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A13171 The blessings on Mount Gerizzim, and the curses on Movnt Ebal. Or, The happie estate of Protestants compared with the miserable estate of papists vnder the Popes tyrannie. By M.S. Doctor of Diuinitie. Sutcliffe, Matthew, 1550?-1629. 1625 (1625) STC 23466; ESTC S111364 256,182 370

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truth and grant al others by her example to beware of the Popes and Iebusits most dangerous practises which neuer cease working mischiefe if they may haue fit oportunitie CHAP. X. That kings and Princes liuing in subiection to the Pope are but halfe kings and demi-princes BUt suppose the Pope and his conspiring and working crew should neither attempt to take away the crowne nor the life from a prince that beléeueth his lawes and yéeldeth to the Pope all that authoritie which he claimeth yet doth he lose halfe his reuenues authoritie and regall soueraigntie For first the Pope shareth the Kings reuenues claiming tenths first fruites subsidies confirmation and disposition of Ecclesiasticall liuings and infinite summes of money for pardons licences dispensations and all maner of rescripts Those which are acquainted with the Popes faculties and incrochments in former Kings dayes within this land and now in Spaine Italy and other popish countries know they are intelerable and no way inferior to the Kings reuenues Nay if a King néed a dispensation for an Ecclesiasticall matter he is forced to bargaine with the Pope and to buy it deare The absolution of King Iohn had like to haue cost him the Crowne of England Secondly not the King but the Pope is King of priests and ecclesiasticall persons Boniface the 8. in the chap. Clericis de immunit eccles in 6. doth excommunicate both Kings and others that impose taxes and subsidies vpon the Clergie He doth also lay the same censure vpon those clergie men that pay any subsidies to ciuill Magistrates which sheweth that he kept them for his owne selfe Alexander the fourth in the chap. Quia nonnulli de immunit eccles in 6. exempteth the possessions and goods of clergy men from toll and custome Bellarmine in his treatise De exemptione clericorum cap. 1. setteth downe these propositions In causis Ecclesiasticis liberi sunt clerici iure diuino à secularium principum potestate That is In Ecclesiastical causes clerkes are free from the commaund of secular princes by the law of God And by ecclesiasticall causes he vnderstādeth all matters which concerne the church and which by hooke or crooke the Popes haue drawne to their owne cognition Againe he sayth Non possunt Clerici à Iudice seculari iudicari etiamsi leges ciuiles non seruent That is Clerks are not to be iudged of secular Iudges albeit they keep not his temporall lawes His third proposition is this Bona clericorum tam ecclesiastica quàm secularia libera sunt ac meritò esse debent à tributis principum secularium That is The goods of clerkes whether they belong to the Church or be temporal are free from tributes of princes and so ought to be He sayth also that secular princes in respect of clerkes are not soueraigne princes and that therefore clerkes are not bound to obey them Now how is the King absolute in his kingdome if he haue neither power ouer the persons of the clerks nor their goods Emanuel Sa in his aphorismes In verbo Clericus in his book first printed and alleaged by him that wrote the Franc discourse hath these words Clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae maiestatis quia non est subditus regi The rebellion of a clerk against the King is no treason because he is not the kings subiect This is plaine dealing and sheweth that the king is no king of the Clergie where the Popes lawes beare sway But because these words be somewhat too plaine therefore in a later edition of these aphorismes set out at Venice they haue for their owne ease cut out the words albeit in effect Bellarmine and others teach so much Their practise also declareth that this is their meaning for Thomas Becket stoutly resisted Henry the second and his parliament enacting that clerkes offending against the kings lawes should answer before the kings Iustices Further he would not agree that clerkes lay-fee should come in trial before them Sixtus quartus did enterdite the state of Florence for that they had executed the Archbishop of Pisa notoriously taken in a conspiracie against the State Xistus quòd sacrato viro Archiepiscopo it a foedè interfecto Cardinalem quoque captiuum fecissent Hieronymo instigante grauissimum Florentinis sacris omnibus interdictis bellū intulit saith Onuphrius That is Sixtus warred vpon the Florentines and enterdited them for that they had killed the Archbishop of Pisa being a priest and layd hands on a cardinall And yet he declareth they were actors in the conspiracie against Iulian and Laurence de Medicis that then ruled the State This was also the greatest quarrell of the Pope against Henry the third of France for that he caused the Cardinal of Guise to be killed being culpable of most enormous treasons against him Now what