marriages not yet consummated indeed by reason of the infancy of the Parties but Celebrated with all the Forms for the performance of which France and Spain had interchangebly given Hostages Had the Infanta of Spain been receiv'd ill in France Spain had a Daughter of France in their Power on whom they might Revenge themselves Thus all things inclin'd to a Peace and Public good seldom being the True Motive but the pretence of Princes it was the thing that was least thought on during the Treaty The very Assembly of Nimes sent Deputies to the King to beseech him to grant a Peace to his Subjects and those Deputies were receiv'd as if the Court had had no reason to complain of those that sent them The Truth is That they were not look'd upon as Deputies from a General Assembly because it was not held in a place allow'd of by the King and that the Court was unwilling â—o look upon their Resolutions as those of all the Reform'd â—f which a considerable Number disown'd them Those Deputies presented Letters to the King from the Assembly 〈…〉 which they justify'd their Conduct in Terms which â—how'd that they did not think it Criminal Those Letters were Pathetick and Eloquent The Apology they â—…ade for the Reform'd was grounded upon the just fear they â—…ad conceiv'd seeing the Distempers of the State increas'd â—…e Remedies rejected the Remonstrances of the Prince of â—…nde and of the Parliament hardly taken into consideration â—…e have seen said they in the said Letters your Sovereignty â—isputed and brought into question the Independency of your â—…own undecided so that We whose Subsistance next unto â—…od depends on the firmness of your Scepter had Reason to â—…ink it high time to look about Vs when we found that Endeavours were us'd to shake the very Foundations of it Soon â—…ter continuing to alledge the Reasons that had oblig'd them 〈…〉 Arm We have seen added they Armies Rais'd on all â—…rts and have heard several speaking the very sence of their â—earts prâ—saging the Felicities of Your Majesties Marriage by â—…e Design of our Ruin as if that Alliance were to be Ceâ—…ented by the Blood of your most Faithful Subjects which we included they would no longer defer to spill than till their â—ractices on our Patience had open'd a way for them to do it They added to those Complaints of the Threatnings against â—…em the Contempt that had been express'd towards the assembly the Refusal of an Answer to the Cahiers that â—…ere presented at Tours the removing of the most consideâ—…e among the Reform'd out of their places the advancement of their greatest Enemies They desir'd the King to apply proper Remedies to all those hardships which he himself might reap the Chief Advantages of They excus'd â—â—e Refusal of the Assembly to repair to Mompellier by the â—…me Reasons that had induc'd them to remove from Grenoâ—…lâ— which his Majesty had been pleas'd to approve of namely that they did not injoy their full Liberty there They also declar'd that the Assembly had hinder'd those of the Lower Languedoc from taking Arms which the Dukes of Monmorency and of Vantadour could Witness for them After which they concluded with the usual Protestations of Obedience and with hopes that for the future they should have more favour and Justice done them It is most certain that the lower Languedoc had no share in the Troubles whither it were that it proceeded from the care of Lesdiguieres who had taken his Measures with Alincourt Governor of the Lionnois and with the Dukes of Monmorency and of Ventadour to preserve that and the Neighbouring Provinces in quiet or that the Assembly were desirous for their own safety to hinder the War from breaking out so near them or finally whither a reciprocal fear had oblig'd both the Reform'd and Catholicks to remain in quiet It is no wonder that two Enemies who do not know one another sufficiently to know the weak side of each other or that know one another too well to despise each other should remain in Peace notwithstanding the opposition of their Interests by reason that they mutually dread each other Berteville who was one of the Deputies that brought those Letters made a Speech to the King partly suitable to the substance of the said Letters The King answer'd That he was willing to grant his Subjects a Peace without the Intercession of any Body The reason of this Answer was that the King of England was desirous to have a hand in this Treaty That Prince had promis'd the Prince of Condé a considerable Supply before the beginning of the War But whereas he was not much inclined to Arms and that a Controversy pleas'd him better than a Battle he contented himself with the Quality of a Mediator The Prince of Condé desir'd that the English Ambassador might assist at the Conference The Marshal de Bouillon also desir'd it The Assembly of Nimes was of Opinion that the Treaty would be more solemn and solid by the Mediation of a Forreign Prince out of respect to whom all Promises would be better kept But the King's Council would allow no Mediatorâ— being sensible that he who interposes in that Quality between the Soveraign and his Subjects deprives him commonly of the acknowledgement and merit of what he grants â—t the request of another Therefore the Ambassador was only allow'd to come to the Conference as a Witness The Prince of Condé and his Adherents agreed to it but King James neither got much Honour by it nor the Cause he deâ—…gn'd to Favour much Advantage Loudun was pitch'd upon for the place of the said Conference which was open'd on the 10th of February The King's Commissioners repair'd thither and the
the Duke d'Epernon from taking up Arms under pretence to force the said City to pay him those Devoirs they refus'd him and to obtain satisfaction for some Injuries he pretended to have receiv'd from them He complain'd that the Rochelois had surpris'd the Castle of Rochefort which he pretended to be in his Government and that they had put a Garrison in the same He Publish'd a very severe Manifesto and full of Invectives against the Reform'd in General and at the same time march'd against Rochel with 6 or 7000 Men and committed some Spoils about it The City did not expect those Acts of Hostility whither they thought that the Duke would not dare to proceed to an open War against a City that was Powerful of it self and seconded by all the Reform'd Party or whither they expected a speedy Relief from the adjacent Provinces in case of being attack'd This was the Reason that they were unprovided that they made an ill defence and that the World beheld with Astonishment that formidable City which had been attack'd in vain by so many Kings reduc'd to suffer the Incursions of a Private Person without being able to free the Estates their Inhabitants possess'd in the Country from the Pillage of his Souldiers Their Recourse was to the King to whom they made their Complaints against the said Duke And whereas the Court was otherwise imploy'd at that time and that they were desirous to see the Duke lay down his Arms those Complaints were hearken'd unto and the Duke was order'd to leave the Rochelois in Quiet However he did not desist at first Boissise who was the first that was sent to him could not prevail with him to give over his Enterprise and was even constrain'd to throw himself into Rochel to acquaint the Inhabitants that the King disown'd the Dukes proceeding and to give them leave to take up Arms for their defence Which however could not hinder him from being suspected of double Dealing Vignols being sent sometime after him to renew the same Orders to the Duke found him better dispos'd The Duke properly speaking did not lay down his Arms But he withdrew his Forces from the Territories of the Rochelois and his Excuse for his so easily granting what was desir'd of him at that time was that he was sufficiently Reveng'd by the devastations he had committed He Writ very boldly to the King to excuse his Enterprise considering that he was a Man who had much to fear and who was not belov'd The Glory of that Expedition has been mightily cry'd up in the History of his Life and that Exploit mention'd in it as if it had been the first Cause of the Siege Cardinal de Rocheliâ—u laid before the said City because say they That the success he obtain'd in that small War made the Court sensible that since they could not defend themselves against the Forces of a private Person it would not be impossible for the King's Forces taking a favourable occasion to reduce them to reason But the Truth is that the said Action is too much Honor'd in it It neither answer'd the Noise the Duke had made nor the Threatnings of his Manifesto He ought not to have laid down his Arms without having first dismantled that Proud City and made it a lasting Monument of his Vengeance and of his Power Nevertheless all this dwindled to the Pillaging of Peasants and destroying of the Estates of some private Persons Which a Band of Thieves might have done as easily as a Regulated Army After which he retir'd home having only seen the Walls of the City at a distance Very well pleas'd to cover his Retreat with the King's Authority who had laid his Commands on him to lay down his Arms. Therefore the Reform'd had some Reason to turn the said Expedition into Ridicule and to relate in the form of extraordinary News That the Duke d'Epernon had made his Entry before Rochel But during this small Trouble Rochel having implor'd the Succor and Council of their Neighbours Assembled the Circle according to the Regulation made at Saumur that is some Deputies of the Provincial Council of five Neighbouring Provinces to deliberate about the means to repel the Duke d'Epernon Those Deputies observing great Marks of a good understanding between the Duke d'Epernon and Vignolles and little or no Effect of what had been promis'd being moreover dissatisfy'd about the Conduct of the Court which gave good Words but came to no performance suffer'd themselves to be perswaded by the Marshal de Bouillon to do something extraordinary in order the better to mollifie the Court and the Duke d'Epernon The Duchess of Bouillon who seconded her Husband pretty well passing in those parts under pretence of going to Turenne by his Order sollicited those who had a respect for him so powerfully that the Circle resolv'd to Convene a General Assembly at Rochel for the 15th of April and that they sent Deputies to the King to ask his Leave in order thereunto The Marshal had a great interest in that Affair As he was one of the Male-contents who had made a New League against the Marshal d'Andre he had been declar'd a Criminal of State and according to the Maxims of the Court he was none of the least Guilty since that besides his Religion and his being Esteem'd the Primum Mobile of that Cabal it was very well known that he endeavour'd to strengthen his Party abroad when he requir'd Money and Men. Therefore he was also desirous to make an Interest at home to the end that in case his other Measures should fail he might at least be able to make his Peace or to save his Person by the Credit of a General Assembly This Convocation did not please every Body Many thought it unnecessary because the Court promis'd to see Justice done to Rochel and that in Effect the Duke d'Epernon began by degrees to perform what he had promis'd and not executed They added that it would be dangerous that it would displease the King who seeing it form'd at a time when the Troubles began to be renew'd in his Kingdom would think that it was held against to his Service They said that it was conven'd contrary to the Settlements which did not allow a Province which had no Grievances to desire it They endeavour'd particularly to insinuate that Rochel upon whose particular Account it was desir'd would abandon the rest of the Reform'd as soon as they had receiv'd satisfaction from the Court These were the sentiments of those who preferr'd Tranquillity to all things and especially of the Reform'd who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of Paris who commonly were more inclin'd to Timorous Slow Councils than to bold precipitated Resolutions But the others reply'd that if the King had receiv'd ill Impressions concerning the designs of those who desir'd the Assembly it was necessary to remove them by the good Resolutions they should take in it that a General Assembly
made none but only express'd his Astonishing by some Words when Vitri acquainted him that he was his Prisoner But this Action of Vitri was justify'd and that Service made him a Marshal of France The State of Affairs was quite Alter'd by that Death The Queen being penetrated with Grief was depriv'd of all Authority Her Creatures lost their Places those she had remov'd from Court were recall'd The Male-contents submitted themselves and the King Granted them a General Pardon in the Month of May in which acknowledging that they had only taken Arms for their safety against the Insolent Violent and Pernicious designs of the Marshal d'Ancre who imploy'd the King's Forces contrary to his Intention to ruin them that after his Death they return'd immediately to their Allegiance and that they had implor'd his Pardon very submissively he revok'd the Declaration that had been given against them Abolish'd the remembrance of what was pass'd confirm'd the Treaty of Loudun and the Edict of Blois and Order'd that all his Subjects as well Catholics as Reform'd should live in Peace under the Benefit and Authority of his Edicts After which the favour of the New Favourite was exerted against the Miserable Remains of the Marshal's Family even to Inhumanity His Lady was Executed for pretended Crimes of which she was found Guilty more upon the Account of the hatred of the Public than by any solid Proofs Luines was Adorn'd with his Spoils and saw himself so great-all of a suddain that he was Astonish'd at his own Fortune He made use of his Authority in a manner yet more Odious than the Marshal d'Ancre whom to say the Truth he neither surpass'd in Birth or Merit His Favour was only for himself he injoy'd it amidst Seditions and Civil Wars and he ingag'd himself into Foreign Cabals to the great detriment of his Country I must also add that in order to maintain his Credit he Marry'd the Daughter of the Duke de Mombazon of the House of Rohan This perswaded the Duke of that Name that he would be consider'd by that Favorite who was Honour'd by his Alliance But the Duke being come back to Court after the Treaty of Loudun had reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Queen who had receiv'd the Excuses â—â— made to her about his taking Arms very favourably All that he had obtain'd by the Treaty was the assurance of the Government of Poitou provided he could obtain the Duke of Sully's Demission because there was an Article in the Edict which promis'd expresly that the King would Grant no more Survivorships When he had obtain'd the Demission he was oblig'd to come to Court in Person to obtain his Letters Patent for the same He did it boldly enough tho he thereby expos'd himself to the Mercy of Persons of which some hated him Mortally and the others were very Faithful Nevertheless it prov'd to his Advantage and the Queen gave him his Patents which the change of Affairs hinder'd him from injoying Yet notwithstanding he apply'd himself to the Service of that Princess with so much Fidelity that he made an End of Ruining himself at Court and that far from drawing an advantage by the Alliance of that New Favorite he created an irreconcileable hatred between them It will be necessary to know the particulars which were the Motives or occasions of the following Wars During these Transactions the Deputies of the Provinces that were Invited to Rochel were got thither for the most part and that Assembly created equal Jealousies on all sides by reason that the State being divided into several Parties â—â— body knew which they would joyn with But the Marshal's Death and the Queen's Exile having appeas'd the Troubles the most specious Reasons of the Assembly were remov'd They sent Deputies to the King upon this unexpected alteration to Congratulate the recovering of his Authority Those Deputies did not see the King who refus'd to treat them as Deputies from a Lawful Assembly But after that the Answer â—…e sent them was not disobliging The King refer'd to hear them when the Assembly should be Dissolv'd they were desir'd to behave themselves as good Subjects ought to do when they have something to desire of their King to draw their 〈◊〉 Cahiers To separate forthwith and to retire into their Respective Provinces That upon that Account the King would favour them in all things that were reasonable and â—…st Therefore they broke up at the return of their Deputies according to the Advice of the Wisest who remonstrated to them with a great deal of Vigor That it behov'd them to â—how by that mark of Obedience that they did only Assemble when they had just reasons to fear but that they dissolv'd of themselves as soon as ever those fears were dissipated They â—â—serted an Article in their Cahiers which related to the Churches of Bearn desiring that no Innovations might be â—ade in that Principality either in Church or State But they show'd yet better how much they concern'd themselves â—â— the Affairs of that Province by an Act they made which oblig'd all the Churches to assist those of that Province in â—…ase of Oppression and Necessity by some Alteration of the State â—…ither in the Ecclesiastick or Politick part if those Churches â—…plor'd the assistance of those of France They order'd the Provinces of the Upper Languedoc and of the lower Guyenne to Assemble by their Deputies with those of that Soveraignty of necessary to endeavour to prevent their being oppress'd They writ to the great Lords to Intercede for the Reform'd of Bearn and they exhorted all the Councils of the Provinces to recommend them to the Deputies General The Affection they express'd for those threatned Churches prov'd useless And the King 's very Answer to the Article which spoke in their behalf destroy'd by one word which was Inserted in it on purpose all the hopes of their being favourably us'd The King promis'd to preserve all his Subjects of the Country of Bearn both Catholicks and Reform'd in the Possession of their Ancient Privileges and to maintain Peace and Union there as among the other Subjects of his Realm The Equivocation of the word Ancient was a plain Argument that the Council design'd to look upon the present State of Bearn as a Novelty And to restore the Catholicks there to all the Advantages they had lost by the attempt they had made against their Lawful Queen The Assembly Inserted in their * Cahiers some other important Articles viz. Concerning the Exemption of the Ministers and the Declaration given upon that Subject which the Court of Aids still refus'd to verifie the Necessity of Reform'd Associates for the Instruction of Criminal Causes the discharge of certain Offices which were impos'd upon the Reform'd tho they thought they could not Officiate them without wounding their Consciences concerning the Privilege of Reform'd Magistrates and Officers not having discharg'd their Trust in their Offices to be prosecuted in the Chambers of
fit Instrument to manage the King's Inclination to his Advantage But he was cruelly deceiv'd and this Villain paid him for his good Will like a true Jesuit So that he also was forc'd to retire at the end of some Years Thus the King left the Management of his conscience as well as of his Kingdom to the discretion of his Favourites and changing his Affection according to their Pleasure he allow'd them to Reign into the most secret parts of his Confessions and of his Thoughts This Jesuit was Arnoux known at Court by Conferences and Sermons which had gain'd him some Esteem Amongst the Sermons he was most noted for he Preach'd one at Fontain bleau before the King in which he attack'd the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd and maintain'd that the Passages cited in the Margin were falsely alledg'd This Accusation could not fail of being taken notice of in a Court in which there were abundance of Officers and Lords who did profess the Reform'd Religion So that upon the Disputes occasion'd by the said Sermon the Jesuit who had not advanc'd this Proposition with an Intention to retract it gave a Memoir of the Falsiâ—…ies he pretended to observe in the said Quotations to a Reform'd Gentleman who desir'd it and the said Gentleman gave it to Du Moulin The Ministers were not as yet reduc'd to suffer every thing without making a defence Moreover they were firm and vigorous in their Repartees and particularly when they met 〈◊〉 Jesuit in their way they never fail'd to speak of the Merits of his Sect. Therefore Du Moulin who had a Sprightly Wit 〈◊〉 Fruitful Imagination a heart full of Zeal and who as it â—as been own'd by his very Adversaries did Write with as much Politeness as Force and Ease was not long before he Answer'd the Jesuit having first Consulted Montigni Duâ—ant and Mestrezat his Colleagues in the Ministry They gave it the Title of Defence of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd Churches of France against the Accusation of Arnoux the Jesuit c. which they Dedicated to the King They mention'd with some Vigour in the Dedication the Services the Reform'd had done to the State and they us'd the Jesuits in it in the same manner as all Persons of Honour had us'd them till then They did not forget the last Estates held at Paris and the Controversie that had been mov'd there concerning the Independency of Kings who they said had lost their Cause by the Faction of the Clergy Arnoux and the Jesuits being nettl'd at this Letter caus'd a great deal of Noise to be made about it So that almost as soon as the Book appear'd they inform'd against the Work against the Author and against the Printer The Lieutenant Civil or Common Judge having first taken Cognizance of it that Affair was soon after remov'd before the Parliament which occasion'd a Dispute in point of Jurisdiction between the Great Chamber and the Chamber of the Edict The first pretended to retain the Cause as being a Civil Cause and the last would have it Try'd before them as being an Affair of Religion This Contestation was determin'd by a Decree of the Council bearing Date July the 20th which refer'd the Cause to the King And within a fourth Night after it another Decree was made in which the King forbad the Dedicating of any Book to him without his express leave suppress'd that of the Ministers forbad the reading of it or to keep it under certain Penalties and order'd the Provost of Paris to Prosecute the Printer This Decree dictated by the Jesuits only serv'd to set a greater value upon the Book Divers Pamphlets were dispers'd on both sides upon that Subject among which there was one which acknowledg'd Arnoux the Jesuit to be the Aggressor and that pretended that it was a Crime in the Ministers to have dar'd to defend themselves So that according to the Maxims of that Writer the Condemnation of the Ministers could only be look'd upon as an Oppression of Innocence so much the more Unjust that though those who had been attack'd had been punish'd the Aggressors had not so much as receiv'd a â—light Reprimand It was agains this Book of the four Ministers that the Bishop of Lucon resolv'd â—â— Write He insisted particularly upon their Letter and endeavour'd to prove that they had fill'd it with falshood He made all his Efforts to justify the last Estates But he did it by Reasons which he knew to be false better than any Body which most of those that had been concern'd in what past there could easily have convinc'd him of That manner of Writing was an effect of his fear It was the Stile that best pleas'd the Jesuits whom that Bishop was then as loth to offend as he despis'd them since when he found himself in a more prosperous Fortune About the time the Synod was at Vitre the Clergy was Assembled at Paris and vigorously prosecuted the Project they had form'd in the last Estates in Order to the Ruin of the Reform'd The Bishop of Macon made a Speech to the King â—â— the second of June at the Head of the Deputies of that Body And it is easie to Judge by the Style of it that the Catholicks were no longer inclin'd to use the Reform'd equitably He call'd the Reform'd Monsters and compar'd their Church to Agar styling it a Concubine He acknowledg'd that the Clergy dissembled with them and only Tollerated them for the sake of Peace He maintain'd that the Catholick Churches were happier under the Turks where the free Exercise of their Religion was allow'd than in those Places where the Reform'd were Masters His Complaints were grounded particularly upon Three Points The first was that the Bishop â—f Mompelier having been desirous to introduce Reform'd Jacobins into the Monastery the Friars of that Order had in the â—aid City by the Consent as he said of the Old ones of the General of the Order and by the Authority of the Parliament of Thoulouse the Inhabitants instead of allowing that Alteration had not only refus'd to receive the New ones but â—ad turn'd the Old ones out of the City But the Bishop did not say what had induc'd the Inhabitants to do it The Bishop of Mompelier had for a long while occasion'd continual â—isorders and disputes there and had offended the Reform'dâ—y â—y the boldness of his Enterprises Whither it were then â—hat they were afraid that these New Friars under pretence of an Austere Reformation might be indued with a more selitious Spirit and consequently more capable to second the said Prelate in his designs or whither it were that remembring the Original of that Order which had Signaliz'd it self from its first Formation by a thousand Massacres and who had acquir'd the Government of the Inquisition in Spain by such Qualifications they were afraid these New comers might introduce this Spirit of Fury and Cruelty in Mompelier and might have secret
