if any one do erect in his ground a Mill of new and after the Parson of the same place demandeth Tithe for the same the Kings Prohibition doth issue in this form Quia de tali molendino hactenus decimae non fuerunt solutae prohibemus c. Et sententiam Excommunicationis si quam hac occasione promulgaveritis revocetis omnino The Answer In such case the Kings Prohibition was never granted by the Kings assent nor never shall which hath decreed that it shall not hereafter lie in such cases Where a Suit for one offence may be prosecuted both in Court Spiritual and Temporal Also if any cause or matter the knowledge whereof belongeth to a Court Spiritual and shall be definitively determined before a Judge Spiritual and does pass into a Judgment and shall not be suspended by an Appeal and after if upon the same thing a Question is moved before a Temporal Judge between the same parties and it be proved by witness or instruments such an Exception is not to be admitted in a Temporal Court The Answer When any one case is debated before Judges Spiritual and Temporal as above appeareth upon the case of laying violent hands upon a Clerk it is thought notwithstanding the Spiritual Judgment the Kings Court shall discuss the same matter as the party shall think expedient for himself In what case only the Kings Letter shall be sent to discharge an Excommunication Also the Kings Letter directed unto Ordinaries that have wrapped those that be in subjection unto them in the sentence of Excommunication that they should assoil them by a certain day or else that they do appear and shew wherefore they have excommunicated them The Answer The King decreeth that hereafter no such Letter shall be suffered to go forth but in case where it is found that the Kings liberty is prejudiced by such Excommunication Clerks in the Kings service shall be discharged of their Residence but shall be corrected by their Ordinary Also Barons of the Kings Exchequer claiming by their priviledge that they ought to make answer to no complainant out of the same place extend the same priviledge unto the Clerks abiding there called to Orders or unto Residence and inhibit Ordinaries that by no means or for any cause so long as they be in the Exchequer or Kings service that they call not them to Judgment Ans It pleaseth our Lord the King that such Clerks as attend in this service if they offend shall be correct by their Ordinaries like as other but so long as they are occupied about the Exchequer they shall not be bound to keep residence in their Churches This is added of new by the Kings Council The King and his Ancestors since time out of mind have used that Clerks which are imployed in his service during such time as they are in his service shall not be compelled to keep residence at their Benefices And such things as be thought necessary for the King aad Commonweal ought not to be said to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Church Distresses shall not be taken in the High-ways nor in the antient Fees Cap. 9 of the Church Also the Kings Officers as Sheriffs and other do enter into the Fees of the Church to take Distresses and sometimes they take the Parsons beasts in the High-way where they have nothing but the land belonging to the Church The Answer The Kings pleasure is that from henceforth such Distresses shall neither he taken in the Kings High-way nor in the Fees wherewith Churches in tiimes past have been endowed Nevertheless he willeth Distresses to be taken in possession of the Church newly purchased by Ecclesiastical persons They that abjure the Realm shall be in peace as long as they be in the Church or High-way Also where some flying unto the Church abjure the Realm according to the custom of the Realm and Laymen or their enemies do pursue them and pluck them from the Kings High-way and they be hanged or headed and whilst they be in the Church are kept in the Church-yard with armed men and sometime in the Church so straitly that they cannot depart from the hallowed ground to empty their belly and cannot be suffered to have necessaries brought unto them for their living The Answer They that abjure the Realm so long as they be in the common way shall be in the Kings peace nor ought to be disturbed of any man and when they be in the Church their Keepers ought not to abide in the Church-yard except necessity or peril of escape do require so And as long as they be in the Church they shall not be compelled to flee away but they shall have necessaries for their living and may go forth to empty their belly And the Kings pleasure is that Thieves or Appellors whensoever they will may confess their offences unto Priests but let the Confessors beware that they do not erroniously inform such Appellors Religious Houses shall not be charged by compulsion with Corodies Pensions Resort or taking in of Horses and Carts Also it is desired that our Lord the King and the Great men of the Realm do nor charge Religious houses or Spiritual persons for Corodies Pensions or Sojourning in Religious houses and other places of the church or with taking up of horses or carts whereby such houses are impoverished and Gods service diminished and by reason of such charges Priests and other Ministers of the Church deputed unto Divine service are oftentimes compelled to depart from the places aforesaid The Answer The Kings pleasure is that upon the contents in their Petition from henceforth they shall not be unduly charged And if the contrary be done by Great men or other they shall have remedy after the form of the Statutes made in the time of King Edward Father to the King that now is And the like remedy shall be done for corodies and pensions exacted by compulsion whereof no mention is made in the said Statutes A Clerk excommunicated may be taken out of the Parish where he dwelleth Cap. 12 Also if any of the Kings tenure be called before their Ordinaries out of the Parish where they continue if they be excommunicate for their manifest contumacy and after forty days a Writ goeth out to take them and they pretend their priviledge that they ought not to be cited out of their Town and Parish where their dwelling is and so the Kings Writ that went out to take them is denied The Answer It was never yet denied nor shall be hereafter The examination of a Parson presented to a Benefice belongeth to a Spiritual Judge Also it is desired that Spiritual persons whom our Lord the King doth present unto Benefices of the Church if the Bishop will not admit them either for lack of learning or for other cause reasonable may not be under examination of Lay-persons in the cases aforesaid as it is now attempted contrary to the Decrees canonical but that they may sue unto a
that Jephthah judged Israel and the Thebani War in that Age or the Age immediately before See Helv. and Sir Walt. Raleigh Hist World lib. 2. cap. 13. sect 7. For my part if in washing off the Fucus with which these men have obscured the true causes of all Society and hath no colour of verisimilitude in it the truth of all Humane Christian and Legal society may more clearly appear from their natural and genuine causes I shall then not think my time and pains utterly lost which otherwise I should If it be objected that I have transgressed the bounds of Civility in these Observations upon Mr. White and that such opposing is rather like to increase differences then reconcile them I answer that if Mr. White or at least to my understanding had not propounded some base Faction or Interest and not any Good intentions to have been his end by this Discourse of the Grounds of Obedience and Government Or if he would have been content to have made it his own case only I should have been content to have taken no notice of it But since he is not only content to prostitute all Virtue and Morality in himself and not stay there but make this publique and all men who are not of his opinion not to be * Gro. 16. end worthy the name of Men sure it is rather to be expected he should be severely reprehended and his absurdities so detected that they may be avoided by other men then to be hoped that ever he should be reclaimed from them Note neither Grotius nor our Author make any