can Kings do against their subiects if they may not punish them offending in treason Thirdly the Popes do draw many temporall matters from the cognition of the King to themselues and their adherents Boniface the 8. c. quoniam de Immunitat Eccles. in 6. doth excommunicate all those that do hinder matters to be brought frō triall of temporall iudges to Ecclesiasticall courts and namely those that will not suffer all contracts confirmed by oathes to be tried before Ecclesiasticall iudges By which meanes almost all causes were brought before them and the Kings iurisdiction almost stopped and suspended The Kings of England therfore to restraine these incrochmēts made the law of Praemunire putting them out of his protection that wold not be tried by his lawes Is it not strange then that Christian princes should suffer such companions to vsurpe their authoritie and not onely in causes Ecclestasticall but also in temporall to beare them selues as iudges Finally they deny that Christian Princes haue power either to make Ecclesiasticall lawes or to reforme abuses in the Church or to gouerne the Church concerning externall matters All papists do so distinguish betwixt Ecclesiastical and politicke gouernement that they exclude temporall Princes from the gouernement of the Church and make them subiect to the Pope Bellarmine lib. 1. de Pontif. Rom. c. 7. determineth that temporall Princes are no gouernours of the Church Ifthen Christian Princes loose part of their reuenues and part of their iurisdiction and are quite excluded both from the gouernement of the Church and also disposing of the persons and goods of Ecclesiasticall persons most apparent it is that such Princes as admit the Popes authoritie are either but halfe kings or else not so much loosing more then halfe their authoritie by the Popes incrochments How contrarie this is to the doctrine of the Apostles and ancient fathers we néede not here dispute S. Peter teacheth Christians to honour the King and Paule exhorteth euery soule to be subiect to the higher powers Now what greater dishonour can be offered to a king then to take away his authoritie And how are they subiect that pay the King nothing and claime
The Popes exactions in all countries are very gricuous Ipse Romanus Pontifex saith Iohn of Salisbury omnibus grauis ferè intolerabilis est The Pope is become grieuous and vntolerable vnto all men Againe speaking of the Church of Rome he saith She sheweth her selfe rather a steppe-mother then a mother and that Scribes and Pharises sit in her which lay importable burdens on mens shoulders which they wil not once touch with their fingers Petrus de Alliaco speaking against the multitude and greatnesse of the Popes exactions busieth himselfe to find a remedie by diminishing the excessiue charges of the Pope the number of Cardinals and disorders of inferior prelats but al in vain He proueth by the testimonie of Humbertus that the cause that disposed the Greekes to reuolt from the Church of Rome was the grieuance of that Church in exactions excommunications and lawes Speaking of the orders of Friers he saith that their state is burdensome to all men and hurtfull to hospitals and lazar-houses and preiudiciall to all states of the Church Bernard of Clugny describeth the qualities of Rome fitly Roma dat omnibus omnia dantibus Rome giueth all things to all men saith he but prouided that they pay for it And again Omnia Romae cum praetio All things may be had at Rome if you will buy them Amongst vs saith Mantuan Churches priests altars masses crownes fire incense prayers yea heauen and God himselfe is set to sale Venalia nobis saith he Templa sacerdotes altaria sacra coronae Ignis thura preces coelum est venale Deusque Budaeus saith that the Popes lawes serue not now so much for direction in manners as by bankers craft sor so I may almost terme it to get money Sanctiones pontificae non moribus regendis vsui sunt sed propemodum dixerim argentarie faciendae authoritatem videntur accommodare Mathew Paris affirmeth that the Church of Rome in the times of Henry the third coufounding right and iustice like a shamelesse and common whore was set to sale to all men accounting vsury for a small fault and symonie for none Eodem tempore saith he permittente vel procurante Papa Gregorio adeo inualuit Romanae Ecclesiae insatiabilis cupiditas confundens fas nefasque quod deposito rubore velut meretrix vulgaris effrons omnibus venalis exposita vsuram pro paruo symoniam pro nullo inconuenienti reputauit And this taking with the Pope is a matter so plaine and open that they count symony for no sinne in the Pope Papa non dicitur facere symoniam conferendo beneficia dignitates accepta pecunia saith Bartolus in l. Barbarius de offic praet 2. col And that as Theodoric à Niem in his booke of Schisme saith is the opinion of diuers Canonists Felin de offic potest iudic delegat in c. exparte 1. nu 1. saith that moderne Doctors hold without distinction that the Pope is not obnoxious to the crime of symonie and that himselfe is of that opinion What by colour of law and what without law the Pope and his