resolution neuer to decline from the truth not to suffer that vpon any occasion whatsoeuer any thing should bee discoursed therein but that which eyther I my selfe haue seene or possibly could vnderstand to be true Wherein although I haue found many difficulties and vsed great labours aswell through the ignorance of the people who being not able to tell me any other name of the Cittyes of the cuntries of the fieldes of the Riuers of the hilles but onely the barbarous names of them they made the certaine knowledge of those places wherein these battells were foughten to be very difficult vnto me As also because it was very requisite that I should haue an eie to the seuer all qualities of dyuers nations who are sometimes giuen to lying and by whom many thinges are wont to bee spoken and many thinges concealed for their owne particular respectes Notwithstanding I haue endeuored by all the best meanes I possibly could to discharge my duty therein ouercomming these such other difficulties with continuall conference among dyuers men in dyuers places to the end I might find them agree together in their reportes and expecting withall that Tyme it selfe would at last bring forth the truth Neither did I euer content my selfe with the first or second aduertisement deliuered vnto me but alwaies iustified the first with the last by conferring together the testimonies of both sides And lastly without regard of danger of expenses or of labour I haue enformed my self of euery particularity that possibly I could by such men as were esteemed no liers but men of great authority who were present for the most part at al these actions Which purpose and resolution of myne was greatly fauoured and assisted by three priuate extraordinary meanes First by the credit and authoritie of Theodoro Balbj and Giouanni Michele being then the right honorable Consulles in Soria for the Venetian Senate two most noble prudent and valorouse subiectes of the State of Venice who most magnificently without sparing of any costes did fauour me herein in all my other studies where vnto I applyed my selfe in those countries Secondly by the familiar conuersation which I had with one Christoforo de Buonj cheefe Interpreter to the said most honorable Lordes a person of great valour well frended and beloued among those nations and aboue all of singular faith and dexterity Thirdly by my knowledge in Phisicke which I was not squemish to practise among those people to the end I might the better without ministring any suspition to any man enter into their most secret important aduertisementes and so by this meanes to purchase familiarity in the principall howses of those Citties wherein for the space of almost seuen whole yeares together I liued and was entertayned And of thus much it shall be euen sufficient to haue aduertised the readers who without any other Apologie or iustification of mine mayrest contented and satisfied with my desyre which hath beene to represent vnto the world Accidentes that haue happened so far off so strange and so important that thereby they may reape great profit both in peace and warre Which satisfaction if I shall obtaine of their gratitude I shall thinke my selfe to haue gayned enough in lieu of all the trauelles of all the dangers of all the expences that I haue susteyned I shall rest assured that I haue not beene an vnfruitfull labourer herein The First Booke The Argument The causes that moued the Author to write this Historie The Originall of this warre The causes of the same warre Aidere beheaded Ismahel the king vseth great cruelties publisheth a new Religion and spreadeth abâ—â—ad a speech that he would passe into Babylonia Amurath resolueth to moue warre against Persia. Periaconcona beheaded New stirres in Persia wherof Vctres Bassa aduerti seth Amurath who therby is confirme in his opinion to make this warre Consultations at Constantinople of the maner how to manage this warre Amurath will not in person go with the Armie but choseth Mustaffa Bassa to be his Generall who passeth to Chalcedon and from thence to Erzirum where he mustereth and surueigheth his Armie and then departeth for Siruan Mustaffa a trueth at Charâ—â— goeth vnder the Mountaines of Chiâ—lder and there encampeth himselfe artificially The King of Persia sendeth Souldiers against the Turkes and ouer them he maketh 〈◊〉 the Sultan his Generall Tocomac cometh toward Chars he findeth out his Spies and being deceiued by his Spies he doth confidently assault the Turkes At the first Tocomac doth happely ouercome the Turkes but afterwardes he was discomfited and saued himselfe by the oportunitie of the night The particular of the Victorie Manucchiar the Georgian yeeldeth himselfe to Mustaffa and is interteined by him The warres betweene the Turkes and Persians I Write the sondry successes of the warre betweene Amurat king of Turkie Mahamet by surname caled Codabanda king of Persia both of them among the Barbarians beeing most mightie most warlike Princes A warre not onely long bloudie but also very commodious and of great oportunitie to the Christian Common-wealth for that it hath granted leisure to the Champions of Christ to refresh and encrease their forces being now much weakened by warres both Forreine and Ciuill A matter in truth rather diuine then humane there being now newly arisen among the Turkes fresh hopes of victories by meanes whereof contrary to the custome of such contentions the wrath of these two Princes was drawne in length which if they had bene conuerted against Europe might haue made our state most troublesome and turbulent These successes and all the rest that together with the like motions haue come to passe sometimes intermingling among them the priuy treacheries of the Tartarians sometimes the oppressions of the people of Drusia and sometimes also the insolencies of the Arabians I here take in hand to describe being therunto moued principally vpon two occasions The one is for that they all seeme to me of themselues very worthy to be knowne both of the men that liue at this day also of those that shall come after vs neither haue I as yet seene any man that hath made any full or true report thereof Which notwithstanding I hope shalbe herein performed by my myselfe who haue bene entertained almost seauen whole yeares during the said warres partly in Soria partly in Constantinople and by occasion of my practise in Phisicke haue bene familiarly conuersant with many Bassaes Embassadours and other great men aswel Persians as Turkes that haue beene agentes and dealers in these affaires The other is for that I doe verily persuade my selfe that I shall breede great profite and delight to all nations Christian by the reading of this history wherein they shall vnderstand how mighty the forces are of these two enimies of the name of Christ and in what termes they stand euen at this day by meanes of which knowledge it may peraduenture fall out that our Christian Princes
was certified of the malignant intent of Aliculi and of the designementes which many of the Sultans had lately contriued together to betray the Prince aliue into the handes of the Turkish Captaine Of which suspition Amze being greatlie affraide hee durst not onely not trust himselfe to perfourme those battelles that hee had detremined to perfourme but quite abandoning all this noble and honourable enterprise hee wholly employed all his care and studie for the safe custodie of his owne person and so left the triumph of the matter in the power of the Turks And thus those great hopes and expectations which the Persians had conceaued of compassing verie famous exploytes against their enemies did not onely prooue vaine and come to no good issue but contrariwise by this discouerie they were conuerted into moste daungerous disturbances and all Persia thereby endured sundrie alterations and reuolutions of most important consequences For both Aliculi-Chan and his Complices were pursued by the Prince as Rebelles and Traytors and also Abas Merize of Heri was manifestlie discouered for a wicked and treacherous contriuer of his brothers death Whereupon the common mischiefes were encreased more then euer they were before and the publike calamities yeelded greater hopes to the Turkes then they had euer conceaued and fostered in all this warre Besides these designementes there were others also that contrarie to all expectation came to the like infortunate issue laide and plotted by Simon in Georgia who by the direction of the Persian Prince had vnited together his Neighbours