Enemy to the Reform'd maintain'd himself in a Fortify'd Castle of which the Reform'd had order'd the Demoâ—…tion by a Decree of the Council It is true that for fear he should obey they had given another which remov'd the Affair before the Commissioners and still left Desportes in Possession which occasion'd great Troubles in the Cevenes and the Gevaudan Antraguers against whom they made divers complaints kept his Governments in spight of them The free exercise of the Reform'd Religion was hinder'd in â—…ivers places particularly at Ruffec in Saintonge where it â—…ight to have been allowed according to all Rules The Marâ—…ioness de Ruffec alledg'd for her reason that it was done without her Consent As if that Consent had been necessary for â—…ose Places in which there was an evident Possession in the â—…rms of the Edicts The Duke de Vendome having taken Possession of the Castle of the City of his Name by an Agreement he had made with the Governor did not fail to demoâ—…sh the Temple the Reform'd had built at the foot of the said â—…lace He caus'd that Violence to be committed by his own â—…ivery Men without keeping the least measures of Honesty 〈◊〉 Formalities of Justice The Church of the said Place made complaints to him about it which were the better groundâ—… by reason that he had promis'd to leave all things in the â—…me Condition he had found them He seem'd to be inclin'd to make some reparation for that Enterprize though he reâ—…ly did not design it He declar'd that he could not suffer in 〈◊〉 place which he pretended to make part of his Basse-court the free exercise of a Religion contrary to his Besides he had 〈◊〉 mind to take the advantage of the Reform'd of Vendome who having been in possession of that Place from the very time of Queen Jane thought that no body would dispute a Right acquir'd by so long a Prescription For which reason they had forgot to take other Sureties from the late King besides the â—dict They were oblig'd to apply themselves to the King in order to obtain the restauration of their Temple Commissioners were sent on purpose to examine that Affair upon the very spot but they could not determine it without great difficulties The Catholicks were often ready to proceed to the utmost Violences and the Reform'd were not much wiâ—…er Finally the business was made up these being oblig'd to relinquish part of their Right to secure the rest the Exercise of their Religion was remov'd out of the City near one of the Gates by a solemn Ordinance and the King was at the Charge of building the Temple and of the price of the Ground on which it was built Nevertheless this show'd the Reform'd that the Court had no mind to favour them since that in doing them Justice even in the most reasonable things they still abated something of their Right The Parliament of Bourdeaux refus'd to remove Criminal Causes in which the Reform'd were concern'd to the Chamber of Nerac And in order to have a pretence to retain them they had the boldness to say that all the Crimes the Reform'd were accus'd of were so many Crimes of Treason by reason that they were of a Religion contrary to the State They were prosecuted in divers places for Crimes abolish'd by the Edicts and particularly by that of Blois The Jesuits increas'd in credit more and more and had not only obtain'd a Decree on the 15th of February which allow'd them to keep an open College at Paris for all sorts of Sciences without regard to the Decrees to the contrary made by the Parliament nor to the oppositions of the University But also caus'd a Decree of the Accademi'soâ—… Theology and Arts to be revers'd which declar'd that they would admit none to the Degrees or Privileges of Schollarship but such as had study'd in their Colleges or in those of the Accademies that were in Confederacy with them They endeavour'd also to slip into the Places of Surety Regoâ—rd being sent to Leitoure by the Bishop in the quality of a Preacher The King took it ill that the Consuls had given him a Summons to depart from thence alledging the quality of the place He wrote to the Inhabitants to order them to suffer the Jesuit to remain and to Preach there telling them that he hop'd that he would keep within the bounds of the Edicts A thousand Disputes were made about the Burial of the Reform'd The Countess de Roussi being Buried in the Quire near the Altar of the Parochial Church the Attorney General took the thing in hand for the Curate and declaring that the Church was Polluted by the Burial obtain'd a Decree of the Parliament at Paris which ordain'd an Information to be made against the said Contravention and that the Church should be reconcil'd if it had not been done already Which implies the removal of the Corps by which the said Church had been profan'd All these Complaints and many more being inserted in a long Cahier a Council was held on purpose at the Chancellors on the ninth of July in which 33 of these well express'd Articles were examin'd But instead of any effectual satisfaction they only obtain'd removals to the Chambers and ineffectual Letters to the Governors and Judges of the said places The Cahiers presented at the beginning of the Year had been answer'd in the same manner and were not dispatch'd until the 21th of February The Answers tho' favourable in appearance were only Evasions to free the Council of the Importunities of the Deputies General It is easie to judge of it by that which was written on the side of the 13th Article in which the Reform'd complain'd that the Ecclesiasticks of Languedoc su'd them for the Demolishing of Churches and Convents during the Troubles and Indicted them before the Parliament of Thoulouse where the said Causes were retain'd without any regard to the Removals desir'd by the Reform'd This was one of the Crimes that are always abolish'd by the Edicts of Peace and which are look'd upon as unavoidable Consequences of War the Necessities of which neither respect Palaces or Churches when they are places the Enemies may improve to their advantage The King's Answer was that he would not suffer any prosecution to be made upon the account of the Materials of the said Demolishments imploy'd to other uses during the Troubles and he revers'd all Decrees to the contrary This seem'd to be to the purpose nevertheless it did not put a stop to the Prosecutions and they were oblig'd to renew their Complaints The truth is that the form of the late King's Answers was partly the same But there was this essential difference between his and his Sons that the Fathers only serv'd as it were for Memoirs of the Commands he was to send into the Provinces to the Governors and other Officers of Justice Insomuch that the Answer had the force of a Law by an express order to
put it in execution which he never fail'd of sending to such places where it was necessary But the Son's Answers were only words to free the Court of Importunities Sollicitations And whereas as soon as the Deputi's were out of sight they forgot their Promises the Reform'd receiv'd no benefit by it in the Provinces where they Laugh'd at their answer'd Cahiers The same Fate attended the other means which had serv'd under the late Reign to put them out of Trouble A Removal or Appeal before the Commissioners was become a Jest by reason that the Reform'd Commissioner was ever at the Devotion of the Court and that the Catholicks having no favourable Instructions suffer'd themselves easily to be prevail'd upon by the Clergy and by the Jesuits which Persons of that Character have ever endeavour'd to oblige A Confirmation of some Articles of the Edict violated by the Catholicks was but a Song by reason that the Answer which granted it not being seconded could not obtain more respect than an Edict so solemn as that of Nantes or a better observation of the Settlements which an Edict of that Consequence could not secure against the Injustice of a false Zeal A Declaration of what the King would or would not have being weaken'd by the little earnestness that was express'd to put it in Execution met with no Obedience Perhaps I may inlarge more upon this Subject in another place But this is sufficient in this place to shew the Effect of the Remonstrances and Petitions the Reform'd were daily oblig'd to present viz. to obtain Illusive Remedies for real Evils and to see the Clergy authoris'd to raise greater Persecutions against them by the little redress they met with from the King's Authority to oppose the first Attempts The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK VI. A Summary of the Contents of the Sixth BOOK EXtream despair of the Bearnois An Assembly refus'd at Castel-jaloux and at Tonneins They meet at Orthez and are prescrib'd Sedition at Pau. Maliae of the Commissioner Presages and Devotions Câ—â—ft of the Council First and Final Mandate directed to the Soveraign Council of Bearn Follow'd by Decrees of the said Council Sentiments of some particular Persons upon those Affairs Dispositions of the Grandees The State of Foreign Affairs Dangerous Consequences of Moderate Councils An Apology of the Conduct of the Bearnois Artifice of the Bishops of that Country Remarks upon the Speech of the Bishop â—f Macon Difficulties against the Reimplacement Against the Tithes Prescription Conclusion The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois The Prince of Conde is put at liberty The Assembly os Orthez Transferr'd to Rochel takes the King's part and breaks up Another Assembly allow'd at Loudun Their Preliminary Demands Why the Reform'd have so often renew'd the same Demands The Court refers the Complaints to the General * Cahier and other Articles of Complaints The Assembly prohibits the Preaching of Jesuits or other Monks in the Towns of Surety Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary Deputation Letters and Remonstrances to the King The Reform'd were inclin'd to serve the Queen Mother A Vexatious Answer from the King and the Effect of it Oppositions of the Catholicks against the Settlement of a College at Charenton Assembly of the Clergy They are exempted from pleading in Courts where all the Judges are Reform'd Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up An Expedient of Accommodation An Vnexpected Declaration against the Assembly The Prince of Conde deceives the Reform'd Affected diligence of the Attorney General The Assembly remains steady The Negotiations are renew'd The Assembly obeys upon the Words of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite Effect of the separation of the Assembly New Intrigues against the Favorite The Duke of Rohan sides with the Queen Scruples of the Queen Mother The Power of the Party she forms Vseful Advice of the Prince of Conde and ill advice of the Bishop of Lucon Reasons of the Bishop Defeat of the Queens Forces follow'd by a Peace Vnexpected Journey of the King in Bearn Faults of the Reform'd and the Cause thereof Remonstrances cannot stop the King He arrives at Pauâ— Makes himself Master of Navareins Takes the Oath Alters the whole frame of the Government Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans Treatment of the Reform'd Injuries Threatnings Violences The Evil encreases after the King's departure Wickedness of the Bishops Cruelties of Poyane Divers Relations of the King's Journey National Synod of Alais Political Settlement The Ministers deputed for the Synod of Dort give an account of the opposition they have met with to stay them Affairs of the Synod cross'd by a thousand Artifices They resolve to send Deputies to the King and revoke their Resolution All manner of Succors is refus'd to the Deputy of Bearn Important Considerations wav'd News of Consequence suppress'd Treachery of some Ministers unpunish'd Affairs of Privas and their Original Accommodation broken off by the Lord thereof The Place is deposited Vâ—olerces of the Garrison and Calumnies against the Inhabitants An Assembly at Anduze Behaviour of Chatillon Churches attack'd Invectives against the Synod of Alais Assembly at Gergeau Important Propositions 1st Whether they shall Vote by Heads or by Provinces 2ly Whether they may Exceed their Instructions Deliberations of the Assembly Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy Divers complaints of the Reform'd in those Provinces General Alarms of the Churches after the Alterations made in Bearn Assembly at Milhau cross'd by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and Chatillon Effect of the Promisses made to the Assembly of Loudun Councellors receiv'd in the Parliament of Paris Leitoure taken from Fontrailles The Brief Sign'd for the keeping of the Places of Surety is not given The interest of Favas hastens the return of the Assembly at Rochel Declaration which stiles it Vnlawful The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Guaranty to the Reform'd A suppos'd Letter under the Name of the Duke of Mombazon DUring these Transactions Peoples Minds were strangely agitated in Bearn and they lost all manner of Patience when they heard how the Court had receiv'd their Deputies and the Intercession of the Deputies General The Council would not allow the Deputation of the Bearnois to be real and though it had all the Marks that were necessary to Authorize it they reiected it as being made in the Suburb of St. Germains by Persons who had no Authority They would hardly look upon the Cahier that was presented by those Deputies And after having seen it they granted nothing of what it contain'd Moreover the King forbad the holding of any Assembly upon that Affair and refus'd to hear either Apologies or Remonstrances These hard and absolute Proceedings cast those People into Despair who had been us'd to a milder Treatment and who judging of the Future by the present forefaw that the oppression of which the first steps were so
at Rochel as he had promis'd in order to dissolve that of Loudun and to intreat him to determin the Affair of Bearn and of Lâ—ytoâ—… They also resolv'd to Write to Lesdiguieres and to Chaâ—… whom they look'd upon as Guarrantees of the said Promise since they had receiv'd it from the Prince of Conde and from the Duke de Luines and carry'd it from them to the Assembly But the Persons that were gain'd by the Court spread so many false Reports in the Synod that they fill'd every Body with Consternation and Terror And that the Synod broke on the 13th of the said Month the Project of deputation which they had form'd the day before The Bearnois were almost desperate at that Inconstancy But that did not hinder them from receiving new Causes of Complaint Moreover after the Synod was inform'd of what had past in Bearn they refus'd to send Deputies to the King to interceed for that Wretched Province They would not so much as Order all the Churches of the Kingdom to make Publick Prayers to God for the Ruin'd Churches of Bearn which the Catholicks themselves look'd upon as a piece of Cowardise In a Word those that had sold themselves to the Court order'd matters so that they made the rest take and Change their Resolutions as they pleas'd which appear'd almost in all the Affairs that were propos'd Insomuch that the least clear sighted discover'd and Confess'd that there were Traytors in the Company but they wanted either means to discover or Courage to Chastise them La Planche Minister of the Province of Dauphine made a great discourse of the Reports that were spread about the Affairs of Religion that were Transacted in Vateline where it was said that the Spaniards had committed a great Massacre of the Reform'd and about the designs that were forming in France to Ruin the Churches He spoke of them like a Man that had very good Informations He affirm'd that Canaples Grand Son to Lesdiguieres who soon after Marry'd a Niece of the Duke de Luines had Chang'd his Religion That after the death of the Grand-Father whose Engagements to turn Catholicks were not as yet known there was no likelihood to preserve that Family That it was publickly discours'd that the King would shortly take the Cities of Hostage from the Reform'd which he would do by retrenching the payment of their Garrisons That the Governor of Grenoble was a Catholick that those of Montelimar and of Livron were Pensioners to the Court and several things of that Nature But the Pensioners prevail'd so far that those Considerations prov'd ineffectual The News of the Alterations the King had made in Bearn and that of an Enterview between the Duke of Guise Lesdiguieres and Chatillon under pretence of the War of Piemont but in reality to hinder the Reform'd of the Provinces of Dauphine of Languedoc and of Provence from making a diversion having reach'd the Synod with Circumstances which did not permit them to doubt of it the same Cabal had still the Credit to suppress them as long as it was necessary to prevent the applying a remedy to the same or to take measures to stop the Progress thereof A Conference which was design'd at Vsez about the Affairs of the Country was also prevented by the Artifices of the same Persons La Farre Minister of Aubenas was accus'd of holding a Correspondency with Ornano the King's Lieutenant in that Province Yet tho' the Proofs of his Treachery were apparent he was so well seconded by the Suffrages of his Adherents that the Synod could not use him according to his desert They only suspended him for two Months without turning him out of his Church Codurc who created continual Broils in the Political Assemblies and in the Synods and who deserv'd the most Rigorous Chastisements of their Discipline had like to have sav'd himself by the same Protection He was Minister at Ganges where he had put the whole Church in disorder He was accus'd before the Synod of Alets but so powerfully defended that the only punishment they could inflict upon him was to deprive him of his living at Ganges They would have given him another but he refus'd it He did propose to retire to Mompellier there to lead a private Life But the Synod having forbidden him ever to meddle with Political Affairs he became thereby useless to the Court Party in favour of which his cover'd Zeal could no longer create disorders and disputes Some Conjectures might induce us to suspect that the said Codurc is the same that was Corrupted by Deagean the Story of which is worth relating It will be found in another place The Affairs of Privas were also very much talk'd of in the Synod and whereas the Troubles of that City have had long and fatal Consequences it is necessary to give an account of their begining Chambaâ—d a Gentleman of that Country a Zealous Reform'd had Marry'd the Heiress of Privas which is a Baronny the Lord of which has the Privilege to enter into the Estates of Languedoc in his Turn He was kill'd in the King's Service during the Wars of Piedmont and his Widow forgot him almost as soon as he was lâ—â—d in his Grave She afterwards fell in Love with Vice Comte Lestrange's Son a very handsom young Gentleman but a Violent Catholick and Marry'd him The Inhabitants oppos'd the said Marriage to that degree that the Vice Comte was oblig'd to enter the Ladies House by stealth in order to Consummate the said Marriage Chambâ—â—d had Marry'd one of his Daughters to Brison Governor of Pouâ—â—â— who did not fail to joyn with the Opposants both as being concern'd in the Affairs of that House and as pretending that the Government of the Castle of Privas belong'd to him The Example of Sancerre one of the Cities that had been possess'd the longest by the Reform'd taught them what they were to trust to in case they suffer'd a Place like Privas to fall into the Hands of a Catholick The said Place was none of the Largest but yet strong enough to defend it self against a Royal Army Moreover Mass had not been said in the said City for sixty years past and they were sensible that their New Lord would not fail to reestablish it there So that it prov'd an easie matter for Brison to excite a kind of War between the Lady and the Inhabitants of the Place But it was soon after accommodated by Commissioners upon Conditions which the Vice Comte only accepted in order to break them at the first occasion He seiz'd upon the Castle by Surprise and caus'd the Nobility of the Neighbourhood to Assemble there under pretence to Congratulate his Marriage but in effect to make himself the strongest Whereupon the Inhabitants immediately repair'd to their Arms and the Vice Comte accompany'd by his Friends having met some Citizens in Arms Charg'd them before they Attack'd him and thus the War began 〈◊〉 New Brison who stood
to Paris But things were so imbroil'd before he could come away that he durst not follow his Inclination for fear of making himself Criminal by Communicating with a prohibited Assembly His Prudence in this point avail'd him nothing the Court would have him guilty Right or Wrong He receiv'd notice at Lions by a Letter from Drelincourt his Colleague that he would be taken up as soon as he came to Paris This News oblig'd him to take a by way to go home where he tarry'd but one Night and went from thence to Sedan where the Duke de Bouillon gave him the place of Professor in Theology and of Minister in Ordinary Tilenus his Enemy did not fail to Write Violently against that retreat which he endeavour'd to represent as a Mercenary flight The pretence the Court had to seize upon him was that the English Ambassador had desir'd Du Moulin to Write to the King his Master to exhort him to assist the Elector Palatin his Son-in-Law That Prince having too soon taken the Name of King of Bohemia which had been offer'd him by the People lost a Battle near Prague and his New Kingdom together with his Ancient Patrimony which the Emperor diveâ—ted him of as a Rebel France suffer'd it calmly by â—eason that the Policy of Spain and of Rome prevail'd in their Council and represented that War as a War of Religion Jeannin himself remember'd that he had been a Member of the League and Writ a Pamphlet to hinder â—…he King from succoring the Bohemians in which he urg'd so many Reasons to prove that all the Advantage of that War would remain to the Protestants and all the damage â—…o the Catholicks that France lost that opportunity of ruinâ—…ng the House of Austria in Germany and that they look'd â—…pon the Ruin of an Ancient Aâ—ly of France as a Triumph of the Catholick Church The King meddled no farther with this War than by a Solemn Embassy at the Head of which he plac'd the Count d'Auvergne And that serv'd â—â—ly to render the Catholick League the stronger and the Emperor more formidable But the Coldness of the King of England Scandalized even those that profited by his Weakâ—…ers He did not relish certain Maxims of Honour which he was continually put in mind of and he thought it a â—…iece of Policy not to assist Subjects against their Soveraigns â—…ven in the Case of a manifest oppression He apply'd that â—…e Policy which no other Prince ever bethought himself â—…f to the Affairs of his Son-in-Law And his Ambassador who was sensible that he was despis'd every where for that false Prudence had a mind to draw him out of that Error He look'd upon Du Moulin as a Man capable to revive the Courage of that Prince by whom he was very much respected Du Moulin writ after having excus'd it a while and his Letter was given to the Courier the Ambassador sent into England But it was soon after put into the hands of the Ministers of the Cabinet Council whither it were â—…one designedly by the Courier or by the Ambassador or whither it were intercepted by some Wile or finally whither King James himself who had particular Ingagements with the King of France had Communicated it to the Ministers of that Prince The said Letter was look'd upon as being very Criminal by Reason that the Condition of the Churches of France was set out in it and their approaching Ruine alledg'd as a proper Reason to excite the King of England to assist his Son-in-Law whose Prosperity was a Refuge to the Reform'd as his Ruine was a Presage of Decay for them The Jesuits whose Bane Du Moulin was were glad of that Opportunity to ruine him and having neither been able to Corrupt him by fair Offers nor to destroy him by divers Conspiracies against his Life they imagin'd that he could never scape them that time But they were deceiv'd and he scap'd that Snare by the Diligence of his Retreat It was from Sedan he writ to the Assembly of Rochel It is uncertain whether he did it of his own accord or by the Order of the Mareschal de Bouillon who was of the same Opinion with all the Grandees of the same Religon or whether his Friends perceiving that his Enemies had a mind to represent him as a Seditious Person who inclin'd People to Rebellion by his Advice advis'd him to disprove them by such a Letter But it is certain that it was written with great Vigor and that he declar'd in it that the Assembly would be answerable for the Ruine of the Churches in case their refusing to break up should occasion it The Effect of that Letter was That it increas'd the Divisions to the utmost Extremity Some Members of the Assembly withdrew and never could be prevail'd upon to come again Others acquainted Du Moulin that his Letter had been read but not approv'd of and begg'd of him not to communicate it to any body lest it should serve as a Pretence for those who had a mind to withdraw out of the Union It were to be wish'd that the Assembly had follow'd that Advice only to try what the Court would have done after their Separation in order to render the Cause of the Churches the clearer by removing the Pretence of Disunion from those who had too much Faith and Credulity The Event show'd that if those Members of the Assembly who would not break up without Security were not the most prudent yet they were the best inform'd and those who hinder'd them from taking such Measures for their Safety had cause to repent at leisure their being too Credulous Two things â—…opt the Negotiation The one was that the Assembly â—…ould not resolve to beg Pardon for meeting at Rochel by reason that they pretended that they might lawfully do it after â—…o positive a Promise as they had receiv'd for so doing at London from the King That Confession of having done ill was of greater consequence than it seem'd to be at first since 〈◊〉 imply'd a tacit Acknowledgment that the things promis'd had been perform'd The Consequence of which was that 〈◊〉 would stop their Mouths for the future upon the Business of the two Councellors of Leitoure and of Favasâ—…sisted â—…sisted upon those Considerations with great Vehemency The other was that they were willing to see at least something done upon their Complaints before their Breaking up for fear of being shortly oblig'd to begin all things a new as it had happen'd more than once Moreover the Decay of the Reform'd Religion in the Kingdom of Bohemia which those who were for the Dissolution of the Assembly made use of to make them dread the Events of War was taken in another Sence by many who look'd upon it as a good Reason to take Precautions against the Oppression of which the Affairs of Germany gave a Presage Nevertheless the Assembly not being able to withstand the Advice of all the Grandees from whom they
and to sound Policy the Catholick Children had learnt those Songs and the said Martin dying soon after it they sung the said Songs while his Corps was Carrying to the Ground Some of those that accompany'd the Corps being disturb'd at that Noise gave one of the Children a Box on the Ear. The simple Catholicks who diverted themselves at those Childrens Play and who often excited them to do what they durst not do themselves cry'd out that he was kill'd because he was a Catholick Whereupon the People rose immediately fell upon the Reform'd abus'd wounded and affronted all those they met The Night did not appease their Fury The next day the Seditious went to the Church-yard of the Reform'd dug up the Corps which had been flung into the Ground in haste tore it in pieces and committted a thousand Indignities against it From thence they went to the Temple and burnt it They plunder'd the House of the Sexton and committed great Violences against him This Rage lasted three days but finally it was appeas'd for want of Matter by reason that the Reform'd hid themselves and that the most considerable retir'd in such Places where they expected to find most Safety The Magistrates barely made some weak Informations of the Fact and imprison'd some of the most Miserable but as if the Reform'd had been as Guilty as the rest some of them were also secur'd to keep the Catholicks Company Those Mutineers seem'd to have look'd upon the King's Journey to Fontainbleau as the Signal of their Enterprize and the People judg'd by the Coldness of the Magistrates that they were certain the Court would approve those Proceedings Nevertheless the thing was look'd upon to be of too much Consequence in that Conjuncture to be wink'd at The Court was sensible that the Impunity of those Violences would open the Eyes of those they design'd to blind by the fair Promises of the Observation of the Edicts and that in case Despair should re-unite the Reform'd their Ruine would prove a difficult Task Moreover it was an Example of very ill Consequence which appear'd in that the People rose at Pottiers as well as at Tours beat down the Wall the Reform'd had built about their Church-yard broke the Tombs violated the Sepulchres and endeavor'd to demolish the Temple Those Violences did not extend to Persons by reason that the Place in which the Reform'd perform'd the Exercise of their Religion was at a great distance from the City and that the Magistrates who dreaded Reprisals put a stop to the Disorder But the Punishment of the Seditious was very inconsiderable and did not terrifie the Mob so much as to hinder them from committing the like Excesses in divers other Places as at Croisie at Mâ—uze and elsewhere The Court dreading the Consequences of the Sedition of Tours receiv'd the Complaints of the Reform'd who desir'd that an Examplary Punishment might be made of it and in order to blind them with an apparent Satisfaction the King issued out a Declaration on the 20th of December by which he took the Peaceable Reform'd into his Protection and injoyn'd the Parliaments and all other Officers to whom the like Edicts are commonly directed to make them injoy a Liberty suitable to the Edicts Moreover he sent the Mild Malleville Master of Requests to Tours with a Commission to try the Guilty without Appeal The said Commissioner without making any Informations but those that had already been made by the Judges of Tours put the Reform'd at Liberty and Condemn'd some of the Catholick Prisoners to Dye That Severity renew'd the Sedition and the People being in a greater Fury than ever ran to the Prisons broke open the Doors put the Condemn'd at Liberty Plunder'd the Houses of the Reform'd and among the rest that of a Notary whose Minutes they tore The Commissioner being Terrify'd was constrain'd to hide himself and the Mutineers could not be appeased untill the Magistrates promised them to obtain a General Pardon for their Crime that the Catholick Prisoners should be put at Liberty and that the Process should be burnt The King whose Authority was concern'd in that Second Sedition took his time to do himself Justice and leaving Fontainbleau to march towards Poitou he came to Tours and there caused four or five Wretches to be Executed who had been concern'd in that Tumult but the most considerable escap'd The Execution of those Wretches calm'd the Minds of those that had been terrify'd by those Violences committed in so suspicious a Conjuncture The Reform'd kept at Home and saw without any Emotion the Weight of the War fall upon the small Number of those that follow'd the Orders of the Assembly Moreover They accus'd them of Obstinacy and of being the Cause of their own Misfortunes by an affected Consideration of future Misfortunes In a Word the Effect of that Shadow of Justice which the King did the Reform'd on that Occasion was such that the very Catholicks wondred at it and made Jests of the Simplicity of those Wretches An Historian who speaks of those Affairs like a passionate Catholick nevertheless says upon that Subject That he does not wonder that the Vulgar whose Impetuosity is blind should be caught in such a Snare but that he cannot imagine how it could deceive the Grandees the Gentry and the Officers of that Sect who had been repnted till then Wise Politicians On the Fourth of the same Month the King published yet another Declaration before his Departure from Fontainbleau of the same Stile with all the rest It began with a Protestation of having all along been desirous to cause the Edicts to be observ'd as the most effectual way to make his Subjects live in Peace of having wink'd at the Infractions committed by some of the Reform'd of having endeavour'd to make them sensible of their Duty by Divers Edicts publish'd on purpose From thence it proceeded to the Motives of the Declaration given at Grenade in the Month of October last past to interdict the Assembly of Rochel and complaining that it had not hinder'd the Reform'd from assembling in the said City and elsewhere from ordering divers Acts of Hostility as by Reprisals from Electing Chiefs from Fortifying of their Garisons from Raising Men and Money from Listing Soldiers Casting of Artillery Buying of Arms and other Amunitions It added That notwithstanding all this the King had granted several things desir'd by the Memorials presented to him by the Deputies General But that finally he was resolv'd to go as far as Touraine and to march himself towards Poitou and elsewhere to be near to apply a Remedy to those Evils being resolv'd to maintain the Publick Peace to cause the Edicts to be observ'd in favour of such as should keep within the Bounds of their Allegiance and to chastife the Rebels Whereupon he confirm'd a new all the Edicts and Declarations and order'd them to be kept in favour of those that were and should remain within