shauclings do spoyle the whole Christian rommon wealth The gaine of the Popes faculties and of popish pardons Masses and dirges and other such like papall wares and commodities amounteth to a great masse of money Therewith the Pope maketh warres the Masse-priests and Friers maintaine themselues and their baggages and all their pompous traine and brauery In the meane while the poore people wring that beare most of this charge Further they are bound to prouide the furniture of altars images Churches and all that is required for Masses In a certaine bisitation at Como by the Popes legate called Bonhomme so many particulars are commaundėd to be prouided as could not in seauen leaues be comprehended In Spaine euery man of any sort is compelled to buy two indulgences the one for the quicke the other for the dead The common rate of a pardon they say is foure reals of plate If the executors wil not be at the charge of a funerall they vse to compell the parties The Pope to get money in his owne territorie beside all this raiseth new customes and impositions dayly maketh a monopoly of whores and hath ordinarie bankes of vsury as the world knoweth and popish writers confesse where they speake of their Monti di pieta The like do other popish Princes in so much that if a man do well consider all he must needs confesse that their gouernement is nothing else but a méere tyrannie odious to God and man Therefore God doth punish them often with warres sedition sicknesse and famine and other vsitations In Spaine it is an ordinary matter to see the people die of famine In Italy caterpillers haue often deuoured the corne and namely anno 1576. In the life of Pius the fift the people of Genua an 1572. do write that many of their people died of hunger and that sew had meanes to satisfie themselues with bread The Iebusites in their annuall letters speake of a great famine in Italy and Sicily an 1592. and shew that diuers were constrained to eate dogs What successe the Popes souldiers and other idlolatrous Papists haue had of late yeares diuers may remember the histories are full Charles the fift seruing the Pope against the Germaines was in the end forced by D. Maurice to leaue the country to saue himself by flight The which he did with such spéed that diuers of his companie forgot to put on their bootes In his enterprise against Algier he lost a great part of his armie and fléete and returned laden rather with scorne then spoile In the end when he saw nothing succéed he crept contemptibly into a monastery and died as sonie say crazed in his braine and most ingloriously King Philip in his memorials to his sonne consesseth that he spent 5594. millions of duckets in 33. yeares and yet neuer reaped any thing for his labour but anguish and sorrow His noble actes by his sonne Charles were written in a blanke booke His first attempt was against the Mores in the Iie of Zerbi But therein his fléete was taken and ouerthrowne by the Turkes and his whole armie slaine or discomfited Leauing the Turkes he thought to trie his manhood against Christians But in his warres he behaued himself so manfully that thinking to subdue the Low cuntries by force which yéelded vnto him for loue in the end he lost halfe of that which he possessed before Purposing to make a conquest of England he was himselfe conquered and ouercome by a woman Bragging of his inuincible fléete he found himselfe and his fléete vanquished by small forces In the end he aymed at the crowne of France promised vnto him by the traiterous Iebusites and their associates but his losse and scorne receiued in that countrey made an end of that old King In Hungary nothing hath succéeded of late yeares that hath bene enterprised by the Popes counsell Eugenius
princes stand vpon loosing their crownes at the Popes pleasure then are they in poore estate and without any assurance of their kingdomes considering especially the malice of the Pope against such as professe the truth and his ambition in encroching vpon his neighbors dominions Ghineard a Iebusite was hanged in Paris anno 1594. for writing and holding diuers seditions positions wherof one was that the crowne of France might and ought to be translated into another family then that of Bourbon Neither néed any man make question by whom he meant that this feat should be wrought séeing the Pope is the man whose authoritie the Iebusites and Cananites seeke to aduance aboue Kings Finally Robert Parsons in his Warnword part 2. f. 117. 