of his Reign for the punishment of such as committed Murder or Man-slaughter in the Kings Court or did strike any man there whereby Bloodshed ensued the Trial of such Offenders was not thought fit to be within the Cognisance or Jurisdiction of any of the Courts of Westminster-hall or of any Court inferior unto them but ordained to be by a Jury of 12 of the Yeomen Officers of the Kings Houshold before the Lord Steward or in his absence before the Treasurer and Comptroller of the Kings Houshold And the Parliament in the first year of the Reign of Queen Mary repealing the aforesaid Act of the 32 year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth did touching the Great Master of the Kings House notwithstanding understand it to be reasonable that the Name Office and Authority of the Lord Steward should be again established And so little the Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary seemed to be a Grievance or illegal to be first complained of to the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold which Honourable Office and Place about the King appears to have been before that Great Office of Chamberlain of England by the mention of Hugoline Chamberlain to King Edward the Confessor and the Subscription of Ralph Fitz Stephen as a Witness to a Charter of King Henry the Second granted unto the Abby of Shirburn before they were to be subjected to Arrests or Imprisonments for Debt and other Personal Actions before Execution or Judgment had against them upon their appearance and not claiming or pleading their Priviledge for then or in such a case they have not sometimes been priviledged although the cause and reason of their Priviledge was as much after Judgement and Execution as before which a submission to the Jurisdiction of another Court and not claiming their Priviledge should not prejudice or take away no more than it doth in the Case of Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and their Servants who by their Priviledge of Parliament are not to be disturbed with Executions or any manner of Process before and after Judgment as Queen Mary did in a Case depending in the Court of Common Pleas betwixt Huggard Plaintiff and Sir Thomas Knivet Defendant direct her Writ to the Justices of that Court which was but as one of the old and legal Writs of Protection or something more especial certifying them That the said Sir Thomas Knivet was by her command in her Service beyond the Seas and had been Essoined and therefore commanded them That at the time appointed by the said Essoin and day given for his appearance he should not have any default entred against him or be in any thing prejudiced which the Judges were so far from disallowing as having before searched and finding but few and that before-mentioned Privy Seal in the 35 year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth in the Case of the Kings Yeoman of the Buttery being held by them to be insufficient but declared not whether in substance or Form howsoever there may be some probability that it was allowed by the entring of it upon Record they did as the Lord Chief Justice Dier hath reported it advise and assist in the penning and framing of the Writ for Sir Thomas Knivet whereby to make it the more legal Queen Elizabeth who was as tender of her Peoples Liberties as of her own yet was upon some occasion heard to say That he that abused her Porter at the Gate of her House or Palace abused her did cause a Messenger of her Chamber to be sent unto a Defendant in the Court of Requests commanding him in her Name not to vex sue or trouble the Complainant but suffer him to come and go freely unto that Court until such time as other Order be by the Council of the said Court taken therein And in the second year of her Reign an Injunction was awarded to the Defendant commanding him to permit the Complainant to follow his Suit in that Court without Arrest upon pain of one hundred pounds In the same year Sir Nicholas Bacon that great and well-experienced Lawyer and Statesman Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and a man highly and deservedly valued both of Prince and People did in the Case between Philip Manwaring Complainant Henry Smallwood and others Defendants so well understand the aforesaid Priviledges of the Kings Servants to be just and legal as upon a Bill exhibited in Chancery by the Plaintiff to stay a Suit in the Marches of Wales he ordered That if the Complainant should not by a day limited bring a Certificate from the Officets of the Queens House or otherwise whereby the Court might credibly understand that his Attendance in the Queens Service was necessary that Cause should be determined in the Marches of Wales In the eighth year of her Reign Thomas Thurland Clerk of the Queens Closet being Plaintiff in the Court of Requests against William Whiteacres and Ralf Dey Defendants an Order was made That whereas the Complainant was committed to the Fleet by the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas upon an Execution of 600 l. the Debt being only 300 l. it hath been given this Curt to understand by divers of the Queens Highness most Honourable Privy Council that Her Majesties pleasure is to have and use the present and speedy Travel of the said Thomas Thurland in and about divers of Her Highness weighty affairs in sundry places of England and Wales for and about the Mineral Causes there to the very likely Commodity and benefit of Her Majesty and all her Subjects It is therefore Ordered and Decreed by Her Majesties Council of this Court that the said Thomas Thurland shall and may with his Keeper appointed by the Warden of the Fleet Travel into any part of the said Realm about the affairs aforesaid without the disturbance Let or Interruption of the said Defendants And to that purpose an Injunction is granted against the said Defendants their Attornies and Solicitors upon pain of one Thousand pounds and commanded that neither they nor any of them shall vex sue trouble molest or implead the said Complainant or Richard Tirrel Esq Warden of the Fleet or any other person whatsoever for the Travelling or departing of the said Thomas Thurland from the said Prison of the Fleete with his Keeper appointed as aforesaid from the day of the making of this Decree until the feast of all Saints next ensuing if the said Complainant so long shall have cause to attend about the said affairs And many Cases might be instanced where that great Supporter of Monarchy Regality and Honour in Her best of Governments would not suffer the Just Priviledges of Her Court and Servants to be violated but would be sure severely to punish the Contradictors and Infringers of them About the eighteenth year of her Raign the Earl of Leicester Master of the Horse unto that Excellent Queen and great preserver of Her Peoples
against the Legality of this Court in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh Henry the eighth Edward the sixth Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth or since although Sir Edward Coke being unwilling to allow it to be a Court legally constituted as not founded by any Prescription or Act of Parliament hath thrown it under some scruples or objections with which the former Ages and Wisemen of this Nation thought not fit to trouble their Times and Studies that Court being not only sometimes imployed in the determining of Cases and Controversies irremedial in the delegated Courts of Justice out of the Palace Royal or by the Privy Council but concerning the Kings Domesticks or Servants in Ordinary as may be seen in the 33 year of the Reign of K. Henry the eighth in the Case of David Sissel of Witham in the County of Lincoln Plaintiff against Richard Sissel his Brother Yeoman of the Kings Robes for certain Lands lying in Stamford in the said County of Lincoln formerly dismissed by the Kings most Honourable Privy Council wherein the said David Sissel was enjoyned upon pain of Imprisonment to forbear any clamour further to be made to the Kings Grace touching the Premises In the second and third years of King Philip and Queen Mary Sir John Browne Knight one of the two Principal Secretaries to the King and Queens Majesties was a Plaintiff in that Court and in the thirteenth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth Sir James Crofts Knight Comptroller of the Queens Majesties Houshold against Alexander Scoffeild for Writings and Evidences in the Defendants Custody And those great assistants Lords and Bishops Commissionated by the King as his Council or Commissioners did sometimes in that Court as in the thirtieth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth superintend some Causes appealed aswell from the Lord Privy Seal as the Common Law and Sir John Russel Knight Lord Russel the same man or his Father being in an Act of Parliament in the thirteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth wherein he with the Archbishop of Canterbury and others were made Feoffees of certain Lands to the use and for performance of the Kings last Will and Testament stiled Master John Russel his Majesties Keeper of the Privy Seal was in that Court made a Defendant in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth to a Suit Petition or Bill there depending against him although he was at that time also that Great and Ancient Officer of State called the Lord Privy Seal there having been a Custos Privati Sigilli a Keeper of the Privy Seal as early as the later end of King Edward the first or King Edward the second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the third about which time Fleta wrote nor was it then mentioned as any Novelty or new Office the Lord Privy Seal or Keepers of the Kings Privy Seal having ever since the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the seventh if not long before until that fatal Rebellion in the later end of the Reign of that incomparable and pious Prince King Charles the Martyr successively presided and been Chief Judges in that Court which was not understood to be illegal in the twentieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when in a Case wherein George Ashby Esq was Complainant against William Rolfe Defendant an Injunction being awarded against the Defendant not to prosecute or proceed any further at the Common Law and disobeyed by the procurement of the said William Rolfe it was ordered That Francis Whitney Esq Serjeant at Arms should apprehend and arrest all and every person which should be found to prosecute the said Defendant contrary to the said Injunction and commit them to the safe custody of the Warden of the Fleet there to remain until order be taken for their delivery by her Majesties Council of that Court by Authority whereof the said William Rolfe was apprehended and committed to the Fleet for his Contempts but afterwards in further contempt the said William Rolfe's Attorney at the Common Law prosecuting a Nisi prius before Sir Christopher Wray then Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench against the Complainant in Guildhall London the said Attorney was then und there presently taken out of the said Court by the said Serjeant at Arms and committed to the Fleet. Nor by Sir Henry Mountà gue Knight Earl of Manchester who being the Son of a Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench was in Legibus Angliae enutritus in praxi legum versatissimus a great and well-experienced Lawyer and from his Labour and Care therein ascended to the Honour and Degree of Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench from thence to that of Lord Treasurer of England thence to be Lord President of the Kings most Honourable Privy Council and from thence to be Lord Privy Seal and for many years after sitting as Supreme Judge and Director of the Court of Requests in the Reign of King James and King Charles the Martyr together with the four Masters of Requests his Assessors and Assistants in that Honourable and necessary Court Which Office or Place à Libellis Principis of Master of Requests having been long ago in use in the Roman Empire and those that were honoured therewith with maximorum culmine dignitatum digni men accounted worthy of the most honourable nnd eminent Imployments and that Office or Place so highly esteemed as that great and ever famous Lawyer Papinian who was stiled Juris Asylum the Sanctuary or Refuge of the Law did under the Emperor Severus enjoy the said Office to whom his Scholar or Disciple Vlpian afterwards succeeded and with our Neighbours the French summo in honore sunt are very greatly honoured quibus ab Aulâ Principis abesse non licet and so necessary as not at any time to be absent from the Court or Palace of the Prince The Masters of Requests are and have been with us so much regarded and honoured as in all Assemblies and Places they precede the Kings Learned Council at Law and take place of them and amongst other Immunities and Priviledges due unto them and to the Kings Servants are not to be enforced to undergo or take upon them any other inferior Offices or Places in the Commonwealth There being certainly as much if not a greater Reason that the King should have a Court of Requests or Equity and Conscience where any of his Servants or Petitioners are concerned as the Lord Mayor of London who is but the Kings Subordinate Governour of that City for a year should have a Court of Conscience or Requests in the City of London for his Servants or the Freemen and Citizens thereof The Rights and Conveniences of our Kings of England doing Justice to their Domestick or Houshold Servants within their Royal Palaces or Houses or the virge thereof and not remitting them to other Judicatures together