Complaints was no new thing â—ut that it had never been put in execution that they never â—urmur'd against Henry IV. who had taken it and that Lewisâ—â—II â—â—II had taken care to free himself from such a cruel Obligaâ—ion by a Declaration set forth on purpose They eluded that Reproach thrown upon the Jesuits for medling more then beâ—ame 'em with the Government by saying That the Ministers â—ad as much Authority over the Reformed as if there were â—ny Comparison between the one and the other That it was â—ereditary to their Sect to seek the Oppression of Kings in their Cradles which they prov'd by King James's hatred of the Puâ—itans of Scotland To destroy the Advantage which the Reformed pretended to have over the Catholics in being more obedient to their Sovereigns they alledg'd Assemblies held in opposition to their Approbation the Oath the Regulations and Seal of the Assembly of Rochel 'T was asserted That the Succor which the Reformed had given to Kings proceeded from Interest because they procur'd their own Security by it besides that they had shar'd it with the Catholic Nobility And here 't was thought necessary to add that Leitoure was neither a City of Security nor Marriage that it belong'd by Inheritance to Fontrailles and 't was deem'd no more then what was reasonable that the Reformed shou'd take it for full satisfaction that it was given to Blainville Upon the Refusal to receive the two Counsellors in the Parlament of Paris it was repli'd That Parlaments were more ancient then the Reformed that there was no Law which justifi'd the admitting of Heretics into it as if the Edicts of Nantes and Loudun had not the force of Laws And lastly That the Reformed had enough to content 'em in the enjoyment of the Chambers half one half t'other without thrusting themselves into Parlaments 'T was alledg'd That they had no cause to complain of the non-performance of some Promises by the King in regard there was no Law which oblig'd him to pay 'em as if so many Brevets one after another more especially that which granted a certain Sum to the Reformed in compensation of Tythes for their Ministers Salaries ought not to have bin as effectual as any express Law Then follow'd a storm of railing Expressions which made the Reformed responsible for all the Confusions and Disturbances which had happen'd in the Kingdom for sixty years together as if they had bin the Contrivers and Authors of the League under the Two last Reigns or of those Troubles of which the prodigious Fortune of Marshal d' Ancre had bin the occasion The Violences committed at Pau during the Procession of the Eucharist were palliated by saying That the People were either to get out of the way or fall upon their knees 't was alledg'd that such a thing might be done by the favour of an ambiguous Expression to delude the Catholic's Zeal and that it was Prudence to do it sometimes The Reformed were accus'd of drawing upon themselves the Sedition at Tours by reason of a Box o' th' ear which one of 'em gave a Child and therefore adjudg'd it a sufficient Reparation for their Losses that four or five of the Canaille were hang'd for it As to the forcing away of Children of which the Reformed made great Complaints the Answerers endeavour'd to make it lawful by saying That â—e Children became Catholics by Choice at the Age of Fifteen â—ears and that there was a very ancient Law which allow'd â—m to be Masters of their Choice at that Age. So that the exâ—ress Provisions of the Edict of Nantes were lookt upon as noâ—ing by the Authors of that Answer Therefore two particular Accidents deserve to be recounted â—ere to shew what Sincerity was observ'd at that time in the Conversion of Children A certain Inhabitant of Paris growing jealous of his Wife 〈…〉 whom he had several Children was so far transported by that â—orbitant Frenzy that he kill'd the poor Woman for which â—…e was punish'd according to his deserts But his Relations haâ—ing demanded the Children to the end they might be bred up 〈…〉 the Religion which their unfortunate Father profess'd there â—as a Decree made in Parlament That the Right of their Eduâ—ation was devolv'd to the King by reason of the Father's Crime so that the Children were brought up in the Catholic â—aith Another Man originally a Native of Normandy had â—hree Children He put one to the Colledge of Jesuits and â—me time after he return'd to Paris with another of his Sons â—ith a design to put him also to the same place but underâ—anding from the first that he was refus'd the Liberty of his Conscience the Father carri'd 'em both away with an intent â—o place 'em in the Colledge of Sedan but a Priest his Kinsâ—an forc'd 'em away from him upon the Road and sent 'em â—o the Jesuit's House at Pont a Mousson The Father prosecuâ—d him for a Rape before the Bailiffs of Rheims who after a â—edious Suit condemn'd him at length to the Gallies for Contuâ—nacy But the Priest appealing from the Sentence remov'd â—he Cause into the Grand Chamber Servin Advocate General â—leaded long and hard for his Client and put the stress of the â—iâ—pute upon this Issue Whether or no a Father who had reâ—ounc'd his Right by the Edict by declaring his Intentions to â—ut Children under the Tuition of Catholic Regents which he â—ould not chuse but know to be such could reassume when he â—leas'd his Right to their Education and take away the Children â—rom their Catholic Tutors He concluded that the Father's declaâ—ing his Resolutions to entrust such Regents with the Education of his Children was a sufficient Renunciation of his Right and that he could not recover it back For form's sake also the Children were brought into Court in their Father's presence the one above Eleven years old and the eldest about Thirteen yearst of Age at what time being prepar'd before hand what to say they desir'd to be bred up in the Catholic Religion Thereupon a Decree was made conformable to Servin's Conclusions The Priest was discharg'd from his Condemnation the Children were sent to the Colledge of Naâ—â— under the Tuition of the Principal and the Father was condemn'd to pay the usual Quarterly Pension and to supply the rest of their Maintenance and besides that he was forbid to take away his Children from the said Colledge under the Penalty of Thirty thousand Livres Never was Edict so Notoriously violated as was that of Nantes by this Decree in those Articles which forbid the inveigling of Children to change their Religion and which permitted the Parents to send 'em to Catholic Colledges upon assurance that they would not molest their Consciences By this the World may judge whether the Assembly had just cause to complain or no and whether the Replies of their Enemies were of any convincing force against ' em This Decree was made the 22d of December Affairs of greater importance this year
without so much as demanding at least by way of compensation what had bin plunder'd from the Reformed And for suffering the loss of great quantities of Arms stor'd up with great Expences But he had done one thing contrary to the interests of the Party which did him more harm then all that was laid to his charge For he had drain'd the Province of Cevennes by a Levy of Six thousand men which he had sent into the Venetian Service And this was the reason that the Province could not raise the one half of the Soldiers that were promis'd when the Duke of Rohan was constrain'd to take Arms. This displacing of Chatillon put the whole Circle into an extraordinary Confusion for that Chatillon's Party was very potent in those Quarters They who were not Members of the Assembly nor had any share of the Public Command complain'd that the Assembly abus'd their Authority and some Provinces murmur'd against it Berticheres whom they had elected for Lieutenant General endeavour'd to keep his ground without any Superior to the end that having a more spacious Country to surrender he might be able to make an Accommodation so â—uch the more advantageous with the Court. And indeed there was nothing which preserv'd to the Reformed what was â—â—ft in the Circle but that Affairs at Court were not in much better posture where the Constable's death had wrought great â—lterations Every one aspir'd to be Master of the King's Favour that they might have the sole Authority in the Government But whether it were that the Pretenders obstructed one another or that the King who as I may say was but just â—ot out of Wardship as yet too sensibly remember'd the â—…oable which the greatness of his Favourite had put him to or whether his distrust of those who were about his person kept â—im upon his guard against Surprizes he would not suffer himself to be prevail'd upon all of a sudden by any new Affection so that in the mean while the Cardinal de Retz Schomberg Grand Master and Superintendant and de Vic to whom the Seals were committed took upon 'em the greatest share in Affairs The Prince of Condé who was desirous that the King should continue the War join'd with 'em in regard they were all of â—…e same mind and this is one thing very remarkable that the Marshals of France and such as might pretend to the same Digâ—… appear'd as much inclin'd to Peace as the Officers of the â—ong Robe and the Finances were averse to it The Prince therefore and the three Ministers who were of his Opinion 〈…〉 as much as lay in their power to stop the King's return to Paris where they expected nothing less then to be oppos'd by the old Ministers and where the Prince was afraid lest the Authority should devolve again into the hands of the Queen Mother To this purpose having persuaded the King to march toward Bourdeaux they propos'd to him the making himself Master of Chatillon a Town belonging to the Marshal de Bouâ—… upon the River Dordogne and the Expedient they had â—ound out to compass their design was to treat with the Garison of the place which stood Neuter as the Master did in the same manner as they had practis'd with du Plessis The effect of their Consultations therefore was that the King should enter into the Castle under pretence that 't was his pleasure to lodge there and that when he was in he should turn out the Garison that kept it for the Duke of Bouillon But this City as well as all the rest which belong'd to that noble person was comprehended in the same Treaty upon the confidence of which the Duke liv'd peaceably at Sedan and never concern'd himself in the War so that the Proposals of surprizing it was manifestly opposite to Honesty and Sincerity However that sort of Policy that mov'd upon the hinges of Craft and Injustice was justfiâ—'d while the deceased Constable was in favour Nevertheless iâ— regard the honest men were more numerous then they whâ—… gave this pernicious Advice they persuaded the King to abandon the Attempt and so it â—ell to the ground The King then having left the best Orders he could in the Provinces to hinder the Reformed who were brought very loâ— in Poitou and Guyenne from rising agen return'd at length â—â— Paris where the old Ministers recover'd a little credit with him and inclin'd him to Peace The Chancellor and Jeannin deem'd it very necessary and made no question but that it was more proper to destroy the Reformed then War There is to be seeâ— a small Treatise compos'd by the last of these two which perhaps may be lookt upon as one of the most authentic Pieces thaâ— are to be produc'd in favour of the Reformed and which utterly overthrows the Pretence which was taken from their suppos'd Rebellion to exterminate ' em He acknowledges almost in express words That the Catholics were the Aggressors iâ— that War and that the Reformed acted meerly in their own defence at least it is to be deduc'd from his discourse by evidenâ—… Consequences He presupposes That it behov'd the Reformed to be united since it was evident to 'em that there was a designâ— upon their Religion and he sets down several Reasons why they had cause enough to think so That so long as they believ'd the King's Intentions to be no other then to chastise Rebels there were many who continu'd in perfect Obedience but that they found themselves no more kindly us'd then they who had tâ—kn Arms That the principal Members of the Council publicly gave out that the King would no longer permit any other exercise of Divine Worship then that of the Catholic Religion That the Preachers stust their Sermons with Menaces of the same nature â—…d endeavor'd to persuade men that the following of any other â—…unsel was profane and savor'd of Impiety whence it follow'd â—…at the War would prove more bloody and universal then it had â—…n if the Reformed united as it behov'd 'em to be for their common Interest shou'd put themselves into a posture of deâ—…nce Farther also and that clearly enough he asserts That â—…e Aim of those who advis'd a War was to take their opportunity because the Foreign Protestants being busi'd at home â—…u'd not attend the succor of those that were oppress'd in â—… He made excellent Reflections upon the Wars which â—…d been all along continu'd against 'em with the same design 〈…〉 destroy 'em sometimes by Fire and Sword sometimes by Deâ—…it and Treachery Thence passing to give Sentence upon the â—…casion that had constrain'd their Enemies to grant 'em such a number of Strong-holds he concludes That after the Massacre â— St. Bartholomew and the Siege of Rochel there was a necessity 〈…〉 allowing 'em a greater number to secure 'em says he against â—r Perfidiousness and Infidelity He observes how much the â—eace which they were suffer'd to enjoy for five years together under the Reign
him entitl'd La Chemise â—aâ—glante de Henri IV. or The Bloody Shirt of Henry IV. which reflected upon the King's Honour so that d' Aistres was degraded and excommunicated by the Synod But Galand was not satisfi'd with this Ecclesiastical Punishment and therefore he caus'd the Book to be condemn'd to the Flames by the Party Chamber then sitting at Beziers That Chamber had bin remov'd from Castres during the Troubles and that City having a great desire to have it restor'd to her again compli'd with all Galand's Projects whose Testimony she was in hopes would be favourable to her at Court. Upon these Considerations it was that she gave him a Writing wherein she disown'd the Negotiations in Spain and join'd with him to hinder the Duke of Rohan's Deputies which he sent to the Synod from being admitted as also to be a means that his Conduct was there censur'd In a word the thing was carri'd so far that Marmet the Dukes Minister being come to Castres about particular business was not permitted to be in the Town above twenty four Hours though he protested that he had neither any Letters nor any Commission from his Master But the Duke having rightly foreseen what he was to expect from Galand had taken his Measures quite another way For he gave his Letteres to the Synod to Bearfort a Deputy from Cevennes and a kind of Manifesto which he had writ in his own Justification to another Minister So that they who held Intelligence with Galand finding their Designs prevented durst not attempt any thing farther In the mean time Blandel and Bauterne were deputed to carry to the King the Nomination of the General Deputies and the Synod after they had sate seven weeks brake up The Deputies made a very submissive Speech to the King Which done the King out of the six Persons nominated made choice of the Marquess of Clermont Calerande and Bazin to reside near his Person These New Deputies were charg'd with large Memoirs of Grievances that were sent 'em from all parts Paulet Minister of Verzenobres had been driven from his Church by violence The Marquis of Varennes Governor of Aiguemortes had as badly us'd Bancillon Minister of the Place Censtans Minister of Pons had been a long time Prisoner at Bourdeaux where he was still detain'd and Billot Minister of la Roche Chalais had been treated after the same manner though they ought both to have bin releast by the Edict of Peace The Cardinal of Sourdis and the Bishop of Maillezais persecuted the Church of Monravel where they attaqu'd in general the Right of Exercise and in particular several Members of it by Processes and other Acts of Violence The Church of Motte had labour'd very near under the same Extremities That of Serveriettes had bin also turmoil'd and harrass'd and several Churches of Guyenne and Languedoc had bin so absolutely ruin'd during the War that the Synod was constrain'd to recommend 'em to the Charity of others The Parlament of Pau had given out Decrees which forbid Consistories to censure Fathers Mothers or Guardians that sent their Children to Catholic Schools nay to the very Colledges of the Jesuits The Parlament of Tholouse had given out several Warrants to arrest the Bodies of several Inhabitants of Briteste for a Fact that was pardon'd by the General Amnesty Berard Advocate of the Court of Judicature at Soumieres had been imprison'd for no other Crime but for abjuring the Catholic Religion And the Reformed were still disturb'd upon the score of their Burials The Advocate-General James Talon caus'd several Decrees to be issu'd forth in one year upon this occasion of which the most favourable ordain'd no more then that before the Bodies were digg'd up information should be given whether it could be done Conveniently And what was singular in the Advocate-General's Reasons was this That to deprive a Gentleman of a purchas'd Right he had recourse to the pre-possess'd Fancy of the Catholics who sought to be buried in Churches that they might have a share in the benefit of Suffrages and Prayers Which being refus'd by the Reformed that they ought not to enjoy that advantage which they never minded themselves As if the Controversy between the Catholics and the Reformed about the benefit or unprofitableness of Prayer for the Dead had had any Relation to the Rights of a Lord of a Soile whose Ancestors had purchas'd the Priviledge of being buried in the Church which they had both founded and endow'd Upon which it may be observ'd that the Burial of the Dead in Churches was an effect of Superstition as the Advocate-General expresly acknowledg'd and set forth at large the degrees of the progress of it This Honour said he having been at first conferr'd upon Martyrs not because they were buried in Churches but because Churches were built over their Tombs it was also afterwards allow'd the Priest to holy Persons to those that enrich'd the Church by their Donations to Founders and lastly to those that were able to pay for it So that to speak properly there was only the Founders Right which had any other foundation then that of Superstition since he might pretend to it as a perpetual Evidence and Monument of his Liberality Neverthelesss James Talon could find in his heart to prefer a Right acquir'd by the Superstition of the People and the Covetousness of the Priests before a Priviledge which deriv'd it's original from the Bounty of a Founder The same James Talon caus'd a Legacy of a Reformed bequeath'd to the Poor to the Treasurer of the Hospital of the City of Chartres For which the Pretence was That according to the Edict the Poor of both Religions were to be reliev'd which if that reason had bin good had bin sufficient to have destroy'd the XLII Article of Particulars but this Decree was made the 7th of January There was another made in March after two Hearings which annull'd the Marriage of la Ferte Imbault and forbid him to keep company with the woman whom he had marry'd and the reason for it was because he was a Knight of Maltha and for that it was contrary to his Vow As if his Profession of a contrary Religion could not unty him from such a superstitious Engagement A man may judge by these trials of a Parlament where Justice was not altogether unknown how the Reformed were handl'd in others who lookt upon it as a meritorious Act to load 'em with Vexations and unjust Sentences The King himself also set forth some Declarations by which the Edict was considerably violated Upon the 12th of January came forth one which exempted the Ecclesiastics from pleading for the possession of their Benefices and Goods which were thereunto annex'd in Courts where any of the Reformed sate and which referr'd 'em to the next Catholic Judge The 10th of December appear'd another which ordain'd that Processes should be adjudg'd at Pau by all the Judges that should be found upon the Bench without
great freedom I my self have seen several printed Sermons some of which enlarg'd themselves very far to shew that the Design 〈…〉 the French was to extinguish the Reformed Religion and â—…thâ—â—s added after a Prophetical manner that as the Provincesâ—…nâ— â—…nâ— their Ships and Men to the Reformed of France the time â—ould one day come that the Reformed would revenge themâ—…lves upon the Provinces and bear Arms under their King to â—…stroy their Religion and Liberty But Preachers Reasons â—…r agree with those of Politicians besides that the Vnited 〈…〉 were not in a condition to slight or disgust the Alliâ—… of France Toward the end of July Buckingham appear'd not far from 〈◊〉 with a Fleet considerable enough to have done great â—…ings had the Chieftain had as much Courage as Pride or 〈…〉 much Wit as Presumption He presently made himself Maâ—…er of the Isle of Ré but he lost himself miserably before Fort â—… Martin where Toiras with a few men and less Provision â—…ld out a Siege of above two Months which if any other then Buckingham had manag'd it could not have stopt him three â—…ys Rochel was a long time also before she wou'd declare whether it were because the Mayor and the Court were agreed â—â—gether or whether it were that she was willing to avoid new â—…etences of making war upon her Insomuch that at first â—…e would not so much as hearken to Buckingham's Propositions or admit the Commissioners which he sent to her So that â—…bise who had shelter'd himself in England ever since his last â—efeat but had embarkt himself in the English Fleet was conâ—…ain'd to go alone to the Gate of the City with Beaker sent by â—…e Duke to desire leave to speak to the Inhabitants But the Citizens refus'd to open the Gate to him and had not his Moâ—…her come her self to take him by the hand and bring him into he Town he must have return'd as he came The respect which the Rochelois had for that Lady made 'em forget their â—esolutions So that they let Soubise pass and Beaker follow'd him After which they gave him Audience in the Council â—here he set forth at large the Reasons which oblig'd the King â—f England to take Arms And he endeavour'd to make 'em â—elieve that it was only upon the score of Religion He excus'd the small Assistance which he had hitherto given the Reformed and declar'd that the King of England found himself too much engag'd by his Conscience by his Honour and his Word to assist 'em more powerfully more especially because it was through his Intercession that they had accepted a disadvantageous Peace This Speech produc'd nothing at first Nay the Rochellois offer'd Comminges to fight the English provided Fort Lewis might be put as a Pledge into the Hands of la Force Chatillon or Trimouille One would have thought that Offer should not have bin acceptable to the Court seeing that both la Force and Chatillon were brought off from the Common Cause and that Trimoville was treating about his returning to the Roman Religion at least he embrac'd the Communion of that Church within a year after and renounc'd the Reformed Religion in the presence of the Cardinal before the taking of Rochel In recompence whereof he had the Command of the Light Horse and serv'd some years in that Employment during the Warâ— of Italy where he receiv'd a wound in the Knee so that hâ— lost the use of the Joint Some years after being disgusted by the Court he retir'd to his Palace of Thouars became a Bigoâ— and a great dealer in Controversies and at length dy'd in the Roman Profession after he had liv'd to a very old Age but very ill maintain'd the Reputation of his Father In the mean time the Court which had other Designs gave no other answer to the Proposal but a company of Fair words with which the Rochellois suffer'd themselves to be amus'd for some time However they intercepted a Pacquet of Letters from the Court directed to the Duke of Angoulesme who had obtain'd Orders to raise Forces to oppose the English and who had actually block'd up Rochel as close as it could be at a time when the Design of besieging it was kept secret One of those Letters are an express Approbation of what had bin done in order to the blocking up of the City and gave the Duke advice about several things and among others about the Passports which he gave to all those who had a mind to leave the Town because said the Letter it was best to let out as many as they could that so none but the most Mutinous might be left behind There was also a Letter for Marshal de Marillac which handl'd very nice matter The Question was Whether the Huguenots were to be suffer'd in the King's Army The Answer was â—hat the thing was very doubtful because that if there were me persons of worth and no way to be suspected there might 〈…〉 others whose chiefest business it was to be Spies 'T was â—…ded That the Public Affairs requir'd that it should be made â—…t by Effect and Demonstration that the War was a War of are and not of Religion and then it might be lawful to adâ—…it Huguenots that would enter into service 'T was said That without excluding 'em out of the Army there might be a watchâ—… eye upon 'em and then 't was but confiding in those that â—…ere honest amusing others and keeping the main Resolutions â—…cret especially those which concern'd Rochel or else if such Toleration seem'd dangerous 't was advis'd that they should 〈…〉 dismiss'd under some fair Pretence And these were the â—…tters which discovering the secret Intentions of the Court â—…etermin'd the Rochellois to join with the English But this Conâ—…nction was so ill order'd and so scurvily manag'd that if we â—…y judge by the event no body could believe it resolv'd upon 〈…〉 any other end then to furnish the Court both with a pretence â—…nd with the means to facilitate the destruction of that unfortunate City For Buckingham after he had drain'd her of all her â—rovision of Corn some of which he was constrain'd to burn â—…ter his defeat left the rest which should have reliev'd the City 〈…〉 relieve the Victor that expell'd him out of the Island and â—unning away with ignominy from a handful of men made the condition of the City far worse then it was before In the mean time Rochel publish'd a large Manifesto whereâ—… resuming things for a good way backward she endeavour'd â—o justify her Conduct to display the Frauds and Artifices of the Court but chiefly to make good her Pretensions and Priviledges The Duke of Rohan also betook himself to Arms â—nd set forth another Manifesto little different in the main from that of Rochel only that the City insisted more closely upon â—…er own proper Affairs and the Duke spoke more at large of things in general The Answers to these Writings