6 alleageth a booke entitled De iusta Henrici tertij abdicatione that is of the iust deposing of the French King Henry the third whereby it is apparent that he also holdeth that the Pope may iustly depose Kings Neither is it likely that he would so busily haue sought to stirre vp rebels in England and to suborne cut-throtes to kill the Quéene or that he would haue desired that Pius the fift his bull against her might be suspended for a time concerning Papists if he had not taken her to be deposed by the Pope But because this doctrine of the Popes authority that of it selfe is litle worth would auaile nothing vnlesse the people also can be drawne to fauour the Popes faction therefore the Pope and his schollers giue also a power to the people to depose Kings and princes especially if once they proue tyrants that is as Iebusites teach if they be excommunicate by the Pope or else séeke to maintaine their state or the truth against the biolence and practises of the popish saction Gregory the seuenth tooke away all regall power from Henry the fourth and gaue the same vnto Rodulph of Saxonie commaunding all Christians to receiue Rodulph for their King and not to obey the Emperour Henry in any thing as being absolued from their othes which they were wont to giue vnto Kings Regiam ei potestatem adimo saith Gregory the seuenth interdicoque Christianis omnibus illo iuramento absolutis quo fides regibus dari consueuit ne Henrico vtla in re obtemperent Rodulphum in regem suscipiant But this could not be executed vulesse the people had some power giuen them to put by the one and to receiue the other Nor can princes stand firme if seditious Popes can giue the people this power Innocent the fourth likewise deposed Friderick the second forbidding his subiects to obey him and commanding them to whom it appertained to chuse another King As if it lay in the power of the people to do the one or the other or as it the princes authoritie stood in this case vpon the peoples pleasure Pius the fift declared Quéene Elizabeths subiects to be fréed from their obedience and not onely commaunded them not to obey her but by all perswasions moued them to depose her Is not this then a plaine and euident argument that the Pope doth giue power to the people contrary to the doctrine of the Apostle Rom. 13. and Tit. 3. to rebell against princes and to depose them William Raynolds a renegate Englishman in a treatise set out vnder the counterfeit name of William Rosse and entitled De iustaereip Christianae suprareges impios haereticos authoritate iustissimaque Caetholicorum he should say cacolicorū ad Henricum Nauarraeū quemcunque haereticum à regno Galliae repellendum confederatione doth in expresse termes giue the people power to depose Kings and maintaineth impudently the wicked league of the French rebels against their King In the 2. chap. of that booke he affirmeth that the right of al the Kings kingdoms of Europe is laid vpō this foundation that common wealths or people may depose thir kings His words are Quodius omnium Europae regum regnorum hoc fundamento nititur quodresp possint suos reges deponere But therein he sheweth himselfe and his consorts to be the most notorious traitors of all Europe Likewise Robert Parsons our aduersary if such a base companion may deserue that name and a notorious firebrand of sedition in his booke of succession to the crowne of England made against the iust title of King Iames and in fauour of the infanta of Spaine in his first booke chap. 1. endeuoureth to proue that succession to gouernement by nearenesse of blood is by positiue lawes of the commonwealth and may vpon iust causes be altered by the same His intention is to shew that they which made that law may also alter it In the third chapter he striueth with himselfe to shew that not onely vnworthy pretenders may be put backe but that Kings in possession may be chastised and deposed The first part of which proposition is directed against our most worthy and rightfull King before his comming to the crowne the second aymeth at him now that by Gods grace he is attained to the Crowne In the fourth chapter he sayth that othes in diuers cases bind not subiects and that sometimes they may lawfully proceed against Princes Matters so seditious and odious that it séemeth to me admirable that such a leud companion should be suffered so impudently to barke against the authority of Kings or that the Archpriest or the Iebusits or Masse priests that depend vpon him and allow this doctrine and percase yet stand for the infantaes title together with their cōsorts shold be suffered to liue by the lawes of that King whom by their wicked doctrine they haue sought to dispossesse of his right and to depose from his royall throne Neither is this the doctrine of these base companions only but also of other more famous Doctors and of the most illustrious ring-leaders of the Iebusites Bellarmine lib. 5. de pontif Rom. c. 6. saith It is not lawful for Christians to tolerate a King that is an infidel or an hereticke if he go about to draw his subiects to his heresie or infidelitie His words are these Non licet Christianis tolerare regem infidelem aut haereticum si ille pertrahere conetur subditos ad suam haeresim aut infidelitatem Now it is well knowne that such as receiue not the superstition and heretical doctrine of the Romish synagogue are by the sect of Papists accompted heretikes and litle better then infidels Emanuel Sa a Iebusite also in a booke called Aphorismi confessariorum holdeth these aphorismes ensuing In verbo Princeps That the Prince may be depriued by the common-wealth for tyrannie and also if he do not his dutie or when there is any iust cause and another may be chosen of the greater part of the people But some saith he suppose that onely tyrannie is a iust cause of deposition His words stand thus Potest princeps per remp priuari ob tyrannidem si non faciat officium suum cum est causa aliqua iusta