the Georgians for the accomplishing of most noble and honourable enterprises And the designements of Simon were these That at such time as he thought most conuenient for sending fresh succours vnto Teflis in Georgia he meant himselfe in person with the companie of seuen or eight thousand Georgians and with a number of horse-loades of money if not true loades indeed yet seeming in apparance so to bee to present himselfe vnder the Fort of Teflis and to the Turkish Bassa Gouernour of that Castle to deliuer a counterfeit commaundement wherein it should appeare that King Amurath did giue the Bassa to vnderstand that by Simon being now conuerted to the Turkish Religion hee had sent fiftie thousande Chechini and other muntion for the Souldiers and that he had also giuen vnto Simon full commission and authoritie at his pleasure to manage and dispose of that Fort and therefore that hee should entertaine Simon and giue him credence therein This his defignement Simon put in execution hoping thereby without force of Armes and without any other inconuenience to make himselfe Lord and Maister of that Castle But the Turkish Bassa although both the forme and the tenour and the Seale of the commaundement were verie like to the ordinarie maner of the Court wherein Simon had vsed greate care and diligence and although he thought it also verie likelie to bee true because he was reuolted to the Turkish religion as hee had fayned in the counterfect commandement and that for all these causes he ought to receaue and entertaine Simon into the Fort Yet Simon wanting one speciall thing which in such like cases is a matter of greatest importance he was deceaued in his expectation and with great shame and derision forced to retire and so to auovde the Artillery that by the direction of the Bassa rayned like a Tempest vppon his Souldiers Nowe the thing which Simon wanted was a certaine token deliuered to the Turkish Bassa when hee was first appointed Gouernour of that Castle For to euerie one that is left as Lieutenant in such Fortes ordinarilie in this warre with all secrecie and straitest conditions of allegiance and fidelitie there is deliuered a Counterfect of the Marke which shall be vsed by him that the next yeare following shall be receiued with succours into the Fort. Which beeing required of Simon by the Turkish Bassa Simon knewe not what answere to make and because he could not so doe he was disconered to be a treacherous deceauer and for such a one was he presentlie pursued in such and so eager maner as people included within a castle wall could in so sudden an occasion vse against him And in this sort did all the designementes and hopes of the Persians vanish to nothing and the reporte published in Italie and particularlie in Rome of the taking of this Fotte was quite dashed and found to be false for that the fortunate Turkes remained in quiet possession of the Countreyes which they had conquered WheÌ„ the Turkish General had placed his succors in the Castle of Tauris leauing for the custody thereof Giafter the Bassa with his former companies hee returned towardes Erzirum hauing first caused a Fort to be erected at Chucchiue Tauris a place neere vnto Tauris another at Coy and a thirde at Cum which sometimes belonged to Ebrain-Chan now prisoner at Erzirum as we tolde you before And in euerie one of the saide Fortes he left a necessarie number of Souldiers with sufficient munition and maintenance for them Hee sent also afterwardes to Teflis in Georgia the succours which they there had long expected and desired and without any hinderance or difficultie verie willinglie receiued because the counterfeyt of the Marke was well knowne vnto them which before to Simon was both vtterlie vnknowne and also greatly hurtfull But the Persian Prince hauing hunted Alyouli-Chan out of the quarters of Tauris thought himselfe wholly deliuered from the greate feare of treason and rebellion wherein he liued and therefore in as great haste as hee could he put himselfe on his iourney towardes Genge In which place hauing gathered together a good number of Souldiers hee determined to remooue thence and to stop the succours for Teflis and so to procure the vtter ouerthrowe of the conductors thereof Hee had alwayes found Emanguli-Chan to be both faithfull and wise and in him he reposed an assured confidence for perfourming of any enterprise that he had in his hand and communicated with him euery deuise that he had conceaued in these warres And therefore hee made heade and ioyned with him and lodging most familiarlie within his Citty hee stayed there for the setting in order and disposing of his foresaide designment being verie desirous not to suffer this season to slip without signification to the world of some notable noueltie which might be correspondent to the fame that of matters passed and perfourmed the yeare before was now spread and published abroad ouer all the world But when he was euen at the verie fayrest to put this his desire in execution and when least of all hee feared any treacherie or treason vppon a sudden in the night time he was miserablie stricken through the bodie by an Eunuch of his that guarded him and so the most reâ—plendent and bright shining lampe that euer was in Persia was vtterly extinguished What was the occasion therof and who procured his death diuers sundry are the opinions of men
for somuch as not onely the Tributaries but also the very naturall subiects doo not send in their ordinary and due aydes and succours hereupon it springeth that in all their occasions their forces prooue so weake and their Armies of a very small nomber Of the discordes and diuisions in Georgia which haue now bene tried by long experience to haue bene no lesse hurtful to them selues then to the Persians we haue already spoken asmuch as may suffice and now we will speake of some others beginning with Amet-Chan who hath a long time been Lord of Gheilan This man although he were of hability to haue yeelded singular aide to this crowne it being the generall opinion of all men that he could gather together xx thousand horse yet could hee neuer be induced to serue in warre but rather enioying a base and infamous lyfe he is become both vyle to himselfe and vnprofitable and hatefull euen to his neighbours kinsfolkes For which cause king Tamas when hee was free from the Turkish warres employed all his forces against him and followed him so hardly that in the end hee tooke him prisoner so kept him till he dyed which was for the space of xv yeares But assoone as the now king Mahamet was inthronized in his kingdome being carried away with a vaine and foolish pittie hee deliuered him out of prison hoping lyke an vnwyse man as he was that this most couetous and suspicious wretch would haue proued curteous and kynd towardes him which was a thing quyte contrary to his nature and disposition And behold neither thoseuerity of Tamas nor the lenity of Codabanda could euer perswade him to change his mynd for in the greatest daungers of this present warre hee could neuer tynde in his hart to apply himselfe to the performance of any noble acte that was not only worthy of his great forces but also especially required by the present necessities The like treacherie shewed Rustan Mirize the king of Candahar and sonne to a brother of king Tamas who neither for neerenesse of bloud nor for common honour nor for the estimation and reputation of his owne superstition could euer be wrought to pitty the calamities of Persian and yet the kingdome of Candahar was very well hable to gather about xxv thousand horse Neither may his excuses auaile him that he alleadged touching the far distance of his countrey For if distaunce of place was no hinderaunce to the enimie to bring his Armies euen to Tauris to annoy the Persians Lesse reason had Rustan Mirize to withdraw his ready forces frō defending his frends the iourney from Constantinople to Tauris beeing no shorter then it is thither from Candahar Like vnto these was and still is Emir-Miran the Lord of Iest a hard man and very obstinate in coueteousnesse who doth not onely not send any voluntarie aide but also refuseth to pay those tributes which by couenant composition he is bound to send And yet is he able to yeeld foure or fiue thousand horse of great valour in warre The Lord of Lar also called Ebrain-Chan famous for his mightinesse although in times past hee hath alwayes helped the common forces with his priuate succours yet at this day he vtterly denieth both the one and the other and threateneth