Government but only Monarchy to be dissolvible For if the Supremacie be once vested in a many-headed-Beast be it Court or People then are they so sacred and inviolable that neither of them have one word in what causes they forfeit their Soveraignties And though Grotius no where so defines the People as any man may understand any thing by it yet sure by the People they mean if they mean any thing the Subjects of any Prince or State Suppose therefore that the People may dissolve Government as oft as they see occasion yet if the People be Vnum quid made up of all the individual Subjects of any Prince then must the deposing of any Prince if it be the act of the People be the act of every individual Subject which is a thing never done nor will be unto the end of the world All Grotius and our Authors Necessities and Reasons therefore for deposing of Princes by the People are meer Cantings and invented only to nurse up Factions in the World without end until Monarchy or Regal power should be extirpated in all the World Postscript to the Reader THe Edition of Bodin de Repub. cited in these Observations and Elements is that which was printed at Lyons 1586. and afterwards sold at Paris The Edition of Grotius de Jure Belli Pacis here and hereafter cited is that printed at Amsterdam by John and Cornelius Blaeu 1642. The Edition of Mr. Hobbs his Philosophical Elements de Cive here and hereafter cited is that printed at Amsterdam 1647. by L. Elzevirius The Grounds of Obedience and Government by Tho. White Gent. is the Second Edition corrected and amended by the Author and printed by J. Flesher 1655. Reader I confess I have not always cited our Author Tho. White Gent. in his very words but if I have wronged him in the Sense there being so very little in the whole Treatise I acknowledge it a crime unpardonable Generatio Animalium cited is that printed at Amsterdam by Lewis Elzevirius 1651. By what means Men attain Arts and Sciences 1. NIhil est in intellectu quod non prius fuerit in sensu saies the Of Humane reason and the manner of acquiring Knowledge from Aristotle and Doctor Harvies opinion highest Philosopher Anal. Post 2. Since only Man is a reasonable Creature and can by his reason attain to Knowledge it will not be a superfluous undertaking to endeavor to shew by what means Men attain to Knowledge and what Reason is And since that most excellent Philosopher Doctor William Harvey hath taken so much pains and more subtilly and accurately disputed the manner and Pref. Gen. Anim. order of attaining Knowledge then any Man before him wee will take him in our way He saies there is no Knowledge innate in us from the opinion of Aristotle c. In the next Paragraph he saies but from whence and how Page 25. this Knowledge comes to us I do not think it will be unprofitable here to set down as well to the more perfect understanding of the generation of living Creatures as also for the removing the doubt which any Man might have deduced from the opinion of Aristotle for he affirms that all learning Analyt Post Lib. 1. tit 1. and mental discipline is made from antecedent Knowledge from whence it may seem to follow either we have no Knowledge or that it is born with us which is dissentaneous to what was before 2. This doubt is afterwards loosed by Aristotle himself where he teaches 16. Lib. 2. cap. ult how Knowledge may be acquired for after he had taught that all certain Knowledge is to be had from a syllogisme and demonstration and had By the opinion of Aristotle made manifest that every demonstrative syllogisme is made up of prime and necessary principles at length he enquireth Quomodo principia nota fiant quis sit notificans habitus inquirit simul etiam utrum habitus cum non insint ingenerentur an cum inessent laterent Non habemus inquit eos habitus accidit enim ut eos qui habent cognitiones exquisitiores demonstratione lateant Si vero eos accipimus cum antea non haberemus quomodo notum faceremus disceremus ex non antecedente cognitione Perspicuum igitur est neque haberi nec in ignorantibus ac nullo habitu praeditis gigni posse Quare necesse est facultatem quandam haberi non tamen talem quae his praestantior sit tanquam exquisitior Videtur autem hoc inesse omnibus animalibus habent enim vim congenitam judicativam quam appellant sensum Cum autem sensus insit in aliis animalibus res sensu percepta manet in aliis non manet In quibus igitur non manet haec aut omnino aut corum quae non manent cognitionem non habent extra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sentire alia vero cum sentiunt unum quid in anima retinent Cum autem multa animalia hujusmodi sint jam est discrimen quoddam adeo ut in aliis ratio fiat ex hujusmodi rerum memoria in aliis non fiat Ex sensu igitur fit memoria quemadmodum dicimus ex memoria vero saepe ejusdem rei facta fit experientia multae enim numero memoriae sunt una experientia At vero ex experientia sive ex omni universali quiescente in anima
should have disputed without an Adversary for me But when he makes all men Jure naturali which is superior and the cause of all Laws of Nature to be equal and in a parity of condition and every man by his own natural right to have a power over every man and to kill and destroy them whensoever it seems good unto him and yet without any sin and that this State is only to be cured by the Laws of Nature of his own making although he would have them to be Divine Laws and contrary to Natural rights is such a monstrous Paradox and absurdity as I wonder any Ingenuous man should assent to it Under the title of Empire he is not less wild and extravagant in his concessions to the thing be it King or Court created by Do or Dedi and not Dabo or Faciam For he makes it not only Soveraign Judge of all Ecclesiastical as well as Civil causes but also impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet he makes the Law of Nature the Law of God and this Creature of creatures to be so infallible that it is impossible to command any thing contrary to it It is not worth the examining what he would have under the title of Religion for men say the man is of none himself and complains they say he cannot walk the streets but the Boys point at him saying There goes HOBBS the Atheist It may be therefore the reason why in all his Laws of Nature he allows no place for the Worship and Service of GOD. But it is time to examine the particular Articles upon which this Body De Cive is built 1. His marginal Note upon Art 3. Cap. 1. is Homines naturâ aequales esse inter se Observ There is no one Proposition in the world more false then this nor more destructive to all faith and truth of Sacred History For whereas he says that by nature Men are equal to one another if the Scriptures be true that God made Adam an Universal Monarch as he says as well over his Cap. 10. art 3. Wife and Children as other Creatures and that since Adam God did never create any Man but the species of Mankind was continued by generation and that as he says Primogeniture is preferred by the Law of Cap. 3. art 18. Nature which Cap. 3. Art 29. is immutable then it is impossible that Cap. 4. art 15. since Adam any two Men in the world can be equal where God does not make them so Indeed if Mr. Hobbs had been an Athenian who stiled the Men of Observ 2. Attica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of the same Land or a Peripatetick who held that Men and the other things of the World were from Eternity as well as the World or an Egyptian who held that from the example of divers creatures generated out of the river Nile Men at first were generated from equivocal generation or that Men had sprung out of the ground fungorum more there might have been some small semblance for his opinion 2. His Argument to prove the Natural equality of all Men is Aequales sunt qui aequalia contra se invicem possunt At qui maxima possunt nimirum occidere aequalia possunt Ergo Homines natura aequales inter se His minor Proposition is no where proved and I am sure contrary Observ Gen. 9. 