thinketh of himselfe I hope hereafter he will not contemne others pendir of the acts of that Councell Alexander the firt was a man without religion Humana iura nec minus caelestia ipsosque sustulit deos saith one of him that is He tooke away the lawes of man lawes of God and God himselfe Leo the tenth did no otherwise accompt of the Gospel then as of a fable as his words to Cardinall Bembus testifie The like may be affirmed also of many impious Popes Let Parsons therefore beware that he proue not his consorts to be infidels and himselfe a consort and slaue of infidels Fol. 41. he saith D. Giffard hath his Deanry by true adoption Which is a matter most ridiculous For others haue their Deanries by election and not for respect of kinred by adoption much lesse for dealing against his country or for treason Fol. 43. he talketh of chirping of sparrowes cackling of hennes pratling of dawes chiding of women and of a foole that said to one that had a great nose that he had no nose Which argueth that the man had neither nose nor braine nor good sence cackling like a broode henne chirping like a sparrow pratling like a daw scolding like a butter womā braying like an asse and barking like a curre Fol. 81. he talketh of the patience of papists which I wonder that any man can reade with patience For neither do they teach patience nor practise it if any occasion be giuen to the contrary Was not this then a ridiculous sot to talke of the patience of Lombards or papists Fol. 100. he affirmeth That the sum corps of Christian doctrine was deliuered at the beginning by miracles Now we confesse it was confirmed by miracles but how it can be deliuered by miracles Parsons will be much encombred to shew without shewing himselfe a wondrous wisard Fol. 106. he would haue the actes of the wicked conuenticle of Trent confirmed and allowed by kings as auncient Emperours confirmed the faith published in the Nicene Councell But it is folly to desire matters so absurd and plaine impiety to compare the hereticall decrées of Trent with the faith of the Nicene Councell To proue the saintlinesse of Thomas Becket in his 2. encontr c. 10. he alleageth the Popes canonization But what is more ridiculous then to talke to vs of the Popes canonizations who proceed commonly by hearesay without party and as it seemeth for mony would canonize a horse Secondly he alleageth for witnesses Herbert Hoscan Iohn Salisbury Allen of Teuxbery William and Edward Monkes of Canterbury Peter Bloys and others But all these witnesses are not worth a messe of Teurbery mustard For what auaileth it to rehearse names of dumbe idols that passe by and say nothing Againe if I may be so bold I will answere Parsons in his owne termes You see what cogging it is one of them to alleage another Fol. 77. rehearsing the words of Th. Becket out of Houeden Do you not seeme to heare in this place saith he the voice of S. Iohn Baptist to his king Herod Where I may answere him with his owne words and say not vnfitly Do you not see a fellow with a face as hard as a lopster that doth compare Th. Becket and his cause to Saint Iohn Baptist and his constancie the first contending for profit and idle panches the second for the law of God Ridiculously also he compareth Thomas Becket to S. Ambrose a holy doctor of the Church the said Thomas being nothing else but an idle preacher of priueledges preiudiciall to Princes and not so holy nor so learned as S. Ambrose by many degrees Where he is charged to haue threatned vs with broken heads and Bastonadoes a logike very familiar with papists he answereth fol. 73. That he speaketh figuratiuely But experience teacheth vs that where they can do it they do it literally It were therefore good to beware of the woodden daggers of these woodden fellowes Fol. 110. b. he affirmeth that by indulgences are distributed the treasures of the Church A matter of meere foolery of which may be said the saurus carbones that is our treasures proue coles For poore people hoping to receiue a treasure receiue méere cole dust and yet for that trash wast great treasures Iosephus Angles signifieth that the Pope now and then receiueth an hundred millions of duckets for an indulgence which is no small matter for such small wares In the same place he telleth vs of the Popes doctrine of indulgences which is nothing else but a fardle of foolery as in my discourse against Bellarmine I haue shewed at large This Patch if he had remembred himselfe would haue proued somewhat and not haue told vs a tale of the Popes tub full of mustie indulgences more nastie then an old mustard pot 2. encontr c. 15. fol. 117. I shall alleage sayth he most authenticall testimonies to wit foure bookes for the negatiue written and printed at Lyon presently vpon the fact it selfe intituled De iusta Henrici tertij abdicatione But this allegatiō serueth vs better then him and is a most authenticall