rather to suppresse all Estates then to aduaunce and encrease any that belong to this crowne But aboue al the rest me thinketh that Abas Mirize this kinges sonne is most impious and wicked who not onely would neuer fauour his fathers enterprises against the cruell enimies of the common libertie but also hath sought by all meanes possible to driue both his brethren and his father out of the State and to enter himselfe into the succession and gouernement of this diuided and troubled kingdome So that vnder his Iurisdiction there are idlely fed eighteene thousand horse which would prooue very stout and strong in warre if they wanted not discipline In Cussestan those Arabians that were wont to be ready for any seruice to the Persian kinges haue yeelded thēselues to the Turkes and often times worke great annoyances to the Persians by their suddaine incursions But within the very bowels of the kingdome the Turcoman nation that would haue beene a great strength to these forces if they would haue ioyned with them Behold how it hath not failed to procure many ouerthrowes to this kingdome a great parte whereof we haue described in the fourth booke of this history The kingdome of Seruan also is in such sort spoyled and decayed that the cities of Sumachia Eres Sechi Derbent and others out of which there was wont to bee leuied a good reasonable nomber of people as also Reiuan Teflis and other countries of Georgia and Armenia are not able to yeeld any succours in the time of warre so that the Crowne of Persia beeing depriued of such and so many helpes is at this day constrayned to wage warre with very slender forces which very briefly shall be heere set downe Out of Hispahan and the territorie thereof to reckon their Stipendiaries to the vttermost they leauie eight thousand souldiers on horseback out of Bargo two thousand out of Cassan foure thousand out of Seua one thousand out of Sultania one thousand out of Casbin twelue thousand out of Ardouil one thousand out of Siras eight thousand out of Tauris foure thousand out of Cum and Cuohiue-Tauris two thousand out of Genge the rest of Georgia foure thousand Besides these they may hire others when their occasions do so require and they haue alwaies volūtary souldiers that in som good nomber so that the greatest Armie that they can possibly gather will hardly amount to threescore thousand horse alwayes prouided that euery cittie aforenamed do send in their Stipendiarie Souldiers according to their duety Whereas if all the other Capitaines that are noted aboue to be obstinate and rebellious would agree and concurre in one vnitie they might make an hoast of an hundred thirty or an hundred and forty thousand persons or thereaboutes Their Souldiers are armed for the most parte with Scimitarre Launce and Darte but specially the Scimitarre is most familiar vnto them and all the Persians do make a singular profession and vse of it although there want not among them some that can handle the Arcubuse also the exercise whereof hath of late yeares growen more familiar and vsuall then it was in the time of Ismahel and in the first yeares of the raigne of king Tamas For their owne defence they are armed with good Corselets and strong helmets many of them able to keepe out an Arcubuseshot much more to daunt the force of a Darte Some of their horses also are armed with very good Armour most finely and soundly tempered And these their horses are of a singular vertue equall with those of the old time which as Strobe writeth were accustomed to be fed and brought vp in Armenia for
in him lay to quiet all tumultuous disorders brideling his owne priuate affections and the motions of his sonne Emirhamze Mirize and procuring at last a perfect vnitie which hee thought most necessary to continue the defence of his kingdome And these were the stirs that happened in the Persian and Tartarian affaires the first yeare being the yeare of our saluation 1578. But Osman Bassa being in Demir-Capi after the returne of the Persian Prince to Casbin continually employed himselfe in laying platfourmes for the enlarging of the conquestes already begon and for the assuring of those places vnder the gouernement of Amurath Among other occasions that he tooke for the better establishing of his owne matters one was the friendship that he entred with Sahamal Lord of the mountaine of Brus of whome I haue more then once made mention before With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will and he againe interchangeably towards Osman wherevpon there arose a faithfull frendship betwene them if not thoroughly and inwardly yet at the least in outward apparance wherevnto in short time there was added a straight knot of alliance for that Osman tooke to wife a daughter of the sayd Sahamal and hauing celebrated the marriage hee thought he was sure of all sides could not desire greater signes of the sinceritie of his loue But soone after grounding himselfe vpon reasonable coniectures he toke a suspicion that Sahamal for all his inward and outward practises of frendship towards him might notwithstanding receiue some secrete order from the Persian king to betray him and to deliuer the Cittie from the Turkish oppression and so reduce all the Prouince as before it was to his auncient deuotion Among other occasions whereby Osman was moued and induced to suspect it al being of great force and importance the speeches of his wife being Sahamals daughter gaue him greatest cause For she being rauished with the valour riches and magnanimitie of her husband would not conceale any thing from him that she knew was deuised against his life but freely vttered by word of mouth vnto him that her father hauing reconciled himselfe to the Persian king did continue his confederacy and frendship with him and that letters went betwene them of great matters and particularly of the affaires of Siruan By this discouery Osman Bassa grew into a great suspicion that Sahamal should deceitfully practise his death and perswaded himselfe verily that the frendship the mutuall offices of loue betwene them and the marriage that was made were wholy direrected to that end This aduertisement Osman kept secreat to himselfe and made shew to his wife that hee kept no such reckoning of it as in deede he did ought to doo being a matter of so great importance But yet in his hart resolued to keep it in store to his benefite in such sorte that not onely the deuise which Sahamal had imagined against him was quite frustrated and auoyded but also Sahamal himselfe was punnished with deserued death And therefore Osman caused Sahamal to come to him thereby feasting him courting him entertaining him as it became him to vse his beloued father in lawe and by many other apparant and confident behauiours he made Sahamal strongly presume that he might take oportunity to put in execution those designementes for effecting whereof he had thus procured the frendship and alliance of Osman But Osman preuented the intent of Sahamal For hauing inuited him according to the custome to come and celebrate with him certain of their solemne feastes he made the most valorous and trustie of his esquadrons acquainted with his determination and enioyned them that assoone as Sahamal was entred into his court euen in the very dismounting from his horse they should all fall vpon him cut of his head and put all his retinue to the edge of the sword Old Sahamal failed not to come accordingly being inuited by his son in-law and daughter to the solemne feastes in his lighting from his horse all was performed that Osman had commanded forthwith there were dispatched two thousand horsemen to spoile sacke all the lands country of the said Georgian Lord to the great maruell astonishment both of farre neere The newes thereof came to Casbin euen to the kinges eares who tooke the matter very greeuously and beganne to foresee that the conquering of that countrey would proue very difficult and so feared greatly that the Prouince of Siruan would remaine still in the Turkes handes And this was the end of the stirres in Siruan the first yeare so the winter comming-on very sharpely euery man ceased from battell and forraging forsaking the forrestes and the fieldes and attended wholly to the conseruation of such things as they had already conquered And now by this time all these aduertisementes were arriued at Constantinople Amurath had receaued all the particular intelligences of all thinges that had happened Also Ali-Vcchiali who in the port of Trebizonda had discharged his appointed carriage