the Law and Domineer over it's proceedings one of them Threatning to Hang up the Lawyers Gowns in Westminster-Hall as the Colours and Ensigns of their once dearly beloved Covenanting but afterwards ill requited and beaten Scots brethren had been used For to Ask or Petition for a Licence or Leave of the Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain or other Great Officers of our Kings Houses or Palaces to whose Jurisdiction it doth belong before any Arrest or Prosecution at Law can be had against any of the Kings Servants is no more then our Laws well Interpreted do order and enjoyn to be done in all Actions Civil Real or Personal against Private and Common Persons or such as are not the Kings Servants for if the Action be laid or entred in the Court of Kings Bench it is to be made Returnable Coram Domino Rege before the King himself who by the Justices of that Court Assigned to hold such Pleas as the King in the Constitution and fixing of the Court of Common Pleas reserved to be heard by himself or those assistant Judges is supposed to Hear and Determine such causes as are proper for that Cour◠or if the Action be desired to be Tryed in the Court of Common Pleas upon the Kings Original Writ which may as it was by the Franks not unfitly be called Indiculus commonitorius A Monitory Letter or Writ of the Kings Issuing out of the High Court of Chancery under the Teste me ipso or witness of the King himself and is to be sued out giving the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas which is the Legal and Proper Court Ordained for such matters a Warrant Power or Commission to hold Plea therein for otherwise saith Fleta nec Warrantum nec Jurisdictionem nequè cohertionem habent supposeth a Petition of the Plaintiff to the King as the Supreme Magistrate for a Debt or Summe of Mony unjustly deteined from him or some Trespass or Damage done unto him for which he cannot Sue or Prosecute without a Writ Remedial or Original granted by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Commanding the Sheriff of the County or Place where the Plaintiff layeth or desireth to try his Action if it be in Debt to take security of the Complainant for the proof or making good of his Action and to Command the Defendant or Party Complained of to pay the mony demanded and that if the Defendant do not pay the Mony upon the Sheriffs or his Officers or Bailiffs coming to him then they are to Summon him to appear before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster at a Return or Certain time prefixed which at the least is to be fifteen days after the Teste or Date of the Original and many Times with a Longer Return and as many more days given if the Original be sued out but fifteen days before the Terms of S. Michael and Hillary Easter or Trinity Terms but of it be procured or sued out in the later end of a Michaelmas Term and returnable Octabis Hillarii will have more then fifty days betwixt the Teste and Return and if sued out in the end of an Hillary Term returnable the first Return of an Easter Term following will have no less then 60 days betwixt the Teste or Date and the Return or if it Issue out in the end of a Trinity Term returnable the first return of a Michaelmas Term following will have no less then one hundred days betwixt the Teste or date thereof and the Return and more if it be in any of the later Returns of any of the said Terms in all which if the summons had but fifteen days betwixt the date of the Original Writ and the time prefixt the Defendant hath by intendment of Law so much Time or Respite for the payment of the mony in the shortest prefixion but a great deal more in those which are longer which by the reason and equity of our Laws is not to be understood to be easie or probably upon the Instant of the Sheriff or his Officers Commanding the Debtor to pay it but upon a reasonable and possible Time betwixt the Teste and return allowed for the payment thereof very Rich and sufficient able men not having always so much mony at hand to pay at an instant and the monyes demanded do many times in the end of the suit although it be not upon a bond or bill with a penalty or doubling of the summe appear not at all to be due or for some or a great part thereof to be unjustly required and if upon a Bond or Bill with a forfeiture doubling the principal Money or in an Action of Covenant Detinue Annuity or Accompt cannot think it just or reasonable presently to pay as much Mony as an unjust Complainant will not seldom if he may be his own Carver exact of him and in all Actions Personal whether it be for Debt or Damage some part of the time between the obteining the Kings Licence or leave to Sue in the Case of those which are not his Houshold Servants is between the Teste and Return of the Original necessary to be imployed for the Plaintiffs giving to make good his Action for more but never less our Ancient Records do often mention until some of our later ages and the Judges thereof since the Raign of King Edward the fourth in favour of the Disabilities and Inconveniencies which might happen in the Cases of many of the Common or Impoverished sort of people who otherwise would be debarred from the Justice which our Laws intended them were content to dispense with it by reteining only the reason of the Law and allow of the Sheriffs Indorsing and Returning upon the Writ the feigned names of John Doe and Richard Roe for the Sureties put in by the Complainants to make good their Complaints or Actions who being before hand not a little furnished with their weapons of offense may without any difficulty not seldom suddenly surprise the altogether unprepared Defendants our Laws not without cause believing it to be possible that Rich men might oppress the poor and that it is many times easier to offend then to defend and therefore that way of Inforcing the Plaintiffs to give Sureties or Pledges to prosecute their Actions was heretofore so strictly observed as if no Sureties or Pledges to Prosecute were put in by the Plaintiff he could not prosecute the Defendant at Law and if he made not his Action or Complaint appear to be just had in those more Legally Thrifty Times for the Kings Rights and benefit a fine set or Imposed upon him by the Judges pro falso clamore for his causeless accusation which doth frequently occur in the fine or Iter Rolls of the Judges of Assise in the Raign of King Edward the first and was Estreated and Returned into the Exchequer to be leavied upon his Lands Goods or Estate And all that or some of that
Utlawed person could not be restored till he had been by the Court committed to the Prison of the Fleet for his contempts purchased and pleaded his Charter of Pardon from the King under the Great Seal of England and appeared to the Action when the King and his service and attendance was the only cause that he did not or could not attend or appear thereunto or put in Bayl to answer it when there was no danger of his absence or flying away from the Kings Service which is or ought to be not a little advantageous or beneficial unto him And when the Plaintiff at whose instance such a prosecution was made might with as much ease and as little charge and a far less expence of time have petitioned the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold and obtained a license to have taken his course at Law against him And if the Lord Chamberlain had given the Defendant a reasonable time or prefixion for the Plaintiffs satisfaction as his Lordship usually doth it would probably not have exceeded the time of six months which is by our Laws the shortest time wherein a Defendant can be Utlawed which as Bracton saith ought not to be suddenly done but to have five months warning or time given in regard of the severity thereof when a man is Utlawed and is thereby to forfeit bona catalla patriam amicos his Goods Chattels Countrey and profits of his Lands to be as an exile or banish'd man was not to be received or entertained by his Friends could not bring an Action for any thing due unto him untill the Utlary be reversed but was as antient as the Saxon times accounted to be a Friendless and Lawless man And it would be a great piece of incivility to prosecute such a Servant of the Kings in ordinary so busied and imployed about his person and not first of all to Petition for his license when in an ordinary way and with no great charge and a great deal sooner than the Defendants appearance to his Action can be enforced by an Utlary it might have been so easily procured and possibly the Kings great occasions and expence of money for the Publick and their defence and protection wherein the good and safety of that Plaintiff was amongst the rest included might be the cause that he could not pay such Servant in ordinary his wages and that such Servant could not so soon as he otherwise would have satisfied the party prosecuting there being no reason to be assigned by any whose exuberant phancies have not altogether divorced them from it that one that is but imployed upon a seldom and temporary imployment of the Kings and is not his Servant in ordinary nor the business he is imployed in so continually near and relating to his person should during that his temporary imployment and of a far less concernment as to go on a Message for him or in company of some Ambassador be priviledged during his absence in his Person Goods and Estate and a Servant in ordinary continually attending his Sacred Person should be only protected in his Person but not in his Estate or that the priviledges and immunities so antiently due and appropriate to his Servants in ordinary and near his person should be curtailed and have less allowed them than Strangers and such as are only imployed for some small time or occasion Or that the Utlawing of any of his Servants in ordinary should forfeit their so just Rights and Priviledges when as by the Law and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom they are not to be Utlawed or put in Process of Utlary without license or leave first asked and no man should be Utlawed or punished for a default of not appearing or have any Process of arrest or contempt awarded against him where he had a reasonable excuse or impediment or cause of Essoyne as by Inundation of Waters being sick or in the parts beyond the Seas or so great a one as the Service of the King for if Utlaries in such a case unduly obtained should cause a forfeiture of just and legal Customs and Priviledges any that had a mind to do a mischief to a supposed adversary might as well contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament in the time of Parliament find or make a pretence to Utlaw any of the Members of either of the Houses of Parliament and make that to be as it were a forfeiture of their Priviledges and a justification which they can never make out of the infringing of them and the Parliament-men of the House of Commons might be Utlawed persons which the Law forbids and by tacite and many times undiscerned Utlaries might lose and be deprived of their Priviledges And the parties offending or endeavouring such breaches of Priviledge should not take advantage de son tort of their own wrongs or tortious doings which our Common Law maxime doth abhorr and the Civil Law doth as little like or allow when its Rule is that Nemo commodum consequi debet ex suo delicto no man is to take profit by his offence against the Law For in vain should the Kings Servants be by the Constitution of Clarendon in the Reign of King Henry the second freed from Excommunications or the Ministers or Priests be by the Act of Parliament in the 50th year of the Reign of King Edward the third and the first year of the Reign of King Richard the second exempted from being arrested in the Church or Church-yard if an Utlary which being very antiently used in Criminal matters but not in Civil in Bractons time in the Reign of King Henry the 3d. taught the way and manner of it in Civil should be able to forfeit it or take them away for in and before that Kings Reign Bracton saith Videtur nulla esse Vtlagaria si factum pro quo quis Interrogatus est Civile sit non Criminale pro quo quis vitam amittere non deberet vel membra it seemeth there ought to be no Utlary where the Defendant or party is prosecuted for any Civil matter not Criminal wherein he was not to lose either life or members And very unbecoming the Majesty and Honour of a King it would needs be to have any of his Servants Utlawed and pursued with Process of Utlary whilst they are attending upon him and made to be as the out-cast and reproach of the people and not be able to protect them in their just Rights and Liberties or that any of our Kings Servants should Lupina capita gerere be as men wearing Wolves heads which was the antient mark or note of infamy of such as were Utlawed in Criminal matters instead of honourable Liveries or marks of the Kings Servants in ordinary When in the 6th year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th Roger Oliver the Son of John Oliver being in obsequio Regis in Comitiva Johannis Lardner Capitanei Castri de Oye in partibus Piccardiae pro munitione
the Court of Common-Pleas nor by a Writ of Pone upon a Certiâ—rari out of the Chancery under his Teste meipso as â—f he were there present to direct it to be tryed in the Court of Kings-Bench coram nobis by a supposition that it should be there determined before himself neither did some of our Kings need to have holden Parliaments by their Substitutes or Commission as King Edward the third did in his absence to his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal and at another time unto Lionell Duke of Clarence another of his Sons if he could by any just or legal intendment have been supposed to have been there alwayes absolutely and to all purposes virtually present But if there should be a refusal by any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary to appear upon any Writs or Process issuing out of any of his Courts of Justice whilst they are in the Service of the King their Master yet when the King shall have discharged that refusal or contempt if it should be so called by a greater and more necessary command in the case of any of his Servants attending upon Him that contempt is no more to be insisted upon for if in such a case of his moeniall Servants his command in the necessary attendance upon his person or affairs in one place shall not amount to a Supersedeas or discharge of any supposed contempt of his Writs and Process and delegated Mandates in another And his commissionated Courts of Justice should adjudge his Servants to be guilty of a contumacy or contempt against his Courts of Justice in not obeying of his Process whilst they do attend upon his person in the safety and well being of Him and all his Subjects and of the Courts of Justice themselves they must separate themselves from themselves and themselves from the King which intrusted them with that authority by too much supposing his authority to be in themselves mistake fancy that authority in them to be Superiour to him that gave it erect to themselves a kind of Superiority over him which gave them that authority by and under which they do act and are impowred the bounds and limits whereof they should not go beyond or exceed For although there may be a contempt charged upon some one or more of the Kings many Servants attending in his Court or Pallace for disobeying or not performing some of his personal commands and upon the same party much about the same Time for a contempt for not obeying or performing the Precept or Process of his subordinate Judges by not appearing to some Action prosecuted before them and so a double contempt or contumacy against the King yet the contempt to the Kings personal command is and must needs be greater then that which is to his Justices or Courts of Justice and is more immediate then that which is but mediate concerns but some one particular Plaintiff not seldom in a malicious or unjust cause of Action or if just for some trivial hot headed uncharitable and unneighborly cause of Action as for Trespass of a Horse or Cow broken into his Pasture by the default or occasion of his own ill Fence or Hedges when the Beast knew as little of reason or property as the Plaintiff did of Religion or the rules of Christianity when that which is more immediately to the King may not a little but greatly concern the well or ill being of the whole Nation or of multitudes and in that general and universal concernment of