testimony of Parsons foolery and of the Popes trechery For what is more repugnant to law conscience and reason thē to beléeue a notorious rebel and traitor declaiming against his liege soueraigne most trecherously and wickedly murdred by a louzie frier And what is more intollerable then that the Popes of Rome and their adherents being aduanced by Christian princes should now be praised for deposing of princes and cutting their throtes This authenticall testimony therfore might well haue bin spared wherein Parsons a traitor produceth his fellow traitor for a witnesse in discharge of his owne and his fellowes treasons and villanies Fol. 123. he talketh most foolishly of penance repeating what he hath sayd before in his Wardword But whatsoeuer he bableth of penance and satisfaction and passing through a néedles eye yet if a man can gaine a plenary indulgence which for mony is easie to be had then al penance inioyned and satisfaction ceaseth and God is plainely mocked If he had bene wise therefore he would haue forborne to talke of penance the doctrine whereof by the Papists is wholly corrupted and ouerthrowne Finally albeit he talketh much of law and of Catholike Religion yet he sheweth himself to be like those of whō the Apostle speaketh which would be doctors of the law and yet vnderstand not what they speake nor wherof they affirme And like old heretikes which as Hilary lib. 8. de Trinit saith although they lie foolishly yet they defend their lies farre more foolishly Cum stuliè mentiantu● sayth he stultiùs tamen in mendacij sui defensione sapiunt Compare their doings with Parsons his foolish Warneword and you shall sée he farre passeth them all in foolery CHAP. VII Containing diuers false allegations and falsifications of Fathers and others committed by Parsons THere are diuers kinds of falsifications as we may learne by the Romane lawes ff ad l.
Let him therefore quote these words or else in this point we will note him for a falsarie Mentior sayth Tertullian speaking of certaine heretikes si non etiam a regulis suis variant inter se dum vnusquisque proinde suo arbitrio modulatur quae accepit quemadmodum de suo arbitrio ea composuit ille qui tradidit He sayth they vary among themselues from their owne rules and that euery one at his pleasure doth modulate and temper the things he receiued as he that deliuered them composed them at his pleasure But this wanteth much of Parsons words and meaning as he wanted much of sincere dealing Fol. 29 he affirmeth desperatly that the great commission for the Popes iurisdiction is contained in the 16. of Matthew in these words I will giue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen c. forging notoriously the Popes letters patents For neither is there any mention of the Pope or Bishop of Rome in these words nor doth our Sauiour speake of any keyes or power of binding and loosing that is not common to all Bishops which are the Apostles successors Furthermore general words wil not serue to cary halfe the Popes power Finally if we will beléeue Bellarmine lib. 1. de Pont. Rom. c. 10. here is nothing giuen to Peter but only promised to him Fol. 38. he alledgeth Pope Nicholas his Epistle and Constantines donation both notoriously and impudently being forged and by the forgeron or blackesmiths putatiue sonne erroniously interpreted Fol. 39. speaking of certaine words of Cusanus This sayth he of the change of Gods iudgement after the iudgement of the Church of the supreme Pastor is a commō saying of the auncient fathers vpon those words of Christ Whose finnes you loose on earth c. Anotorious lie For albeit he alleage thrée yet no one speaketh of the change of Gods iudgement or of the Pope or affirmeth that Gods iudgement changeth with the Church Beside that it is one thing to talke of binding and loosing and another to say that as the Church altereth the institution of the sacraments so God altereth his iudgement Would not this fellow then haue a garland of peacockes feathers for his notorious cogging and for his presumption in falsly alleaging and belying the Fathers Fol. 40. in the margent he sayth that Hilary in Math. 16. hath a worthy place for the Popes authoritie Yet can he not proue that Hilary in that place speaketh one word ei most materiall of his discourse In the same leafe he addeth another text out of the 26. of the Prouerbs where the wise man aduiseth vs to answere a foole according to his folly least he thinke himselfe wise According whereunto we haue shaped an answere to Robert Parsons his Warneword praying him very heartily to take it in good part and not to thinke himselfe ouer wise in his owne conceit seeing the author of that peece could neuer haue vttered such stuffs vnlesse he had bene a three piled foole and had attained to a higher degree then a Cardinall in the consistory of fooles Likewise these words out of Ciceroes oration in Vatinium which he like a dolt supposeth to be taken out of Tullies second Philppic viz. vt vexatum potiùs quàm despectum vellem dimittere doe fit vs as well against Parsons as may be deuised For albeit he be but a base