was now returned to Constantinople made relation of his sayling into Colchis declaring how hee had built a Castell in the Territorie of Tatiano in the confines of Iurello and that he had strengthened and enlarged those borders in Georgia on that side also insomuch as these beginnings seemed to Amurath to bee of great importance the successe whereof in the continuance of the history we will describe vnto you in the bookes that follow The end of the third booke The Fourth Booke The Argument The deliberations of Amurath what enterprise he should take in hand He resolueth thereon and sendeth out new Commissions He causeth Manucchiar to be circumcized and deliuereth his brother Alessandro into his custody In Persia Emanguli-Chan maketh new offers to the king Simon maketh request to the Persian king The causes why Simon chaungeth his Religion Simon is dispatched by the Persian to annoy the Turkes in Georgia The new assembly of the Turkish Armie The Insurrection of the Souldiers Chars fortified by Mustaffa Mustaffa falleth into new cogitations for the succours of Teflis Hassan is sent by him into Georgia where there happeneth a battell full of losse to the Turkes The Georgians do assaile the Turkes a fresh Alyculi Chan is taken prisoner Victorious Hassan succoureth Teflis and returneth The Stratagemes of Simon Hassan deceiueth Alyculi Chan Simon being also deceiued and all in a rage vtterly destroyeth the Turkes Hassan arriueth at Chars Alyculi emprisoned at Erzirum Abas Mirize accused of rebellion by Salmas who had made the eldest Persian Prince his Sonne in law Mustaffa discharged of his Generall ship A comparison betweene Sinan and Mustaffa Siâ—an accuseth Mustaffa Two Deftardari or Treasurers of Mustaffa emprisoned The death of Mahamet the chiefe Visier and the maner of his death Sinan elected the chiefe Visier Mustaffa and his two Treasurers released Sinan elected Generall The Persian king sendeth Embassadours to Constantinople The conditions of Peace The arriuall of
saide Emirhamze with the consent of the king his father but yet not content with that great honor he ceased not continually with ambitious deuices to seek out meanes how he might make the Persian estate free from all other Seignuries bring it to that passe as it might wholly remaine to his son vndeuided entire from the participation of his brethren And therfore little regarding the perilles that might happen from the Turks and blinded with the desire of his own greatnesse he went about to turn the King against Abas Mirize either to take him commit him to prison or at least to leaue him void of all authority to command And the better to perswade the king therunto being a man very credulous nothing considerate but putting more confidence in him than in any other he began to discourse that Abas Mirize his sonne had not greatly respected him in diuers occasions declaring vnto him that sundry times hee had very rashly scorned his commandements and because he would not shewe himself obedient inferiour vnto him he wold not send so much as one souldier towards this war against the Turks and in fine he had caused himselfe not onely to bee called king of Heri but he had also giuen it out that he meant to claime the succession in the kingdome And that therefore it was necessarie to feele the mind of the young youth and to establish the tranquility and quiet of the Empire to the end that if these stirres against the Turks went forwards Abas Mirize should not be so hardy as in the greatest heat of war to raise sudden tumults to make himselfe Lord of that which by right appertained to Emirhamze Of these complaints he gaue the king diuers euident prooffs which both in respect of the loue that he bare to Emirhamze and also of the faith that he gaue to his Visier caried a greate sway with him in his mind especially they being accompanied with the crafty packing of the said Visier who as hee was very cunning in such practises of himselfe so did hee make them much more effectuall with the effeminate king by the means of diuers Ladies other occasions that were familiar and vsual with him But the most euident prooffe of all was this that the saide Visier enformed the king that whereas both by letters and commandements he had summoned the gouernours of Sasuar Coran other places subiect to the iurisdiction of Heri to come to Casbin and so to passe with Emirhamze to Siruan yet neuer a one of them wold stir a foot answering that they were enioyned so to do by Abas Mirize their lord This euidence was the most principal occasion why euery thing that Mirize Salmas alleaged was beleeued by the King why he did continually bethink himself how he might find opportunity to represse the boldnes of his disobedient son And yet notwithstanding al these difficulties being otherwise perswaded by his most loyal and faithful Sultans he did not fayl to temper these his internal motions to tame these vnruly affectioÌ„s of his mind remaining resolute in his important cogitations against the Turks to prepare such prouision which should be sufficient to inhibit their passage to Tauris if they had had any purpose so to do Vpon which resolution arresting himself he neuer ceased til he had furnished all those prouisions whereof a litle hereafter we will make mention for that it is verie conuenient first to prosecute the history of those things that were reported of Mustaffa He being returned as we told you to Erzirum after so many external stirres troubles was surprised by certain more intrinsecal domestical quarrels at home for manie grieuous complaints were there made of him to Amurath whereupon the said king was induced to take froÌ„ him the charge of the Generalship to cal him to the court to giue account of his actions Neither did this thing happen vnto him without iust cause for that he had before raised a great discontentmeÌ„t in the mind of Amurath by sending so much people to the succours of Teflis whereby hee coniectured that the affaires of Georgia were not in such security as Mustaffa had already informed him they were Moreouer hee had also greatly displeased al the souldiers of his army who thought themselues to be much deceiued by him for that now this second year with so much adoo he had gathered together such a number oâ—armed men and made so greate prouision with such a charge and expences to their Lorde and with such a trouble of al the whole empire and yet had not any worthy or notable enterprise to performe wherby either the glorie of Amurath might receiue increase among his enemies or the souldiers themselues might be contented with some good bootie or for any other action of importance Whereupon they were all in an vprore accused him of improuidence and prodigality in that he had no regard of the wealth and subiects of his king With these accusations did they the more odiously taxe and reprooue Mustaffa for that in the space of two years wherein they had followed his wars they neuer receuedfroÌ„ him any smal sign of curtesie no not so much as the smallest reward but alwaies like a tyraÌ„t he did reserue to his own vse althose presents and tokens of gratification which by order from the king were due to all the souldiers to encourage them that they might the more lustily coÌ„tinuein this war These and such other complaints that were made of Mustaffa although they were of some moment yet woulde the king neuer haue construed them so hardly against him as for the same he wold haue bin induced to depriue him of his place and without all doubt they had bene vtterly cancelled by reason of the great fauours which Amurath did beare vnto him it the enuie which Sinan Bassa did carie towards him being now exasperated by ancient and inveterate hatred had not ministred strength force to all these accusations set as it were an edge vpon Amurath to do what he did This Sinan was a most ancient enemy to Mustaffa and thought himself to be his match in al things For if Mustaffa had broght the Iland of Cyprus into the power of the Turks within the space of so many moneths Sinan had also in very few dayes subdued La Goletta in Africa And if Mustaffa were a man of great courage and reuerend for his yeares Sinan would be his equall both in the one and the other yea and Sinan would not sticke to think himselfe to be his better which indeed was supposed to be the originall of these bitter indignations for that in the enterprise of Giamen where Arabia Felix is Sinan himselfe did an exployt which Mustaffa neither durst nor was able nor yet knew how to put in execution and Sinan alone caried away the glory and entire honour of that famous victorie and important conquest And