the angry prosecutor himself when that which is but mediate and a lesser contempt to some one of the Kings Courts of Justice in not appearing to some of their Writs or Process made out in the Kings name and by his authority concerneth only a few particular persons And theâ—efore we should too much thwart those common principles of reason and understanding to deny the greater command its power and efficacy before the lesser and that of the King before that of his Justices or to punish and arrest any of the Kings Servants if they were not so justly entituled to the Priviledges aforesaid for all or the most part of Arrests by order or course of any Courts of Justice in civil Actions before appearance are grounded either upon contempts or propter suspitionem sugae to prevent running away for disobeying the lesser authority and a private and particular concernment to obey the greater or the commands of the King in just and lawful things as a Servant in matters relating to his service and in that to the weal publique or greatest concernment and may well be excused for failing in the lesser or private when he is by his Oath usually administred unto the Kings Servants truly and diligently to attend and wait and not to depart out of the Kings Court without licence had or obtained of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold unto whom it appertaineth and to obey all and singular commandments given in charge on the behalf of the King and is not by his Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to lessen or abridâ—e any of the Kings Royal Jurisdictions Preheminences and Priviledges from and under which are legally derived the aforesaid Rights and Priviledges of his Servants who if they were not priviledged are not in the contrariety and conflict of superior and inferior commands to neglect those of the Superior where he is so bound and ingaged by the duty of a Subject and Servant and so many obligeing Oaths to obey the Writs or Precepts of an Inferior to whom they are under no Obligation of Oaths nor are to be compelled to break those Oaths and Obligations or to do impossible things when as id possumus quod de Jure possimus things unlawful should be ranked amongst the impossibles our Laws do assure us that Lex non cogit impossibilia that the Law doth neither ordain nor compel impossible things to be done or doth punish for the not doing of them But if a restless Spirit of opposition to the Kings Rights or Regalities shall not permit an acquiescence unto that which hath been already said in defence of that part of it which concerns the Priviledges of his Servants but that an objection must be picked up to support their factious incivilities that the King ought not to punish or imprison any for the breach of his Servants Priviledges in the causing of any of them to be Arrested or Outlawed without leave or licence first procured when the Writs and Process tending thereunto are made in his own Name and under his smal or lesser Seals as to Writs and Process issuing out of the Courts of Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas delegated and entrusted by him unto the two Lord Chief Justices thereof the answer will have no difficulty if it shal be as it ought to be acknowledged that those Writs Process seldome expressing that the Defend is the K. Servant are of course made
libertatis privilegij praedictorum laesionem manifestam to the prejudice of the rights of the Crown and violation of the liberty and priviledge aforesaid hujusmodi vijs modis quibus poterint praecanere libertatem privilegia sua praedicta manu tenere cupientes And that they were desirous by all the ways and means they could to hinder such doings so prejudicial unto them and were resolved to maintain the Liberties and Priviledges of the Crown And not be able to protect his Houshold and domestick Servants in whose daily service and continual attendance both our Kings and their Subjects were more concerned than they could be by any the service or attendance of the Officers or Clerks in the Court of Chancery Which the Lords in Parliament did so well understand to be a Right inherent and due unto Royal Majesty as in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth they did in the Case of William Huggen one of the Queens Servants arrested upon an Execution send the Gentleman-Usher attending upon their House to the Prison of the Fleet to bring him before them and upon view of Precedents of some of their own Servants delivered though none of any the Kings or Queens did in conformity to the reason thereof cause the Plaintiff upon the Defendants promise to pay him to release him and the Under-Sheriff being committed to the Fleet was three days after upon his Petition discharged And in the first year of the Reign of King James The Earl of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House did procure Nicholas Reading one of his Majesties Servants arrested by an Execution at the Suit of Sir Edward Hales to be brought before the Lords in Parliament by a Writ of Habeas Corpus and so by the Plaintiffs consent released the Order mentioning that such an Arrest was contrary to the honor and priviledge of that Court. Or that not only the Judges of the superior Courts the Justices of Peace can as they have done it antiently and commonly imprison men for Contempts of them or their written Orders or verbal Commands without which they power could not Tueri Jurisdictionem uphold that Authority which the King had given them but the Constables of every Parish in London whose Offices and Authority at the first were saith the judicious and learned Lambard but as the fingers to the hands or body of the Constable of England a great Officer of the King and his Crown can in their Night-watches command better men than themselves to the Compters or London Prisons there to lodge the remainder of the night among the debauched or unruly sort of people calld Rats or Night-walkers but for angring his worship or not believing that he is a Prince of the Night the Kings Image and none of the smaller parcels of mortality and shall have so much connivence at his no seldom committed Follies as no other Habeas Corpus shall be granted to the injured person thn a submissive paying of his Fees of imprisonment and procuring himself as well as he can to be discharged by the greater discretion of the Lord Mayor or an Alderman before whom he is the next morning to be brought with his not to be discerned Fault or offences and if he should seek afterwards to be recompenced for such an affront is to expect as little favour as may be for himself and as much as may be for his adversary And that the King under whose Power and Authority they acted should not be able by his own immediate command or the Warrant of some of the great Officers of his Crown or Houshold to punish by imprisonment any contempts committed against himself and his soveraign power by the arresting of his domestick and houshold Servants without Licence who are neare unto his person and imployed in his hourly or daily service or attendance or that his power and Authority should not be efficacious or valid in his own case or immediate concernment and should be valid and sufficient to punish such as either contemned or abused his Justices and Servants extraordinary who are more remote from his person in the administration of his Justice As when Eustace de Parles and his brother were by King Edward the first in the one and twentieth year of his Reign committed to the Tower of London for abusing and striking in Westminster Hall William de Bereford one of his Justices of his Court of Common-Pleas And King Edward the third by his Justices and Authority punished the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the Forfeiture and Loss of their places seised the Liberties of the Town and delivered the Custody thereof to another during the Kings pleasure and made the Bayliffs of the Town to deliver in Court their Staves of Office for that they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain Malefactors condemned by the Justices of Assize and after their departure made a Mock game of them in sitting upon the Tribunal and Fining them and their Clerks Or that any should think it reasonable or no disservice of the King or his not to be incumbred Affairs to arrest any of his Houshold Servants without a Licence first obtained And shall at the same time decry or declaim against the Arresting of a Judge sitting in his delegated Court of Justice or travelling in the Circuit by and under the Kings Commission at the Suit of any private person or the Arresting and Imprisonment of an Admiral or Vice-Admiral going to Sea or a Commander or Governor of a Castle Fort or Garison upon the like occasion and think it reasonable that the King in reference to the Weal-publique in those his affairs and concernments should by priviledge protect and shelter them A right understanding whereof and of that which hath been before alleaged and the reasons supporting those Judgments of the not ignorant or unworthy but very learned grave and upright Judges in those former Ages and Times and of the Duties Honor and Respects which were and ought to be paid to the Soveraignty just and necessary means of Government assented unto by our Lawes and reasonable Customs of England and in praxi observantia junioris Aevi in the practise and course of Law in the succeeding Ages not denied by any positive or well interpreted Law may grant a Proeibition and give a Checque or Restraint to those opinions so of late hatch'd and hug'd against too many of the Actions of Authority in order to Government and the Weal-publique the necessity of preventing Evils before they happen or diverting abating or lessening them after they are happened and invite them to forsake their overmuch adoration of Sir Edware Cokes aforesaid Errors and believe Sir Thomas Ridley a Doctor of the civil Lawes and no stranger to our Common-Lawes who no longer ago than the beginning of the Reign of King James in his Book intituled A view of the Civil Ecclâ—siastical and Temporal
operate or deserve to be a Cause to Priviledge themselves their Estates or Maenial Servants from Arrest or disturbance and such a Priviledge in Parliament in the time of an Adjournment which hath sometimes continued for several Months should be allowed and thought reasonable when their business which was the cause of it was all that time in suspence or abayance and that the King who granted and allowed those Priviledges should not enjoy the like for his own Servants who are dayly busied in the Safety Honour and attendance of his Person and the great Affairs of the Kingdom and that such a Cause should produce that effect for them and their Servants and the King who desireth but the like effect or production from one and the same Cause should not enjoy it for his own Servants and that â—adem ratio should not in the Kings Case as well as in the Case of any of his Subjects produce and be a Cause of the like Law or Liberty who doth not claim the Hearing of those causes where the Plaintiffs are not his Servants as the King of France who by his Commissions of Commitimus Impowers a Court to hear and determine Causes and concernments of his Servants but only that they should ask leave before they proceed against them in any of his Courts of Justice which the Plaintiffs shall make choice of Shall the Generall or Commander of the Armies or Guards Forts or Garrisons of the King and the Admirall of a Navy or Ships have a power not to permit any of their Officers or Souldiers to be Arrested or Imprisoned without Licence first obtained and shall the Servants of the King in the attâ—ndance upon his Sacred Person in the Watch and Care of them and the Publick Welfare as well in the time of War and Peace which not seldome disapoints the horrid effects of a people-tormenting War not have a like Priviledge Are the superiour Courts of Justice not blamed when the Judges thereof by the Kings Authority can supersede Actions in Inferiour Courts many times but upon the pretence of Actions depending in their Superiour Courts as to reverse an Utlary or the like in eundo redeundo when it is not every day or all days or but some hours business or can the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas Priviledge the Serjeants at Law and forbid that they should be Sued in any other Court when they do plead at other Courts as well as in the Court of Common Pleas and are so numerous as if one by an Arrest or Impriment should not be able to move or plead his Clients business the Client having all the Writings in his own or his Attorneys custody may have and retain another Serjeant at Law who can as well understand his business to look unto it and not only protect them but the Clerks of the Serjeants at Law and in the Vacation and at their Chambers far distant from Westminster Hall when the business of the Law and Courts of Justice are laid to sleep and take their rest and that the Justices of that and other the Superiour Courts can by the Kings and not their own immediate Authority Priviledge Prothonotaries and all other Officers and Clerks of their several Courts and their Clerks when they have or may have other Clerks to do their business And the Warden of the Fleet Cryers and Tipstaves in times of Vacation and as there shall be occasion Unattach Goods and discharge Bonds and Sureties given for Appearance when there cannot be any just cause or necessity untill the Term ensuing for their attendance and Priviledges and keep from Arrest by the Inferiour Courts their Attorneys who are no Members of their Superiour Courts and even the Attorneys Clarks And not only allow that Priviledge to the immediate Officers of their Courts but extend it unto their Clarks that are subservient unto them and not deny it as hath been before remembred unto a Filacers horskeeper Their Writs of Priviledge in the Kings name declaring and publishing that such breaches of Priviledge are in nostri â—ontemptum curiae nostrae in Contempt of the King and his Court that such Priviledged person eundo redeundo in going and coming to his Courts oâ— Justice is and ought to be sub protectione nostra under the Kings protection tam ex Regia dignitate quam ex antiqua consuetudine as well in regard of his Dignity as by antient Custom is to be Ptiviledged Did Justice Vernon one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the time of Vacation when a man indebted having to an Action given special Bail before him at his Chamber in Serjeants-Inne in Chancery-lane and coming out of the Gate was Way-laid and Arrested by some Serjeants at Mace or Catchpoles of London and Arrested upon some other mans Action lay down made an Out-cry and refused to be their Prisoner of which the Judge being informed commanded the Catchpoles and Prisoner to be brought to his Chamber where they being something Surly and refusing to deliver him he threw of his Gown and taking one of them by the shoulder whereof I was an eye Witness did so shake him and threaten to commit him and his fellow Catchpoles as he enforced them to release the Prisoner and suffer him to escape And shall not the King who is the Constituent Principle and primum incipiens the only cause suppoâ—t and maintenance as well as giver of all Immunities Exemptions Franchises and Priviledges of the Kingdom Not be able to do as much as those unto whom he hath granted and permitted it and protect and Priviledge his Domestick Servants or men imployed by him but like an old Isaac over liberal to a Craving Jacob have nothing in reserve of Priviledges or Favors for his Servants who have attended our David when he was in all his Troubles and deserved better than many a participation of his Blessings or shall his Subjects like the Sullen and Selfish Nabal have so little regard of him or his Servants that do help to guard their flocks as to receive his Benefits and make notwithstanding their grumbling Ingratitude and refractory Humours the only Retorn or acknowledgment of them Hath he and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors as the Grecian Monarchs and Common-Wealths antiently used to do from whence the Romans after they had shut their Temple of Janus and made their Military Glories impart some of their Honour to the more Civil Imployments and gown also learned it taken such a care to protect Honour and Priviledge his Ministers of Justice and their subordinate Officers in the Courts thereof whilst they officiate in his Service therein Did the Wisdom of our King and Parliament in the 32d year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th think it no inconvenience but a benefit to the people that the greater and more necessary concerns should give may to the lesser when they Ordained which hath been ever since