bastardly and contemptible fellow and almost spent out in rayling and libelling and discrasied in plotting of treason and villany yet haue I thought it better to send him away well corrected then to passe by him as a worthlesse and despised companion Neither do I doubt but to returne him as large a measure of bastonadoes as he hath offered others and so to handle him that his friends shall say he is dressed like a calues head souced in veriuyce These words of our Sauiour Iohn 3. He that doth euill hateth the light and will not come to it least his workes should be reproued he applieth to me And why Forsooth because to answere Capt. Cowbuckes fencing Wardword set out vnder the name of N. D. I take the two next letters to make vp N. D. a full Noddy For this cause he sayth I entertaine my selfe in some darknesse for a time and expect my prey vnder a ciphred name And this obiection pleaseth him so well that not onely in the eleuenth and twelth leafe but also in diuers others places he doth inculcate the same But against me these obiections come all too late For albeit at the first I could haue bene content to haue bene vnknowne in this foolish brable betwixt Parsons and me and that not so much in regard of any thing sayd by me as in regard of the bastardly companion with whom I am matched being an aduersary of any learned man to be scorned And not least of all because such controuersies would rather be handled in Latin then in English yet being occasioned to renew my challenge I haue set my name vnto it and declared that I neither feare light nor the foules of darknesse nor need to looke for spoyle as this rauinous Iebusite pretendeth Against Robert Parsons this text and obiection cometh both fitly and timely For albeit he obiecteth ciphring of names to others yet will he not discipher his owne name vnto vs. Nay albeit we know his name and qualitie very well yet will he not bewray himselfe albeit often admonished of his playing the owle He hath long bene plotting of treason and therefore hateth the light He hath for many yeares gone masked like a vagabond vp and downe England and in the day time hidden himselfe in corners He hath long looked to diuide the spoile of his country with strangers What then resteth seeing he will not be dismasked but that some of Buls progenie doe vnmaske him vncase him and trusse him Likewise fol. 12. he calleth me Owle and saith He will draw me to the light But this foule shold haue remembred that himselfe in a paltry pamphlet which he set forth to disswade men from coming to Church tooke on him the name of Iohn Houler as a fit name for such a night bird and that this is one of his owne proper titles Likewise fol. 14. b. he calleth me Owles eye because I borrow the two letters O. E. But if O. E. signifieth owles eye then doth N. D. signifie either a Nasty Dunse or a North Island dog or a notorious dolt by as good reason Fol. 18. to proue the Popes headship ouer the whole Church his noddiship alleageth the law inter claras Cod. de sum trin fid catho But like a forging fellow he bringeth in counterfeit stuffs For that is made apparent in my discourse of Popish falsities Beside that this law doth quite ouerthrow the Popes cause For whereas the Pope claimeth his authoritie by the law of God this law sayth That the Romish Church was declared to be head of all Churches by the rules of fathers by the statutes of Princes and the
in shifting and concealing then he doth deny disputing Ita opertus ac tectus incedis sayth Hierom to one epist. 6. vt plus confitearis tacendo quàm renuas disputando This we may truly say of Parsons that his shifts and answers which he bringeth to couer the wounds of his cause do make the matter far more suspicious then before What then are we to think of such a shifting and iugling fellow Will you heare Parsons giue sentence in his owne caúse If he do I hope you will say we do produce no witnesse that wil deale partially in fauor of our cause But he in his 2. encon c. 9. fol. 62. saith that he which vseth a trick of legierdemain but once of known and set malice to deceiue is neuer to be trusted againe What then remaineth now but that such a shifting trecherous companion be rather trussed then trusted haltred then harbored baffulled then beléeued CHAP. XIII Parsons his patcheric in begging things in controuersie discouered THe very name of an aduersary and often mention of controuersies if nothing else me thinkes might haue moued Robert Parsons to looke better to his proofes and to haue presumed lesse of his begging For albeit he be of the Ignatian sect and by profession a mendicant friar yet hath he no reason to beg of his aduersaries nor to take as granted things that hang in controuersie Nor haue we cause to maintaine of almes such vagarant sturdy roging beggars as the laws iudge worthy of hanging It may be he wil stand vpon termes and sweare like a hackster that he is no beggar bestowing many thousands of crownes vpon spies and cutthrotes But the truth will appeare by the sequele of his doings Fol. 1. b. he accuseth me of deportment against all kind of Catholike