Gardens and pleasaunt Greenes but in the way many craggie mountaynes to bee clymed and sundrie harde passages either for Armie or Traueller It hath vppon the coast towardes the North Teflis vppon the South the playnes of Caldaran and a little higher towardes the Tropike of Capricorne Van and the Marciana Marish Heere then did Ferat Bassa encampe himselfe with all his Armie and taking the aduise of his chiefe Captaynes where hee shoulde builde the Forte they all with one consent aduised him to seaze vppon the houses and Gardens of Tâ—comao and to enuiron them with Ditches with Walles and with Ordinaunce for defense and in the middest as it were in a Center within the Walles to erecte a highe Castle which on euerie side rounde about might discouer both the hilles and the playnes and beeing well fensed with store of good Ordenance might threaten destruction and ruine to all those that durst attempt to endammage them And so they enclosed the gardens with walles accordingly and hauing digged ditches rounde about them they conueyed water into them from a certayne riuer that came downe from the hilles and ranne into Araxis and in this manner within the space of fifteene dayes they finished the Fort. It was a great affliction to Tocomac thus to loose his own Countrie yea and so much the more greeuous it was vnto him because it happened so sodenly and as it were vnlooked for he himselfe presently assoone as he vnderstood that the Turkish Armie was comming towardes that coast hauing withdrawne himselfe and his men of war out of the Citie and leauing the impotent to the mercie of the Conquerors seeking by all meanes to bee reuenged if not altogether yet at the least in some part of this great iniurie And therefore hee wrote to the King in Corazan he wrote to Emir-Chan in Tauris hee wrote to Simon in Georgia hee gathered souldiers out of the villages and vsed all his possible indeuour to make himselfe meete and able to annoy the enemies Armie But neither from Georgia coulde hee receaue anie helpe because they were too-much troubled with hindering any succours to bee brought for the reliefe of the beseeged in Teflis as in due place it shall be declared Neither from Tauris was hee releeued with so much as one Souldier either because Emir-Chan woulde not or coulde not stirre or else because hee had some secrete intelligence with Generall Ferat not to disturbe him in this his Fabrike And so Tocomac could not haue the lucke to be fauoured with any poore ayde that might at the least haue mittigated the bitternesse of his griefe And therefore being not able to doe anie thing but onely with those few Souldiers which he had to lay some priuie ambushes for the Turkes hee neuer ceased to sley sometimes a hundred of them sometimes a hundreth and fiftie and sometimes moe and in that manner to coole the heat of his heart which swelled with the burning desires of reuenge And the better to ease his stomacke which was infected with the poyson of hatred against Emir-Chan who sitting still as it were to beholde his miseries woulde not so much as shake a sworde to annoye these spoyling Turkes and thereby performe his promise made to the Kinge hee spared not to dispatch certayne horse men to the saide King in Corazan and by â—loquent letters to amplifie the vilenesse and cowardize of Emir-Chan discouâ—ring vnto him some shadowe of suspicion and intermingling with all some causes of iealousie to be conceiued in his minde that Emir-Chan had some secrete intelligence with the Turkish Generall And to be short he omitted no occasion whereby hee might anie way qualifie the griefe that he had taken for the losse of his Citie The Turkish Captaine at last departed from his newe Forte and returned to Chars and for the custodie of the said Fortresse he appointed there as Captaine Sinan Bassa sonne to that Cicala who by misfortune was lately taken prisoner whiles with great fame hee scowred and wasted the Tyrrhene Sea And therefore this his Sonne who was afterwarde cured and healed by mee of a certaine disease that hee had at Aleppo partly for the goodlinesse of his person and partly for the hope that hee raysed of his valour was so greatly fauoured by Selim the late Tyraunt of Constantinople and the arrant Enemie of the Italian name that hauing scarce passed the flowre of his youth in which age he was deerely beloued of him hee was created the Aga or Captayne of the Giamizaries and after this his first degree of honour sent to bee gouernour of certayne Cities and in the ende hauing beene imployed in diuers tumults and perible of warress hee was nowe appointed Captaine and Keeper of this Forte together with Ossan Bey Sonne to the late famous Eliambuâ—at afore mentioned With these two Captaines but yet vnder the sole gouernement of Bassa Elicabi onely and with the companye of eight thousand Souldiers partlye 〈◊〉 and partlye Naturall Subjects and with the Munition aboue reheâ—rsed this Forte was stir engthened and this Garrison of Souldiers without expecting any yeerely succours to bee brought them by and Armye to euen of themselues in seuerall troupes of three hundred together in a companie were alwaies 〈…〉 appointed times to go fetch their pay at the Citie of Enzrâ—â—â— and afterwardes at Aloppo and other Cities of Sâ—ria A which they also continue to doe euen to this daye And so with these saide Souldiers and with good store of Artâ—haries artificially distributed vpon the new wall Foraâ— left the Forte hand â—as 〈◊〉 haue â—ased withdrewe himselfe to Chars passing by the waye of Aggia-Ghalasi and performing his iourney 〈◊〉 daies space Where when he was arriued there arose very great and straunge newes For there was fodainely brought before the said Generall â— Sangiaedo Cutdo with his hands bounde behinde him all pale and astonished with foare whose beade without any more a doo hee caused to bee cutte from him carâ—ase publishing to the rest that hee was a â—ole and a rebell Which whether it were so or no â—â—â— whether this sodaine and ynexpected death lighted vpon him in respecte of some other displeasure they knowe best if it bee lawfull at the least to know it that are the curious searchers of such particularities At the execution wherof there was a rumour raised of a far greater importance For by many reporters there was brought to the eares of the General a great faine of a wonderfull noueltie namely that Mustaffa the Georgian to whom 〈◊〉 had sent thirty thousand Duckates from Constantinople by two of his Capigi and two Châ—aus or Nâ—nâ—ioâ—s to the end that with a Tâ—ioâ—spe of his Subiectes he shoulde carrie them to Teflis for the reliefe of those in the Porue was â—â—â—dde and beeing nowe become a rebell to the Turkish King had lefte the Fortresse in manifeste 〈◊〉 to yeelde if by some other meanes it were
in silence and that is the execution of the commaundementes that Ferat gaue to Aly Bassa before hee departed from Georgia This Aly who as wee tolde you remained in the Fort at Lory founde his opportunitie to issue out of the Fortresse and descending downe a certaine hill at the foote whereof there was a Castell called Saitan-Chalasi which in our language may bee interpreted the Castell of the Diuel with great diligence hee fortified the same Hee left therein fiftie peeces of Artillerie and a thousand men vnder the charge of a Sangiacco and so quieted the passages from forte to forte in such sorte as all the waies from Reiuan to Chars and from Chars to Teflis were made easie and safe and so all the enemies treacheries were discouered and all their meanes taken away whereby they might be able to plot any newe In this meane time the King of Persia who as wee told you before was arriued at Tauris with althose his forces perceiuing that the Turkes had changed their purpose from Nassiuan to Georgia so that there was no further need to employ his Armie against them in defense of Tauris or NassiuaÌ„ at the last resolued with himself to licence his soul diers to depart which he had brought thither with him for the repressing of those publike stirs and to apply himselfe to more priuate reuenges For calling Emir-Chan vnto him whom he had lately left for gouernour of Tauris General ouer al the Cities Captains aboue named he enquired of him the occasion why he performed not the great promises which he had made vnto him before his depaâ—tur to Heri did not his endeuor to hinder the Turkish fabrik at ReiuaÌ„ or atleast