King hath been accompted and is and ought to be the Interest of all the People of England and that the Servants and retinue of a Soveraign Prince who hath given and permitted to his Subjects so many large Liberties Immunities Exemptions Customs and Priviledges should not want those Exemptions Immunities Customs and Priviledges which are so Justly claimed by them Chap. XXI 587 Errors of the Printer PAge 22. line 2. dele now intersere after p. 34. l. 25. dele to p. 43. l. 4. dele and intersere by p. 52. l. 22 dele feirce and incult intersere rude and uncivill p. 61. l. 25. intersere always p. 62. l. 2. intersere in p. 88. l. 26. dele not p. 111. l. 28. dele yet p. 137. l. 23. dele not p. 159. interscribe Baile p. 166. l. 4. dele as p. 197. l. penult dele or interscribe as p. 217. l. 28. dele the Corsaires p. 219. l. 22. dele not p. 241. l. 6. dele unto p. 265. l. 10. dele during the and interline in a more â—itting place p. 416. l. 13. r. Aevo p. 423. l. 17. r. Conquestorem 549. in margin r. Cromwell p. 453. l. 2. intersere pleg l. 4. r. distringas l. 14. intersere them p. 460. in margin r. Valentinus l. 16. r. nobiles p. 461. in margin r. Cassanaeus l. 10. r. noblemen p 475 l. 2. r. Commons p. 527. l. 19. intersere of Westminster p. 552. from thence to page 555. mispaged in p. 543. l. 4. intersere it p. 596. l. 27. interline of p. 614. l. 20. dele an Asilum or intersere a which with some other literal faults redundancies omissions of particles and Errors of the Press are desired to be amended and excused The Reasons aswell as Law of the Priviledges and Freedom of the Kings Servants in Ordinary from Arrests and Troubles of and in their Persons and Estates before Leave or Licence obtained of the King their Royal Master and Soveraign IF the Rights of Soveraignty and Majesty and it's Legal Rational and necessary Protection and Preservation of the People in their several Interests and Priviledges That due care which they ought to take of him and the means wherewith he should do it the Honour of the King and the support and maintainance of it the Reverence and Respect which they should upon all occasions manifest to their Prince and Common Parent and the influence which all or most of his affairs have or may have in their successes and consequences Good or Evil upon all or the greatest part of the Affairs of the People were not enough as it is abundantly sufficient to perswade them to an abstaining or abhorrency from the Incivility of late practiced to Arrest or Trouble the Persons or Estates of the Kings Servants in Ordinary before Leave or Licence obtained of the King their Royal Master and the Soveraign aswel of the one as the other For he that hath not been a very great stranger to reason and the Customes and Laws of this Nation aswell as others may without any suspicion of Error acknowledge that it is and will be a due to Majesty and the Servants of it Yet the Civility long ago in Fashion and not yet abolished in the Neighbourhood and Custom of Mankinde one towards the other might invite them unto it When it hath been heretofore a part of the Law of Nations Nature Christianity Neighbourhood Civility and the Practice thereof which no Law or Good Custome hath yet repealed not to Arrest or bring into question at Law a Neighbours Servant for a Debt due or Injuries received without an Intimation or Notice first given or a kind of Licence obtained to or from that Servants Master to the end that the Love and Respect which ought to be betwixt them might not be dislocated or disturbed and the offending Servants Masters attendance Business or Affairs prejudiced And being constantly held and observed betwixt Friends Relations Kinred Neighbours and even Strangers where any Respect was thought fit to be tendered did probably give a Rise or beginning to that long and experimented Adage or Proverb Love me and Love my Dog Insomuch as a Neighbours Dog causing some mischief or Inconveniences by killing of Sheep or biting such as he supposed were not well willers to the Family and came to his Masters house is not troubled or put into any danger of Beating or Hanging without a Complaint first made to his Master thereof for where the Master hath any respect his Servants and all that do belong to his Family do not seldom partake of it From all which or some of those Causes or Grounds Rights of Soveraignty and duty of the People tacito rerum antiquitatis consensu by a long usage and consent of time and Antiquity came that hitherto uncontroul'd usage and Custom allowed and Countenanced by our Common Laws and reasonable Customs not contradicted or abrogated by any Act of Parliament or Statute Laws That the Kings Maenial Servants and Officers in Ordinary should not be Taken Imprisoned Arrested or Compelled to appear in any Courts of Justice in Civil Actions or Causes without a Petition for Leave or Licence obtained First delivered unto the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold or other great Officer of the Kings under whose more Immediate Jurisdiction such servant or Officer is whereupon after a Citation of the party and if for debt or otherwise a short and reasonable time as six moneths or something less which in the Ordinary course of Process and Proceedings at Law and the vacations and absence of the Terms is not seldom as soon as they could by Arrest or Compulsion arrive or come unto their Ends and many times a moneth or a Fortnights time prefixed for satisfaction is as easily procured as asked SECT I. That there is a Greater Honour due unto the Palace and House of the King then unto any of the Houses of his Subjects FOr we may well believe that our Laws Reasonable Customs and the Practice of our Forefathers were not out of the way or mistaken in their Respects to the Servants of their Prince when his Aula House or Court wherein he and they Inhabited as a place separate from Common uses or Addresses tanquam Sacra had a Majestatem quandam certain awe or Majesty belonging to it which was as Ancient as the days of King Ahasuerus that great Monarch of Persia and Media who Raigned from India unto Ethiopia over an hundred and twenty seven Provinces when Esther as we are informed by Sacred Writ could alleage that all the Kings Servants and the People of the Kings Provinces did know that whosoever whether man or woman should come unto the King into the Inner Court who is not called there is one Law of his to put him to death Except such to whom the King shall hold out the Golden Scepter that he may live And none might enter into the Kings Gate clothed with sackcloth Tiridates the great King of Armenia
duce venientem aut ad illum ambulantem in Itinere inquietare quamvis culpabilis sit no man ought to be molested in his journey or going to or from the Dukes Court although there might be any Action or Cause to trouble him By the Laws of the Lombards or Longobards si quis ex Baronibus nostris ad nos venire voluerit securus veniat illaesus ad suos revertatur nullus de Adversariis illi aliquam Injuriam in itinere aut molestiam facere praesumat If any of our Barons have an intent to come unto us he is safely to go and come and none of his adversaries are to do him in his Journey any wrong or Injury By some Laws made in the Raigns of the Emperors Charlemaigne and Lewis his Son nullus ad palatium vel in hostem pergens vel de Palatio vel de hoste rediens tributum quod transituras vocant solvere Cogatur That no man coming to his Palace or going against the Enemy or returning should be compelled to pay the Tribute called Passage-money The Tractatoria Evectiones allowed by the Western and Eastern Emperors that Stables and Provisions of Horse-meat and mans meat should be provided sumptu publico at the Peoples charge for such as Ride post Travailed or were sent upon the Emperors Affairs may inform us how great the difference is and ought to be betwixt the Kings Affairs and those of the Common People The Laws of the Wisigoths a People not then much acquainted with Civilities compiled about the year or Aera of our Lord 504 may teach us the value of Princes cares of their own and the Publick Affairs managed by their Servants or whosoever shall be imployed therein Quod antea ordinare oportuit negotia Principum postea populorum when they declared that the Affairs or concerment of the Prince ought to take place of those of the People Quia si salutare Caput extiterit rationem colligit qualiter Curare cetera membra possit because if it be well with the head it will be the better able to take care of the rest of the Members Et ordinanda primo negotia Principum tutanda salus defendenda vita sicquè in statu negotiis plebium ordinatio dirigenda ut eum salus componens prospicitur Regum fida valentibus teneatur salvatia populorum That in the first place the business of the Prince the safety of his life and the defence of his Person are to be heeded and the Affairs of the People so Ordered as whilst a sufficient provision is made for the safety of the Prince the good of the People may be established Of which our English Laws have such a regard as they would some few Cases only excepted dispence with any man 's not appearing or coming to Justice If he though not the Kings servant in Ordinary sent by His Attourney the Kings Writ of Protection signifying that he was sent or Imployed in the Kings Service That if any Archbishop Bishop Earl or Baron do come to the King by His Commandment passing by any of His Forrests he might notwithstanding the great severity of the Forrest Laws against such as did Steal or Kill any of the Kings Deer or Venison take or kill one or two in their going and return The Register of Writs doth bear Record that where one of the Kings Servants hath been returned of a Jury or Summoned probably to be a witness or upon some other occasion to attend some Inquisition or Inquest to be made in any other place then the Kings House or before any other Judges or Magistrates a Writ hath been sent under the Great Seal of England to excuse his absence because he was the same day to attend the Steward and Marshal of the Kings House about some affairs of the Houshold which may shew that the King had a mind aswel as reason not to permit the necessary attendance of His own Servants in or upon His Houshold occasions to be omitted to wait upon strangers or other mens busines in Courts or matters of Justice And the Law doth so much prefer the Kings business above the Common Peoples as that all Honor and Reverence is to be given to the Kings Privy Council For that as Sir Edward Coke saith they are partes Corporis Regis incorporated as it were with him are profitable Instruments of the State bear part of his cares and which is no more then what the Civil Law allows them when it terms them Administri Adjutores Adsessores helpers and Adsessors qui arcanis Principis interesse meruerunt in Contubernium Imperatoriae Majestatis adsciti and which deserve an Interess in the Princes secrets and affairs of State and are as Spartianus saith admitted as it were into the Society of Royal Majesty Where the body of a Debtor before the Statute of 25 of King Edward the third have by some been believed not to have been liable to Execution for debt at the Suit of a Common Person yet it was adjuged to otherwise in the Kings Case for that Thesaurus Regis est pacis vinculum Bellorum nervi for otherwise the King might want His Money or Treasure which is the Bond of Peace and Sinews of War Protections under the Great Seal of England have not only been granted by our Kings but allowed by their Judges to secure some Merchants Strangers from Arrests or Trouble in Corporibus rebus bonis in their Persons goods or Estates until the Debts and Money which they did owe the King should be satisfied and to suspend any Judgements or Executions had against them for other mens Debts until the King should be satisfied the monys due unto him And in the mean time taking them and their estate in their Royal Protection did prohibit any Process against them to be made in any of their Courts of Justice or that they should be Arrested or distrained for any debts or accompts the Kings debts not being satisfied And although by an Act of Parliament or Statute made in the 25 th year of the Raign of King Edward the third cap. 19. Their other Creditors might notwithstanding bring their Actions and Prosecute thereupon yet they were not by that Statute to have Execution upon any Judgements gained for their Debts unless they would undertake to pay the Debts due unto the King and then he should be authorized to sue for recover and take the Kings Debt and have Execution also for his own Debt the Preamble of that Statute mentioning that during such Protection no man had used or durst to implead such Debtors In the 8 th year of the Raign of King Henry the 6 th it was agreed in Parliament that all matters that touch the King should be preferred before all other as well in Parliament as in Council And no longer ago then in the 34 th and 35 th years of the Raign of King