6. to what God says Whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man 3. Nature hath given to every Man a Right to all things Cap. 1. art 10. Observ What thing is mine naturali jure as he says or lege naturali is mine so that it is impossible it should be aliened or made anothers by any act of my will or the will of all the men in the world For natural causes do not depend upon voluntary humane actions and therefore the natural right which Nature has given to every man remains still with every man 4. Filium in statu naturali intelligi non posse Annot. art 10. Observ And therefore from Adam to our Saviour could there be no such natural state For S. Luke cap. 3. gives a Genealogie of Adams sons and sons sons to our Saviour And since I do not think Mr. Hobbs can shew that ever there was such a state in the world 5. The state of Man in Nature is hostile And cap. 8. art 10. he says Art 12. Men in the state of Nature may kill one another so often as it seems good unto them And therefore he must invent and seek to make himself in a better condition then God hath made him and that forsooth is by seeking Art 15. cap. 1. Observ Peace which he says is the first Law of Nature Is it not strange that a thing invented and made by the wit and will of Man and that contrary to the state and condition in which God hath made Man should here prove to be a Law of Nature which is the Law of God And is not more strange that God hath made Man upright and he hath Observ 2. Eccles 7. 27. sought out many inventions and yet Man should have need of Mr. Hobbs his help to invent and make him in a better state then God hath made him or else he says his conservation cannot be long expected Art 15. Neither is it possible in such a state where all men may kill one another Observ 3. and where all things are alike and common to all men that men should make any pacts or contracts one with another For besides that where men have nothing proper there men cannot make pacts or contract for any thing also where there is no precedent humane Law obliging there cannot any man be obliged or bound to any thing by his pact or contract for to be bound is in relation and must presuppose something which does bind but if nothing binds me but my Will which is a contradiction I may unbind me when I will for my Will is free I deny that any man or any company of men can will any thing to be Observ 4. a Law to themselves For Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud And therefore the act of no mans Will can have a power or obligation upon himself and by consequence cannot any man or company of men will or make another who shall give them Laws for Nemo potest transferre id in alium quod ipse non habet 6. Legem naturalem esse dictamen rectae Rationis Cap. 2. art 1. Observ Wold any man think that these Critiques and pretended Masters of Reason did either understand Reason or Logick If Lex naturalis be dictamen rectae Rationis I ask of Mr. Hobbs what is the reason of it If it be a prime cause or principle then by the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 3. 6. does it constitute the
accounted Abrahams faith St. James 2. 23. That he would have offered up Isaac though by the law of nature Abraham should have preserved his sonne and so God ceased the motion of the Sun and Moon upon Joshua's prayer Jos 10. 12. And caused the same to go retrogade ten degrees upon the prayer of Hezekias and Isaiah 2 Kings 20. 11. It is true that nothing less then that power which made a Law can alter it the Laws therefore of God whether positive or natural have an eternal and immutable obligation upon all the men in the world but whatsoever power may make a Law that power may alter it Divine Laws therefore whether positive or natural cannot have any obligation upon God but he may alter them when he pleases CHAP. VI. The Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Consciences and Persons of Men. 1. COnscience comes of con and scio to know together with reason Conscience or some law Conscientia est animi quaedam ratio lex quâ de recte factis secus admonemur Conscience is a certain reason or law of the Mind whereby we are well or ill advised of our deeds The laws therefore of Man may not only be violated by doing contrary to them but by consenting to them As he which does contrary to that he thinks though the doing of the thing be just yet 't is unjustly done by him for whatsoever is not of faith is sin Rom. 14. 23. 2. The affirmative precepts of God they do semper obligare yet they The obligation of the laws of God do not oblige ad semper As when he commands us to pray continually it is not to be expected a man should be always in the act of prayer but so to live as he does nothing which may indispose him from praying But Gods negative precepts do not only always oblige but oblige ad semper too for there is no time at all wherein it is lawful for a man to kill to steal to commit adultery c. Deut. 5. 17 18 19 20 21. negative in all instances 3. Ecclesiastical laws do oblige in Conscience If thy brother shall neglect Ecclesiastical laws oblige in conscience to hear thee tell it to the Church but if he neglect to hear the Church let him be to thee as a heathen man or Publican Mat. 18. 17. And the Scribes and Pharises sit in Moses chair all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do but do not after their works for they say and do not Mat. 23. 2 3. If then by the law of our Saviour the Jews were to observe and do whatsoever the Scribes and Pharises commanded them because they sate in Moses seat sure with as much or much more reason ought Christians to observe and do whatsoever the Church which our Saviour Christ himself hath planted doth command them 4. My kingdom is not of this world Joh. 18. 36. God sent not his Son In conscience only into the world to judge the world but that by him he might save the world Joh. 3. 17. And O man who has made me a Judge or divider amongst you If then our Saviours kingdom were not of this world if God sent not his Son to judge the world and if our Saviour were not a Judge among men then cannot the Church of Christ have any power from Christ in the kingdoms of the world nor to judge the world nor to be a Judge or divider among men 5. Ecclesiastical laws according to the usage and custom of England To what things Ecclesiastical laws have reference relate to Blasphemy Apostacie from Christianity Heresies Schisms Holy Orders Admissions Institution of Clerks Celebration of Divine Service Rights of Matrimony Divorces general Bastardy Subtraction and Right of Tythes Oblations Obventions Dilapidations Excommunication Reparation of Churches Probate of Testaments Administrations and Accounts upon the same Simony Incests Fornications Adulteries Sollicitation of Chastity Pensions Procurations Appeals in Ecclesiastical cases Commutation of Penance which are determined by Ecclesiastical Judges 6. So that there is a mixt Conusance in the Ecclesiastical Judicature All things determinable by Ecclesiastical Judges are not meerly spiritual viz. of things meerly Spiritual by which they are impowered to judge and take conusance of and that by no humane power but only as they are impowered and sent by our Saviour and are only his Ministers viz. the taking conusance of Blasphemy Excommunication Heresie Holy Orders Celebration of Divine Service c. And this Ghostly power the Church and Ecclesiastical persons had before ever Temporal powers received the Gospel of Christ or were converted to Christianity And also after it pleased God that Nations and Kingdoms were converted to Christianity and that Kings did become nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers Isa 49. 