why he went not out with other souldiers appointed for that purpose and namely with the Turcomannes as hee had promised to reuenge so great an iniurie and in the best manner hee coulde to endomage the Turkish forces For if there had beene none other promise to binde him yet that had beene the duetie of euerie Persian Captaine much more had it beene his parte who had tyed himselfe thereunto by a solemne promise Sundrie excuses did Emir-Chan alledge for his manifest defaulte and principallye the speedie departure of the Turkish Armie for that in so short a time as the enemies Armie staied vnder Reiuan hee had not leasure enough to call together either the Turcomannes or the other Souldiers for that seruice but for himselfe hee was alwaies most readie to employ all his power and his life therein These and other like excuses Emir-Chan alleadged to discharge himselfe from the burthen of the Crime which the King and the Sultans had layed vpon him But the king perceiuing too manifestlie that there was no excuse sufficient to acquite Emir-Chan from so grieuous a faulte and adding also peraduenture to these indignities some auncient hatred which hee had taken of old and retained against Emir-Chan euer since the death of Ismahel determined with himself to bereaue him of his sight so coÌ„maunded that with a hot burning Iron applied to the eies of the wicked Chan all the humor that maintained his sight should be dried vp and afterwardes being thus blinded and despoiled of all his goods hee shoulde be shut vp in close prison which accordinglye without any further delay was put in execution and was the occasion that within the space of a fewe moneths hee died miserably in prisone Thus was Persia depriued of a famous and couragious man and amonge other her losses shee felte this also to be of that moment as although it were of it selfe of some importance yet in respecte of the circumstances it was exceeding great For the Turcoman Nation who among other Captaines from whence Persia receiued her protection and dignities made great accompt of Emir-Chan and by him was greatly honoured at this death of his became highly offended and were notably discontended yea their indignatioÌ„ encreased so at the last that being become rebellious and an vtter enemie to that Crowne they did absolutely denie their forces to the publike defence thereof This their wrath and anger was also much more aggrauated when they hearde that the King had bestowed the rowme of Emir-Chan vpon Alyculi the fugitiue who was escaped out of prison from Ferat as is aboue shewed Which Alyculi although in respect of the great perilles wherein he had beene deserued all preferment yet for that he was an auncient Enemie to certaine Turcoman Captaines they coulde not in any wise endure that hee should be exalted to so great an honour And therefore they waxed more disdainefull ill affected towardes the king and thereby the Persians forces became the more weakened and deuided And these were the euents of this season of the yeare 1584. An end whereof wee made at the returne of Ferat Bassa the Generall to Erzirum whose successes also doe nowe call vppon vs after we haue thus briefely described the nouelties of Persia. From Erziram hee sente a large aduertisement to Amurath of all things that had happened and besoughte him to commaund what shoulde bee attempted at the nexte Springe But besides the information of Ferat there wanted not many other that did the like also although in another manner For the King was aduertised and that in an odious sorte of all the whole proceedings of Ferat the escape of Alyculi-Chan the shamefull losse of his wemen his quarrels with the Giannizzaries the disorders that fell out through his want of wisedome amonge all the Bassaes of the whole Campe especially his enimity with Veis Bassa who by the king himselfe was thought to be a man of valour and prudence and to bee shorte all the particulars of the actions that had not altogether so honorably beene performed in that yeere which in truth of themselues onely were causes sufficiente to induce the king to remooue the saide Ferat from the Office that he exercised To these occasions there were also added sundry other priuate respectes For euer sithens the departure of Ferat out of Erzirum to builde the Fortresses at Lory and Tomanis Amurath had it still in his heade the next yeer following to attempt the enterprise of Tauris and therein to make triall of the most famous Captaines that hee had thinking with himselfe that the estate of Reiuan and Chars being so safely setled there was no reason any longer to delaye or slacke the passage to Tauris and thereby to stirre vppe through all the worlde a famous reporte of greate exploytes and a glorie correspondent to so daungerous an attempte Nowe among the Captaines whom Amurath esteemed to be worthy men to whom he might with trust commit this enterprise he bethought himselfe of Osman Bassa who wee tolde you was lefte at Sumachia in Siruan by Generall Mustaffa the first yeere of this warre and whose iourney to Demir-Capi we described afterwards together with suche other matters as hee performed
money than instructed in weapons and matters of war It was alwayes subiect and tributarie to the Scepters of Persia and contrariwise both by nature and affection great enemie to the Turkes The Bassa thus went against them and being arriued at Chiulfal hee founde it defended with good store of armed souldiers and the gates well and safely locked Notwithstanding the Bassa was entertayned by their Embassadors who were already gone out to meete him with their liberall presents and to entreat him that he would accept of the peoples good wils Who if they had not heretofore brought vnto him their voluntarie tributes it was done for feare least they should haue fallen into the displeasure of their King who no doubt if hee should haue vnderstood any such matter would haue bene ready to destroy their countrey and depriue them of their liberries and liues The Bassa who rather to make a booty then for any other cause had that inroad receauing his presents was well pleased with their intertainment allowed the excuses of the Chiulfalini and returned again to Reiuan Aduertisement hereof did flie in all hast to the Persian King who imagining that besides the paimente of these voluntarie tributes some worse thinge had happened dispatched away Alyculi Chan with three thousande Souldiers and with this direction that if the Countrey were subdued by the Turkes hee should fight against it And if it had voluntarily yeelded it selfe vnto them hee should not onlie recouer it but also burne it and bring away all the chiefe men of the Countrey for prisoners and slaues Alyculi went to Chiulfal and finding the matter to haue passed as before is described without vsing either sword or force hee perwaded them that in signe of their obedience still continued towardes the Persian Prince they woulde present him with greater and more liberall giftes then they did their enemie Bassa The Chiulfalini were verie readie to perfourme what hee required and pleased him in fuch sort that hee caried backe verie good tydinges of their fidelity and obedience to the King Whereby this miserable people in middest of Armes and Squadrons of the Enemie what with presentes and what vvith lies preserued their liberties and their liues in safetie Whiles the Chiulfalini were in this sorte molested Giaffer the Bassa of the Forte fearing leaste the Persian Prince would returne with the Turcomanne forces and with a mightie Armie for the siege perceiuing himselfe euerie day to vvaxe weaker and weaker by reason that manie did secretelie and priuilie flie from him determined to sende aduertisement thereof to the Bassa Cicala at Van signifying to him by writing that hee feared greatly least if the Prince should returne with Souldiers to assault the Forte he should of necessitie be inforced to yeeled it vp vnto him because manie were fled out of the Fortresse manie perished by sicknesse and many also slaine whiles too boldlie and rashlie they aduentured to goe abroad to prouide victuals And that therfore he would take care as he tendered the honour of his Sultan to send him succour to the end that at the return of the Prince he might be able to resist him and maintaine himselfe Adding moreouer that now at this time especiallie this designment might easilie be performed because there were no forces of the enemies in those quarters sauing only a few which remained about the king being twelue miles