380 Ordained that the Earls and Masters of Requests should be exempted from all other Publike charges and upon Complaints that in their Progress their Servants received or took too much of the People did Ordain that when the Emperours went in Progress sacros vultus inhiantibus fortè populis inferentes should bless the people with their Presence their Servants and Attendants nè quid accipiant Immodicum should not be unreasonable or Immoderate in it the right use of which Ancient Custome or manner of the Oblations or gratifications of Subjects Inhabiting in any great Town or City when our Kings of England passed by or thorough them being probably derived or come unto us from this or the like Laudable Observances of Rights and Dues to Majesty in return of Gratitudes to their Prince His Followers or Attendants for procuring or putting him in minde to come that way and give them the well-come opportunity of receiving new Graces or Favours or making acknowledgements for many formerly bestowed upon them by him or his Progenitors By a Rescript or Constitution of the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinianus about the year of our Lord 386 aeternâ lege as they there term it by a Law for ever or unalterable Omnes cubicularii All the Chamberlains or Bed-chamber-men Except some of greater Eminencie therein mentioned were to be freed from Pourveyance and Cart-taking à sordidis muneribus from all Publike and Inferior Offices not concerning the Immediate Service of the Prince and their Houses in the City from the Harbingers upon great Penalties unto such as should molest them therein and the reason thereof is therein given nè sordidis astricti muneribus decus ministerii quòd militando videbantur adepti otii tempore quietis amittant to the end that the Dignity and quality of their Places which they obtained by their Services should not be lost in the times of rest and quiet and Inter Cubiculares amongst those which attended the Royal-chambers sunt qui sacrae vesti deputati sunt those which belong to the Royal Robes primicerii sacri Cubiculi id est qui primum locum gradumque obtinent inter Cubicularios and the Primicerii or Chief of the Bed-chamber probably the Gentlemen of the Bed-chamber were comprehended amongst them The Emperour Leo about the year of our Lord 460 in a Rescript Johanni Comiti Magistro Officiorum the Great Master of His Houshold ordained that Cubicularios tam sacri Cubiculi sui quam venerabilis Augustae quos utrosque certum est obsequiis occupatos Aulae penetraliis inhaerentes diversa Judicia obire non posse ab observatione aliorum Tribunalium liberati essent their Chamberlains or Bed-chamber-men as also those of the Empress or Imployed in any of their Services and the affairs of the Court who could not attend divers Tribunals should be exempted from the Obedience of them ut in sublimitatis solummodò tuae Judicio propositas adversus se excipiunt actiones to the end that they might upon occasion be only summoned to his Honourable Tribunal and the like Priviledge saith Cuiacius was thereby also allowed unto those qui sacrae vesti deputati fuerunt which belonged to the Royal Wardrobe The Emperour Zeno about the year of our Lord 480 Decreed that the Senatours or other Honourable Persons should not be obliged to give Bail to any Action and illustre habent privilegium ut de eorum Criminibus nemo cognoscat inconsulto Principe That the Nobility should not be tryed in any Actions Criminal without the Licence of the Prince first obtained as is now done in England by the Kings especial Commission granted to a Lord or one of the Nobility to be as a Lord High-steward for such a Tryal or Purpose And a Servant to another once entertained in the Emperours Service being otherwise restrained became instantly a Freeman and might make his last Will and Testament and the reason given quod hoc privilegium videatur principale esse proprium Majestatis ut non Famulorum sicut privatae Conditionis homines sed liberorum honestis utatur obsequiis periniquum est eos duntaxat pati fortunae deterioris incommoda that it was a Principle or Property of Majesty that the Emperours Servants should be in a better Condition then the Servants of Private-men and it would be unjust that his Servants should be in as bad a Condition as those of the Common-people The Servants of the Emperours house did enjoy a Priviledge ut à solo principe vel ab eo cui is per sacros Apices injunxisset judicabantur that they should be Judged by the Prince himself or one Authorized by His Commission By a Law or Rescript of the aforesaid Emperour Zeno it was Ordained that nè ad diversa tracti viri devoti silentiarii judicia sacris abstrahi videantur obsequiis eos qui quemlibet devotissimorum silentiariorum Scholae Company or Regiment Civilitèr vel etiam Criminalitèr pulsare maluerint minimè eum ex cujuslibet alterius judicio nisi ex judicio tantummodo viri Excellentissimi Magistri Officiorum conveniri to the end none of the Emperours guards in the Palace and at the Court Gates then called Silentiarii probably from their care and watchfulness should be drawn or hindred from their Duty and Services that those which had any Action or Cause of Complaint against them either Civilly or Criminally should not compel them to come before any Judge whatsoever but the Lord Steward or Chamberlain of the Emperor's Houshold By the Salicque Laws or of the Francks the Ancestors of our Neighbors the French who then though now they find it not to be so thought themselves to be as free as their name signified made by Pharamond their first King toto caetu populi by the good liking of all that people assembled at Saltzburgh in Franconia in Germany in the year of our Redeemer 424. Qui in Jussione Regis fuerit occupatus he which was in the Kings Service by his Command and so are all the Kings Servants rationally intended to be manniri non potest was not to be cited or summoned to appear in any Court of Justice which other men were not to disobey under very great pecuniary Mulcts and was a Constitution so acceptable to the people as Charlemain long after in his Confirmation of that and the Laws of the Ribuarians and some other Nations declares them to be non ex sua adinventione sed Communi Consilio et prout cunctis placuit prudentioribus Regni not of his own Invention or framing but by Common assent or good liking of the most prudent and wise men of his Kingdome By the Laws of the Wisigoths from whence the Spaniards do so boast to have been descended as when they would signifie one most nobly descended they do usually say he is Ne de los Godos he is the Son of a Goth where it was
expresly provided that the Testimony of Servants should not be allowed in Criminal Matters there was an exception for the better sort of the Kings Servants King Ina who Raigned here over the West Saxons about the year of our Redeemer 712 amongst his Laws Suasu Heddae et Erkinwaldi Episcoporum suorum omnium Senatorum et natu majorum Sapientum populi sui in magna servorum dei frequentia by the advice of Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops all his Senators Elders and wise men of his people and Commonalty attended by many of the Clergy did ordain several degrees of Mulct or punishment for breach of peace in Towns according to the qualities of the owners or Lords thereof videlicet in oppido Regis vel Episcopi pacis violatae paena 120 solidorum in oppido Senatoris seu Ealdormannes ruptae pacis 80 solidorum in oppido Cyninges Thegnes seu ministri Regis 60 solidorum et in oppido custodis pagant cujuscunque predia possidentis pacis tributae multa 35 solidorum censeatur that is to say In every Town of the King or a Bishop for breach of the peace 120 shillings in the Town of a Senator or Alderman 80 shillings in a Town of a Servant of the Kings 60 shillings and in the Town of the Bayliffe or Reeve of any other man having Lands 35 shillings Charles the great or Charlemain Emperor of the West and King of France who began his raign in the year 768 and after him the Emperor Lodovicus by his goodness and Piety sirnamed Pius or the Godly considering that in viros animosos plus honoris posse quam opum remunerationem that to men of Courage and Spirit Honor was more in esteem then Riches edicto mandaverunt ut ipsis in tota ditione sua honor haberetur did by their Edicts which in those more obedient times when Subjects were not so Critical as too many of us now are in their Princes Commands by a Torture of farre fetched or Irrational Interpretations put upon their just Authority in order to the Weal-Publick provide that in all their Dominions an Honour and respect should be given to their Domesticks or Servants And therefore Antiquity and the Learned Bignonius were not guilty of any Error when they adjudged that Dignitas Domestici the Dignity of the Kings Houshold Servants fuit non contemneâ—da was not to be contemned but was greatly honoured under the Raigns of the first and second Kings of France and about the Raign of Clodoveus or Lodovicus the 12th King of the first Race of the Kings of France who Raigned about the year of our Lord and Saviour 648. Inter praecipuos Regni ministros saepe enumerantur Comites Consiliarii Domestici et Majores Domûs c. Amongst the principal of whom were reckoned the Lord Steward Earls Counsellors of Estate Chancellor and Chamberlane the most Honourable and great men of the Kingdome who did sometimes in the Court attend the King in the hearing and determining of Causes and were with those great Officers of the Houshold accounted to be de Honestate palatii seu specialiter ornamento Regali a part of the Honor of the Kings Palace or Court and an Ornament to the Royal Dignity and the Domesticks and Servants of that great and vertuous Charlemain had that respect given unto them which a just consideration of the Honor of their Soveraign and concernment of the Weal-publique in his business or affairs had procured for them as Solebant subditi non modo reâ—ipere missos et legatos Principis Comites Duces et etiam ministros verum et viaticum eis pro unius cujusque dignitate praestare the people did use not only to receive the Kings or Princes Earls Dukes and their Attendants but to give them Entertainment according to their several degrees or qualities it having been ordained by him ut de missis suis vel de caeteris propter utilitatem suam Iter agentibus nullus mansionem eis contradicere praesumat that no man should presume to deny lodging and entertainment unto any imployed in his service King Alfred or Alured who began his Raign here about the year of our Lord 870 and had resident in his house the Sonns of many of his Nobility which did attend him did in that time of the more incult and fierce behaviour of the old English and Saxons and their Neighborhood with their Enemies the usurping Danes take care in the League or peace which he was constrained to make with King Guthrun the Dane to provide that in case of a Minister Regis incusatus as the Version or Translation renders it any Servant of the Kings accused for Homicide Et id Juris in omni lite and the same Law to be in every other Action or Suit there should be a Jury of 12 of the Kings Servants or if the party grieved should be the Servant of another King non nihil inferior not much inferior to the Kings probably intended of King Guthruns it should be tryed by undecim sui equales unumque Ministrum Regium by eleven of his Peers or Equals and one of the Kings Servants added unto them And it was then accompted such an honor to serve the King as our Learned Selden informs us he that that had a House with a Bell a Porters Lodge and was fit to be sent on his Princes Message or had a distinct Office in the Kings Court was accompted in those early daies as a Thainus or Nobilis a person or Honor. King Edward the Confessor whose Laws the vanquished English after the Conquest took to be so much a blessing as they hid them for preservation under the high Altar at Westminster and by the importunity of their prayers and tears procured King William the Conqueror to confirm and restore them did ordain that the Earls and Barons Et omnes qui habuerint sacham et socam Theam et Infangthiefe etiam milites suos et proprios servientes scilicet dapiferos pincernas Camerarios pistores et Cocos sub suo friburgo habeant et si cui foris facerent et Clamor vicinorum de eis assurgeret ipsi tenerent eos rectitudini in Curia sua And all those who had Courts Leete or Baron amongst their Tenants a priviledge granted by the King to have a Jurisdiction over their Tenants and to fine or Amerce such as failed to make good their Actions try and punish Theeves taken in their Mannors or Liberties to have Villains and Bond-men and a propriety in their Villains Lands or Goods and to have subject to their Mannors those that held of them by Knight-Service or were to attend them in the Warrs and their Domestique Servants as Sewers Butlers Chamberlains Bakers and Cooks should upon any wrong done to their Neighbors or Complaint made of them see right to be done unto them in their Courts and certainly he that gave them those Liberties to hear and determine
Complaints against any of their Menials and Servants cannot rationally be supposed to be willing or intend to abridge himself of the like William the Conqueror in his Law entituled de hominum Regis privilegio of the priviledge belonging to his Tenants ordained That si qui male fecerint hominibus illius Ballivae et de hoc sit attinctus per Justitiam Regis which for a great part thereof was then administred in his House or Palace foris factura sit dupla illius quam alius quispiam foris fecerit That if any one should do wrong unto them and be thereof Convict by the Kings Justice the forfeiture of the Offender should be double to what should be paid upon the like offence unto any other who being afterwards known by the name of Tenants in antient Demeasne were so exempt from being retorned as Jury men either at Assizes or Sessions as where they were so retorned in the 26 year of the Raign of King Edward the first they did recover every man forty shillings damage against the Bayliffe that retorned them Et Domus Regis and the House of the King saith King Henry the first in his Laws is where he is Resident Cujuscunque feudum vel Mansio sit whose ever the Land or the House be and that wise King who for his wisdome had the Character or name of Beauclerk as an Affix to his Royal Title did not then take it to be derogatory to the beloved Laws of Edward the Confessor or his grand design of pleasing a lately discontended and subdued people or setling the English Crown unjustly detained from his elder Brother Robert upon himself and his posterity to allow the Exchequer Priviledges quód de Scaccario residentes Clerici et omnes alii ministri ibidem ministrantes sive enim de Clero sint sive Regia Curia assident ex mandato ad alias quaslibet causas extra scaccarium sub quibuscunque Judicibus non evocenter That the Officers of the Exchequer which was then kept in the Kings House or Palace and many of them and the Clerks thereof as Sir Henry Spelman saith his menial and domestick Servants Clerks and all other the Ministers there whether belonging to the Clergy or the Kings Court or which do sit there by his Command shall not be cited or compelled to appear for any causes whatsoever out of the Exchequer or before any Judges or Judge Etquod iidem de Communibus Assises sect Comitat. hundred et Cur. quibuscunque tam de et pro dominiis suis quam de et pro feodis suis