23. to Gods Church then did Kings cherish and defend Gods Church and endued it with many Priviledges and Immunities which ere while was persecuted by them or other Powers but yet could not these Immunities or Priviledges divest them of that Ghostly power which our Saviour by divine institution gave his Church It is true no question but that originally not only all Bishopricks and their bounds and the division of all Parishes and the conusance the Church hath of Tythes of Probate of Wills of granting of Letters of Administration and Accounts upon the same the right of Institution and Induction and the erection of all Ecclesiastical Courts c. were all originally of the Kings foundation and donation and that to him only by all divine and humane laws belongs the care and preservation of all his Subjects none excepted in all causes And therefore not only all those things which relate to the extern peace and quiet of the Church although exercised by Ecclesiastical persons but all those priviledges and immunities which the Church or Churchmen have in a Church planted which the Primitive Christians and Apostles had not in the persecution of the Church when planting are originally Grants of Kings and Supreme Powers and so Temporal or Secular Laws but in regard they accidentally have reference to the Church and are exercised by Ecclesiastical persons they are not improperly called the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws And sure either ignorance of this or faction hath made men run into two contrary extremes one That Kings have no right to their Crowns but in ordine ad bonum spirituale and so cannot be Kings or That all power and jurisdiction in all causes is from the King and so cannot there be any such thing as Christian faith Religion or any Ghostly power left by our Saviour with his Church to continue to the end of the world which every Christian man de fide ought to believe and submit to before any Temporal Law or Power in the world Object But beeause Ecclesiastical laws have not infallibility affixed to them if they command any thing repugnant to Divine laws do they then oblige Answer No for God
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
Item Whereas Commissions be newly made to divers Justices that 6. they shall make enquiries upon Judges of the holy Church whether they made just proces or excessive in Causes Testimentary or other which notoriously pertaineth to the cognizance of holy Church the said Justices have enquired and caused to be Indicted Judges of the holy Church in blemishing of the Franchise of the holy Church That such Commissions be repealed and from henceforth defended saving the Article in Eyre such as ought to be No Scire facias shall be awarded against a Clerk for Tythes Item Whereas Writs of Scire facias have been granted to warn Prelates 7. Religious and other Clerks to answer Dismes in our Chancery and to shew if they have any thing or can any thing say wherefore such Dismes ought not to be restored to the said Demandants and to answer as well to us as to the party to such Dismes That such Writs from henceforth be not granted and that the proces hanging upon such Writs be annulled and repealed and that the parties be dismissed from the Secular Judges of such manner of Pleas saving to us our right such as we and our ancestors have had and were wont to have of reason In witness whereof at the request of the said Prelates to these present Letters we have set our Seal Dated at London this 8th of July the year of our Reign of England 18. of France the 5th In the Reign of Ed. 3. 16 Ed. 3. tit Excom 4. An Excommunication by the Archbishop albeit it be disannulled by the Pope or his Legats is to be allowed neither ought the Judges to give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legat. It is often resolved that all the Bishopricks within England were founded In the Reign of Ed. 3. by the Kings Progenitors and therefore the Advousons of them all belong to the King and at first they were Donative and if that any incumbent of any Church with cure die if the Patron present not within six moneths the Bishop of that Dioces ought to collate to the end the Cure may not be destitute of a Pastor if he be negligent by the space of six moneths the Metropolitan of that Dioces shall confer one to that Church and if he also leave the Church destitute by the space of six moneths then the common Law gives to the King as Supream within his own Kingdom and not to the Bishop of Rome power to provide a competent Pastor for that Church The King may not onely exempt any Ecclesiastical person from the Jurisdiction 17 Ed. 3. 23. of the Ordinary but may grant him Episcopal Jurisdiction And thus it appears there the King had done of antient time to the Arch-Deacon of Richmond This resolution is not grounded upon any Custom or Law but onely upon a particular fact of a King à facto ad jus non valet argumentum All Religious or Ecclesiastical Houses whereof the King was Founder are by the King exempt from Ordinary Jurisdiction and onely visitable and 20 E. 3. Excom 9. 19. Ed. 3. corrigible by the Kings Ecclesiastical Commission This resolution too is onely grounded upon matter of Fact and what man will warrant all the Facts of Kings not to be repugnant to the Laws of God and man Yet shall not these men in other things of much less moment allow the Kings Proclamations to be Legal nor any thing less then the Commons Law or Acts of Parliament The Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal jurisdiction by the Kings Charter This is nothing neither but matter of Fact 20 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. The King presenteth to a Benefice and his presentee was disturbed by one who had obtained Bulls from Rome for which offence he was condemned 21 Ed. 3. 40. fol. 40. to perpetual imprisonment c. Tythes arising out of any parish the King shall have for that he having the Supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is bound to provide a sufficient Pastor 22 Ed. 3. l. 1. Ass pl. 75. that shall have the cure of souls of that place which is not within any parish And by the common Laws of England it is evident that no man unless he be Ecclesiastical or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can have inheritance of Tithes The King shall present to his free chappels in default of the Dean by 27 Ed. 3. fol. 84. lapsin respect of his supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction And Fitz Herbert saith that the King in that case does present by laps as Ordinary Fitz nat Br. 34. Au Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man within England and no suit for any cause though spiritually rising in 30 Ed. 3. lib. Ass pl. 19 c. this Realm ought to be determined in the court of Rome In an Attachment upon a Prohibition the Popes Bull of Excommunication of the plaintiff was adjudged insufficient 21 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. 33 Ed. 3. tit Agel de Roy. 38 Ass pl. 20. Reges sacro Oleo uncti sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis capaces A Prior which is the Kings Debtor and ought to have Tithes of another spiritual person may chuse either to sue for substraction of his Tithes in the Ecclesiastical court or in the Exchequer Fitz Herbert in his N. B. fol. 30. holceth that before the St. 18 Ed. 3. Cap. 7. the right of Tithes were determinable at the temporal courts at the election of the party And the courts of divers Manors of the Kings and other Lords in antient times had the probate of last Wills and Testaments and it appeareth by 11 H. 7. fol. 12. That the probate of Wills and Testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical courts but that of late time they were determinable there The King by his Charter did translate Canons secular into regular and 38 Lib. Ass pl. 22. 46 Ed. 3. Proem 6. religious persons Nicholas Moris elected Abbot of Waltham which was exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction sent to Rome to be confirmed by the Pope who not having regard to the said Election gave to the said Nicholas the said Abby with all the said Spiritualities and Temporalities the Bull was adjudged against the Laws of England and the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the Kings mercy whereupon all his Possessions were seised into the Kings hands Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and Covent who were Regular 49 Ed. 3. lib. ass pl. 8. and mort in Law yet the King by his Charter did divide that Corporation and made the Prior and Covent a distinct and capable body to sue and be sued by themselves It was Enacted by the whole Parliament That as well they who obtained St. de 25 Ed. 3. de Provisoribus provisions from Rome as they that put them in execution should be out of the Kings Protection and that a man might do with them as enemies to the King c.