distant from Tauris The Bassa Cicala although he had a great zeale and loue to his owne Cittie which is indeede the greatest and moste noble frontier towne in all those countries notwithstanding being deeplie mooued by the importunitie of the enterprise that was propounded vnto him and verie desirous to gaine some credite of glorie and renowne with his King entertained and accepted the aduices of Giaffer and getting him to Horse with a traine of three thousand Harquebufiers and good store of munition he trauelled towardes Tauris The Persian King being aduertised of this stirre sent out certaine Spies to learne vvhat vvay they helde meaning to meet them and to set vpon them But the Spies comming neere vnto Salmas were apprehended by the fore-runners of Cicala and being put to torture they reuealed at the last how their King was in Armes and on his way towardes Sancazan At this newes Cicala was greatlie astonied as vvell for the daunger vvhereinto the sorces and munition which hee had with him were likelie to fall as also for that by any losse which his troupes should sustaine in this stirre the Fortresse of Van must needes bee in great hazarde to bee lost because hee had left in it but a verie fewe persons neither was there any Captaine to commaund them but onelie the Checaia his Lieutenant And thereupon hee determined to relinquish this daungerous enterprise and to withdrawe himselfe backe to the defence and preseruation of the Cittie that was committed to his truste and gouernement But although these expected and desired succours were not conueighed to the Fort accordinglie yet had Giaffer as good fortune as hee coulde vvish For the preparations of the Prince were so long and troublesome and his returne so much prolonged that there was time ynough yeelded vnto the Turkish Generall now newlie chosen as by and by shal bee tolde you to goe into those quarters and to preserue all that which the onlie expedition and celeritie of the enemie might haue put in great hazard and almoste haue brought to a desperate case In the meane time at the Citie of Constantinople the King was in a greate doubt within himselfe what hee were best to resolue for the choyce of a newe Captaine On the one side Osman the Bassa hauing by his last will and testament left Sinan Cicala to be his successour the manie dangers he had runne through in the quarrelles about Tauris and besides these his desertes the greate fauours that Cicala had in the Serraglio did make the King greatly incline to this his election On the other side he heard of a certaine publike rumour spread among the Souldiers that they coulde not by any meanes endure to haue so yoong a Captaine appointed ouer them giuing out in plaine tearmes that euery man might knowe it that they would not obey him and that some daungerous disorder would ensue vpon it in matters touching the Armie Then was there also Ferat the Bassa the same man which once already had had that charge before Osman had it and hee shewed himselfe verie ambicious and desirous of this honour and had of late performed some honest and conuenient office in the Serraglio whereby the King might take some liking of his person Any other to make choice of he had none so that in this consultation with himselfe hee was vtterly vnresolued what to doe Yet in the end because he was to prouide in good time for his businesse he determined to make choyce of Ferat a man of great fidelitie of honourable valour and already throughly instructed
in Soria wherewith they measure Corne. It is a little bigger then the bushell of Padua that is fower bushels and a halfe Venetian measure Malan B. a Citie in Parthia Mar delle Zabacche B. in old time called Palus Moeotica A. the Fennes of Moeotis Mar di Bachu B. in tymes passed Mare Caspium and Mare Hircanum A. It is also at this day called the Sea of Corazum Mar Maggiore the great Sea And Mar Nero the black Sea sometimes called Pontus Euxinus A. Mar Morto the dead Sea sometimes called the Lake Asphaltitis A. Marant B. a Citie neere to Armenia in the confines of the Medians or rather within Media Maras B. a Citie in Cilicia called by Bellonius and Ortelius Maronia A. Marmara B. a Citie vpon the Sea-coast of Thracia Masandran B. a Citie in Hircania Massiat B. a Citie in Parthia Masul T. a man cassiered or depriued of his Office in English Iack out of office Mecca B. a Citie in Arabia Foelix where some think Mahamet was borne and where he is also buried Mengrellia B. sometimes the Region of Colchos A. famous for the golden Fleece Meschita B. the place where the Barbarians do meete together to say their prophane prayers in English a Temple or a Church Miana B. a Citie situate in the borders of Media the greater of Persia and of Parthia It is peraduenture so called by the Riuer that is neer vnto it whose name is Miana Miriza and Mirize P. the title of a Prince in Persia. The Kings chiefe Lieutenant Moldauia a Region in Dacia Mordar P. a Chaunceller The Turks call him Tescheregi Mucaren the first moneth of the Turkish yeare much agreeing with our Ianuary Mufti T. the chiefe Priest Mustaed-Dini P. the same which the Turkes call Mufti The chiefe Priest N. NAplos B. in old time called Napoli A. in Samaria peraduenture it was in time past Nephthalim A. Nassiuan B. a Citie in Media the greater or els in the confines of Media and Armenia Some think it to be Nasuana and others take it to be Artaxata A. Natolia in the opinion of Bellonius comprehendeth all the Regions of Phrygia Galatia Bithynia Pontus Lydia Caria Paphlagonia Lycia Magnesia Cappadocia and Comagena Neneruan B. a place in Armenia bordering vpon Georgia Nisabul B. a Citie in Aria Nisaur B. a Citie in the confines of Parthia and Hircania Nosul T. a Taxe or collection of Corne. O. OLti T. a place belonging to the Turkes betwene Erzirum and Ardachan P. PAngiazar B. a Citie bordering vpon Hircania and Media the greater Passin Look Hassan-Chalasi Persiani The Persians They are also called Aggiami Cheselbas Sofiani Persiani of the Prouince of Persia Aggiami of the Region Azemia or Aggiamia Cheselbas of the Redd-marke which these people weare in their Turbantes and Soffians of the Sofi who is their chiefe Gouernour Peruana-Giol T. the lake of Sclaues It is in Armenia Phasis A. a Citie in Colchis called yet at this day Phasis and Fas. Porta a Gate but principally in this Historie it is taken for the Court of the Turkish Sultan because all his Counsailors and chiefe Gouernours of his kingdome do vse to sit in the Gate of the Emperours Court to heare and dispatch causes aswell priuate as publike Portugall in old time called Lusitania A. R. RAfadi B. a man of a false Religion of a false faith Rama a Towne in Palaestina which Castaldo calleth Lidda Peraduenture it was that Rama A. which mourned and wept for the great slaughter of the holie Innocents Math. 2. Ramadan T. one of the solemne feastes of the Turkes It is also the proper name of a man and the name of a Moone For as we haue twelue Monethes with their seuerall proper names so haue the Turkes their xij Moones with their seuerall proper names also Reiuan B. a Citie in Armenia It may be it is Terua in Ptolomie But I do not altogether agree with him in that point S. SAffetto B. a Citie in Galilie inhabited by the Iewes Saha or Shah P. the great King or Sofi of Persia. Saitan-Chalasi B. the Castell of Satan or the Deuils Castell in the confines of Armenia and Georgia Salmas B. a Citie betwixt Tauris and Van but Southward to them both Sancazan B. a place neer to Tauris famous in this Historie aswell in respect of some battells there foughten as also of the death of Generall Osman who died there Sangiacco B. a Lord or a kind of Captaine Sardar T. Captaine of the Iannizzaries Captaine of the Armie and properly the Generall Saru B. a Citie in Media the greater Sasuar B. a Citie in Parthia Sciam B. the Citie of Damasco Look Damasco Scutar and Scutari B. sometimes called Chalcedon A. a Citie in Asia right ouer against Constantinople Some do erroniously call it Chrysopolis A. Sechi B. a Citie in Atropatia bordering vpon Georgia Seida and Seit B. in old time called Sidonia A. a Citie on the Sea cost in Drusia Sembran B. a Citie in Parthia Semitarra B. a Scimitarre a long crooked Sword A Faulchon Ser B. a Riuer sometimes called Cirus A. that watreth the South part of Georgia Sessa Look Tocca and Turbante Siec B. an old wise Religious learned and prudent man A man of good and holie life Siliurea a Citie in Thracia called Sâ—lymbria Which the Persian calleth Selimbria and Nicolo