â—…eql for Religion well perceiv'd that the Power of the Reformed had only serv'd for an Obstacle to delay the Public Sâ—…viâ—ude The Sovereign Courts were treated with unheard 〈…〉 Scorn and lofty Disdain The Court of Aides refus'd to veriâ—… certain Edicts that burthen'd the State with new Impositionâ— and being inform'd that the Edicts were just ready to be brougâ—… to 'em while the Court was sitting they would not stay 〈…〉 'em but rose immediately For the punishment of which presumption the Court was interdicted and other Judges 〈…〉 up in the room of those that had been so hardy to judge of theâ—… Power They continu'd in this Condition for some Months nor could they be restor'd till they had most servilely submitteâ— themselves Nor was the Parlament any better us'd For aftâ—… the Queenmother and the Duke of Orleance were withdrawâ— the King sent a Declaration to the Parlament against the Prinâ—… and his Adherents But that same Senate instead of verifyinâ— the Declaration divided and order'd Remonstrances Thâ— King to punish this piece of Malapertness sent an Order to thâ— Members to come a-foot to the Loure not by their Deputiâ—… but in a Body and to bring the Registers along with 'em Which being done the whole Assembly as August as the stil'd themselves were enforc'd upon their Knees to hear â— tedious and mortifying Censure which reduc'd all their Powâ—… only to the enregistring and publishing all Declarations thaâ— were sent 'em without any hesitation The Keeper of the Sâ—…tore before their faces the Decree for dividing the House anâ— the Parlament had the hard Fortune to hear a Decree pronounc'd which either exil'd or suspended from their Employments some of the most considerable of their Members It was not to be wonder'd that such unheard-of Proceeding should provoke the Spirits of the People to take Arms. Thâ—… Duke of Orleans therefore being return'd into France was 〈…〉 join'd by a numerous Body of Malecontents and in a smaâ—… time beheld all Languedoc at his devotion and they who haâ—… bin the most fierce Persecutors of the Reformed threw themselves into this New Party Lestranges Lord of Privas sideâ— with the Duke and perish'd in the Cause The Bishops â—… â—…lbi Vsez Nimes Alets St. Pons and Lodeve join'd with the Duke of Mommorenci The Bishiop of Leon also was accus'd to have had a share in this War and could not obtain his Pardon â—ill after the King's Death On the other side the Reformed serv'd the King with extraordinary Courage The Second Consul of Nimes preserv'd that City for the King and exâ—ell'd the Bishops and the First Consul who favour'd the Duke â—f Orleans Montaubon sent her Deputies as far as Monceaux â—o assure the King of the Fidelity of the Inhabitants who ofâ—er'd to march a League out of their City to meet the Duke and â—ight his men if they approach'd near their Quarters The Duke â—f Espernon also had so much confidence in 'em that he made â—o scruple to enter the Town tho much inferior in strength â—nd to commit himself to the mercy of a People whom he had â—o rudely handl'd in time of War Marion Camp-Assistant on the King's side made himself Master of Privas which had â—in abandon'd since it was taken and recall'd the Inhabitants who serv'd him successfully and defended the Town for the King against their own Lord. One would have thought that such an Action should have cancell'd the Memory of what was pass'd and indeed those poor Creatures were suffer'd to resettle themselves without any notice taken of it But Thirty years after they were made to understand by Cruel Persecutions that past Offences are never to be expiated by succeeding Services and that by a Maxim quite opposite to the Rule of the Almighty Transgressions are longer retain'd in the Memories of Princes then Good Services The Bishops of Albi and Nimes were degraded by reason of their Rebellion and the Bishop of Vsez dying in the midst of the Process avoided the Disgrace The rest were no less guilty but perhaps might have better Recommendations and their Acquittal cost 'em no more then a little agony of Fear However the Process commenc'd against Bishops for High Treason made so loud a noise that the Reformed could not forbear triumphing and to reproach 'em with their Principal Members tumbling into Rebellion which till then was lookt upon to be the only Portion and Character of Heresy The Ministers lookt upon it as a piece of Divine Vengeance that the Bishops who had so often accus'd 'em of breathing nothing but Rebellion should so openly precipitate themselves into the Sin of Rebellion that the veneration due to their Character could not exempt 'em from Punishment But to mortify these Triumphers they thought it expedient to put to death Marets the Minister of Alets as if he had had a hand in the Insurrection Nevertheless all his Crime was only this That all the People of the City siding either with the Lordâ—… or with the Bishop he was not so fortunate as to hinder the City from joining with the Malecontents though he himself sate still without so much as medling on either side Thuâ— was one Innocent Minister offer'd up to attone for the Transgression of several Prelats and the Minister of Alets paid for the Bishop Couran another Minister of the same Church was only banish'd The City of Lunel the Governor oâ— which was the Bishop of Nimes's Brother was inveagl'd into the Duke of Orleans's Party and Scoffier Minister of the Place was set down in the Catalogue of those that were to be sacrific'd But after the defeat and taking of the Duke oâ— Mommorenci he gave the Governor of Aiguemortes notice of the Flight of the Bishop and his Brother which was well taken 〈…〉 and that Mark of his Affection for the King's Service sav'd his life The Duke of Rohan was recall'd to Court upon occasion of these Troubles and honour'd with several Employments whether it were to find him business that might hinder him from seeking for any in these Confusions or whether it were to take him by the point of Honour and engage him in the King's Service by that Mark of Confidence But this War being suddenly ended by the taking and death of Marshal de Mommorenci serv'd only to advance the King's Authority and disgust the Duke of Orleans who retir'd out of France a second time as also to add some new access of weight to the Slavery of the People The Reformed reapt this little advantage by it That they had but few Injuries done 'em this year and continu'd somewhat free from Molestations Only the Ministers in the Dauphinate were still tormented because they preach'd in more then one place But upon a Petition which they presented to the King they obtain'd a Decree which sent 'em to four Commissioners of the Parlament of Grenoble who were order'd to take their Informations and after that to give their Advice to the
of Loriol Preach carry'd a Complaint against him of the 24th of March and inform'd the Judges of several Blaspemies which as he said that Minister had pronounc'd in his hearing This Affair spun out for above two Years before it was fully prosecuted but at last a Capias was issu'd out against the Minister and Inquiry made after his Person which enforc'd him to keep out of the way till the Tempest was over However Chartier a Merchant's Son of Blois had not bin so easily acquitted could they but have caught him For there was a Complaint and an Information put in against him upon the 22th of May for some pretended Blasphemy which he had utter'd against the Sacrament the same Day that the Romish Church carries it about in a Pompous Procession Now in regard he did not make a voluntary Appearance but kept himself from being taken he was condemn'd for Contumacy the First of October to undergo the Amende Honourable before the Principal Church of Blois to have his Tongue bor'd and his Lips slit to be Fin'd Three hundred Livres to the Poor and Banish'd for ever out of the Balliage and County of Blois These were the Fruits and Penalties of this Declaration But this Violence lasted not long and tho we have seen from time to time some Vexation arise from this Fountain nevertheless â—t was not the Occasion of so much Mischief as they who set â—orth the Edict expected As for the first Accusation it produc'd no more then Childish Cavils with which the Missionaries astonish'd inconsiderable People Not but that the Clergy would fain have made a Busiâ—ess of Importance of it For the Bishop of St. Flour who took â—is leave of the King in the Name of the Assembly upon the â—oth of April could not forbear talking of the Vnion with the Lutherans after a most Envenom'd manner He made a Speech full of Allusions to the Affairs of the Reformed more especially â—o the taking of Rochelle which he call'd the Rock that had a share 〈…〉 all the Commotions of the Kingdom and the Foundation of a Reâ—igion contrary to that which Christ establish'd upon the Rock Among other things he congratulated the King That his Power which in other Reigns was limited now knew no bounds A Complement which it is a difficult thing to believe That Subâ—ects who have any Sense or Understanding Cordially bestow â—pon their Sovereigns The rest of his Speech rowl'd all upon â—he Immunities of the Clergy which as he made the King beâ—ieve were violated in divers things Moreover he presented â—o the King a Paper from the Assembly of which there were maâ—y Articles that concern'd the Reformed The greatest part were Answer'd by the King with those Extensions that carry â—he Concession farther then was desir'd Thus the Sixteenth Article demanded That the Reformed might preach no more upon the Lands which belong'd to the Ecclesiastics nor within 5 Leagues within Cities where Parlaments sate nor in Episcopal Cities nor in Places so near Catholic Churches as to disturb Divine Service That Churches built in such Places might be pull'd down within three Months and that the old Church-yards might be reserv'd to the Catholics The King granted every thing and added the pulling down of all Churches that had bin built since the Edict without Letters Patents enregister'd And in Cases of Difference about the Execution of the Edict he summon'd the Cause before himself because at that time there were no Commissioners In like manner as to the Thirty second Article wherein the Clergy demanded that the Ministers might not be suffer'd to Preach in the Annexes the King exprest the Prohibition in more rigorous Terms then those of the Demand and forbid the Ministers to Preach without the Place of their Habitation Likewise to the Thirty third Article which requir'd the Executions of Decrees of Parliaments and Grand Assizes for the Demolishing of Churches the King consented and withall added those that had bin set forth for the Restoration of the Ecclesiastics to their Estates and Priviledges and upon pretended Infringements of the Edicts committed by the Reformed The rest demanded that the Chamber of the Edict or Party-Chambers might not take Cognizance of Appeals of Temporal Persons from Ecclesiastical Courts That the Reformed might be depriv'd of such Honorary Priviledges as belong'd to 'em in the Churches And that the Bishop might confer Benefices instead of Him who had the Right of Patronage That the Reformed Judges might not take Cognizance of the Transgressing of Holidays That the Judges of Courts possest in Peerage with the King if they were Reformed might be Reimburst and Catholics put in their room That the Commission given out for the Execution of the Edict in the Dauphinate might be revok'd That the Materials of the Fortifications of the Reformed Cities which had bin Demolishd might be bestow'd upon the Clergy to build Churches That the Syndics Promooters of Diocesses might be admitted Plaintiffs in Suits about Infringements That the second Place at all General Assemblies in Town Houses might be allow'd the Bishop's Vicar That it might be lawful to lay Impositions upon all the Inhabitants of Parishes for the building of Vicaridge houses Reparations of Structures purchase of Ornaments and other Things of the like nature That Tythes might be paid by the Reformed who as they pretended had bin exempted in some Places for sixty Years together by the Misfortune of the Wars and this notwithstanding any Contracts Agreements or Decrees that had bin made or issu'd forth to the contrary The King granted within a little all these Demands to the Clergy Nor do I see but one Article wherein he observ'd any Measure of Equity for the Reformed and that was upon the Twenty sixth Article Wherein the Clergy demanded that the School-Masters might be Catholics which the King granted according to their desire but without any prejudice to Schools granted the Reformed by Letters Patents enregister'd Now in that ill Humour wherein the Council was at that time there appear'd several Decrees which put the Reformed to no small Trouble For the Inhabitants of Villiers le bel and parts adjoyning were accustom'd to meet upon Sundays or Holidays in that Borough when the Season would not permit 'em to repair to Charenton which was the nearest Place where there was any Exercise The Place of their Meeting was some Private House where they Rendevouz'd upon the Sound of the same Bell which Call'd the Catholics to Church But in regard they had no Minister they only met to hear some Sermon or some Chapter in the Scripture read to sing Psalms and Pray together These private Exercises did no body any harm nor could the Catholics be disturb'd in regard the Reformed had ended their Devotions long before the Catholic Church was done Yet would they needs have these Assemblies to be a Misdemeanour and to render their Prosecutions of those People the more plausible 't was added that they spoke
their Ready Obedience The Moderatour began with returning Thanks to God that â—e had inclin'd the Kings Heart to uphold the Reformed by his Good Will and Favour to which he added some kind of adulatory Complements to the Commissioner He excus'd â—he Letters receiv'd from the Switzers which only concern'd â—he Calling of Rousselet to the Profession of Theology at Neufâ—â—atel where he was born and which had been produc'd at â—he Synod in presence of the Commissioners then sitting aâ—ong ' em He excus'd the Correspondence that had been â—eld between the Synod of Lower Languedoc and the Dauphiâ—ate as necessary for the Enquiry that one Province was â—ound to make after the Pastors of the Other according to the â—ethod of their Discipline He assur'd him that Private â—ynods should not set up any more Regulations nor appoint â—ny more general Fasts but that they should submit to the Goâ—ernment that they should keep close to the Confession of â—aith and the Word of God That they should abstain â—rom â—arsh and bitter Expressions against all Persons whatever to â—hich he added that it was the Humble Supplication of their â— hole Body to his Majesty that on his part he would Voutâ—â—â—e to restrain the Affâ—onts and Insolencies of the Catholicks â—e promis'd that nothing should be written without Approâ—aâ—â—on and that they would obey the Decrees of the Magestrate â—ouching the Dissolution of Marriages From which the Proâ—ince of Cevennes which was accus'd by the Commissioners â—rotested that they never had the least thought to deâ—art He enlarg'd somewhat more and was a little more resoâ—â—te upon the Article of Annexes and told the Commissioâ—â—r that they never preach'd by force in any Place That the Edict of 1567. which was alledg'd to Authorize these new â—rohibitions ought not any longer to have the Force of a â—aw since it was revoak'd by the Edicts which were afterwards set forth and more especially by the Edict of Nants â—hat the Ministers never preach'd but in such places where free Exercise was allow'd That several of those places also had been Confirm'd by the Commissioners who had conside'd 'em as separate Quarters of the same Body That the Ministers never preach'd out of those Circumscrib'd Limits in the Church of another Minister but in case of Absence or Sickness or when some other Lawful Cause requir'd it That they had leave by Vertue of the Edict to abide where they pleas'd themselves and by Consequence in other places besides the District of their Exercise when they found it for their Convenience Upon these Grounds they besought the King to revoke those Prohibitions which derogated from the Edicts They besought him likewise to hinder the Officers of Justice from medling with Annulling Contracts made between the Churches and their Ministers to let the Method stand without any alteration for raising the Salaries of the Ministers and paying the Schools and to ratifie what had been done in Favour of Petit the Professor as being Conformable to Custom In a word he justifi'd the Opinion of the Synod of Nimes touching Baptism as being the Doctrine of all the Reformed Churches He rejected the Opus operatum of the Roman Church and humbly implor'd the King since he permitted the Profession of the Reformed Religion to give leave that that same Determination of the Synod might be allow'd of After this they deputed two Ministers and one Gentleman to be sent to the King but when they went about to read the Instructions of the Provinces for drawing up the Papers which the Deputies were to Carry the Commissioner endeavour'd to have hindr'd 'em as if it had been matter of Politick concern with which the Synod had nothing to do to Meddle Nevertheless he Suffer'd himself to be overrul'd when they gave him to understand that there was nothing of Debate or Consultation in the Case but only a meeâ— collection of such Complaints and Remonstrances into one Paper which the Deputies of the Provinces brought ready Digested He would also have oblig'd 'em to set down at the head of the Paper the Title of Pretended Reformed Religion but as for that they excus'd themselves by returning him for answer That the King had never exacted from his Subjects that they should brand themselves with any such Appellations in things wherein they were to speak according to their Consceiences So that at length they deliver'd to their Deputies their Letters their Instructions and their Complaints Their Instructions recommended to 'em three Articles in particular The Point concerning the Annexes that of Baptism upon which they were afraid that the Council would make some untoward Order and the Point of being exempted from spreading Carpets before their Houses which had occasion'd great Vexations over all the Kingdom As for the Paper of Complaints it self it contain'd Nine Heads And tho' the King had done nothing in consideration of the Complaints of the preceding Synod yet they resolv'd to present 'em rather that they might preserve to themselves the Liberty of making their Complaints then for any hope they had of an answer The First Article complain'd that notwithstanding all the Promises which the King had made by the Edict of the Year 1629. There were no less then Thirty eight Places where they could not obtain the Reestablishment of Free Exercise tho' it had been put forth in 1620. All which places were nam'd in the Article Forty seven Others were also mark'd down in the Second some in Saintonge some in Aunix others in the Islands of Oleron and Rè and several other Places where they had Suppress'd the Free Exercise of the Reformed Religion by force through the Misfortune of the Times The Third Article demanded the Liberty of preaching in the Annexes The fourth contain'd three Complaints That the Church-yards were not restor'd to the Reformed which had been taken from 'em before the Year 1625. tho the Restitution were promis'd 'em in the Answer return'd to their Papers That in other Places they had been depriv'd a fresh both of their Church yards and Churches That in other Places they had been hindred from building Churches and they nam'd several Places where these Acts of Injustice had been done ' em There was one Town among the Rest where they were enforc'd to bury their dead in their own Fields and where above Three at a time were forbid to attend the Corps The First spoke of Alenson where the Synod was assembl'd which had had a Suit before the Council touching the Right of Free Exercise in that City and of Burying their Dead in the Suburbs of St. Blaise where there was a Church yard There had been a Decree of the 13th of May which put a stop to the Cavils of the Catholicks Nevertheless in contempt of the Decree and during the sitting of the Synod it self they had given a new Assignment upon the same Brangle to the Reformed at the Council The next concern'd the Affairs of the Country of Gex where Machaut by his
their Coach cross the street where the procession was to pass upon Corpus Christi day The Bishop of Poitiers turn'd Informer but the Crime which they had endeavour'd to aggravate by long Proceedings and severe Informations produc'd no more then a Decree of the 10th of May in the Chamber of the Edict which condemn'd the Parties accus'd to pay the Bishops charges and summon'd 'em to the Chamber there to receive an admonition to behave themselves more modestly according to the Edicts A Proctors Servant Maid in Poitiers was accus'd of having utter'd several Blasphemies in the Abby of Montierneaf against the Images of the Virgin and the Saints That is to say that the silly Maid had inconsiderately asserted that they were Idols She was convicted of Contumacy because she had avoided Imprisonment by Flight And upon that sentenc'd to undergo the Amende Honourable to have her Tongue bor'd and to perpetual Banishment out of the Province of Poitâ—â— which Sentence was excuted upon her in Effigie The Bishop of Mompellier and Valence were Conservators of the Priviledges of the Universities of both those Cites The Bishop of Valence after several Decrees and a long Suit between him and the Members of the University came to an agreement with 'em in pursuance of which he drew up Regulations of which the chiefest was to exclude the Reformed from all Dignities The Purport of those Statutes was that high Mass should be said every Sunday at which the Rectors Doctors Regents Scholars Undergraduates and Strangers admitted into the Society should be present that the Bishop who is also Chancellor of the University should preside at all the Acts That the Vice-Chancellor and Rector should be Priests or at least Clerks and that they should take their Oaths Bare headed and upon their Knees Books also had their share of Catholick Severity For diâ— Moulin had publish'd a small Piece entituled The Capuchin Wherein he ridicul'd that Institution which dazl'd the Catholicks with such an outside of Zeal Thereupon with great Fervency they prosecuted the Condemnation of this Book And the Chamber of Castres being divided upon this Occasion that Division was determin'd upon the third of April and the Book was condemn'd to be burnt The Parlament of Bourdeaux also order'd the same Execution the 3d. of May. This very Book was also burnt at Poitiers the 12th of December by order of the Seneschal together with another Book entituled The Capuchins Journal I have already told ye that the Prince of Conde purchas'd Sancerre and that he had suppress'd the Exercise in that Place But his Zeal stop'd not at so small a thing He caus'd a Decree of Council to be set forth which forbid Burials in the Day time all manner of Funeral Pomp the Exposing of the Bodies before the Doors of their Houses Nor to misuse the Catholicks in word or deed nor any of the New Converts nor those who had a desire to change their Profession under the penalty of corporal Punishment It was fruther ordain'd that no Souldiers should be quarter'd in Catholick Houses till the Reformed had had their â—all share and that the charges of such Quarter and all other Municipal Expences should be levy'd upon the Reformed That the Taxes should be rated by three Catholicks and one Reformed but that they should be collected by three Reformed and one Catholick that the Reformed Assessor and Collectors should be chosen by the Reformed and the Catholick by the Catholicks So that every thing was so order'd that the Catholicks who were not the tenth part of the Inhabitants were the Masters of the Rest and might at their Discretion command the Estates and Liberties of others And 't is thought that some Personal Resentments transported the Duke to these unjust Revenges But the Cardinal's Death and the crazy Condition of the King caus'd a kind of Cessation of all manner of Business the whole Government being intent upon the Change that was like to happen so suddenly in the Kingdom For which reason the Reformed had a little Breathing time For I find but one Peremptory Decree of the Privy Council of the 3d. of March in Confirmation of another obtain'd by the Bishop of Luson upon a Petition the 20th of the Preceding May which sentenc'd Gagemont according to his own voluntary Offers to make his Excuses to the Vicar of St. Hilaire de Melle to consign sifty Franks into the Bishops Hands and pay him the Costs and Charges of the Suit for not alighting nor putting off his hat upon his Meeting the Sâ—crament Fuzil Curate of St. Berthelemi at Paris being retir'd to Geneva in 1614 was there married His Children after his death went into France to sue for the Payment of a Sum of Money due to their Father for the Sale of an Inheritance six years before his Retirement But their Kindred by the Fathers side refusing to acknowledge 'em for lawful Heirs tho' born in Wedlock and in a Country where it was lawful for Priests to marry the Advocate General undertook the cause of the Kindred and in the Chamber of the Edict upon the 25th of February obtain'd a Sentence that the Children as Bastards in France could not have the Benefit of Succession The fifth of March a Decree was issu'd out at Bourdeaux against the Priviledges of the Party-Chamber A certain Recollect of the Mission of Bergerac went to Visit at Sigoules the Lady of Moulard pretending he had bin sent for by her Order being at that time sick In the nick of time in comes Belloi the Minister of the Place and opposes the Monks Design Upon which the Monk complain'd that Violence had bin offer'd him and obtain'd a Capias against the Minister who apply'd himself to the Party Chamber Now this was a cause purely within the verge of that Chamber But the Advocate General interpos'd and caus'd the Parlament to send for the Cause who gave him leave to pursue the Execution of the Decree But the Kings death which happen'd in May prevented him from any farther improving his powerful Zeal against the Reformed But to shew that he was still the same to his last Gasp he could not dye till he had exhorted with his own trembling Lips the Marshals La Force and Chastillon to turn Catholicks However he had the not Pleasure to see extinguish'd the Party which he had brought low For Providence reserv'd that satisfaction for Lewis XIVth who succeeded him The End of the Second Volume A COLLECTION OF EDICTS DECLARATIONS AND Other PIECES Serving for Proofs of the Second Part of the History of the EDICT of NANTES A Declaration of the King upon the Edict of Pacification given at Paris May 22. 1610. and verified the third of June the same Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr to all to whom these Present Letters shall come Greeting Since the unfortunate and detestable Assassination of our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father last Deceased whom God Absolve the Queen Regent our