Court in the conusance of Heresie but onely for the punishment of Heresie adjudged in the Ecclesiastical Court and all men know that it is the Temporal not Ecclesiastical power although it may be executed or pronounced by Ecclesiastical persons that punisheth men for Spiritual Crimes The Pope cannot alter the Laws of England The Judges say that the Statutes which restrain the Popes provisions 11 H. 4. 37. 11 H. 4. fol. 69. 76. to the Benefices of the Advowsons of Spiritual men were made for that the Spiritual durst not in their just Cause say against the Popes provisions so as those Statutes were made in affirmance of the common Law Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England and the same being certified by the Pope into any Court in England ought not to 14 H. 4. fol. 14 c. be allowed neither is any Certificate of any Excommunication available in Law but that which is made by some Bishop in England for the Bishops are by the common Laws the immediate Officers and Ministers of Justice to the Kings Court in Causes Ecclesiastical If any Bishop do Excommunicate any person for a cause that belongeth 14 H. 4. 14. not to him the King may write to the Bishop and command him to assoyl and absolve the party If any person of Religion obtain of the Bishop of Rome to be exempt St. 2. H. 4. Cap. 3. from obedience regular or ordinary he is in case of a Premunire which is an offence as hath been said contra Regem coronam dignitatem ejus Upon complaint of the Commons of the horrible mischiefs and damnable customs which there were introduced by the Church of Rome that no St 6. H. 4. Cap. 1. person Abbot or other should have any provisions of Archbishoprick or Bishoprick which should be void till he had compounded with the Popes Chamber to pay great and excessive sums of money as well for the first fruites of the same Archbishoprick or Bishoprick as for the other less services in the said Court and that the said sums or greater part thereof be paid beforehand which sums passed the double or treble of that that was accustomed of old time to be paid c. It was therefore Enacted That they and every of them that did pay greater sums then had of old time been accustomed to be paid into the said Chamber should incur the forfeiture of as much as they may forfeit to the King No person Religious or Secular of what estate or condition that he St 7. H. 4. Cap. 6. were by colour of any Bulls containing Priviledges to be discharged of Tythes appertaining to Parish-Churches Prebends Hospitals Vicaredges Purchased before the first year of King R. 2. or after not executed should put in execution anysuch Bills so Purchased or any such Bulls to be Purchased in time to come upon pain of a Premunire In the Reign of Hen. 5. In an Act of Parliament made in the third year of Henry 5. it is Declared 〈…〉 H. 5. â—â—â— 4. â— That whereas in the time of H. 4. father to the said King the seventh year of his Reign to eschew many discords and debates and divers other mischiefs which were like to arise and happen because of many provisions then made or to be made by the Pope and also of licence thereupon granted by the said King among other things it was Ordained and Established That no such Licence or Pardon so granted before the same Ordinance or afterwards to be granted shall be available to any Benefice full of any Incumbent at the day of the date of such Licence or Pardon granted Nevertheless divers persons having provisions of the Pope of divers Benefices in England and elsewhere and Licenses Royal to execute the same Provisions have by colour of the same Provisions Licenses and acceptations of the said Benefices subtilly excluded divers persons of their Benefies in which they had been incumbents by a long season of the collation of the very Patrons Spiritual to whom duely made to their intent to the final destruction and enervation of the Estates of the same Incumbents The King willing to avoid such mischiefs hath Ordained and Established That all the Incumbents of every benefice of Holy Church of the Patronage Collation or presentation of Spiritual Patrons may quietly and peaceably enjoy their said Benefices without being inquieted molested or any way grieved by any colour of such provisions licencies and acceptations and that all licences and pardons upon and by such provisions made in any manner should be void and of no valour and if any feel himself grieved molested or inquieted in any wise from henceforth by any by colour of such provisions licenses pardons or acceptations that the same molesters grievers or inquesters and every of them have and incur the pains and punishments contained in the Statutes of Provisors before that time H. 4. St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 7. Lollardy Was made for extirpation of Heresie and Lollardy whereby full power and authority was given to the Justices of Peace and Justices of Assize to enquire of those that hold Errors Heresies or Lollardry and of their maintainers c. and that the Sheriff or other Officer c. may Arrest and apprehend them A man should undertake a very hard task that goes about to maintain that all Humane Laws did never transgress their limits nor encroach upon things that were not properly in their conusance and this Law ill suits with the temper of these times The King by consent of Parliament giveth power to Ordinaries to enquire St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 1. of the Foundation Erection and Governance of Hospitals other then such as be of the Kings Foundation and thereupon to make correction and reformation according to the Ecclesiastical Law nor could any other Power grant such Ordinances In the Reign of Henry the sixth 8 H. 6. fol. 3. Excommunication made and certified by the Pope is of no force to disable any man within England and this is by the ancient Common Laws before any Statute was made concerning forein Jurisdiction The King onely may grant or licence to Found a Spiritual Corporation 9 H. 6. fol. 16. The Pope wrote Letters in derogation of the King and his Regality 1 H. 6. fol. 1â— and the Church-men durst not speak against them but Humfrey Duke of Glocester for their safe keeping put them into the fire In the Reign of Edward the fourth The Pope in the Reign of King Ed. 4. granted to the Prior of St. Johns H. 7. f. 20. to have Sanctuary within his Priory and this was pleaded and claimed by the Prior but it was resolved by the Judges that the Pope had no power to grant any Sanctuary within this Realm and therefore by Judgement of Law it ought to be disallowed There it appeareth that the opinion of the Kings Bench had been oftentimes Ed. 4. 3. that if one Spirital
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
after them Gunthramn Clowis Carloman and Pepin at Masscon first and second at Chalons That which is called Francia and that which is in Vernis Twenty of them at least in France In Spain by ten several Kings in two Councels at Braccara and in ten at Tolledo by the space of three hundred years together And how under what terms Peruse the Councel themselves their very acts spake Ex praecepto Imperio Jussu Sanctione Nutu Decreto Ex evocatione Dispositione Regis One saith Potestas permissa est nobis another facultas data est nobis a third Injunctu est nobis á rege and this for about eight hundred years after Christ Then arose another Empire here in the West under Charls the Great and he called six several Councils at Frankfort Arles Tours Chalons Mentz and Rhemes And what says he in them In that at Rhemes In conventu mere priscorum Imperatorum congregato à piissimo Domino nostro Carolo That he called that Convention by no other right then as the manner of the antient Emperors had been to do After him Ludovicus Pius Lotharius Ludovicus Balbus Carolus Calvus Carolus Crassus and Arnulphus at the several Councils of Aken Mentz Melden Wormes Colen and Tribur and so held it nine hundred years after Christ for about that year a year or two over or under was holden the Council at Tribur in Germany by the Emperors decree and himself President in it Nor are the Kings of England less absolute then either Emperors Kings of Spain or France And see B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England cap. 7. how the Emperors Kings of France Spain and Portugal have by their