Nicolio Seliurie Sinibra or Simbra In Ptolomie A. It is now called Erzirum fower daies iourney distant from Trabisonda Siras B. some call it Persepolis A. and some Ciropolis A. It is the chiefe palace of the Region of Persia. Siruan and Siruania B. sometimes called Media Atropatia The Hebrewes called it Madian A. Siuas B. in old time Sebastapolis A. a Citie in Natolia Soffi and Sofito P. an auncient word signifying a wise man learned and skilfull in Magike Naturall It is growen to be the common name of the Emperour of Persia. Soffian B. a place neer vnto Tauris It may be perhaps the auncient Soffia Soldin B. a Citie vpon the Sea-coast of Soria destroyed long ago It was called in old time Seleucia Pieria A. within fiue miles whereof the Riuer Orontes dischargeth it self into the Sea But Castaldo in his description of Asia doeth not describe it in deed as it standeth Soria B. in times past the Region of Syria A. Spahini T. a companie of Turkish Souldiers so called Spaoglani B. a companie of foote-men inferiour in degree to the Iannizzaries Stambul by the Turkes and Arabians so called in steed of Constantinople Subassi B. The Lieutenant or Captaine of a Garrison or Guard Sultania a Citie in great Media Sultano or Sultan B. a Captain A great Lord It is verie often vsed for the Emperour of Turkie as Sultan Amurath the great Turk Amurath Sumachi and Sumachia B. the chiefe Palace of Atropatia Sunni B. a man of sound faith and sincere opinion in matter of Religion Sur B. a Citie vpon the Sea-coast of Soria in old time called Tyrus A. T. TArtari
and Tatar B. the Tartarians inhabiting Scythia and Sarmatia Tatar-Chan B. the chiefe Lord or Gouernour of the Tartarians He is called the great Chan of Tartaria Tauris and Taruis Read the Letter to S. Mario Corrado in the end of this booke Techisnandan B. Certain Mountaines in Caramania Deserta Teflis and Tiflis a Citie in Armenia but belonging to the Georgians Teftis T. a Processe or Bill of complaint put vp by the Plaintife Teracan B. a Citie in Parthia Tocca B. the round Roll which the Barbarians vse to weare on their heades It is also called Sessa and Turbante Tomanis a Citie in Armenia but belonging to the Georgians verie famous for the notorious treacherous straites that are neer it Trabisondo B. a Sea-coast Citie vpon Pontus Euxinus called in old time Trapezuntium A. Triala B. a place in Armenia renowmed for a number of Churches there which held of the Romish Religion Triala B. a Sea-coast Citie in Asia and 〈◊〉 Triala B. a white Roll which the Barbarians were vpon their heades Look Tocca Turbat B. a Citie in Parthia Turcoman a Citie betwixt Tauris and Casbin Turcomanni a people mingled among the Turkes and Persians Turcomania the greater of old called Great Armenia A. Tursis B. a Citie in Parthia V. UAn B. a Citie in the Martian Marish Visier B. a chiefe Counsailour or Gouernour generall of the State of Turkie Vlac and Volacchi T. Postes or Currors to run of a message in hast Vlu-Bassi B. the Captain of a certain number of Souldiers but not so high in degree as an Aga is Z. ZAffo and Giaffa B. a Citie by the Sea-side in old times called Ioppa A. Zagatai B. certain Tartarians comprehended vnder the name of the Sogdiani Zaghen B. a City in Armenia inhabited by the Georgians Zaini T. a noble companie of valiant Souldiers Zanga B. a Citie in great Armenia Zante B. an Island in the Ionian Sea called in old time Zacynthus A. Zine B certain festiual signes and shewes of publike ioy Zuiria B. a Region lying at the rootes of Mount Caucasus towards the Hircanian Sea and was called in old time Albania A. FINIS The warre in Persia commodious for the state of Christendom The causes that moue the author to wryte this historie A peace betweene Tamas Soliman the conditions thereof Soliman Selim dead Tamas dyeth Tamas leaueth eleuen children Tamas his last will The simulation of Ismahel Why Mahamet was called by surname Codabanda Mahamet lo ueth not the charge of a king Abas Mirize Mahamets sonne in Her Emir Hamze Mahamets sonne Ismahel called to Casbin to be crowned king of Persia. Stirres in Casbin Periaconcona sister to Mahamet Aidere Ismahel yet elder in yeares then they The singular boldnesse of Aidere Aidere procureth to bee made king be fore Ismahel The subtilty o Periaconcona to entertayne Aidere Aidere stalled king in Casbin Aidere acknoledging his publike derision ssieth all fearefull among certaine women Aidere beheadded by Sahamal his vncle The head of Aidere throwne among the conspirators Ismahel putteth to death many kinsfolkes and frendes of his dead brother Aidere Euery man bewaileth the cruelty of the new king Ismahel Ismahel publisheth a new superstition New publike griefes new deathes happening by occasion of Ismahel The Califfe of Casbin depryued of his eyes by the commandement of Ismahel A rumor spread that Ismahel would passe to Babilon with an army King Ismahel suddenly perished the manner of his death Periaconcona parleeth with the captaines of Persia. The answere of the Captaynes to Periaconcona Amurat at the stirres in Persia entreth into mind to make warre vpon them An auncient custome of the Turkes Amurat intentiue to the matters of Persia. Mahamet Codabanda resolueth to come and be crowned King Periaconcona beheadded New stirres and mischeefes in Persia. Sahamal the Georgian flyeth from Casbin into the mountayneâ— Leuentogli desyrous of innouation The people of Seruan euill affected towardes the new king Vstress the Bassa of Van aduertyseth Amurat of the stirres in Persia. Amurat is confirmed in his opinion to make warre Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes Amurat taketh counsell of his Visiers Turkes make no accompt of breaking Promisse Mahamet the Visier aduiseth to make warre The generall conclusion of them all Two difficulties found in the resolution to make warre The difficulties aunswered Mustaffa Bassa the infamous hath great hope in this warre Mustaffa preferre th the valour of the Latines before the valour of the Georgians Persians Discord dangerous to a common wealth Amurat protesteth to the Visiers that of this warre he would both reape profit and honour The opinion of some touching the manner of the warre The opinion of others A third opinion The deliberation of Amurat Amurat goeth not in person to this warre and the reasons why Order giuen by Amurat to the borderers to annoy Persia. Vstref doth much harme to the borderers Mustaffa elected Generall of the Turkish Campe against the Persians A. 1577. Mustaffa at Chalcedon Mustaffa at Erzirum The muster of the army in Erzirum The Aâ—esâ— potamians The Assyrians and Babilonians The Sorian The Natolians The Iewes Philistims The Caramanians The Grecians The Constantinopolites The men of Erzirum Voluntary men little inferior to the number of stipendaries but better armed Places that sent no souldiers this yeare to the warres of Persia. 500. peeces of small artillary with Mustaffa 500. peeces of small Artillary with Mustaffa Many loades of money Taxes and Tenthes for corne and cariage Trabizonda but 4. small daies iourney distant from Erzirum Mustaffa departeth from Erzirum to the ruines of Chars An excessiue raine Somefall sicke Mustaffa departeth from Chars The mountaines of Chielder The artificiall manner of encamping which Mustaffa vsed The King of Persia moued by the fame of this expedition made against him dissembleth his hatted toward the Sultans Tocomac generall of the Persians Order giuen by king Mahamet to Tocomac Commandement giuen ouer all Persia to gather men against the Turke The places whence the souldiers were gathered The disobedience of many Embassadors from Georgia The army of the Persians â—x thousand and no moe The manner how the Persians are armed their conditions Tocomac with his host commeth toward Chars Tocomac sendeth spyes The errour of the Persian spyes Tocomac falleth into the same errour that the spyes did Tocomac commeth boldly to assaile his enemyes The Persians obtaine a happy and fortunate victory Mustaffa is moued against the Persian conquerors and succoureth his owne people The Persians endure the assault The Persians retire through the benefite of the night Mustaffa returneth to his rentes The Persians newes to Casbin Mustaffa sendeth postes with newes of the battell to Amurat. 5000. heades and 3000. Persians aliue presented to generall Mustaffa The arte of Mustaffa his cruelty A bulwarke made of heades Embassadors from Manucchiar the Georgiano Manucchiar honorably receaued by Mustaffa The speech of Manucchiar The aunswere