Parlaments whereas formerly they were restrain'd to ten To which end all Patents requisite shall be dispatch'd XXI That at the request of the Chamber of Castres which is compos'd of a President and Eight Catholick Counsellors and as many of the Religion it would please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Counsellors to serve in the Chamber of Nerac where there are but six Counsellors of the same Religion Which is the Cause that by reason of present Refusals there is not a sufficient Number of Judges in the said Chamber And for the said two Offices to provide two Persons gratis at the Nomination of the Churches The XXXI Article of the Edict shall be observ'd But nothing can be changed in the last Establishment of the said Chambers And as to the Election and Nomination of those that are to serve his Majesty will provide with such Consideration that they shall have no occasion to complain XXII And considering the great Animosities of the Parlament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux which have chiefly appear'd since the fatal Accident of the Death of the King deceas'd by the great Number of Divisions of Voices that happen in the Chambers of Castres and Nerac which proceeds from hence that the said Courts send to his Majesty the Nomination of the Catholick Counsellors which are to serve in the said Chambers and Employ the most passionate in the said Courts 't is desired that each of the said Chambers may supply the Number of the Counsellors of the Grand Council and the Surplusage of the said Courts of Parlaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux who may be chosen by your Majesty upon the Register of the said Courts as was practis'd upon the first establishment of the Chamber of Justice in Languedoc in 1579. and not upon the Nomination which is made by the said Parlaments Satisfaction has been given to the Contents of this Article by the Answer to the IV. of the Articles presented by those of the Religion in the Dauphirate in August last and because the Parlament of Grenoble has refus'd to obey it Letters of command shall be sent to cause 'em to verifie it XXIII That in Conformity to what has been granted to the Chambers of the Edict in the Parlaments of Paris Tholouse and Bourdeaux it would please his Majesty to create de novo an Office of Substitute to the Advocate General of the Parliament of Grenoble to serve in the Chamber and take his Conclusions as well at the Hearing as in Process by writing and to provide one of the Religion Gratis at the Nomination of the Churches under the Jurisdiction of the said Chamber The Deceas'd King being engag'd â—â— Promise not to make any new Creation even in the said Province â—â—ere is no Reason for granting the present Article XXIV And that all the Officers of the said Miparty Chamber may be according to the Intention of the Edict and practice of the other Chambers may it please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Secretaries and an Usher in the said Parlament of Grenoble to serve in the said Chamber and to provide Persons of the said Religion Gratis at the Nomination of the said Churches Such course shall be taken that there shall be no occasion for Complaint XXV For the same Reason in regard the two Commissioners of the Registry of the Chamber of Castres are Catholicks that upon the Death or Resignation of one of the said Officers one of the said Religion may supply his Room The XLVI Article of the Edict shall be observ'd and the Vshers and Serjeants shall be enjoin'd to execute all Decrees Commissions and Orders issu'd out of the said Chambers of the Edict and of Grenoble in all places where need shall require upon Pain of being suspended from their Employments and forc'd to pay the Expences Dammages and Interest of the Plaintiffs in the Suits XXVI And for as much as to the prejudice of the LXVII Article of Particulars and the Provision made in consequence of it by Answers to several Writings the Courts of Parlament in Provence Burgundy and Britany make daily Decrees against the Ushers who within their Jurisdictions execute the Decrees of the Chambers of the Edict of Paris and Grenoble so that for that Reason the Royal Serjeants settled in the said Provinces refuse to put the said Decrees in Execution therefore may his Majesty be pleas'd to create de novo two Offices of Serjeants Royal in every Bailiwick and Seneschalship within the Jurisdiction of the said Provinces to be suppli'd by Persons of the said Religion The Catholicks and those of the Religion shall be indifferently receiv'd into the said Offices and as to those places where there are none at present command shall be sent to those that Officiate to receive all Contracts Wills and other Acts which they shall be requir'd to do by those of the said Religion XXVII And for Remedy of the Inconvenience which they of the Religion daily suffer both at Paris and other Places where there are no Royal Notaries to receive Contracts Wills and other Voluntary Acts may it please his Majesty to create de novo in every City two Offices of Royal Notaries and to supply the Places with those of the said Religion The Regulation made at Blois in 1599. shall be observ'd XXVIII That Attestations sent by the Ministers and Elders to justifie themselves in the Chambers of the Edict shall not be oppos'd nor rejected unless it be upon a challenge or exception against the Signing tho' the said Attestations are not made before a Publick Notary and Judges Royal. T is for the King in his Council to appoint Judges Nevertheless his Majesty Grants that in Case of Division of Voices the Chamber where the Process was divided shall Order the Parties to repair to the next Chamber without Addressing to his Majesty But his Pleasure is that in other Things the Orders be observ'd XXIX And to obviate long and troublesom Suits which the Parties are constrain'd to undergo through the Regulations of the Judges of his Majesties Council in the Business of Parentage Recusations and things of the like Nature that the Chambers of the Edict might send to the next Court or where both Parties shall agree the Processes wherein the Presidents or Counsellours in the Causes or their Kindred within the Degree and Number of the Ordinance are either Principal Parties or Garanties as also the Division of Voices happening in the said Chambers which ought to be referr'd to the next Chamber according to the XLVII of the Particular Articles Granted for the time to come and necessary Declarations shall be expedited for that Purpose XXX That in the Explanation of the LIX Article of the Edict the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy be enjoyn'd to set forth by way of long Prescription the Time elaps'd from July 1585. till the Month of February 1599. as is practis'd in other Chambers of the Kingdom The Regulation as to Six Months
made by some of our Subjects have proceeded rather from Suspitions and Distrusts too slightly listen'd to then from any want of Affection Fidelity or Allegiance which they have all along made apparent upon all occasions that have offer'd themselves Hoping also that for the Time to come they will keep themselves within the bounds of Duty under the Observation of the Edicts and Ordinances therefore we Will and it is our Meaning and our Pleasure that all Decrees Procedures Acts and other Letters that have been granted and set forth against 'em as well in general as particular upon any occasion whatever shall be null and void as if they had never been extant so that upon occasion and in pursuance thereof they shall not either in general or particular inour any Blame danger or dammage nor be disturb'd or prosecuted for the Future And to this purpose we impose Silence upon all our Advocates General their Substitutes and all others as we also expresly forbid all our said Subjects in Conformity to the 77. and 82. Articles of the Edict to hold any Communications of Assemblies to settle or hold Provicinal Councils or to make any Levies Provisions of Arms or Musters of Souldiers or to commit any other Acts directly or indirectly contrary to our Edicts and Declarations upon pain of Disobedience and of being punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Peace To this purpose we command our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Court of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict settl'd within the Kingdom that the abovemention'd Edict the Edict of Pacification Secret Articles Brevets Declarations and other Letters Patents to them sent in pursuance of the same be â—orâ—nwith read and publish'd in the usual Places and that the Contents thereof be inviolably fulfill'd and observ'd ceasing and causing to surcease all Troubles and Impeachments to the contrary We further enjoyn our said Atturney Generals to be aiding and assisting thereto and if any Infringements happen after this to prosecute the Authors with Severity to the end that Examples of Punishment may deterr others For such is our Will and Pleasure In Witness whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affixed to these Presents Given at Paris December 15. 1612. and the thirteenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And upon the Folding of the Paper By the King being in Council the Queen Regent his Mother present De Lomenie Extract out of the Registers of Parlament This day the Court the Grand-Chambers the Parlamental Court of Criminal Causes having seen the Letters Patents in form of Charters of the 15th of December last concerning the Observation of the Edict of Names and other Letters and Articles in pursuance of it the Conclusions of the Advocate General and the Matter brought into debate have Decreed that the said Letters be Read and Publish'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General and Copies sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships to be there Read and Publish'd Done in Parlament January 2. 1613. Sign'd Guyet A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edicts of Pacification and Prohibitions of Duels Dated at Paris October 1. 1614. Verifi'd the second of the said Month and Year LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. It having pleas'd God to bless our Reign with so many Favours and Successes and to bring the course of our Years to the Age of Majority to which we have now attain'd as we have at all times all the Reason in the World to commend and be thankful for the happy Adminstration of our Kingdom during our Minority under the Regency and Prudent Conduct of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother we are willing to seek all ways possible and agreeable to the Duty of a most Christian Prince jealous of Gods Glory and who desires to maintain the Publick Peace and Tranquility for the welfare repose and ease of his Subjects whether in causing an exact Observation of the Good and Holy Laws made by the Kings our Predecessors of most praise worthy Memory or by new Laws which we shall deem proper to make as occasion offers and upon such Advice as may be given in the next Assembly of the States General of our Kingdom which we shall cause to be summon'd for the attaining of which and to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Union and Right Understanding in the fear of God Obedience of his Commands and Observation of our Ordinances so that the publick repose and tranquility which we desire to preserve among 'em may not be interrupted or violated We have with the Advice and Counsel of our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood other Princes and Lords principal Officers of our Crown and most remarkable Persons of our Council said declar'd and ordain'd and we say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure in Conformity to what we have already formerly ordain'd That the Edict of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father given at Nantes in April 1598. in favour of those of the pretended Reformed Religion in all the Heads and Articles of it together with all the other Articles to them granted and Regulations made Decrees given either by way of Explanation or for the Execution of the said Edict or in pursuance of it may be fulfill'd and inviolably kept and observ'd as has been ordain'd and perform'd by our said Deceased Lord and Father and that the Infringers may be severely punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Repose And the more to secure the Publick Peace and Tranquility under our Authority and Obedience we prohibit all our said Subjects from holding any particular and private Intelligences Leagues or Associations as well within as without our Kingdom nor without our Permission to send to any Forreign Princes whether Friends or Enemies upon any occasion whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to look carefully after it and to be assisting as need shall require upon pain of being responsible and of being punish'd for their Negligence with the same Severity as the Disobedience of the Offenders We also forbid all our said Subjects of what Estate Condition or Quality soever who receive Estates Pay or Pensions from us not to take accept or receive any Estate Pay or Pension from any Prince or Lord whatever nor to follow be present with or accompany any other then our selves upon pain of being depriv'd of the said Salaries Estates and Pensions And for as much as for want of due Execution of the Edict made by the Deceased King our Lord and Father concerning Duels Combats and Encounters and afterwards by our selves and for that they have not been obey'd by several of our Subjects in Contempt of our Authority great Disorders and Confusions have from thence arose which greatly offend God and may provoke him to send the Scourges of his Wrath among us and upon our Kingdom if we should not provide against so
great a Mischief it is our Pleasure and we ordain that all the said Edicts Ordinances and Declarations made by the Deceased King and by our selves upon occasion of the said Duels Combats and Encounters shall be inviolably observ'd for the Future and fulfill'd and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour nor shall they who shall presume to infringe our Commands hereafter so much as hope or expect from us any Favour or Pardon upon any excuse pretence occasion or consideration whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour of our Laws without any Exception of Persons And our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes to make all necessary Prosecutions against such Malefactours Considering also that the Divine Majesty is greatly offended with Oaths and execrable Blasphemies which are utter'd daily by several Persons against the Edicts and Ordinances made by the Kings our Predecessours We have ordain'd and do ordain that the said Edicts and Ordinances shall be Publish'd de novo that no Body may pretend Ignorance And we enjoin all our Judges and Officers within their several Jurisdictions upon pain of losing their Offices to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour contain'd in the same with which thy shall not dispense upon any Cause whatever upon Pain of being responsible to us in their own Names and Persons Farther we Command our Advocates General and their Substitutes to use all requisite Diligence in the Execution of these Presents Given at Paris October 1. 1614. and the Fifth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King in Council De Lomenie The King with all his Court repairing to his Palace sitting in his Throne of Justice all the Court of Parlament assembl'd in their Scarlet Robes the Speeches made the Chancellor pronounc'd the Decree of Verification which was transcrib'd afterwards upon the folding of the Letters Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament the King there sitting October 2. 1614. A Declaration of the King purporting the renewing all the Edicts of Pacification Articles granted Regulations and Decrees depending upon ' em Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Immediately after our coming to the Crown the Queen our Thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother then Regent of the Kingdom during our Minority prudently judg'd that there was nothing which ought to be more dear to her then the Preservation of the Publick Peace and that for the Enjoyment of this Happiness and to cause our Subjects to live in Amity one with another it was necessary to confirm the Edicts Declarations and all other Writings and Dispatches granted by the King Deceas'd our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion on purpose to let 'em know that she was desirous to follow the Example and Conduct of a Prince who had so happily rul'd and govern'd his Kingdom and advanc'd so high the Grandeur and Reputation of it by his Wisdom and Matchless Valour that she knew not how to take a better course or more wholsome Counsel then that which he made use of Which she did by a Declaration Publish'd in all the Parlaments and in other Places where it was necessary taking the same care also to see it Publish'd And when she receiv'd any complaint of Breaches that were pretended to be made to the Prejudice of the same did all that lay within the Verge of her Power and Authority to cause amends to be made This Conduct which she us'd in all her Actions and Deportment in the Government of the Kingdom having been the true Cause next to Gods Assistance to keep all our Subjects united in Affection Fidelity and Obedience toward us and in Friendship one among another Which has also mov'd us after the Declaration of our Majority to beseech her that she would be pleas'd to continue with the same Affection and Vigilance to assist us with Her good Counsels in the same manner and with the same Authority as if the Administration of the Government were still in Her hands In pursuance whereof by Her Advice as soon as we enter'd into our Majority we set forth a Declaration in favour of our Subjects of the Religion the same in Substance with the former to let 'em always see that our Intention and Desire was to promote Friendship and Peace among our Subjects and inviolably to observe our Edicts And being very sorry for the Contention and Dispute that happen'd between the Catholick Deputies of the Chamber of the Nobility and some others of the said Religion assembl'd in the General States held in our good City of Paris upon this occasion that the said Catholick Deputies had put the Question and came to a Resolution that we should be Petition'd to preserve the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion according to the Oath which we took at our Coronation a needless Proposal or rather altogether unprofitable considering that we our selves profess it with an unshaken Constancy and Resolution to live and dye in it So that we must believe that the Proposal was not made by them but only to testifie their Zeal and Affection for the Catholick Religion and not to give offence to any Body as first they separately declar'd to us and afterwards all together protesting that they desir'd the Observation of the Peace as Establish'd by the Edicts And that we would be pleas'd to await and expect from Divine Goodness the Reunion of all our Subjects to the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion by the means most usual and customary in the Church Being fully perswaded by experience of what is past that violent Remedies have only serv'd to encrease the number of those that are departed from the Church instead of teaching 'em the way to return to it Therefore to take away all evil Impressions out of the Minds of our good Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion who profess it with a Zeal no less Pure and Innocent then remote from all Faction and Evil Design As also all Pretences from whosoever seeks 'em to disturb the Repose of the Kingdom we thought it our Duty upon this to declare what is our Will and Pleasure For these Reasons we make known that having consider'd of this matter in our Council where were present the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood c. We have with their Advice said declar'd and ordain'd say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure by these Presents that all the Edicts Declarations and Private Articles ordain'd in Favour of tâ—â—se of the Pretended Reformed Religion as well by our Deceased Lord and Father as by our selves together with the Regulations and other Letters or Decrees given in their Favour by way of Explanation and for the Execution of the Edict of Nantes and in pursuance of iâ— shall
same Command which we had enjoyn'd their said Envoys to carry to 'em in our Names which was to proceed forthwith to the Nomination of the Deputies that were to reside near our Person and then to break up in fifteen Days after and return home into their Provinces Which was pronounc'd the 10th of January last To which they made no other Answer only that they would depute Commissioners to us to reiterate their humble Supplications to us as they did in sending to us afterwards some others of their Society who repeated the same Instances which others before had done That is to say that we would be pleas'd to agree to the Sitting of the Assembly till their Papers were answer'd and that they saw the performance of those things that should be promis'd 'em upon which not having any thing else to Answer but what already we had given 'em to understand and considering of what Importance it was that they should rely upon the Assurances which we had given 'em of our good Intentions to do what should be to their Content and that the usual methods in such Cases should be follow'd and observ'd Considering also that they had sat near five Months which might breed both Suspition and Jealousie in our other Subjects We order'd 'em once more to obey what we had given 'em to understand to be our Will and Pleasure To which we order'd 'em after that to be particularly exhorted by several Persons well qualifi'd and well inform'd of our Sentiments of these Affairs who assur'd 'em of our good Intentions to give 'em content Having also sent 'em word in our Name that tho' they had exceeded above a Month of the Time wherein we prefix'd 'em to separate yet we granted 'em eight Days more for their Return to Loudun and eight Days after to Name their Deputies and then retire In which if they fail'd to give us Satisfaction we should take care so to provide as should be most for the good of our Service But finding that instead of obeying our commands they still continu'd together covering their Disobedience with the Pretences of new Envoys which they sent to us to reiterate their Importunities and Supplications Yet being well inform'd that there are several persons in the said Assembly ill affected to the Good of our Service and the Peace of this Kingdom who labour to inveagle others into their wicked Designs Therefore being no longer able to suffer this contempt of our Authority without testifying our Resentment toward those that are Guilty and letting every one know what our Will and Pleasure is upon this Subject We declare that we have had this Matter debated in Council where were present some Princes of the Blood other Princes c. With whose advice and of our certain knowledge full Power and Royal Authority we have said declar'd and ordain'd as follows that is to say That to testify our good Inclinations in their behalf to our said Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion we have again order'd our said Deputies assembl'd at Loudun a Respit of three weeks after notice shall be given 'em by these presents to break up the said Assembly and to go home to their Houses During which time they may also Nominate their Deputies according to the Number and Method accustom'd for two to be made Choice of by us to reside near our Person and upon their neglect to break up and Retire after that time expir'd We have from hence forward as then declar'd the said Assembly unlawful and opposite to our Service and Authority And all those who shall stay to continue it either in the City of Loudun or in any other Place guilty of High Treason and as such excluded from the Benefit of our Edicts and other Favours by us granted to those of the Pretended Reformed Religion as also of the Appeals which they may pretend to to our Chambers of the Edict We likewise will and it is our Pleasure that they be proceeded against with the utmost Rigor of our Laws and Ordinances as well by our Ordinary Judges as our Parlaments as disobedient Subjects Rebels and disturbers of the Publick Peace as also all such as shall side with 'em in their Practices Negotiations and Correspodencies And as for those among 'em who shall obey our present command and withdraw from the said Assembly within the time above mention'd as also all others of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall continue in their Obedience and Duty toward us our Will and Pleasure is that they live with all freedom under our Protection and enjoy the Benefit of our Edicts Declarations and other Favours by us granted in their behalf And if they of the Assembly who shall obey our present Commands whatever their Nunber be before they quit it nominate the Deputies that are to reside in our Train our Intention is to admit their said Nomination and to permit those whom we shall make choice of to do the Duty of their Functions near our persons as is usual So we command our beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Courts of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict our Bayliffs c. We also enjoyn all our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes c. And to the end the said Assembly may have sufficient Notice of our present Command and may have no cause to pretend Ignorance our Pleasure is that our Advocate General or his Substitutes give speedy notice thereof to the said City of Loudun or other Places where such Assemblies shall be held by the chief of our Ushers or Serjeants We also command our Governours and Lieutenant Generals in our Provinces to be aiding and assisting in the Execution of such Decrees and Judgments as shall be given against the Violators of these Presents For this is our Will and Pleasure In Testimony whereof c. Given at Paris Feb. 26. 1620. in the Tenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below By the King Phelippeaux Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Atturney General and sent to all Bayliwicks and Seneschalships to be there Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament February 27. 1620. Sign'd De Tillet A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience Dated at Fontain-bleau April 24. 1621. Register'd the 27th LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Since we took in hand to govern the Affairs of our Kingdom We have found that one of the most necessary Things to keep our Subjects in Peace and Tranquility is carefully to observe the Edicts of Pacification and Declarations made in favour of our Subjects who prosess the Pretended Reformed Religion for which Reason we have all along labour'd it as much as it was possible and also to the end they might have so much the more Reason to contain themselves in their Duty and to rejoice in our goodness We have often dissembl'd and laid asleep their Disobedience