Ac etiam de Murdris scutagiis vigiliis et Danegeld And that they should be freed and exempted from common Assizes suit of County Courts hundred Courts or any Courts whatsoever as well for or concerning their Demesn Lands as for their Fees or Lands which they held of others which would otherwise after two years have made a forfeiture and could not have been dispensed withal Murders Escuage Watch and ward and Danegeld publique Taxes which were not but by special favour to have been acquitted Et quod Barones et qui ad Scaccarium resident de quibuscunque provision seu provisoribus et aliis solutionibus nomine consuetudinis pro quibuscunque victual suae domus in quibuscunque urbibus Castellis et locis Maritimis empt Ac de solutione Theoloniae sive Toluet liberi et quieti esse debent and that the Barons and those which reside in the Exchequer should not be charged with the payment of Toll in any City or place Et quod non debent implacitari alibi quam in Scaccario quamdiu idem Scaccarium fuerit apertum and that they should not be impleaded any where but in the Exchequer when it shall be open which is not only all the Term times but eight daies before every Term. Si vero judex sub quo litigant sine sit Ecclesiasticus sive forensis legis hujus ignarus ab jam dicta die convocationis ad Scaccarium citaverit quemlibet eorum et absentem forte per sententiam possessione sua vel quonius Jure spolaverit authoritate principis et ratione sessionis revocabitur in eum statum causa ipsius in quo erat ante citationem But if the Judge whether Ecclesiastical or of the Common Law being ignorant of the opening of the Exchequer should cite any of them and in their absence give sentence against him and take away from any of them any of their Rights or Possessions by vertue of the Kings Authority and their sitting the Cause or sentence shall be forthwith revoked and reduced into the State it was before the Citation And were so greatly favoured and taken care of as si quilibet etiam magnus in regno in consulto animi calore conviciis lascesserit If any great man of the Kingdome should rashly or in anger revile any of them he was to pay a fine for it or if any other should reproach or doe them any wrong they should be punished and when that King had been ill advised and perswaded to charge the Lands of the Barons of the Exchequer with the payment of Taxes in regard that they as was by some envious persons then alleag'd did receive Salaries and Wages or Liveries or diet at the Court for their sitting and that some of them pro officio suo fundos habent et fructus eorum hinc ergo gravis jactura fisco provenit having Lands and Revenues given them also for it which was a great loss to the Kings Treasury or Exchequer But the King afterward experimenting that evil Counsel and growing weary of it et nil ducens Jacturam modici aeris respectu magni honoris and not valuing the loss of a little mony so much as the loss of a great Honour ordained that Jure perpetuo by a constant Law and decree they should as formerly be free from Taxes and in his Laws for the good of the Kingdome declaring his Kingly Rights and Prerogative which he solus et super omnes homines habet in terra sua as King of England had and was to enjoy and above all men in his Kingdome commodo pacis et securitatis institutione retenta reserving a fit provision for the publique peace and security did amongst many of his Royal Prerogatives mention de famulis suis ubicunque occisis vel Injuriatis the punishment of such as any where should slay or injure any of his Houshold Servants in any place whatsoever Et qui in Domo vel familia regis pugnabit such as should fight in the Kings House And limiting the extent of the Jurisdiction of the Marshall of his Houshold declared it in these words nam longe debet esse pax Regis a porta sua ubi residens erit the peace of the King ought to extend a great way from the gate of his House where he shall be resident not much unlike that of the 12 miles circuit of the Verge
Palace the Court of Justice therein kept being called Capitalis Curia Domini Regis the Kings chief Court where those Justices or Judges then sate and where the great Assize or Writs of Assize in pleas of Land happily succeeding in the place of the turbulent fierce and over-powring way of duels or waging of battels for the determination of pretended Rights were tryed Juries impanelled and a Fine passed and Recorded before the Bishops of Ely and Norwich and Ralph de Glanvile our Learned Author Justitiis Domini Regis et aliis fidelibus et familiaribus Domini Regis ibi tunc presentibus the Kings Justices and other of his Subjects and Houshold Assizes of novel desseisin and prohibitions to Ecclesiastical Courts awarded And was so unlikely to permit any Breach of his Servants just priviledges as he did about the 24th year of his Raign not only confirm all his Exchequer Servants Dignities and priviledges used and allowed in the Raign of King Henry the first his Grandfather but although Warrs and many great troubles assaulted him did when he laid an Escuage of a Mark upon every Knights Fee whereby to pay his hired Soldiers not at all charge his Exchequer Servants for that as the black Book of Exchequer that antient Remembrancer of the Exchequer priviledges informs us Mavult enim Princeps stipendiarios quam Domesticos Bellicis apponere casibus for the King had rather expose his hired men of Warre to the inconveniences thereof then his Domestique or Houshold Servants and being as willing as his Grandfather to free them from being cited or troubled before his delegated or Commissionated Courts of Justice or Tribunals would in all probability be more unwilling that those which more neerly and constantly attended upon his person health or safety should by any suits of Law be as to their persons or estates molested or diverted from it nor could there be howsoever any danger of arresting the Kings Servants in ordinary without leave or Licence first obtained in the after-Raigns of King Richard the first and King John when Hubert Walter Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England in the 6th year of the Raign of King John was likewise Lord Chief Justice of England And the now chief Courts of the Kingdome as the Chancery Kings-Bench Common-Pleas and Exchequer were radically and essentially in the King and in the distribution of Justice of the said Kings and their Royal Predecessors resided in their Council and great Officers in their Courts attending upon their Persons For many of the Suits and Actions at the Common Law and even those of the Court of Common Pleas untill the ninth year of the Reign of King Henry the third when it was by Act of Parliament forbidden to follow the Kings Court but to be held in loco certo a place certain in regard that the King and his Court were unwilling any more to be troubled with the Common Pleas or Actions betwixt private persons which were not the Kings Servants were there prosecuted And untill those times it cannot be less then a great probability that all the Trades-mens debts which were demanded of Courtiers and the Kings Servants were without Arrests or Imprisonments to be prosecuted and determined in the Court before the Steward and the Chamberlain of the Kings House and that the King who was so willing was so willing to ease his Subjects in their Common Pleas or Actions by freeing them from so chargeable an attendance which the prosecution of them would commonly if not necessarily require did not thereby intend that they should have a Liberty without leave or Licence first obtained to molest any of his Servants in ordinary in their Duty or Attendance upon his Royal person and Affairs by prosecuting Arresting imprisoning or compelling to appear before other Judges or Tribunals any of his Servants in ordinary Who in those times may well be thought to enjoy a freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment of their Bodies untill leave or Licence first obtained when Hugo de Patishul Treasurer unto King Henry the third in the nineteenth year of his Raign Philip Lovel in the 34th year of the Raign of that King and John Mansel Keeper of the great Seal of England in the 40th year of that Kings Raign were whilst they held their several other places successively Lord Chief Justices of England When the Court of Chancery being in the absence of Parliaments next under our Kings the Supreme Court for the order and distribution of Justice the Court of the Kings Bench appointed to hear and determine Criminal matters Actions of Trespass and Pleas of the Crown and the Court of Exchequer matters and Causes touching the King's Revenue were so much after the 9th year of the Raign of King Henry the third and the dispensing with the Court of Common Pleas from following the person of our Kings to their several Houses or Palaces or as their Affairs invited them to be sometimes Itinerant or resident in several other parts of the Kingdom did follow the King and were kept in their Houses or Palaces notwithstanding that when like the Sun in his Circuit distributing their Rayes and Comforts to all the parts of the Kingdome by turns they were according to their occasion of busines sometimes at York or Carlile in the North and at other times for their pleasures or divertisements kept their Courts or festivals at Glocester or Nottingham and their Parliaments sometimes at Marlebridge in Wiltshire or Ruthland in Wales or at Glocester or Lincoln For it may be evidenced by the Retorn or days given in Writs and antient Fines levied before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster after the allowance or favour given to that Court not to be ambulatory and to the people not to be at so great trouble or charges as would be required to follow the King and his Court in a throng of Followers and other business for the obtaining of Justice in their suits or Actions as well small or often emerging as great and seldome happening the days of old also affirming it that the Kings Palace at Westminster in the great Hall where the Court of Common Pleas hath ever since dwelt some places thereunto adjoyning retaining at this day the Name of the Old Palace did not cease to be the Palace or Mansion House of our Kings of England untill that King Henry the 8th by the fall of the pompous Cardinal Woolsey the building of St. Jame's House and inclosing the now Park thereof with a brick wall made White-Hall to be his House or Palace but kept the name as well as business of the Palace or Mansion House of our Kings of England And the Courts of Chancery King's Bench and Exchequer did after the fixation of the Common Pleas or Actions of the people to a certain place in the Kings Palace at Westminster being then his more settled and constant habitation and Residence for his not a few
Servants and Followers so much follow the King and his Court and were kept in the Kings House or palace as in old time King Solomon in his Stately Porch of Judgment built in his House did judge and hear Causes and as the Kings of France did long ago in their Palaces and as long before the Romans had their Senate or Parliament House their Forum or place for their Courts of Justice near adjoyning to their Kings Palaces As our Bracton in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the third called the Court of King's Bench as Sir Edward Coke saith Aulam Regiam the Kings Hall because the Judges of that Court did sit in the Kings Hall and the Placita Aulae Actions or Pleas of the Kings House or Hall were determined before the Steward of the Kings House And that King who began his Raign in the year 1216 labouring under great difficulties the power of many of his unruly Barons and very great necessities as well of mony as friends had notwithstanding the many Diminutions endeavoured of his Prerogative and regality no assault or incursions upon the Rights and Legal Priviledges of his Domestiques or House-hold Servants but had allowed him that Reverence and respect which by the Civil Law that universal Guide or Director of Reason and Justice and next to the Laws Eternal and its Deputy or Law of nature written in the heart of Mankind the Mother Nurse or Parent of a great part of that which is called our Common Law is and ought to be due and payable to the persons and Courts of Princes but enjoyed so much of it as Bracton who was a Learned Lawyer and afterwards a Judge and as some have believed a Chief Justice in the latter end of that Kings Raign or the beginning of the Raign of King Edward the first his Son in his Book De legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae of the Laws and Customs of England whilst he disputes where a Defendant excuseth his not appearing to an Action when he is in Servitio Regis in the Kings Service and whether being summoned before he was in the Kings Service and might send or make his Attorney should be excused is willing to conclude in the negative yet forbeares to do it with a sed ita esset but so it would be si quis posset factum Domini Regis Judicare et in omnibus istis casibus magis erit spectanda voluntas Domini Regis quam jus strictum cum servitium Domini Regis nulli debeat esse damnosum et sicut non debet esse tenenti when it seems the Action spoken of concerned plea of Land Damnosum ita non debet esse Petenti injuriosum if any were to be Judg of the Kings Actions and that in all those Cases the will of the King was more to be regarded than the strictness of the Law when as the service of the King ought not to be grievous unto any And as it ought not to be a grievance unto the Tenant so ought not the Plaintiffe to take it to be a wrong done unto him And was of opinion that the solemnity and course of process may be sometimes shortned propter reverentiam personae vel privilegium contra quem illata fuit injuria vel contra nobiles personas ut si Injuriatum sit Domino regi vel reginae vel eorum liberis fratribus sororibus c. For reverence or respect to the person or in regard of the priviledge due unto him unto whom the wrong is done as if it were done to noble Persons or some wrong done unto the King the Queen or their Children Brothers Sisters c. And when he would not allow the priviledge or Essoine of being in the Kings Service unto a Sheriffe or Constable who were the Kings Officers during the time of their imployments was content to do it ubi aligua causa emergat necessaria ex inopinato ubi praesentia talis debet esse necessaria sicut iter Justitiariorum vel incursus hostium vel hujusmodi quae guidem Causae sufficientes sunt ad excusationem de servitio domini regis where there was any emergent and expected Cause where their presence was necessary as to attend in the Iter or Circuit of the Judges or upon an Invasion of Enemies or the like which were causes sufficient of excuse by reason of the Kings Service dum tamen ad quemlibet diem datum per Essoniatorem de servitio Domini regis habeat Essoniatus warrantum suum per breve Domini Regis so as at the day of Essoin that he or they were in the Kings Service the Kings writ or protection be produced to prove it Item excusatur quis si implacitatus fuerit in Curia Domini Regis vel vocatus ad Curiam Regis ob aliquam Causam in aliquibus Curiis inferioribus likewise any one impleaded in the Kings Court or called or summoned to the Kings Court upon any Cause or occasion shall be excused in inferior Courts Sed quid but what saith that Learned Judge dicendum erit de Curia Christianitatis cum magis obediendum sit Deo quam hominibus Hoc dico quod ad hunc differendum erit et quod dominus Rex warrantizare poterit ob reverentiam quae principi debetur shall be said if the Cause be depending in the Court Christian when God is more to be obeyed than men I say that in such a Case it is to be left unto God and the King may warrant his so doing in respect of the Reverence which is due to the Prince Being not much different from the Cares which some Forraign Princes did about that time hold fit to be taken of their Domestique Honors and Servants For by the Laws of the Sicilians and Neapolitans made or confirmed by Frederick the Emperor about the year 1221 the Magister Justiciarius magnae Curiae Chief Justice of the King's House or Court had the Cognizance or hearing of Causes de questionibus nostrorum Curialium qui immediatè nobis assistunt de speciali conscientia nostra in curia commorantium qui de Curia nostra sine speciali mandato nostro non possunt recedere or questions concerning any of the Kings Courts who do immediately attend us and by our privity are residing in Court and cannot depart without our special Licence Et observent diligentissime Judices ut in occasione injuriarum Curialium personarum dignitatem considerent et juxta personarum qualitatem eorum quibus fuerit facta injuria ipsis autem facta injuria non ipsis duntaxat sed etiam ad Regiae dignitatis spectat offensam The Judges are to take an especial care that in all accusations concerning any of the Kings Servants or Courtiers they take into consideration their worth dignity and quality seeing that a wrong done unto them is an injury or wrong done unto the Dignity of the Prince And when our