own authority convened National and Provincial Councils which have not only determined without the Papal authority but very often in contradiction to it Nor are either the English or British Churches or ever were less free then the Gallicane the liberties whereof in the Chapter aforesaid are set down viz. 1. The Pope cannot command or ordain any thing directly or indirectly concerning any Temporal affairs within the Dominions of the King of France 2. The Spiritual authority and power of the Pope is not absolute in The priviledges of the Gallican Church France but limited and restrained to the canons and rules of the antient Councils of the Church and received in that Kingdom 3. No command whatsoever of the Pope can free the French Clergy from their obligation to obey the commands of their Soveraign 4. The most Christian King hath had power at all times according to the occurrence and exigence of affairs to assemble or cause to be assembled Synods Provincial or National and therein to treat not only of such things as concern the conservation of the Civil estate but also of such things as concern Ecclesiastical order and discipline in his own dominions and therein to make Rules Chapters Laws Ordinances and Pragmatique Sanctions in his own name and by his own authority Many of which have been received among the Decrees of the Catholique Church and some of them approved by General Councils 5. The Pope cannot send a Legate à latere into France with power to reform judge collate dispence or do such things accustomed to be specified in the autoritative Bull of his Legation except it be upon the desire or with the approbation of the most Christian King Neither can the said Legate execute his charge until he hath promised to the King in writing under his oath upon his holy Orders not to make use of his Legantine power in the Kings dominions longer then it shall please the King and that so soon as he shall be admonished of the Kings pleasure to forbid it he shall give it over And that whilst he doth use it shall be exercised conformable to the Kings will without attempting any thing to the prejudice of the Decrees of General Councils or the Liberties and Priviledges of the Gallicane Church and the Universities of France 6. The Commissions and Bulls of the Popes Legate are to be seen examined and approved by the Court of Parliament and to be registred and published with such cautions and modifications as that Court shall judge expedient for the good of the Kingdom and to be executed according to the said cautions and not otherwise 7. The Prelates of the French Church although commanded by the Pope for what cause soever it be may not depart out of the Kingdom without the Kings commandment or licence 8. The Pope cannot by himself or his delegates judge any thing which concerns the state preheminence or priviledges of the Crown of France nor any thing pertaining to it nor can there be any question or process about the state or pretensions of the King but in his Courts 9. Papal Bulls Citations Excommunications c. are not to be executed in France without the Kings command or permission and after permission only by the authority of the King and not by authority of the Pope to shun mixture and confusion of Jurisdictions 10. Neither the King nor his Realm nor his Officers can be excommunicated or interdicted by the Pope nor his Subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance 11. The Pope cannot impose Pensions in France upon any Benefices having cure of souls nor upon any others but according to the canons according to the express condition of resignation or ad redimendum vexationem 12. All Bulls and Missives which come from Rome to France are to be seen and visited to try if there be nothing in them prejudicial in any manner to the estate and liberties of the Church of France or to the Royal authority 13. It is lawful to appeal from the Pope to a future Council 14. Ecclefiastical persons may be convented judged and sentenced before a Secular Judge for the first grievous or enormous crime or for lesser offences after a Relapse which renders them incorrigible in the eye of the Law 15. All places of France are obliged to swear fealty to the King and to receive from him investitures for their fees and manors 16. The Courts of Parliament in case of Appeals as from abuse have right and power to declare null void and to revoke the Popes Bull and Excommunications and to forbid the execution of them when they are found contrary to Sacred Decrees the liberty of the French Church or the Prerogative Royal. 17. General Councils are above the Pope and may depose him and put another in his place and take cognisance of Appeals from the Pope 18. All Bishops have their power immediately from Christ not from the Pope and are equally successors of S. Peter and of the other Apostles and Vicars of Christ 19. Provisions Reservations Expective graces c. have no place in France 20. The Pope cannot exempt any Church Monastery or Ecclesiastical body from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary nor erect Bishopricks into Archbishopricks nor unite them nor divide them without the Kings licence 21. All those are not Hereticks
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
special matter they cannot well discern or judge I have therefore been particular herein as well to shew into what cause Annot. not only both Houses conjunctly but every particular Member in either have a right of being as also since Non datur progressus ad infinitum the Parliament being a body compounded of heterogenial or dissimilar parts if they sever or divide into what Subjects may ultimately with good conscience resolve their faith and obedience And no question it is better any thing should be Law then that every thing should be lawful And that is the greatest slavery where Subjects know not where to pay their obedience and from whence to expect protection but where different Factions shall with equal right or injury impose their lusts and wills for Laws to their Fellow-subjects The Jurisdiction of Parliament is so transcendent that it maketh inlargeth The Jurisdiction of Parliament diminisheth abrogateth repealeth and reviveth Laws Statutes Acts and Ordinances concerning matters Ecclesiastical Capital Criminal Common Civil Martial Maritime and the rest It may make Daughters and Heirs apparent of a man or woman during the life of the Ancestor Com. Lit. 110. adjudge an Infant or Minor of full age attaint a man of Treason after his death it may Bastard a Child that is Legitimate it may make a Bastard Inst 2 par 36. Legitimate A Parliament was called before the Conquest Michael Sinoth Michael By what other names called Gemote Ealsa Witenage Mote that is to say the Great Court or Meeting of the King and of the Wise men sometime of the King with the Council of his Bishops Nobles and wisest of his people The French call it Les estates and L'assemble des estates the Parliaments in France are no other Inst par 1. 110. a. then our Courts of Kings-Bench Common-Pleas Exchequer and Chancery in England The Germans call it a Dyet And Inst 4. p. 2. it was antiently called Witenage mote Conventus sapientum Commune concilium regni Generale concilium regni Concilium regni Assisa generalis Tully calls it Consessum Senatorum à considendo c. Object But it may be it will be objected That though the King be principium caput finis Parliamenti and that every Member as well as both Houses have their original right and sitting there from him and that though Laws of right ought to pass in Parliament at the rogation request or petition of the Commons by the counsel and advice of the Lords yet the Kings of the Nation have long since divested themselves of this power and have granted the Lords and Commons a concurring power in the making of Laws or by custom and usage it hath been so time out of mind and so ought to be observed as a Law To the first I say Kings reign by a higher then any humane law and Ans 1 therefore no act of any King can divest himself or successor of any attribute due to him or his successor And if Kings actions did oblige themselves or successors then were this Crown not free but subject to the Pope because King John made it so But I deny the assertion for it is false that ever any King of this Realm did ever grant the Parliament or either House a concurring power of making Laws with him For the second No usage prescription or custom can take place Ans 2 where there are records or proofs to the contrary Whether we cannot give proofs enough to the contrary judge good Reader David's calling all the Lords of Israel the Lords of the Tribes the Lords of the Companies that ministred to the King by course the Captains over thousands and over hundreds and the Lords that had the oversight over all the substance and possession of David and of his sons with the Chamberlains and all the mighty and all the valiant and all the active men unto Jerusalem to consult concerning the building of God a house 1 Chron. 