and Oppositions that many among 'em have been guilty of Or else we have endeavour'd to turn 'em aside from the Miscarriages to which they were inclinable by Admonitions and Declarations which we have set forth and sent where they were convenient to let 'em understand their Duty Which was that which more particularly we were desirous to put in Practice in October last upon Advice that was given us that our said Subjects were preparing to call and hold an Assembly without our Permission in the City of Rochel Upon which we put forth a Declaration to forbid the said Assembly and to prohibit all that should be deputed to travel thither and those of the said City of Rochel to admit 'em upon Penalties therein contain'd But as it frequently happens that they who have the best Intentions have not always the greatest Faith among 'em our Declaration was so far from working any good effect that in contempt of it several among 'em forbore not to hold the said Assembly and after that to call and hold others in several parts of the Kingdom under various Names and Pretences some of which made Decrees and Orders as if they had had Soveraign Authority publish'd Ordinances for keeping the Field in Arms committing Acts of Hostility and taking our Subjects by way of Reprisals elected and appointed Chieftains as well for the Field as for the Cities and took other Resolutions so pernicious that very great Licenciousness Excesses and Disorders ensu'd in a good number of the Places which they held having caus'd extraordinary Fortifications to be rais'd about 'em rais'd Money and Men Listed Souldiers cast great Guns purchas'd Arms held unlawful Assemblies and committed other Acts altogether Opposite and Prejudicial to our Authority and the Obedience which is due to us For which we had all just Reason to be offended nevertheless we were willing to be patient for several Months and to consider whether of themselves they would return to the acknowledgment of their faults and seek to us for that Favour which they stood in need of Nor were we weary all the while of providing Remedies upon several Articles for which the Deputies that reside near our Person on the behalf of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion made Supplication to us But considering now that the farther things go the more Licentiousness and Disobedience augment among the greatest part of 'em and that their Audaciousness may encrease by our being at a distance We have taken a Resolution to make a Progress into Tourain and Poictou and farther onward to visit the other Provinces of our Kingdom to the end that being so much nearer the Mischief we may be the better able to provide against it with that Intention which we always preserve to maintain the Publick Peace and carefully to observe in respect of those of the said Religion who shall keep themselves within the Bounds of their Obedience the Edicts and Declarations that have been made in their Favour and to promote their Enjoyment of those Favours and Concessions which have been granted in their behalf As also to punish the Refractory and Disobedient And to the end that our Intentions may be known to every one and that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who abide in the observance of the Edicts may have no other cause then to rely upon 'em We with the Advice of some Princes of the Blood c. Have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents and it is our Will Meaning and Pleasure that the Edicts and Declarations made by the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve and by our selves as well for Security and Liberty of Conscience and exercise of those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion as for the Enjoyment of the Favours and Concessions which have been allow'd 'em by Vertue of the same may be inviolably and punctually observ'd and kept according to their Form and Tenour toward those of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who remain and shall abide in their Duty and Obedience whom together with their Families and Estates we have taken and put and do take and put under our Protection and special safeguard Therefore we command our Governours and Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces and expresly command all Captains and Governours in our Cities and strong Holds Judges Bailiffs c. to see that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion may enjoy the Benefit of our said Edicts and of our Present Declaration and to take care of their Safety and Preservation As we also give command to those who have Authority and command in the Cities which are in the Custody of those of the said Religion to take the same Care of our Catholick Subjects who are settl'd therein under Pain both the one and the other of being answerable for their neglect in their proper Names and Persons It being our Will and Pleasure that all Transgressours shall be prosecuted and punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Peace according to the utmost Severity of our Ordinances enjoining all our Advocates General and their Substitutes to issue forth all Requisite Writs to the same purpose So we command our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Courts of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict c. Given at Fountain-Bleau April 24. 1621. and of our Reign the eleventh Sign'd Lewis And below by the King De Lomenie Seal'd c. Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General c. At Paris in Parlament April 27. 1621. Sign'd Du Tillet A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants at present in the Cities of Rochel and St. John d' Angeli and all their Adherents are declar'd Guilty of High Treason With an Injunction to all his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to enter into a Protestation not to adhere to any Assembly at Rochel nor any others that are held without his Majesties express leave Publish'd in Parlament June 7. 1621. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Our continual Desire to preserve the Publick Peace and Tranquility among our Subjects so to prevent the Mischiefs and Desolations that usually attend the raising of Armies and the Oppressions and Calamities which the People thereby groan under has caus'd us to suffer and endure for several Months last past the Miscarriages Disobedience and Rebellious Acts committed in several Cities of our Kingdom by some of our Subjects professing the Pretended Reformed Religion even in those of Rochel Montauban and others where unlawful Assemblies are still held who rather make it their Business to form Popular States and Republicks then to Confine themselves to that Obedience which they mutually owe to us Having also engrav'd a Seal under which and the Signatures of the Principal Heads of the said Assemblies they have set forth several Ordinances Decrees Commands and Commissions giving Power to particular Persons to
according to the usual Forms and as the Franchises and Liberties of the City require III. That in Conformity to the Private Brief which it pleas'd your Majesty to grant that City that there may be no Innovation introduc'd into your said City of Mompelier more especially in that which concerns the Consulships â— Consequently that Reparation may be made for the Innovation in the Marine Consulship considering the Obedience that has been pay'd your Majesty in demolishing the Fortifications for the Effect of which the Inhabitants are continually at Work with great Cost Care and Diligence After his Majesty has heard the Report of the Commissioners sent to the said City of Rochel he will consider of the Contents of this Present Article IV. Also Sir for the removing all cause of Distrust and Fear your Subjects of the Religion having fulfill'd your Majesties Pleasure touching the Levelling of the Forts of Oleron and Ré may it please your Majesty to Order that the Fort built before your City of Rochel may be demolish'd as your Majesty was pleas'd to Promise The King will order the Prisoners of War at present detain'd in his Gallies to be releas'd And for those that are accus'd of particular Crimes let 'em provide for themselves by the Methods of Justice V. And as Mercy is all from God whose Image Sir you are may it please your Majesty â—â—â—ou are plentifully endu'd with that Vertue to grant your Compâ—ssion to a great number of Persons of all Ages detain'd either by the late Wars or for the sake of Religion in your Gallies Naked and under insupportable Severity and hard Usage to that purpose ordering 'em their Pardon and their Liberty as also to those other Prisoners for Accusations and Prosecutions occasion'â— by the late Times and Commotions whether Condemn'd or not Which Favour Pardon and Liberty is granted 'em by the and seventy third Article of the Edict which you were pleas'd to confirm to us To the sixth and seventh Articles the King's Affairs not permitting him to provide for the Petitioners for what is past His Majesty for the Future will deliver to the said Candal good and valuable Assignations for the Relief and Payment of the said Ministers As also for payment of the Pensions contain'd in a small Roll which he will cause to be drawn up VI. Your Majesty by your Letters Declaratory April 24. 1621. were willing that your Subjects who continu'd in their Obedience should enjoy the Favours and Concessions to them granted as well by your Majesty as by the Deceased K. Henry the Great of Glorious Memory nevertheless in the last year 1622. they were utterly depriv'd of the Money which you were accustom'd every year to distribute among 'em by the Sieur du Candal Commissionated for that purpose By which means particularly their Poor Churches are so necessitated that they are constrain'd to have recourse to your Majesty and to supplicate as they do most humbly that you will be pleas'd to order Funds to the said Candal for the said Year at least for the Payment of the Ministers of the Province who remain'd in their Obedience and who are forc'd to borrow Money to buy Victuals and supply their other Necessities  VII In like manner we most humbly implore your Majesty that as you have been pleas'd to grant to all your said Subjects it may please you to ordain that the said Candal may be suppli'd with good and valuable Assignations for the Payment and Relief of their Ministers during the present Year as likewise for the Parties of the Petty Rolls which he shall be pleas'd to draw up and for Payment of the Places which you were pleas'd to leave in their Custody which Assignations may be pay'd without Deductions as it has pleas'd his said Majesty and the Deceased King to grant 'em by the Briefs which formerly were dispatch'd in their behalf The said Candal presenting a Petition to the Council shall be taken care of VIII And for as much as out of the Assignations that have been order'd the said Candal for the Years 1620. and 1621. there are still due very great and considerable Summs which the Receivers and Farmers upon which the said Assignations are charg'd detain in their Hands your Majesty is most humbly supplicated to ordain that all necessary Injunctions may be deliver'd him to the end the Residue may be pay'd The King will provide for the Future for the Contents of this Article according as is above said IX The Churches of the Bailiwick of Gex having enjoy'd the Salary of the Ministers upon the Ecclesiastical Revenues of the said Bailiwick as upon the Money of the Princes that possess'd it till the Year 1601. and after that for several Years under the Deceased King Henry the Great till it pleas'd your Majesty by a decree of your Council dated December 5. 1612. upon his depriving 'em of the said Ecclesiastical Fund to ordain 'em the summ of 3600. Livres in lieu of the said Revenues and to charge the said summ of 3600. Livres upon the 45000. Livres of Augmentation granted to those of the Religion which Money was pay'd 'em by the said Candal till October 1621. May it please your Majesty to let 'em enjoy the Effect of the said Order and Reassignation and to that purpose to grant necessary Assignations to the said Candal as well for Payment of the Arrears as of what shall become due for the Future His Majesty referrs the Restoration of their Church to the Care and Diligence of the Petitioners X. May it please your Majesty to shew your Liberality and to provide a Fund sufficient for your Subjects professing the Religion in your City of Paris toward the Repair and resettling of their Church and other structures in the place of their Exercise burnt demolish'd and the Materials for the most part carri'd away and all this by a Popular Tumult that happen'd in the Year 1621. notwithstanding that your Subjects remain'd in their Obedience and were consequently under your Majesties Protection and Safeguard The Deputies Commissionated for the Province of Tourain shall provide the Petitioners a Convenient Place for the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion As for the Re-establishment and Repair of their Church his Majesty refers it to the Care and Industry of the Petitioners XI And dealing in the same manner with your Subjects of the said Profession in your City of Tours may it please your Majesty to supply 'em with the summs which your Majesty had granted 'em for the same Reason and for the Repair of their Church the Place and Room of which 't is hop'd your Majesty will continue to 'em as having been adjudg'd to 'em by the Commissioners after a Hearing between them and the Bodies of the Clergy the Court of Justice and the Town House As also for that the said Place and Ground was purchas'd built and Peaceably enjoy'd till the Commotion in 1621. maintain'd in the said Possession not only by the Edict of 1598.
but also by those of 1610. and 1612. and more especially by your last Declaration Besides which Right the approach of your Castle of Plessis usually granted to the People of Tours would be a Security to ' em The Commissioners sent into Bress shall take care of this Article so far as shall be agreeable to Reason XII The same Supplication is made to your Majesty for the Repair of the Church of Burgh upon the Ruins and Place where those of the Religion possess'd it by the Sentence and Decrees of the Commissioners in the enjoyment of which they are now disturb'd To the XIII XIV XV. Articles the Commissioners are enjoin'd to take care of the Petitioners demands according to the Tenour of the Edicts and the said Declaration XIII It is remonstrated to your Majesty that the Inhabitants professing the Religion in the City of Villemur are molested in the Liberty of their Consciences depriv'd of all Exercises of Piety refus'd Publick Employments and very much overburthen'd by the Garrison Those of Fontenai Le Comte expell'd interdicted Preaching and Prayers their Pastor not being permitted to re-enter nor can they have their Church restor'd 'em thô almost ruin'd not so much as for the Burial of their dead suff'ring on the other side all Excesses of Charges and Free Quarters upon the complaints sent to your Council Therefore Sir may it please Ye to deliver 'em from their Oppressions and by permitting 'em to enjoy the Fruits of the Peace to order the Re-establishment of their Religion their Churches and Ministers the Security of their Burials and whatever Relief your Justice can afford their Grievances  XIV That you would likewise be pleas'd to order the Restoration of their Exercise at Lusson where it is deni'd to those of the said Religion contrary to the Publication of your Declaration thô they carri'd themselves obediently and that the said Exercise has been continu'd there for these fifty Years together even during all the time of the late Wars and Government of des Roches Baritault XV. Those of the Religion are likewise hinder'd their said Exercise at Talmont the Canon having been levell'd against 'em while assembl'd to hear the Word of God As also at Surgeres the Lady of the Place forbidding any Preaching there tho' it had been allow'd 'em during all the late Troubles Also at Baignols at St. Giles's in Languedoc at Figeac in Quercy Puymirols and at Vic in Armagnac from whence Mr. Testas the Minister is fled not daring to return nor being able to abide in safety in the Place Whereby your Declaration being violated may it please your Majesty to command the Restoration of the said Places and the said Testas As also for the Church of Quilleboeuf and the Pastour of it pursuant to the Re-establishment of it a long time since The XVI Article shall be communicated to the Maior and Sheriffs of Poitiers to be by them heard and taken care of XVI And for as much as the Catholicks of your City of Poitiers have impos'd upon those of the Religion the Summ of 1200. Livres for the Guard that had been maintain'd during these Troubles into which they would not admit any of those of the Reformed Religion may it please your Majesty that they may be discharg'd from it as from an unreasonable Imposition The King will carefully accomplish and observe what has been granted â—â— those of the Pretended Reformed Religion of Bearn by the said Bnief â—â— October the last XVII They likewise supplicate your Majesty that the Edict of Compensation touching the Churches of your Royalty of Bearn may be punctually effected as you were pleas'd to grant by your Brevet given at Mompelier And that the Exercise of the Religion and the Minister may be restor'd in your City of Navarreins That in Consideration of the Resignation of other Churches they of the Religion may be maintain'd in the Possession of the Churches Bells and Church-yards which were granted 'em by the Commissioners or by the Parlament upon their Report And that the Colledges and Academies may be restor'd and payment made of the Salaries that belong to ' em His Majesty intends that the Chamber of the Edict of Languedoc which remains only to be resettl'd shall speedily be restor'd to Castres according to the said Declaration XVIII And because Justice is that which most imports your Authority and the Preservation of the Peace may it please your Majesty to Order a speedy Restoration of the Party Chambers in Places and Cities where they were wont to be And in the mean time may the Courts of Parlament be forbid to take Cognizance and Judge of the Causes of those of the said Religion and that the Appeals by them brought before the Judges Prothonotaries or the Commissioners executing Decrees and Sentences may have the same Effect as if they were remov'd by Letters Royal according to the XLIII Article of the Edict and VI. of the Conference of Nerac Granted XIX By the sixth Article of the Edict and II. of Particulars and other Answers made to our Papers they of the Religion find themselves justly discharg'd from Contributing toward the Repairing and Building of Churches and their Dependencies as things contrary to their Conscience Nevertheless the Catholick Inhabitants of Arnai le Duc solicit in your Council a Permission to impose in general upon the Corporation and as well upon themselves as upon those of the Religion the Summ of six thousand Livres to build a Church for the Capuchins which would neither be reasonable nor conformable to the Edicts Therefore may it please your Majesty to declare Acquit and Exempted all your Subjects of the Religion from Payments and Contributions of the like Nature and that the abovenamed II. Article of Particulars may be put in Execution The said Deputed Commissioners in the said Places are enjoin'd to take care of the Contents of this Article XX. 'T is notorious that during these last Troubles they of the Religion have suffer'd many Violences through the Insolence of the People their Adversaries As in the City of Romorantin where they twice burnt the Meeting-House wherein they perform'd their Exercise in the Suburbs of the said City But what is more strange that since the Peace which it has pleas'd your Majesty to grant your said Subjects the Church which was long since built in your City of Gergeau has been quite thrown to the Ground and the Ruins of it remov'd by which means they of the Religion have been depriv'd of their Exercise Wherefore they most humbly beseech your Majesty that amends may be made for this Notorious Breach of your Edicts and Declarations and to order that the said Church may be rebuilt and the Exercise resettl'd at Gergeau as also that of Romorantin His Majesty will write to the Duke of Espernon Governour and Lieutenant General of Guyenne to see that the Inhabitants of the said Cities of Bergerac and St. Foy be eas'd and favourably us'd upon all occasions
Ibid. At Clay 536. Forbid in several Places 301. Exorcisms the ridiculous â—ssâ—cls of 'em 505. F. FAvas's Interest 365. Favourites new Intreignes against 'em 337. Fenouilles Bishop of violent against the Reformed 335. Remarks upon his Speech 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed 152. Ferrand the Minister flatters the King 410. Ferrier retires 67. Heavy Accusations against him 102. Quits the Ministry and is receiv'd a Counsellour at Nimes 146. More of him 148 c. His end 150. Flatteries excessive 362. Foix Desolation of the Church there 338. Fontrailles put out of Leitoure 364. La Force corrupted by the King leaves the Reformed 333. La Force Governour of Bearn 279. His unequal temper and the effects of it 292. France Plays foul play with the Confederates 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe set forth by a Sorbon Doctor 502. G. GAland Augustus a Commissioner 371. Admitted into the Synod 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan 442. In vain opposes the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn 483. Gex the Bailliage how us'd 534. Commissioners sent thither 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion 107. Governours of the Towns of Security basely self-interested 423. Grand Assizes several of their Decrees against the Reformed 512. Grievances a large Memoir of 'em 430. Gustavus King of Sweden his Death 497. H. HArdy put in Marrialds Room 427. House of Charity forbid at Paris 536. House of the Propagation of Faith and a remarkable piece of Injustice 537. Huguenots whether to be admitted in the Kings Army 441. Hust the Original of the Word 349. I. JAcobins turn'd out of Mompellier 275. James I. of England his Compliance for the Catholick Religion 390 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate 391. Jeannin his remarkable writing 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bouillon 181. Jesuits receive a great Mortification 93. Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton 13. Inclinations of the Great Men 314. Independency of Kings from the Pope maintain'd 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy and why 170. Injustice extraordinary against the Reformed 435. Instructions of the Commissioners 421. Answer'd by Chauve the Moderator 422. For the Provincial Assembly 23. Continuations of the Instructions 26. Invectives against the Synod of Aletz 357. Joseph a Capuchin his draught of the Reunion 474. K. KIng of England in what sence Garrantee for the Protestants 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace 234. Refus'd by the Council of France Ibid. Knight of Malta Marry'd 432. L. LAnguedoc Lower in Confusion 328. Continue unquiet 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel 376. League powerful against Spain 410. Legacies perverted 432. Lescun Counsellour in the Soveraign Council of Bearn 279. His Remonstrance 290. Lesdiguieres pretends to the Constables Sword and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes 212. Engag'd in the Interest of the Court 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel 381. His small Affection for Religion Ibid. c. Will not hearken to his Friends 386. He remains at Court 388. Lessius put to Death 354. Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders 29. A Letter from Court Authorizing the Inferiour number against the greater 56. Letter suppos'd to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name 366. Lewis XIII Marches into Guyenne 314. Returns to Paris 330. Leaves Paris 332. His success in Poitou Ibid. And Guyenne where he treats with La Force 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville and seizes Tulleburg Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations 339. He makes use of Forraign Catholick Souldiers 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary 413. Returns to Paris 358. His particular Insidelity to the Rochellers 363. His Death 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace 463. The Court surpriz'd at the Kings Death 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided 14. His Temper 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn 343. He arrives at Pau and takes in Navarreins returns to Pau and takes the Oath to the States 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris and removes the Offices of the Receits 401. Lewis XIII born 419. Lion an unfortunate accideent there 326. A new Sedition there 451. Loudun Assembly there justified 301. which produc'd several Complaints and Apologies 302. Answer'd by the King 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace 235. Luson Bishop of made a Cardinal 360. His Character Ibid. His Speech to the King 173. He withdraws from the Queen 272. He writes against the Ministers 274. His ill Counsel 341 c. M. MAcon the Bishop of his Speech to the King 274. Proves ineffectual 277. Remarks upon it 317. Mage the Judge 422. Maine Duke of his Death 322. Mandamus Final to the Soveraign Council of Bearn 311. Attended by Decrees of Council 312. Maniald dies 427. Mansfield Count treats with the Reformed 340. Gain'd by the Court 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations Ibid. Marans Count of his Hostilities against Sancerre 268. Marets Minister of Alets put to Death 494. Marriage of Converted Priests 431. Masuyer's false dealing 423. His Character 373. He writes to the King 374. More of him Ibid. c. Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville ruin'd by Favas 389. Metz the Reformed forbid to erect a Colledge there 517. Milletiere a writing of his 373. His Project about Re-union of the Protestants and Papists 477. Refuted by Daille 478. Turns Catholick through Necessity Ibid. Ministers Forraign a Declaration against 'em 436. Decrees against 'em 503. Ministers Pensioners 121. Allow'd to assist at Political Assemblies 270. Ministers of Charentons Answer 273. The Treachery of some punish'd 354. Miron President his Character 172. Missions and Missionaries 467. Mombazon Duke of his care of the Reformed 324 325. Mompellier besieg'd 344. Holds out stoutly 352. The Kings Infidelity to Her 358. A Cittadel built there contrary to the Treaty 377. The building of it oppos'd by Maniald Ibid. Innovations there 436. The Foundation of it by whom Ibid. Monks converted their Rogueries 271. Monsanglard Minister his Process 532. Montauban defended by La Force 318. The Siege rais'd 319. Reduc'd 463. Moulin in danger of being secur'd 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him 392. Muce Marquiss of condemn'd by the Parlament of Rennes 355. N. NErac a Presidial Court erected there 416. Negrepelisse taken by Assault and great Cruelties there exercis'd 334. Nomination of General Deputies permitted 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it Ibid. O. OAth of Vnion 377. Renew'd by the Assembly of Tonneins 165. Offices 441. The Catholicks combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em Ibid. 448. Talon's manner of Pleading 510. His Distinction between the Right of