servitio suo continuo et quo casu respondebit vel indefensus remanebit et pro convicto habebitur quia per servitium Regis essoniari poterit alibi ubique in infinitum for that he is of the Kings Houshold and continually in his service and in that case must answer or not defending himself will be convicted when as he might otherwise in any other Court or Place have Essoined or excused himself as often as he pleased et servitium Regis nulli debet esse damnosum nec injuriosum being the very words of Bracton beforementioned and the Kings Service ought not to be a wrong or damage unto any And is notwithstanding of opinion that a defendant may be by his Essoin excused ex causâ necessariâ et utili aut causâ reipublicae for a necessary cause or occasion and where the good of the Commonwealth is concerned as surely it must be understood not to be in the safety well being and daily attendance upon the Person of the King as much or very neer the instance or case by him there put Si eat cum Rege in exercitu if he go in the Army with the King as all King Davids Servants did when he marched against his rebellious Son Absolom and as most or very many of the Servants of Kings and Princes do use to be ad patriae defensionem cùm ad hoc teneatur vel per praeceptum Regis when he goeth with the King to War for the defence of his Countrey being obleiged thereunto by the Tenure of his Lands or the Kings Commandement And having said that Pleas of Debt do belong unto the Court of Common Pleas concludes Sunt tamen causae speciales quae alibi terminantur ex permissione Principis per querelam coram senescallo Aulae ut in Scaccario cum causa fuerit Regi necessaria videlicet ne Ministri sui de Scaccario ab obsequio suo continuo quicquam impediantur There are notwithstanding some Causes which by the leave or good pleasure of the Prince are by Plaint to be determined before the Steward of the Houshold as also in the Exchequer when it shall concern the King that his Officers or Servants be not in their Business hindred So as then and for some time after it was not likely that any Inroads should be made upon that just and rational Priviledge of the Kings Servants For howsoever that even in those more frugal and thrifty days some of the Kings Menial and Houshold Servants might not then be so beforehand as it is now termed or so far from being indebted but that some Moneys or Debts might be demanded of them or there might be some occasion of Complaints or Actions to be brought against them Yet there appears not any probability or foundation for it that the Liberties and Priviledges of the Kings Servants were for many years after the twenty eighth year of the Reign of King Edward the First which limited all Actions before the Steward and Marshal of the Kings House to such Contracts and Actions only as were or should be made betwixt one of the Kings Servants with any other of his Servants disturbed or unsecured or that the Kings Servants were for many years after molested or troubled with the severe and disgraceful way of Imprisonments now used when the Chancellors and the Justices of the Kings Bench were by an Act of Parliament in the same year enjoyned to attend the King and his Court and to be there à latere tanquam famulantes always neer him and as Domestiques saith the Learned Sir Henry Spelman so that as the words of that Statute are the King might have at all times neer unto him some that be learned in the Laws which be able duely to order all such matters as shall come unto the Court at all times when need shall require Which the Chancellor and in all lâ—kelihood the Chief Justice did not neglect for saith Sir Henry Spelman Such Causes as nulli constitutorum Tribunalium rite competerent ad Palatium seu oraculum Regni were not limited to the determination or judgment of other Tribunals came to the Kings Palace as to the Oracle of the Kingdom and yet then the King was not without his more than one Attorneys or Procurators who were men learned in the Law And King Edward the third was so unwilling that his Servants should be drawn before other Tribunals as by a Statute made in the fifth year of his Reign where it was ordained That in Inquests to be taken in the Kings House before the Steward and Marshal that they should be taken by men of the County thereabouts to avoid it may be partiality and not by men of the Kings House there is an Exception of Contracts Covenants and Trespasses made by men of the Kings House of the one part and the other and that in the same House And the Chancellors of England were in former times so or for the most part Resident in the Kings Court and accounted as a part of his Family as until the making of the Act of Parliament in the 36 year of the Reign of King Edward the Third which did restrain the Pourveyance to the Kings and Queens Houses only and did forbid it to be made for other Lords and Ladies of the Realm the King did use to send his Writs to the Sheriffs of the Counties where they had occasion to make any Pourveyance for the Chancellor his Officers and Clerks some whereof as their Clerici de primâ formâ now called the Masters of Cbancery were ad Robas had and yet have an yearly allowance for their Robes or Liveries commanding them to be assistant to their Pourveyors the Chancery Clerks being in the 18th year of that Kings Reign so accompted to be a part of his Servants and Family as a Complaint or Petition being exhibited in Parliament by all the Clerks of the Chancery That whereas the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal of England ought to have cognisance of all Pleas and Trespasses done unto or by any of the Clerks of the Chancery Thomas de Kislingbury Draper of London had forged the best word they would then bestow upon a Writ or Action not commenced as it ought to be by Original Writ issuing out of the Chancery a Bill of Trespass against Gilbert de Chishull one of the Clerks of the Chancery whereby to take away from the King and his Chancellor the Cognisance of the said Action which belonged unto them contre Common Ley de la Terre against the Common Law of the Land did by a Serjeant of the Mace in London arrest and imprison him in the House of John de Aylesham one of the Sheriffs of London and although the King sent a Supersedeas commanding the Plaintiff to surcease his prosecution there and that he prosecute the said Gilbert de Chyshull in Chancery if he have any cause of Action against him the Sheriffs of London
contrary to the Common Law of the Land and in despite of the King refused to obey it The Parliament acknowledging the aforesaid Rights and Customs of the said Clerks of the Chancery and the contempt of the King did ordain Que breif soit mandez a Maior de Londres de attacher les divz Viscontes autres quont este parties maintenours de la guerele dont ceste bille fait mention per le Corps destre devant le Roy en sa dite Chancellerie a certein jour a respondre aussibien du contempt fait a nostre Seigneur le Roy ses mandements prejudice de son Chanceller come al dit Clerk des damages trespas faites a lui That a Writ should be awarded and directed to the Mayor of London to arrest by their Bodies the said Sheriffs of London and others which were parties and maintainers of the said evil action to answer before the King in his Chancery at a certain day as well for the contempt done to the King and his Commands and prejudice of his Chancellor as also to the said Clerk for his damages and wrong sustained And that King by a Statute made in the 36 year of his Reign forbidding under severe penalties any Pourveyance to be made but for the King and Queen and their Houses and to take any such Pourveyance without ready Money there is a pain or penalty to be imposed as Sir Edward Coke upon view of the Record thereof hath observed upon the Steward Treasurer and Controller and other Officers of the Kings Houshold for not executing that Statute which need not to have been if the cognisance of the Offences therein mentioned had not by that Act been thought fit to have been left unto them And was so far from being perswaded to release the constant Attendance of the Justices of the Kings Bench as when the Commons in Parliament in the 38th year of his Reign Petitioned him That the Kings Bench might remain in some certain Place and not be removed he answered in the negative That he would not do so And where the Court Marshal was so anciently constituted for the Placita Aulae sive Regis Palatii for Pleas Actions and Controversies concerning the Servants of the Royal Family when any should happen to arise amongst them and retained in the Kings House and Attendance and the Court of Common Pleas was designed and delegated to do Justice unto all the Common People in Real and Civil Actions in certo loco a certain place assigned in the Kings House or Palace for then and long after until our Kings of England made Whitehall their Palace or Residence it is probable that the Bars Benches and Tribunals of the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas Exchequer and other Courts since inhabiting that great and magnificent Hall of Westminster were movable and not so fixt as they now are and allowed not to travel with the King and his Court or to follow it and the Court of Exchequer to take care of the Royal Revenue in its Income Receipts and Disbursments It cannot without some affront or violence done to Reason be imagined that our Kings who would have that Court of the Marshal to be neerer their Persons than any other of their Courts of Justice always attending and resident for the concernment properly of their Houshold and Servants and because they should not be inforced from their daily Service to pursue their Rights or seek for Justice before other Tribunals should ever intend or be willing that their Servants and necessary Attendants should as Defendants and at the suit of Strangers and such as are not the Kings Servants be haled to Prison diverted from their Service or obstructed in it when as Justice in the old more dutiful and respectful way might as cheap and with lesser trouble be had against them at the Fountain or Spring of Justice by the King himself the Alpha or beginning of it and Omega the Dernier Resort or last Appeal where his ordinary Courts of Justice fail and cannot do ir And where some of our late Kings and Queens of England not to be wanting unto the Cries and Complaints of their People for want of Justice did afterwards appoint and allow another Court in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh Henry the eighth Edward the sixth Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth called and known by the name of Curia Supplicatioâ—um Libellorum the Court of Petitions and Requests where those that were honoured with the Title and Offices of Judges and as Commissioners and Masters of Requests for those particular Causes and Cases were Bishops or Barons Lords Stewards of his Houshold and other Great Officers thereof Deans of the Chappel and Doctors of Law and Divinity were stiled or called Concilium Regis that Stile or Title and Masters of Requests as Synonyma's then signifying one and the same thing And a Mastership of Requests was so highly esteemed in the seventh year of the Reign of Q. Elizabeth as there was besides Walter Haddon Doctor of the Laws and Thomas Seckford Esq a Common Lawyer the Bishop of Rochester a Master of Requests and in the 22. year of her Reign Sir William Gerrard Knight Lord Chancellor of Ireland was during the time of his being in England made a Master of Requests Extra-ordinary and by the Queens Letter of Recommendation to the other Masters of Requests ordeined to sit amongst them and their Decrees were sometimes signed by the King himself with his Sign Manual and in the tenth year of King Henry the eighth divers Bills were exhibited unto Thomas Wolsey Archbishop of York Chancellor of England and Cardinal and Legate a Latere to granr Process for the Defendents appearance to answer before his Grace and others of the Kings most Honourable Council in Whitehall but at other times before and since were constrained to appear before that Council by Writ or Process of Privy Seal or a Messenger of the Kings that Court as it may be observed by the Registers and Records thereof coming to be called the Court of Requests only about the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the sixth And such care was taken by King Henry the seventh to hear and redress the Grievances and Laments of his People as in the ninth year of his Reign he assigned and enjoyned them certain months and times diligently to attend unto that business the greatest Earls and Barons having in those times been made Defendants to several Bills and Petitions many of the Learned Serjeants of the Law there pleading for their Clients and Sir Humphrey Brown Kt. one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth being made a Defendant in this Court where the Plaintiff after 12 years delays in Chancery and an Appeal from that Court unto this obtained a Decree against him and yet no Pleas and Demurrers are found to be put in