28. 1 2. was a Parliament So was that Convention of Solomon's Inst 4 par 3. Ibid. 2 Chron. 2. and that Convention of the Israelites Judg. 20. 11. Ego Inas Dei gratia Westsaxonum rex exhortatione doctrina Cenredes patris mei Heddes episcopi mei Erkenwaldes episcopi mei òmnium Aldremannorum meorum Seniorum sapientum regni mei multaque congregatione servorum Dei sollicitus de salute animarum nostrarum statu regni mei constitui rectum conjugium recta judicia pro stabilitate confirmatione populi mei benigna sedulitate celebrari nullo Aldremanno vel alicui de toto regimine nostro conscripta liceat abolere judicia was an Act of Parliament Proem par 9. Reports Edwardus rex admonuit omnes sapientes suos qui fuerint Exoniae ut investigarent simul quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m ante fuit was an Act of Parliament by Edward King Alfreds son Ibidem Haec sunt instituta quae Edgarus rex consilio sapientum suorum instituit were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Hoc est consilium quod Etheldredus rex omnes sapientes sui condixere ad emendationem pacis omni populis apud Woodstock Haec sunt verba pacis prolocutionis quae Etheldredus rex omnes sapientes ejus cum exercitu firmaverunt qui cum Anulano Justino Guemundo Stigrani filio venit Et haec instituerunt Etheldredus rex Sapientes ejus apud Habam were Acts of Ibidem Parliament Edmundus rex congregavit magnam Synodum Divini ordinis Seculi apud Londonum civitatem in Sancto Pasch solenni hae sunt institutiones quas Ed. rex episcopi sui cum sapientibus suis instituerunt apud Culinconam c. paulo post Ego Edmundus rex mando praecipio omni populo senior ' junior ' qui in regione mea sunt qui investigans investigari cum sapientibus Clericis Laicis were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Haec sunt statuta Canuti regis Anglorum Danorum Norvegar ' venerando sapientum ejus consilio ad laudem gloriam Dei sui regalitatem commune commodum habita in Sancto Natali Domini apud Wintoniam c. were Acts passed in Parliament Ibidem Rex Canutus an regni sui 5. per 130 annos ante copilationem decretorum quae an Dom. 1150. fuer ' copilat ' anno 7 pontificatus Papae Eugenii tertii ante copilation ' aliorum Canon ' quorumcunque cunctos reg ' sui praelat ' proceresque ac magnates ad suum convocans Parliam ' in suo publico Parliam ' persistentibus personaliter in eodem Wulstano Adelnodo archiepisc ' Ailwino episc ' Elmehamense aliis episcopis ipsorum suffragan ' septem Ducibus cum tot Comitibus nec non diversorum monaster ' nonnullis Abbatibus cum quamplurimis gregariis milit ' ac
from the company of Tamar whenas he hated her because he had abused her but it was in Joseph that he refused to accompany his Mistress whenas he might have securely enjoyed her Nor is it any virtue for any man to do or forbear any thing for feare of punishment for so horses dogs and other irrational creatures will do or not do many things for feare of stripes which are commanded or forbidden by their Masters Nor is it any virtue in a Judg to pronounce true judgment if he be hired thereunto by any reward or bribe Where therefore neither worldly pleasure profit love feare hate nor any sublunary thing but it may be loss to all these do not move a man to the doing or not doing of what in conscience he ought to do or forbear there nothing less then Gods grace and power in such a man can be the true and efficient cause of such an action 6. It is a most admirable thing to consider how notwithstanding all Why only Man can do virtuous Actions the various natures dispositions and events of things this one Providence foresees and provides for all created things in the whole universe until she brings them all to their designed end Nor does this providence foresee and provide for all things from an eternal and fatal decree impelling all actions of all creatures For then there could be no such thing as good or bad men but God were the efficient cause of vice as well as virtue in men but by a mean foresight or knowledg does often determin necessary effects from contingent causes Which does not only plainly appear from very many places of Scripture as that the men of Keilah would have delivered David if he 1 Sam. 23. 12. had not escaped thence that God would have destroyed Niniveh within forty daies if the men had not repented that God would have gathered the children of Jerusalem together as a Hen gathereth her Chickens but Matth. 23. 27. they would not that if the mighty works had been done in Tire and Sidon which were done in Chorazin they had repented in dust and ashes c. Matth. 11. 21. but also all Gods promises and cursings upon men do depend upon their obedience or disobedience to what he commands And however this rigid opinion of Fate and the eternal determination of all things be asserted by the Stoicks yet do not I think that the most wicked man that ever was did ever attribute any wicked action to any such cause but pretended conscience pleasure profit or his own will never Gods It is true indeed that God hath made man in flesh and blood and so prone to desire many things which he ought not But though diverse men do naturally affect and desire things they ought not yet God hath so made every man a free Lord of all his actions that there is no man but may chuse whether he will do or not any thing to the attaining of his appetitions and affections And mans excellency above other creatures consists in this that his actions are not determined by his objects as other creatures are but he may freely do this action as it is moved in him from the appetition of pleasure profit pride c. or abstain from it as he apprehends it forbidden by him who may forbid And so may any man freely do or endeavor to do any thing which he ought to do though to his temporal disadvantage but this having no Temporal motive must proceed from Gods grace which no creature upon earth can do but only man only man therefore can do virtuous actions CHAP. III. Of Judgment 1. JUdgment is the definitive of him who by right commands permits What is Judgment or forbids a thing either by himself or instrument whether any thing be done conformable to a Law commanding permitting or forbidding it 2. Herein judgment differs from a Law A Law is the declared will of How it differs from a Law him who by right commands permits or forbids a thing together with a penalty annext for not observance after some reasonable time fixt whereby the obliged may take notice of such declaration Judgment is the sencence of him who so commands forbids or permits whether such an act were an omission or transgression of any Law so declared 3. Justice is the upright doing of any just or legal action conformable to the Law of him who by right commands Judgment is the discerning of How Judgment differs from Justice a good or bad action 4. All judgment must necessarily be the act of three persons at least What persons are necessary in Judgment viz. the Judge the accuser and the party accused or as we say the Judge the Plaintiff and Defendant 5. The end or ratio finalis of Judgment is either to determine differences The end of Judgment or punish offenders CHAP. IV. Of Equity 1. EQuity is twofold either a remission or moderation of the Laws How manifold is Equity when the execution of Laws will rather kill then cure a distemper in the Subject as when many Subjects either upon passion or being seduced have so far transgressed Laws that they have forfeited by Law their lives and estates yet in such case are not supream powers rigidly to exact all which the Law gives them but it is equity so to punish the principal Authors