Catholick Lords The dispersion of the Army The fight of Arques Effects of the King's promiseâ— in some Provinces What the Keformed understood by Protector Protection reciprocal between the K. of Navir and the Refoâ—med The Protestants jealousies and their grounds The King offended at the proposition of taking another Protectour And the Wiser Protestants find â—t both unjust and unseasonable 1589. A Letter written by the King 's own hand upon that Subject The state of the Forces â—â—th of the Leaguers and of the King'â— party The divisions reigning in each party The 〈…〉 â—nâ— aâ—spâ—sâ—â—â—oâ—s of the Catholick Royalists â—â— a Peace in Religion The disposition of the Protestants in regard to same matter Writings about the point of taking up of Arms. for Religion 1589. 1590. The battel of Yvri 1590. The Siege of Paris A new project of peace for the Protestants The reasonableness of their demands And the passion of the Catholicks 1590. The project is at first approved And afterward rejected Remonstrances about it 1590. 1591. The effect of these Remonstrances Gregory the 14th's Bull. 1591. â—â—â— Edict of Mantes 1591. Cavils raised about its Verification * Whereof the Reformed complain The 3d. party and its designs 1521. 1591. Propositions of the Clergy that fâ—lâ—â—â—ed the King A Foreign Army Viscount of Turene marries the Heiress of Sedan And is made Marshal of France 1591. 1592. The Catholicks Artifices to gain the King Fruitless Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy Their different prospects upon the King's instruction â—… Rigors on their Burying 1593. Continuation of the artifices to shake the King's Conscience Political Interests that tended to the same end Mutual Policy of the Catholicks and the Reformed The King â—… Preparations for his change Preparations for his Charge â—… The King's Conversion A Formular that the King refuses 1593. Mistrusts proceeded from this change Boldness of the Leaguers A renewing of the Oath of Union Barriere's Conspiracy The Rebels Pretence The Deputies of the Reformed on their march The King's Precautions against their reproaches Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing him Project of an Edict And to hinder him from satisfying them Precautions against the Oaths of the Order of the H. Ghost and the Coronation The Reformed dissatisfied of the Project neither accept nor refuse them Assemblies permisted Union renew'd with the King ' approbation Artifies to corrupt the Ministers A design of re-uniting The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The fears that the King and Popes reconciliation gave the Reformed Truce to the King's prejudice Reduction of Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that prejudice the Reformed * The Circuit of a League from any Town being within the Precinct or Jurisdiction of it Oath of the Consecration The Jesuits Answer Injustices done to the Reformed 1594. 1593. 1594. Synod at Montauban Orders and Prayers for the King's Prosperity And to bring him back to the Reformed Religion Disowns the Province of the Island of France in several particulars Proposals and Regulations for the General Council Provincial Councils Sedition of the Croakers Deputies amus'd at Court Pretensions of the D. of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope 1595. Testimony which d' Ossat gave the Reformed Sentimentâ— of the Court touching the Union of the Reformed Sentiments of the King upon the Assemblies Causes why they would not declare the Reformed capable of Offices The Prince of Conde taken out of their hands Ways to bring it to pass The Article about Offices passes with some trouble The Proctor-General's Cavil ill taken Cause of new Distrusts He at last permits it Reasons for his so doing Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities Absolution desir'd by the King His reasons for yielding first Commissioners elected to treat D'Ossat and Perron High Pretensions of the Pope The Proctors Instructions quite contrary A Testimony given of the pâ—st and present Services of the Reformed Provocations of the Proctors in the terms and matter Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed Excuses of the Proctors Secret Articles thought to be promis'd to the Pope Massacre aâ— Chastaigneray Excepted by the Patents out of the Acts which should be compriz'd in the Amnesties Artifices to perswade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons Trimouille suspected by the King Pisani carries her away with the Prince her Son Precautions taken for the Prince's Religion ill observ'd The Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King Paid with general Proâ—ises War declared against Spain League with the Queen of England who would have an Article inserted in the Treaty in favour of the Reformed The Duke of Bouillon oppos'd it Discontents of the Reformed and their effects Whence the King's colaness proceeded Suggestions of the Catholicks The Popes Address His wishes 1695. Reports of the Reformed being quite out of favour and the Sources of it 1596. The Assembly Edict of Travercy An Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne The Estate of the Kingdom The Project of dividing The Assembly meet at Loudun with permission New suspicions and subject of complaint * Which was a Court for the benefit of Protestants one half Roman Catholicks and the other half of the Reformed Vulson sent to Court An Effect of this Rigour A wise Expedient of Du Plessis to reunite the Assembly Is approved of the King who revokes the Order of dispersing and promises a Commissioner The Patience of the Reformed A continuation of their Requests A Legat in France renews their fears Jealousies of Roni A Synod at Saumur Their Resolutions Their Letters to the King Commissioners appointed Complaints of the King The Firmness of the Assembly which removeth to Vendome They desist about a general Exercise A second place of Exercise granted in each Balliwick and their right acquired by Possession in the year 1596. confirmed The Edict of 1577. verified at Rouen doth not content them The Pope complaineth of it D' Ossat appeaseth him 1597. The Assembly is discountenanced at the return of the Commissioners Mistrusts and Jealousies on both sides Divisions in the Assembly They return to Saumur Amiens surprised Confusion in the Affairs A Motion for War in the Assembly The Motives of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille The King's perplexity His different manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the taking of Amiens The Answers of the Assembly Which is removed to Chatelleraud more numerous than before The Reasons which may excuse the firmness of the Assembly in their Demands about the Article of Security Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens Difference in Opinions The Reformed serve the King before Amiens The Actions of the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille The Commissioners changed The Treaty continueth and they slacken on both sides A new Possession acquired in 1597. Articles granted by Count Schomberg with submission to the King's
pleasure A Debate whether to accept them provisionally or definitively The Council's Shiftings about the Articles The Treaty is interrupted New Instructions Disputes put to an end by the King's firmness The Assembly beggeth the intercession of the Queen of England and of the Vnited Provinces New Delays partly malicious partly innocent A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed Elamed by some The Importance of its Contents It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the Delays of his Council and the general State of the Reformed By what degrees the King had been drawn from them The Design of their Petion General Complaints made by them against all â— French Against all the Orders of the State Against the Clergy in particular The publick Exercise of the reformed Religion obstructed and private Devotions hindred And in their private Devotions Instances of great Violences The boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux The Exercise interrupted or forbid in several places by divers Decrees In the Army At Rouen the King being there Complaints upon the account of the places Against the Catholick Gentlemen Against the Treaties with the League Singing of Psalms hindred Books seized and burnt Comforting of the sick Consciences forced The Prince of Conde The keeping of Lent and Holidays Colledges The Poor ill used Places where the Reformed dare not dwell A remarkable Injustice done at Lyon Trades Violences Injustice done to the Reformed about Offices * The Council of State is not meant here but a Court of Judicature in Paris where some Special Matters are debated Seditious Words and Speeches Passion of Judges and Parliaments Difficulties in reestablishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the ill will of the Parliaments Burials made difficult Hindred A strong free and moving Conclusion Reflections on that Book New Delays And Difficulties upon particular Places The breaking up of the Assembly The state of the Garrisons The naming of Governors The Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons Private Interests 1598. The Edict delay'd till the Month of August when there were no more Leaguers The Assembly allarmed The King grants the Edict being armed Different Opinions about the Edict The Conclusion at Nants The Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article They first demand a new Edict Reasons pro and con The second Demand a free Exercise and its extent The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion A second place in each Bailiwick was no new thing Difficulties about the Places of Exercise Upon the Proofs Difficulties about the Burials The Third Demand the Subsistence of the Ministers A Sum of Mony promised by the King The Schools The 4th Demand the possession of Estates and Rights of Succession The fifth demand impartial Judges Chambers Miparties or of the Edict The sixth Demand to be admitted to Offices The extent of this Concession * The Offices wherein Notaries Public allow'd by Authority ingross and register private Contracts The Sham of this Concession The 7th Demand Securities 1598. How they were useful to the King â— The payment of the Garrisons Gifts to private Persons Contestations touching the Form of the Concessions which is diverse according to the nature of the thing The manner of Payment The Conclusion * Chambre Mipartie is a Court of Justice Erected in divers good Towns of France in favour of and for the righting them of the Religion one half of the Judges being of the Reformed the other Papists 〈…〉 Edict Artifices to gain ' em A Synod at Mompelier The number of the State of the Churches Forming a Church what it is Several Churches United into one Causes of contenting themselves with the Edict as it was obtain'd Lesdiguieres's Religion Treatise of the Eutharist Consequences of the publishing of it Three Important Negotiations with the Pope The Establishment of the Jesuits Their boldness and Credit The Monks all hate the King Persecution in Piedmont The Marquisat of Saluces Reasons why the King favour'd the Jesuits 3d. Mâ—…age of Madame Her Constancy The King's Severities toward her Scruples Rais'd by the Pope His Reasons The King proceeds to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation The issue of the Negotiation till the Death of the Princess The Advantages which the Reformed got by her Perseverance Difficulties about the Verification of the Edict Their Proposals upon the Edict The Transports of some Prelates The Nuncio's Moderation The Opposition of the Parliament The Justice of the D. of Mayenne 1599. The Reformed forbear insisting upon several Articles Obstinacy of â—â—â— Clergy Chambers of the Edict at Rouen Chamber Mipartie â—n Guien * A kind of a New-years Gift given for the contiance in an Office Verification of the Edict The Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Spaniards Mouths Answers of the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat Accommodated to the Popes liking Edict for the Principality of Bearn Which is receiv'd â—rmplaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Particular Complaints Precedency pretended by the Catholic Officers that compos'd the Chambres Miparties ever the Reformed Verbal demands concerning Chappels in Gentlemens Houses The Papers answer'd Precedency preserv'd to the most â— Ancient President Article of Church-yards Brossiereâ—eigns â—eigns her self possess'd by the Devil The Sequel of this Comedy within and without the Kingdom Dissolution of the Kings Marriage A Decree of the Parlament of Bretagne touching the Oath referr'd by a Reformed to a Catholic Trimouille made a Peer of France 1600. Roni's Advancement not much wondred at Commissioners for the Execution of the Edict and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproacheâ— of the Catholics thrown upon the Reformed Answers Questions upon the Nature of the Edict The Benefit of the Edict The condition of the Kingdom hoth before and after the Edict Warâ— abovt Religion the most Cruel What sort of variety Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion The Justice of the Edict Justice of Reward after Service done What Reward is The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed c. The Concessions for this reason so much the more Just What the Edict grants the Reformed does no body harm The Catholics Gainers by the Edicts The Edict ought to be Irrevocable Considerations upon the Word And upon the things Rights of Conscience The Force of Edicts that maintain Liberty And of these that are granted for the preservation of the Societies The preservation of Subjects the chief Obligation of Soveraigns An Express or Tacit Treaty naturally between Sovereign and Subject Also between Master and Slave The Force of Treaties The Edict of Nantes a Treaty The Form of the Edict renders it more Venerable Two things relating to a Treaty in the Edict 1. Between the King and the Reformed 2. Between the Catholics and the Reformed The Reformed Treats with the King 1. â—â—r Recompence for their Services 2. Touching their being secur'd against their Enemies Places of Security Kings may Treat
Demands * The Commons Private Articles * A Land Tax and heavy Imposition upon the People Inrollment and Modifications of the Edict * Petitions and Remonstrances * Petisions or Addresses * Petitions or Demands The Prince Authorizes himself at Court. The Queen puts the Prince of Conde in Prison Which occasions great disturbances The Reform'd seize Sancerre * Places that were annex'd to â—â—â—ers Declaration upon the Edict of Peace The Duke d'Epernon makes War against Rochel Privileges of the said City The Duke's Preâ—â—nsiens 1617. Rochel applies it self to the King and makes an ill defence Importance of his Enterprise The Circle Assembles at Rochel And Convenes a general Assembly The Deputies of the Circle are ill receiv'd at Court Kâ—asâ—ns to prove that the Assembly is necessary Extremities to which the Male-contents are reduc'd The King's Temper Original of the Fortune of Honore Albert de â—uines * Pigriesches It has been question'd whâ—ther he was a Gentleman The Character of his Confidents Death of the Marshal d'Ancre Alteration of Affairs Luines Marries into the house of Rohan The Assembly of Rochel sends Deputies to the King And receives an Order to break up * Petitions and Demands They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn Their Petitions National Synod at Vitré Deputation to the King Letters to the General Assembly and their Answer The Churches of Bearn and Auvergne disturb'd The Count of Sancerre exerts Hostilities against the City Churches of the Country of Foix. * In which the Judges were part Catholicks and part Reform'd And those of Provence ill us'd Permission given to the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies Places of Bailywicks establish'd with little Exactness * Towns or Villages in which the Publick Exercise of the Reform'd Religion was to be perform'd in the said Bailywicks Rogueries of the Converted Moors The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen Disgrace of Cotton the Jesuit Arnoux succeeds him A Sermon Preach'd at Court by him The Ministers of â— Charenton's Answer Against whom Informations are given Pamphlets on both sides The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers Assembly of the Clergy The Bishop of Macon's Speech Jacobins turn'd out of Montpelier They refuse to suffer a Jesuit Preacher The State of Bearn falsely represented The Effect of that Speech A Decree authorising the Jesuits to Preach in Montpelier * Petitions or Addresses A Decree of Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Estates that had been formerly confiscated in Bearn Re-union of that Country to the Crown which is oppos'd by the Estates La Force And Lescun Deceit of the Court. Dissertacion upon this matter Suspension of Homage * Ill Clerk Inconveniences attending the dis-union and Advantages of the Union By whom the Re-union was pretreated Motives of the Opponants And their Answer to the Dissertation The Edict of Re-union publish'd The Clergy obtain a Decree of Restauration Which declares that the Deputies have been heard and the Writings seen Subtilty of the Clergy A Violent Speech * Petition The Bearnois endeavour to Ward the Blow Remonstrances of Lescâ—n Libels The State of Religion in Bearn Lescun only obtain Words The Cahiâ—â— of the Clergy is favourably answer'd * Petition or Address 1618. The Effect of those Advantages is prosecuted without Inequalities of La Force The Countryof Bearn pursues in this Opposition Writings on their behalf Why the Clergy would not take the said Reimplacement for themselves An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois A Continuation of the said Answer Enterprises upon the Cities of Surety The Exercise of the Reform'd Religion hinder'd in divers places Injustices of the Parliaments Jesuits * Cities Towns and Castles granted to the Reformed for their safety by the Edicts Burial * Petition or Remonstrance Answers to the Cahiers Illusive Remedies 1618. Extream Dispair of the Bearnois The Assembly refus'd at Casteljaloux And at Tonneins They repair to Orthez And arâ— proscrib'd Seditino at Pau. Maliae of the Commissioner Presages and Devotions Craft of the Council First and final Mandamus directed to the Soveraign Council of Bearn Follow'd by Decrees of that Council * Petitions or Demand Sentiment of some particular Persons upon those Affairs Disposition of the great ones State of Forreign Affairs Dangerous Consequences of the aâ—vice of the Moderate An Apology for the Conduct of the Bearnois * Laws of the Bar. Artifices of the Bishops of the Country Remarks upon the Bishop of Macon's Speech Difficulties against the Reimplacement Against Tithes Prescription * For. Conclusion 1619. The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois The Prince of Conde is set at liberty The Assembly of Orthez Transfer'd to Rochel Takes the King's part And breaks up Another Assembly allow'd at Loudun Why the Reform'd have so often renew'd the same Demands * Pâ—tâ—tiâ—â— The Court refers the Complaints to the General Caâ—… Resolutions and Oaths of the Assembly * Petitions and Demands Substance of the General Cahier and other Articles of Complaints The Assembly forbids to suffer Jesuits and other Monks to Preach in the Cities of Surety * Petition or Address Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary Deputations Letters and Remonstrances to the King The Reform'd were inclin'd to the Queen-Mother's Service A Dismal Answer And the Effect of it Opposition of the Catholicks to the Establishment of a Collâ—ge at Charenton Assembly of the Clergy Exemption which is granted them of pleading in such Tribunals where all the Judges are Reform'd Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up 1620. Expedient of Accommodation An unexpected Declaration against the Assembly * In which the Judges were part Catholicks and part Reform'd The Prince of Conde deceives the Reform'd Affected diligence of the Attorney General The Assembly remains firm The Negotiations are râ—sâ—m'd The Assembly Obeys upon the parole of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite Effect of the Separation of the Assembly New Intrigues against the Favorite The Duke of Rohan ingages in the Queens Party Scruples of the Queen Mother Power of the Party she forms Useful Advice of the Prince of Coâ—de and ill Council of 〈◊〉 Bishop 〈◊〉 Lucon The Bishops Reasons Defeat of the Queen's Forces follow'd by 〈◊〉 Peace The King 's unexpected Journey in Bearn Faults of the Reformed and the Cause thereof The King proceeds notwithstanding Remonstrances He arrives at Pau. Makes himself Master of Navarreins He takes the Oath Alteration of the whole Form of the Government Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans How the Reform'd of the Country were us'd Abuses and Threatnings Wickedness of the Bishops Cruelties of Poyane Different Relations of the Kings Journey National Syned of Alets Political Regulations The Ministers deputed for the Syned of Dordrecht give an account of the reasons that have stopt them 〈◊〉 Bearn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They resolve to depute to the King All manner of Succors is refus'd to the Deputies of Bearn Important considerations evaded News of consequence supprest 1618. Treachery of
MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within Our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas Our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly We do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbidding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assignes first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take notice that due Obedience may be given to Our Pleasure herein signified Given at Our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE From its First Publication to this Present Time Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured VOL. 1. Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultry MDCXCIV TO THE QUEENS Most Excellent Majesty MADAM YOVR Majesties Eminent Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the tender Compassion and Charity you have shewn to multitudes of French Refugiez of all Ranks and Degrees who have been forced to fly hither for your Glorious Protection and Relief encourages me to hope that your Majesty will be pleased to pardon me this presumption of humbly laying at your Royal Feet an account of their deplorable Afflictions by permitting me to dedicate to your Illustrious Name this Translation of their History of the Edict of NANTES Your Majesty may see in it with what an astonishing Barbarity the formerly Flourishing Churches of France have been ruined and destroyed with what Rage Fury and Cruelty their Persecutors have treated them and how many thousand Dangers those miserable Innocents have run to find Sanctuary in your Kingdoms The Reading of this History how afflicting soever it may be in it self will I am confident Madam notwithstanding afford your Majesty some considerable satisfaction for tho' the Ruin of these Churches cannot but very deeply afflict your most tender and Christian Breast yet your Extream Piety will however receive no small measure of Joy and Comfort to find that this corrupt and Infidel Age wherein Open wickedness hath reigned with Reputation hath yet produced Martyrs and Confessors whose Courage and Constancy have scarce been inferiour to those of the Primitive Church tho' they have suffered almost beyond Expression for the sake of their Religion and for their Holy Faith have undergone a Persecution which taken in all its dismal Circumstances is far beyond the Blackest of any that can be met with in all the Records and Monuments of Pagan Antiquity Nor may it please your Majesty will this History be unprofitable to your Subjects for it will teach them what Dutiful Respect Obedience and Acknowledgements they owe to your most Excellent Majesties by informing them what a Horrid Persecution Popery was preparing for them too and the unexpressible Calamities into which they must inevitably have fallen if God had not wrought a Wonderful Salvation for us by making use of your Majesties Piety and Zeal to effect this Great and Happy Deliverance That signal Favour Heaven was pleased to shew to England at a time when both Church and State were over-run with Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the point of Destruction gives those miserable Refugiez strong hopes that they shall one day be re-established as it doth your Subjects a mighty Expectation of seeing a Noble Change of the whole Face of Affairs with respect to the Peace and Liberty of EUROPE Your Refugiez have no other Recourse next to Almighty God than to your Majesties who are engaged to labour their Re-establishment not only by that Tenderness and Compassion so natural to all generous Souls and which is so peculiarly Bright in your Majesty to the Afflicted and the Miserable but by the endearing Obligations which one and the same Communion lays upon you by all the Christian and Honourable ways to procure it for them And here MADAM I have a fair occasion to speak of the Royal Vertues which adorn your Majesties to acquaint the world with that profound Reverence you have for the Protestant Religion and with that Great Zeal you shew in the Defence of it with what a disinteressed Vertue the KING opposes the unjust Vsurpations of France with what firmness of Courage He hath exposed his Royal Person to the most imminent Dangers of War with what Prudence and Policy He hath united so many Princes of Europe of different Religions and confederated them all in a steady Resolution to put an end to those unparalelled Violences which have so long raged in a Neighbouring Kingdom under the name of a Most Christian Monarch who notwithstanding makes it his Glory to be Insensible of those almost Insupportable Calamities which his own Subjects suffer and groan under by his means and is the Inhumane Ravisher of the Publick Liberties of Christendom I could enlarge upon these and many other of your Great and Illustrious Vertues which are the supream Ornaments of Crowns and Scepters but where your Majesty commands my Silence I have nothing to do but to submit and to pay a most profound Obedience But I humbly beseech your permission to let me speak this Truth that your Majesties have both testified that an Vniversal Good hath been the end of all your Royal Cares that you have preferred the Raising of the Honour of the Nation to your own Glory How often hath that precious that Invaluable Life been hazarded abroad in the publick Cause of the Rights and Liberties of almost all Europe whilst You MADAM here at home have governed with so Careful
and wherein the King himself pronounc'd the Articles with his own Lips This Treaty ought to be inviolable to the Parties whom it behoves to be content after the Oracle has once spoke Nay inviolable to the King himself since he is naturally as well the security for his Subjects Observation of their mutual Contracts as the Supream Arbitrator of their Differences Now it is not readily to be imagin'd that a Prince should be Legally the first Violator of Treaties who is entrusted with the Warranty for their Observation and tho Treaties grounded upon Principles of Honour and Fidelity can never be violated without Infamy 't would be less Igniminious for him to make a Breach that were only concern'd as a simple Party in the Treaty then for him that stands security for the Publick and Common Faith and who is oblig'd by that Characted to cause others to observe the Treaty It follows then that the King being on the one side as Head of the Catholics a Party with the Reformed in the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantes was Granted and on the other being security for the Observation of it between the Catholics and Reformed by his Quality of King and Common Father 't is impossible that either as Party or Security he should ever Ordain or permit the Revocation of the Edict as being the Structure of his Paternal Love his Prudence his Justice and his Royal Authority If it be Objected that this indeed might properly concern Hen. IV. the Author of the Edict but that the Case is not the same with the King's Successors who have met with many Alterations in the Kingdom and for whom it was lawful to to take New measures according to the alter'd condition of Affairs I answer that this Objection will be more proper for another place where I shall have some Reflexions to make upon the Revocation of the Edict I shall only say by the way that when Successors ratify what has been done by their Predecessors they engage themselves in all their Obligations and that they ought to imagine any Alterations of things when the same Reasons of Justice and Humanity still continue when the Benefit is the same when the Parties Interested are still in Being nor become unworthy of the same Grants and Priviledges Here the Children supply the Room of their Parents and this is the Reason that certain Immunities remain perpetual in Families Because 't is presuppos'd that he who has obtain'd 'em never dyes so long as he leaves behind him a Posterity that renews his Life Now it is so easie to apply these Verities to the Edict that it would be needless to enlarge my Digression that must be other where Repeated I come then to the last Thing which I propos'd and which I shall conclude in a few Words It relates to the Objections that are made against the Edict which are almost all grounded upon one Principle which is deriv'd from hence that it is an imperfect Treaty to which the principal Catholics never were call'd that the Edict was drawn up without hearing the Parlaments without giving Opportunity to the Clergy to represent or defend their own Interests and without having the Popes Approbation or at least his Consent which is necessary to Legitimate the Consent of the Catholics in things that concern their Religion But this Objection is the most infirm and the fallest of all the Rest the most infirm because that tho it were True 't would stand the Raisers of it in no stead the falsest in regard there was an Assembly of all the Parties as Public and as formal as could have been desir'd I say that tho this Objection were true it would be of little or no Use because it would have been only a Defect of Formality which in things of that importance which the Edict Treats of ought not to be taken into Constderation to the Prejudice of the things themselves when they are both Just and Necessary In Civil Affairs between Man and Man such a Default might bereave the Person that falls into it of certain Advantages which might have accru'd to him had he been more exact in his proceedings but it does not deprive him of his Rights Where the Lives of Men lye at Stake 't would be yet more strange that an Unfortunate Person should be inforc'd to loose his Life for the bare Omission of a Formality And Nature would murmur to see any one Perish whose Innocence should in all things else appear well prov'd had not his Condemnation been grounded only upon a Mistake of that sort How much more strange would it be that in an Affair which concern'd the Lives and Welfare of so many Thousands of Stout and Faithful Subjects and constant in the Service of their Prince and who have no other Crime which their Enemies can Tax 'em with but that they bear a Conscience too delicate to submit to the Authority of another how much more strange I say would it be that in such an affair Men should not think themselves oblig'd to observe their Promises to these poor people under pretence that they had not Summon'd their Adversary's in Form to appear in Court for the Regulation of the Differences between ' em But tho there were nothing more in it the thing was Public 'T was impossible that either the Clergy or the Parlaments should be Ignorant that there was a Treaty on foot with the Reformed They saw their Assemblies their Deputations their Writings the going and coming of the Kings Commissioners 'T was the Discourse of all the Kingdom and it was Transacted in the Sight of all Europe In an affair that made so loud a Noise 't was the Fault of those that were concern'd therein if they neglected being present at the places of Debate so that if they were not there it must be attributed either to an affected Carelessness or a sly and over-reaching pretended Ignorance But in the Second Place this Objection is False The Parties that were to be Summon'd were present not after the business was concluded and the thing past all Recovery but before the Edict was verify'd that is to say by consequence before the Edict was ratify'd and pass'd in a determin'd matter This is so true that upon their Interposing many things were alter'd which had been agreed upon at Nantes I shall not here so much as take Notice that one of the King's Commissioners was a Member of that Parlament But give me leave to say that the Interposition of this Senate is sufficiently known by the several Deputations they made to the King after the Edict had been sent him to be Registre'd They heard his Remonstrances they consider'd his Objections they suffer'd him to speak more then once before they made a positive Order for Registring the Edict they Granted him some of his Demands and for other matters they gave him their Reasons Insomuch that the Command which succeeded that can pass for no other then a sort of