men though neuer so learned vertuous worshipful or honorable But he shold haue proued himself his traitorous consorts which are the men that I do meane to be both Catholikes and learned vertuous worshipfull and honorable We of the plainer and simpler sort could yet neuer learne that it was a thing either honorable or commendable to betray his prince or countrey or to take part with Italians or Spaniards against his owne nation Fol. 7. talking of priests put to death in England he calleth them and others seruants of Christ and sayth they suffered for auncient religion But we looked for proofes and not for bare and beggarly affirmations For the seruants of Christ came neuer to depose Princes from their thrones Nay our Sauior Christ saith plainely that his kingdome is not of this world But these Massepriests as appeareth by records and by their confessions and the Popes faculties granted to them came for that purpose Secondly we haue proued in our challenge that their religion as it differeth from the faith which we professe in England is neither Catholike nor anciēt Lastly we haue there also declared them to be culpable of treason and to haue died for that not for their religion though otherwise bery louzy and beggarly bellacos and as beggarly defended by this begging and cousining companion In the same leafe also he affirmeth that Christ is the Masse-priests captaine and master and that he assureth them on his honour and power that no one haire of their head shall perish In the end he doubteth not to call thē martyrs But to proue his matters he alleageth neither testimony ofscripture nor sentence of fathers Nay where that Romish Church teacheth that no man can be certaine of his saluation without speciall reuelation yet this disciple of Antichrist affirmeth that Christ vpon his honor hath assured Campian Ballard Babington and I thinke Lopez too that they shall not perish For of these I thinke he speaketh To shew them to be no martyrs I haue alleaged diuers reasons Reason then would that if he would haue wonne credit he should haue either answered our reasons or proued his owne cause by argument In his obseruations vpon my Preface and in diuers places of his book he giueth the name of Cathōlikes to papists And yet he knoweth that this is a maine controuersie betwixt vs. What punishment then doth he deserue that wittingly and wilfully wil beg or rather steale that which belongeth not vnto him Fol. 14. most impudently he giueth the title of the Catholike Christian church and the vniuersall body of Christs commonwealth vnto papists that are neither the whole church nor part of the Church Unto vs he giueth the title of Protestants Puritanes and Lutherans which we renounce professing onely the faith of Christ Iesus He doeth also match vs with Arrians and other sects which we detest But these are points in controuersie to be proued Fol. 17. he sayth that the Councel of Trent was gathered by like authoritie as that of Chalcedon was A matter vtterly denied by vs and not any way proued by him Nay it is most absurd to compare that reuerend synod assembled and moderated by the Emperors authority and proceeding according to scriptures to a conuenticle of slaues sworne to Antichrist and assembled by his writ and doing all according to his pleasure Fol. 20. a. he sayth It cannot be proued that any one Pope impugned his predecessor in matters of faith As if al our pleading were not that the later Popes do impugne and ouerthrow the faith of the first bishops of Rome Themselues also deny not but that Agatho condemned his predecessor Honorius for a Monothelite In the same place also affirming that all the Popes and Bishops of Rome from Iohn the first to Leo the tenth held one faith he saith that this demonstration is as cleare as that three and foure make seuen But this seuen and seuen yeare he shall neuer proue that which with a light fingar he taketh as granted is clearely false For the instruction giuen to the Armenians in the synode of Florence and the decrees of the Conuenticle of Constance were neuer holden of Popes before them Nor did former Popes beléeue the doctrine of the Conuenticle of Trent Fol. 77. b. he taketh as granted that a hundred haue bene put to death for being priests and for being ordained to that function beyond the seas and for defending the faith belonging to that function and that great numbers are dayly apprehended arraigned and condemned for standing in their fathers faith and resisting nouelties Both which are notorious vntruths For neither in the arraignement of priests or others is any question made of faith nor is that louzy patched religion that Papists hold ouer and aboue our faith the faith of the Apostles or Fathers nor are priests executed simply for being priests but because they come from forrein enemies and are combined with them which alwayes hath bene accounted treason Fol. 80. he talketh idly of sending money out of England for defence of heresie for he beggeth of vs that which he shal neuer obtaine that popery is religion and true religion heresie and that we maintaine heresie Fol. 104.