and other Subjects that others may be deterred from the like and the generality offending preserved So where the Law commands upon penalty and it becomes impossible for the Subject to perform as it ever was and will be there it is equity to remit the penalty Where therefore the Law obliges a Tenant to pay his Landlord such a Rent yet if by inundation of waters sterility of the season c. it comes to pass that the Tenant by no fault of his either cannot or it will be the ruine of himself and family to pay it there it is equity in the Landlord to remit or moderate what by Law he might justly exact Or secondly a supplement of the Law in cases wherein things in conscience ought to be done yet for want of some formalities or niceties they cannot in strictness of Law be exacted 2. Equity is when with a sincere intention men although it be to How Equity differs from Judgment their prejudice endeavor to please God Judgment a giving sentence according to Laws 3. In Courts of Judicature the Judges proceed according to the declared The necessity of Courts of Equity Laws and ought not in judgment to vary or swerve from them but proceed as they are impowred by Law and their Commission and Laws are made usually ad terrorem rather to affright men then to punish all offenders which Laws were they not moderated it were impossible for all men to subsist under the burden of them nor is there any man but has need of Gods mercy and the Kings Courts of Equity therefore are as necessary
as Judicial The end of the Fourth Book The Contents of the Fifth Book HAving before treated of the Causes of all Regal and Ecclesiastical power and having in the last Chapter of the Third Book treated of the Laws and Civil Government of this Nation being the exercise of Regal power in reference to the publick preservation of Peace and Society in it In this First Chap. we shall treat how far Ecclesiastical power has been exercised in this Nation and by whom Whether originally the Britanick and English-Saxon Churches were free or subject to the Papal power quoad exercitium And whether as well before the Conquest as after the Kings of this Nation were not Nursing Fathers to the Church of Christ And whether always before the Conquest the Royal Government did not extend as well to the Persons as Possessions of Ecclesiastical persons And whether all Bishopricks were not originally of the Kings foundation In the reciting the Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings and Queens of this Realm we shall observe three periods viz. The Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings of England before the Conquest The Laws made by the Conqueror and subsequent Kings until Henry the Eighth And lastly the Laws made by him and the Kings and Queens after him until the end of King Charls his Reign Note good Reader that in the reciting of these Laws I do not affirm that these Laws made by the Kings of this Realm did never incroach upon that Ghostly power which our Saviour by Divine positive institution left only to his Church and therefore make no construction upon them but only when they are recited and objected as Authorities against that Power My designe is to shew having already demonstrated that by the Law of Nature the persons of all Subjects born in the dominion of rightful Kings are their natural Subjects which is an indelible character and can never be washed out and therefore Subjects being Ecclesiastical persons cannot free them from it And that all priviledges and endowments which Ecclesiastical persons enjoy besides their ghostly power is created by the King That the exercise of the Kings power over the persons and possessions of Ecclesiasticks as also Laws made by them for the order and preservation of the extern peace of the Church is no new thing as hath been by some objected THE FIFTH BOOK CHAP. I. How far the Kings Popes and Bishops of England have exercised their Spiritual Jurisdiction in England before Henry the Eighth IT cannot sure be reasonably denied Apology by any man but that Ignorance is the mother of all Error nor is any man better in any kind whatsoever for being innurtured or ignorant We daily see no where more feuds If learning or knowledge were the cause of dissentions or distractions how then comes it to pass that all dissentions are determined by learned and knowing men or else they would be endless and dissentions then among ignorant and mean men which were there not Laws to decide their difference would be endless and Mankind left in a worse condition then any other creatures Nor is Education and Learning any cause of the dissentions and debates which arise among learned and better educated men but some internal cause proceeding from pride or some other appetitions or affection in them And though Education and Learning does not totally alter mens natures from bad to good yet does it soften mens manners and makes them not to be so bruitish as those who are destitute of Learning and Civil breeding For Didicisse fideliter Artes Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros It is true indeed that in that state in which God hath placed all men here they do not see all things truly but men are and always were and will be subject to humane error and frailty and in many things notwithstanding all the arts and helps which can be devised men will never be reconciled But that men should therefore condemn all Science and Learning is like to a man that if he sees and hears not all things distinctly and clearly although it may be he sees and hears well enough to do things which are necessary for his conservation that therefore he will put out his eyes and have his ears always stopped Nor shall ever ignorance of any mans duty totally excuse him for his not observance of Laws be they Divine or Humane Nor shall the blind belief of Subjects in their Superiors whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal ever totally excuse them from those things which are due and they believe that they owe to God I am not so very a Hobbian as to believe that it is impossible for Supreme powers to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature nor yet so very a Papalian as to think that the Pope is infallible Especially since it is evident that Aarons joining with the people in their idolatry did not excuse Exod. 32. the Israelites of old nor did the command of both King and Priests ever under the Old Law excuse the subject Israelites from Gods judgments upon them for their idolatry Nor is this very opinion of them in the Church of Rome of the Popes infallibility believed by themselves however urged against others who are not of her communion For then were not only General Councils supervacaneous and useless things but also there could be no difference among them which is superior a Pope or General Council Nor do they less deny it in their practice then their opinion For when Sixtus Quintus had excommunicated 9 Sept. 1585. the King of Navar and Prince of Conde and as he affirmed made them uncapable of succession to the French Monarchy yet were most part of the French troubled at it doubting the Priviledges of the Gallic Church would be trodden under foot which they needed not have doubted or feared if they had believed the Pope to have been infallible and all the Parliament of Paris who were all of the Church of Rome desired the King Henry the Third to have the Bull torne in pieces as you may read Davila 575. And the Parliaments of Chalons and Tours did not only decree the Bull of Gregory 14. to the Prelates and Catholiques of the Kings party under pain of Excommunication of being deprived of their Dignities and Benefices and of being used as Hereticks and Sectaries that within a certain time they should withdraw themselves from those places that yielded obedience to Henry of Bourbon and from the union and fellowship of his Faction to be publikely burnt but it was so far rejected and scorned by the very Prelates and all other Catholiques of the Kings party that it did extreamly confirm them all in the Kings obedience being before unsetled and inclining to the Cardinal of Bourbons faction as you may read more at large in the Twelfth book of Davila's History But it may be they will say That this was not in matter of Faith and that the Popes infallibility is affixed to Faith