by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise fell by Succession or otherwise into the hands of Catholics of which they alledg'd an Example in Baujolâ—is where the Propriet of a Barn that was design'd 'em for their Assemblies was upon the point of being sold They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons as they had done all the Lent long at Blois at Orleans at Angiers and elsewhere at Chalons upon Sacne at Mortagne at Chartres the Judges to whom the Complaints were made never using their endeavours to repress ' em They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that wou'd take upon themselves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers The Kings Answers were all favourable however they were forc'd to come again more then once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which preserv'd the Memory of the Civil Wars Very near the same time the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex sollicited the Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtain'd in the Matters of Religion since their Country came under the power of the King I have already observ'd that they had there follow'd the Methods of the Edict as in all the rest of the Kingdom whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion or for maintaining the Reformed in the possession where the King had found ' em But to have a stronger Title then those Regulations made upon particular Accidents they desir'd something more Authentic that they might make 'em effectual and they obtain'd it in the Month of June by a Declaration for that purpose In the mean time they prepar'd themselves to hold a General Assembly and indeed the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud The King was much afrad lest some things shou'd pass there against his Interest because it was said that this Assembly wou'd Grant their Protection to the Marshal de Bouillon The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion and when he writ to the King after his disgrace he spoke more in the Style of an Accuser that threaten'd then of a Criminal that humbl'd himself It was dangerous in the Example that that shou'd be taken for a Cause of Religion in an Assembly of Subjects which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Soveraign Moreover the place was suspected because it was at Chatelleraud from whence la Trimouille and du Plessis were not far distant For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liberty and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero if he had not been Born under a Monarchy 't was fear'd that he wou'd have endeavour'd to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Common-wealth of which the Marshal de Bouillon was accus'd to have laid the Project This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the Kings Council to think that they had perhaps already some prospects of oppressing the Public Liberty by an Absolute Power 'T is certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way and little Papers ran among the people that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council if once they went about to set themselves above Promises and Laws 'T was therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude because they saw it wou'd be easie to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Establish'd But the Death of the Duke of Trimouille deliver'd the King of that pain It happen'd so seasonably that it might be said to have been procur'd His Distemper began with Convulsions which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lingred some months and when there seem'd some likelihood of his Cure his Convulsions seiz'd him again and carry'd him off He had bin invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly perswaded that his Death was not Natural This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit because the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trouble 'T is a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings if he be Fear'd he is Hated if he be Peaceable he is Despis'd and when some part of their favour is obtain'd 't is not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul to be more oblig'd to blind Compliance or a servile Dependance then to his Merit There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise which was judg'd at the Chamber of the Edict The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Marry'd ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity His Death happening some years after his Widow agreed for his Inheritance with the Admiral and after that having been carry'd away by a Man who Robb'd her of all that she had got it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was publish'd to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband She grounded her Suit upon the Edict which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars order'd a Toleration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her pretensions She might have succeeded better if the Dispute had been about any other then a Prelate but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirm'd Bishop and Peer of France who had presum'd to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Purple Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admiral and of d'Andelot and his Marriage 't is like cou'd not be confirm'd without the Ruin of two Families which descended from these Lords one of which was half Catholic to wit that of d'Andelot whose Son had embrac'd both the Roman Religion and the League Servin Advocate-General made a long Speech in this Cause He spoke not of this Marriage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction and wou'd never grant that there had been any Solemnization of this Marriage even in the Forms accustom'd among the Reformed As Servin inclin'd very much to their Doctrine it may be judg'd that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome where he was necessary to make it appear that such a Marriage had not been approv'd of His Evidences took from the Cardinals Wise the Quality of his Widow depriv'd her of all that she cou'd pretend to in that Quality and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children The Court order'd the Advocates
many occasions during the whole Session to take offence at their resolutions that it was easie to see that he had a mind to quarel with them and that he would certainly have taken a pretence to do it upon their not doing him the honour to tarry a day for him He had said nothing till he came within two or three Leagues of Saumur by which any body could judge that he had altered his mind about the Presidentship But then he began to express that he had another prospect and that he was so far from desiring that the great Lords should be excluded from that honour that he pretended that it could not be given to any body but himself without injustice He express'd himself publickly about it at Saumur and carried the thing so far that he desir'd the Presidentship as a thing that was due to him intimating that he would look upon a refusal as a sencible affront The Assembly endeavour'd to divine the reason of that alteration but they could do it no otherwise than by uncertain conjectures some look'd upon it as an effect of the Flattery of some Deputies who had perswaded him that he was in some respect born President of the General Assemblies and that he should wrong himself to suffer any other to be nominated in his Presence Others imagin'd that the reason of his first sentiments proceeded from a design to hinder the Assembly which was then summon'd at Chatelleraud from honouring the Duke of Sully Governour of that Province with the Presidentship but that the orders being chang'd as to the place by transferring of the Assembly to Saumur where the Duke of Sully had no more interest than he he judged that the said precaution was no longer necessary Others thought that this new advice came from the Court and that he had promised the Queen Services which he would be better able to perform being President than having but one Vote to give as a Member of the Assembly Du Plessis us'd his utmost endeavour to obtain that satisfaction for him and the Election of a President was deferi'd upon that very account untill the Afternoon tho it was usual to name him before the Sermon of the Overture But neither the reasons of du Plessis and the example of his Province nor yet the threatnings of the Marshal who protested that he would retire incase they refuâ—â— him the Presidentship could prevail nor hinder Ten Provinces out of Sixteen from electing du Plessis President None but six gave their Votes for the Marshal Chamier Minister of Montelimar was nominated Associate to du Plessis and Des bordes Merciâ—n Son to that Merciâ—r so famous for his Learning in the Hebrew Tongue was elected Secretary The Marshal express'd his discontent by so many marks that du Plessis thought himself oblig'd to make excuses not to accept the honour that was done him and to go out of the Assembly to let them deliberate about his excuses But he was unanimously desired to accept the Place that was given him by the Plurality of Voices Without doubt there enter'd some jealousie in that Nominatioâ— And whereas there were Provinces whose Deputies would not have yielded to the Marshal of Bouillon it is very likely that they chose rather to give the first Rank to a Man who could not pretend to it unless it were by his Merit and Probity than to the Marshal who thought it due to his Quality Moreover Sully who look'd upon him as his Enemy and who had great concerâ—â— to propose undoubtedly prevail'd with his Friends not to do him the affront to elect a Man President whom he had reason to dread every thing from The Marshal being highly exasperated at this slight threatned highly to resent it and to retire from Saumur the very next day Nevertheless the Night appeas'd part of his anger and he was perswaded out of some considerations not to make so much haste Du Plessis gave him the best reasons he could think on and protested to him that he had never sought after the honour that was done him either directly or indirectly made sincible remonstrances to him about the liberty that ought to be allow'd to the Churches on those occasions alleviated the offence by all the Turns he could give to it and particularly by the deference he express'd for him during all the Session But tho the Marshal seem'd satisfied with those Civilities he show'd in the sequel that he had not forgot his threatnings to be reveng'd Nevertheless a Reconciliation was made between him and Sully and after they had told one another whatever they had to say they concluded by reciprocal Protestations of Friendship After this the Marshals mind seem'd to be moved again by the spirit of Concord and to aim at the Publick good as well as the rest of the Assembly His advices were great and bold in divers occasions especially in the Case of the Baron de Senevieres Governour of Chatillon upon Indre That Gentleman had lately embrac'd the Reform'd Religion which had excited the Catholicks of the Town to the utmost fury against him They took up Arms against him and resolved to demolish all the fortifications of the Castle and in order to hinder Senevieres from living there to ruin all the Places in which he could have inhabited conveniently The Marshal of Bouillon made an Ordinance upon that Subject â—o appease the Inhabitants But what he did to satisfie them only served to exasperate them the more so that Senevieres was reduced to great extreams had not the Assembly undertaken his defence And indeed it behoved them not to neglect an affair of that Consequence It was a new place which Senevieres did but into the hands of the Reform'd and it was their interest to maintain those that imbrac'd their Religion to the end that such as should be inclined to do it for the future might not be â—iswaded from it out of fear of losing their Imployments Moreover the most Important Priviledge of the Edict was that which declared the Reform'd capable of all sorts of Imployments and it was a visible derogation of that Priviledge to consent that a Man who was in possession of an imployment while he was a Catholick should be depriâ—â—ed of the same for changing his Religion Since that being either Catholick or Reform'd he was equally quallified for it But besides the interest of Senevieres and that of the general Cause there was yet another which obliged the Assembly to concern themselves in that Affair There was a report of another Governour who was hindered of declaring himself out of fear of being turned out of his Government the next day All this determined the Assembly to take Senevieres cause in hand and by the advice of the Marshal de Bouillon himself who sent one of his attendants to inquire about the excesses committed by the Catholicks they deputed the Baron of Senas to the Court with positive Instructions resolving not to treat
perceiv'd that the Mystery of that Permission tended to break the Remainder of that Union which the Reformed had so long maintain'd and who after six years slid away before they could obtain â— new Assembly rightly judg'd that there was no other way to refix their Affairs then a Licens'd and Authoris'd Assembly diâ—â— all they could to excuse themselves from that Nomination For which Reason as the King alledg'd the Good and Convenience of the Reformed to avoid the Demand of a General Assembly the Synod on their parts urg'd their Duty which would not permit 'em to meddle with other Affairs then those of Discipline as a reason for their not nominating of General Deputies because it was an Affair altogether Political Besides they found the Permission too much limited Because it contain'd not leave to take an Accompt of the last Deputies to give 'em a discharge and to draw up Instructions for the new ones They resolv'd therefore to send Deputies to the King upon this Occasion and at the same time to furnish their Deputies with Submissions and Remonstrances according to the custom of National Synods and for this Journey they made choice of Bouteroue a Minister and Baleine an Elder The King was willing to see and hear 'em The Speech they â—ade was humble and to the purpose and their Remonstrances contain'd Eight Articles In the first they besought the King to take off all the Qualifications with which the Act had â—â—en enregister'd They complain'd in the second of several Vexations which the Reformed endur'd by reason of those Qualifications The third spoke of the repairing of Churches pull'd down and sending down Commissioners into the Provinces to â—â—â—e Orders about it The fourth besought the King to permit â—â— Moulin to return to Paris as he had been put in hopes The fifth demanded a General Politic Assembly The sixth â—â— continuance of the Relief promis'd the Ministers The two â—â—st desir'd that certain Assignations which had been allow'd â—â—nâ—â—ll Receiver general of the Municipal Tolls might be made â—â—â—d to him But toward the beginning of the Synod Maniald one of the general Deputies dy'd Upon which the King never staying â—â—r the Nomination which was to have been made at Castres in pursuance of his Breif appointed Hardi in his room till others â—ould be presented to him And the Pretence for this Innovation was That the King was unwilling to retard the Affairs of the Reformed which wou'd be neglected if there were no body at Court to take care of ' em Of which Substitution he gave notice to the Synod by Galand who assur'd the Synod that the King had no design thereby to deprive 'em the Liberty of nominating others according to custom But a little afterwards it appear'd by Galand's discourse that the King had other thoughts â—â— substituting Hardi and that such an Innovation without â—â—esident and little necessity proceeded from no good-will toward the Reform'd The Deputies from the Synod return'd from the Court about a month after their departure and brought very obliging Letters from the King according to custom But the Flattering Expressions of those Letters were accompany'd with very few Effects For there was only the Article about Limitations to which any thing of a gracious Answer was return'd The King assur'd 'em that they were taken away in several Parlaments and that he wou'd order 'em to be remov'd in the rest And he gave the Deputies an express Command for that purpose to the Parlament of Tholouse which was usually the most difficult to be brought to reason Whch Command Galand order'd his Son to deliver but it wrought but little effect so that the Troubles began again before the Reformed receiv'd the benefit of it The King also promis'd to make good the Assignations allow'd to Candal granted Ten thousand Livres for the Expences of the Synod and which perhaps was the most moving Twelve hundred Livres to the Deputies for their Journey But he refus'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces declaring only that he thought it necessary to send some to Rochel Saintonge and the Country of Aunix and into the Upper and Lower Languedoc He barely promi'sd to grant Remova's to those that should be prosecuted in Parlaments in pursuance of the Qualifications of the Edict Nor wou'd he consent to the return of Moulin nor suffer the holding of a General Assembly because the condition of Affairs would not permit one and for that the Reformed had no need of one since it was in the power of the Synod to nominate General Deputies according to Galand's Instructions As for what concern'd the Relief promis'd to the Ministers the King evaded it by giving good words to one Party and refusing the other by reason of the condition of the Affairs of the Kingdom Nevertheless he granted a Breif much larger then the former to authorize the nomination of general Deputies and he set forth in express words that they should not put in nomination any persons but such as had no dependance upon Great Lords However the Synod little satisfi'd that the Reformed were thereby put out of all hopes of a Politic Assembly were still desirous to start new difficulties upon the nature of the thing pretending that it was contrary to the Duty of an Ecclesiastical Assembly to intersere with things that were reserv'd for General Assemblies But Galand cut the Knot by revealing the Mystery of Hardy's being so hastily substituted in Maniald's room and declar'd that if the Synod did not make the Nomination he would do it himself The Synod then surrender'd to Necessity and contented it self with several Protests which they reiterated as often as they had occasion that they did not go about thereby to prejudice the General Assemblies nor to meddle with Politic Affairs but in obedience to the King's pleasure Besides they enjoin'd their Deputies to request leave to hold a General Assembly within Eighteen months and Provincial Assemblies as soon as might be for the drawing up Memoirs of their Grievances in regard the Synod could not do it because the Deputies that compos'd it had not brought along with 'em either any Command or Instructions from their Provinces to that purpose Which done they fell to the nomination of six Persons But before the Synod brake up they resolv'd to demand of the King the Re-establishment of Ecclesiastical Assemblies in their former Liberty and leave to raise certain Sums upon all the Churches throughout the Kingdom for certain Exigencies of the Cities of Rochel Montauban and Castres of which a fourth part was adjudg'd to Castres the rest was divided between the other two They also enjoin'd the Consuls of Montauban to solicit the effect of the Command directed to the Parlament of â—iâ—lcuse for registring the Edict They likewise prosecuted d' Aistres the Minister at Paris for several Causes but chiefly for having conspir'd with the Catholicks against the Churches He had a bitter Libel found about
distinction of Religion and in case of removal the Cause should not be remov'd to the Party Chambers but to the next Parlament And the foundation of this Law which laid the Reformed at the mercy of the Catholics when they were most numerous upon the Bench was this That the Edict of Nantes was granted neither in favour of Bearn nor Navarre And thus the Clergy of that Countrey which formerly never aspir'd to more then to enjoy the Priviledges of that Edict had already carri'd their exterminating Zeal so high that they would not leave the Reformed any longer the enjoyment of that advantage So that those unfortunate People having seen the particular Edict which Henry IV. granted 'em violated in all the points of it cannot have the consolation to live under the prosection of the same Laws with the rest of the Churches of the same Communion In the mean time the Cardinal summon'd an Assembly of the Men of Note call'd Assemblée de Notables at Paris where he made a Harangue himself In this Assembly most worthy Proposals were made and the most profitable Resolutions in the World were taken for the Peace and Tranquility of the King but they were not taken to be put in execution They had only a mind to amuse the People who are easily dazl'd with great expectations and to accustom 'em to the Ministry of the Cardinal who promis'd 'em those mighty things There was only one Declaration which spoke of reuniting all the King's Subjects to the Roman Church by ways of Sweetness Love Patience and good Examples of maintaining the Reformed in the Privileges that had bin granted 'em by the Edicts of re-establishing good Discipline and vertuous Manners of advancing the Nobility of causing Justice to flourish of reforing Trade and easing the People But of all these Articles they remember'd none but the first For they procur'd the re-union of several private persons to the Church of Rome by the strong Arguments of Interest or by Vexations and Acts of Iniustice In pursuance of which they vaunted about this time of having converted in Bearn above 800 persons and because the care of these Conquests was committed to some zealous Missionary who manag'd these glorious Enterprizes by his counsels and advice they fail'd not to attribute the success to his Doctrine his Conversation and his Piety tho it were more justly due to the utmost rigors of Violence and Injustice The same means which the Church of Rome has always call'd ways of Sweetness wrought the same effect this year at Aubenas Where the Marquis of Ornano under pretence of the War of which I shall suddenly have an occasion to speak exercis'd most extravagant Violences upon the Reformed of that City Two Regents of that place coming to kiss his hands iâ— the body of the Town as their Lord he took from 'em their Hoods which is the mark of their Dignity and having call'd a Council he would not permit the Reformed who had bâ—â— elected Councellors to take their Seats he disarm'd all thâ— Reformed and put the Regency into the hands of Catholics and committed the Guard of the City to them at the chargâ— of the Reformed and being constrain'd to reinforce his Partâ— with some additional Troops because the Catholics were noâ— so numerous as the other he quarter'd the whole Garison upoâ— the Reformed only and this Garison committed Violences â—â— less barbarous then those in our days from which those miserable People could not redeem themselves but by changing their Religion So that in three weeks there were no less then 25â— Families that turn'd Catholics if the Converters do not augment their number And to add Insulting Domineering â—â— Violence they forc'd those poor Creatures to sign a Writing wherein they declar'd that they embrac'd the Roman Religioâ— willingly These extorted Declarations which they shew'd â—â— the King persuaded him that there were hardly any of thâ— Reformed who had not the same Inclinations and that they were only restrain'd by a Cabal of Ministers and the power â—â— the Party That there needed no more then the taking of Rochel and some other Cities which held up the Party and theâ— thousands of People would declare for the Catholic Religion Iâ— the mean time encourag'd by the example of what had happen'd at Aubena's they follow'd their Blows into other places For the Archbishop of Bourges and the Governor of St. Amand a little Town in Berri made a profitable use of this Pattern to bring back the Reformed to the Catholic Religion so that the fear into which they put the Inhabitants of quartering 200 meâ— upon 'em upon the same Conditions as the Garison was quarter'd at Aubenas made above 60 Families abjure the Reformed Faith And thus it was that the Edict publish'd upon the Remonstrances of the Assembly of the men of Note was put in execution But besides these they gave other marks of their slender Inclinations to observe the Edicts for there were above Forty Curches depriv'd of their spiritual comfort either through â—urbance of their Exercises or Imprisonment and Banishment their Ministers They had taken from the Reformed in seâ—al places both their Churches and their Church-yards withâ— any Form of Law ever since the Peace concluded The â—rdinal of Sourdis Archbishop of Bourdeaux whose Example â—s follow'd by some Gentlemen of the Countrey exercis'd a â—â—usand brutish Cruelties upon Bodies that were buri'd in such â—ces as carry'd any marks of Consecration according to the â—tom of the Catholics They refus'd to suffer Veilleux a â—nister call'd by the Reformed to Rouen to attend their service â—d the only reason for their refusal was because he was a Forâ—gner Letters of Reprisal were granted against the Reâ—med for things that were fully forgiven by the Edict of Peace â—veral persons were also put to death for Facts that had bin â—mmitted during the War with allowance of the Generals â—â—ich was expresly comprehended in the Amnesty granted by â—â— last Edict And there were reckon'd up above 10000 Warâ—â—ts given out in Languedoc for arresting of People upon the â—e Pretences The Council also divided the Consulship by â—ecrees given upon a Petition in places where according to â—â— Edicts which promis'd that nothing should be innovated in â—wns that were held by the Reformed that Office was to â—â—e bin let alone entire The particular Deputies that were â—t to carry the Complaints of these Acts of Injustice were 〈…〉 us'd Some were sent back unheard and laught at for their â—ins others were answer'd with nothing but Bravado's and â—enaces If any qualifi'd person took upon him this Deputaâ—n and that they were to treat him with more Civility they â—deavour'd to seduce him by Promises by Applauses or any â—her way not sparing any Artifices to find out on which side 〈…〉 was most subject to their Batteries and after all they sent â—â—m back agen as he came They refus'd to receive from the â—eneral Deputies the Papers drawn