Liberties did commit to Prison one that had Arrested one of Her Servants without leave and the Creditor being shortly after upon his Petition released by the said Earl who blaming him for his contempt and misdemeanor therein and being answered by the Creditor that if he had known so much before hand he would have prevented it for that he would never have trusted any of the Queens Servants was so just as to inforce that Servant of the Queens to pay him presently or in a short time after the said debt And told him that if he did not thereafter take a better care to pay his Debts he would undo all the other of the Queens Servants for that no man would trust them but they would be constrained to pay ready money for every thing which they should have occasion to buy In the six and twentieth year of Her Reign Henry Seâ—kford Esq one of the Grooms of Her Majesties Privy Chamber being Complainant against William Cowper Defendant the Defendant was in open Court upon his Allegiance enjoyned to attend the said Court from day to day until he be otherwise Licenced and to stay and Surcease and no further prosecute or proceed against the Complainant in any Action at and by the Order of the Common Law And about the Seven and twentieth year of Her Reign some controversies arising betwixt the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and Sir Owen Hopton Knight Lieutenant of the Tower of London concerning some Liberties and Priviledges claimed by the Lieutenant and his refusal of Writs of Habeas Corpora and that and other matters in difference betwixt them being by Sir Thomas Bromley Knight Lord Chancellor of England the Earl of Leicester and other the Lords of the Council referred unto the consideration of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Sir Gilbert Gerrard Knight Master of the Rolls they did upon hearing of both parties and their allegations Certifie under their hands that as concerning such Liberties which the Lieutenant of the Tower claimeth to have been used for the Officers and Attendants in the Tower some of them being of the Queens Yeomen of the Guard and wearing Her Livery Coates and Badges as they do now the Kings as not to be Arrested by any Action in the City of London and Protections to be granted unto them by the Lieutenant and his not obeying of Writs of Habeas Corpus They were of opinion that such Persons as are dayly Attendant in the Tower of London Serving Her Majesty there are to be Priviledged and not to be Arrested upon any plaint in London But for Writs of Execution or Capias Vtlagatum's which the Law did not permit without leave first asked the latter of which by the Writ it self brings an Authority in the Tenor and purport of it to enter into any Liberties but not specifying whether they intended any more than Capias Vtlegátum when it was only after judgement or such like they did think they ought to have no priviledge which the Lords of the Council did by an Order under their hands as rules and determinations to be at all Times after observed Ratifie and Confirm And our Learned King James well understanding how much the Weal Publick did Consist in the good Rules of Policy and Government and the support not only of His own Honor and just Authority but of the respects due unto his great Officers of State and such as were by him imployed therein did for the quieting of certain controversies concerning Precedence betwixt the younger Sons of Viscounts and Barons and the Baronets and others by an Ordinance or Declaration under the Great Seal of England In the tenth year of His Reign Decree and Ordain That the Knights of the Most Noble Order of the Garter the Privy Councellors of His Majestie His Heires and Successors the Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries the Chancellor and under Treasurer of the Exchequer Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster the Chief Justice of the Court commonly called the Kings Bench the Master of the Rolls the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and all other the Judges and Barons of the degree of the Coife of the said Courts Now and for the Time being shall by reason of such their Honourable Order and Imployment have Place and Precedence in all Places and upon all occasions before the younger Sons of Viscounts and Barons and before all Baronets any Custom Vse Ordinance or other thing to the Contrary Notwithstanding In the four and thirtieth year of Her Reign Sir Christopher Wray Knight Lord Chief Justice of Her Court of Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and the rest of the Judges of the aforesaid Courts seeming to be greatly troubled that divers Persons having been at several Times committed without good cause shewed and that such Persons having been by the Courts of Queens Bench and Common Pleas discharged of their Imprisonments a Commandment was by certain great Men and Lords procured from the Queen to the Judges that they should not do the like thereafter all the said Judges together with the Barons of the Exchequer did under their hands Exhibit unto the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer of England their Complaint or Remonstrance in these words viz. We Her Majesties Justices of both Benches and Barons of the Exchequer desire your Lordships that by some good means some Order may be taken that her Highness Subjects may not be Committed or detained in Prison by Commandment of any Noble Man or Counsellor against the Laws of the Realm either else to help us to have access unto her Majesty to the end to become Suitors unto Her for the same For divers have been imprisoned for Suing Ordinary Actions and Suits at the Common Law until they have been constrained to leave the same against their Wills and put the same to Order albeit Judgement and Execution have been had therein to their great losses and griefs For the aid of which persons her Majesties Writs have sundry Times been directed to sundry Persons having the custody of such Persons unlawfully Imprisoned upon which Writs no good or Lawful cause of Imprisonment hath been returned or Certified Whereupon according to the Laws they have been discharged of their Imprisonment some of which Persons so delivered have been again Committed to Prison in secret places and not to any Common or Ordinary Prison or Lawful Officer or Sheriff or other Lawfully Authorised to have or keep a Goal So that upon Complaint made for their delivery The Queens Courts cannot tell to whom to Direct Her Majesties Writs And by this means Justice cannot be done And moreover divers Officers and Serjeants of London have been many Times Committed to Prison for Lawful Executing of Her Majesties Writs Sued forth
of Her Majesties Courts at Westminster and thereby Her Majesties Subjects and Officers so terrified that they dare not Sue or Execute Her Majesties Lawes Her Writs and Commandments Divers others have been sent for by Pursevants and brought to London from their dwellings and by unlawful Imprisonments have been constrained not only to withdraw their Lawful Suites but have been also compelled to pay the Pursevants so bringing such Persons great summes of money All which upon Camplaint the Judges are bound by Office and Oath to relieve and help By and according to Her Majesties Laws And where it pleaseth your Lordships to will divers of us to set down in what cases a Prisoner sent to Custody by Her Majesty or her Council is to be detained in Prison and not to be delivered by Her Majesties Court or Judges we think that if any Person be committed by Her Majesties Command from Her Person which may be understood to be so when it is by the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings house or other great Offâ—cers of the Houshold who are commonly Privy Councellors and do it by their Princes Authority or by Order from the Council Board And if any one or two of the Council Commit one for High Treason such Persons so in the Cases before Committed may not be delivered by any of Her Courts without due tryal by the Law and Judgement of acquittal had Nevertheless the Judges may award the Queens Writ to bring the Bodies of such Prisoners before them and if upon return thereof the causes of their Commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be then the Judges in the cases before ought not to deliver him but to remand the Prisoner to the place from whence he came which cannot conveniently be done unless notice of the cause in general or else in special be given to the Keeper or Goaler that shall have the custody of such a Prisoner In which Remonstrance or Address it doth not appear that any Commitments therein complained of were for Arresting any of the Queens Servants without leave first demanded or that any of the matters therein suggested were for that only cause or before Judgements or Execution obtained some of them being expresly mentioned to have been after Judgements and no certain evidence more than for what came directly unto those Learned Judges by the before mentioned Mandate of the Queen for the supposed grievances therein which though much be attributed to the well weighed wisdom of those grave Judges and that their Information had as much of Truth as without a hearing of all parties and legal Examination of Witnesses could be found in it cannot be presumed to be had in a judiciall way after Trials or Convictions but received and taken in from the murmur and Complaints of some Attorneys or Parties only concerned without hearing of the other side or parties or that it was so prevalent with the Queen as to make any Order or restraint or cause any Act of Parliament to be made for that purpose For it will not come within the Compass or Confines of any probability or reasonable construction that those Reverend and Learned Judges Sir Christopher Wray and Sir Edmond Anderson who together with Sir Gilbert Gerard Master of the Rolls had in the case betwixt the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and Sir Owen Hopton Knight Lieutenant of the Tower of London In the seven and twentieth year of Her Raign which was but seven years before Certified under their hands unto Sir Thomas Bromley Knight Lord Chancellor and others of Her Privy Council that such persons as are daily attendant in the Tower serving Her Majesty the which was more remote from Her Person and Presence of Her Royal Residence or Palace at White-hall Were to be Priviledged and not to be Arrested upon any plaint in London but for Writs of Execution or Capias Utlagatum or such like they did think they ought to have no Priviledge And that Master Lieutenant ought to return every Habeas Corpus out of any Court at Westminster So as the Justices before whom it shall be returned as the cause shall require may either remand it with the body or retain the matter before them and deliver the body as Justice shall require would complain of Commitments of such as Arrested any of Her Servants without leave when it might be so easily had and the Lord Chamberlain of that time was likely to be as little guilty of enforcing Creditors to withdraw their Suits or loose their debts as the Lord Chamberlain and other great Officers of the Royal Houshold have been since or are now Nor do the words of that Information import or point at the Marshalsea of the Queens Court or Her Messengers to whom as the Kings Officers or Ministers of Justice the Queens Writ might have been brought or directed the sending of Pursevants there remonstrated being more likely to have been for some other Concernments and not for Arresting without leave which for ought that appears was never yet in foro Contradictorio upon any Cause or Action argued solemnly at the Bar and Bench adjudged to be a breach of any of the Laws of England or Liberties of the Subjects or not to be any good Cause of Arresting or Imprisoning such as in despite of Majesty would in ConContempt thereof make it their business especially when they needed not to do it to violate and infringe the Royal Jurisdictions and reasonable Customs of their Sovereign and Protector and the long ago and for many ages allowed Priviledges of their Servants And therefore William Earl of Pembroke L. Chamberlain of the Kings House a man very zealous for the Peoples Rights and Liberties may be believed not to have transgressed therein when he did about the latter end of the Reign of King James give His Warrant to one of the Kings Messengers of the Chamber to take into His Custody and bring before him one Mr. Sanderson for causing Sir Edward Gorge one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber to be Arrested without Licence first obtained and being in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr Lord Steward of the Kings most Honourable Houshold did commit a Clerk or Servant to a Serjeant at Law to the Prison of the Marshalsea for Arresting one of the Kings Servants without Licence and when he was bailed by the Judges upon a Writ of Habeas Corpus committed him again and being let at Liberty the second time upon a Writ of Habeas Corpus was again Committed by him and could not be Released until he had set at Liberty the Kings Servant And Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain of the King in His Most Honourable Houshold when he did the first day of November 1626. direct his Warrant to all Mayors Sheriffs Bayliffs and Constables c. to permit Mr. Thomas Musgrave of Idnel in the County of Cumberland His Majesties Muster Master for the County of Westmerland to come
subjectionem Reverence and subjection and being then unarmed and his sword ungirt denoteth that he is never to be armed against or opposite to his Lord which by prosecuting or arresting any of his servants without leave he may well be deemed to do and in that faedere perpetuo as to them eternal league betwixt him and his Lord is not saith Bracton propter obligationem homagii by the obligation of his homage to do any thing quod vertatur domino ad exhaeredationem vel aliam atrocem injuriam which may turn to the disheriting of his Lord or other great injury which a sawcy and unmannerly arrest and haling of his servants to prison without licence first obtained hindring thereby his dayly and special service wherein his health safety and honor may be more than a little concerned endangered or prejudiced must needs by understood to be which if he shall do justum erit judicium quod amittat tenementum it will be just that he should lose his Land and our Writ of Cessavit per 〈◊〉 by which the Tenant if he perform not his services to his Lord within two years shall have his Land recovered against him redeemable only by paying the arrears of rents if any and undertaking to perform his services better for the future bespeaks the same punishment a certain conclusion will therfore follow upon these premisses that all such as did before the conversion of Tenures in socage hold the King their Lands immediately in Capite and by Knights service ought not to sue or molest any of his servants without license and although that inseparable Incident of the Crown and most Antient and noble Tenure of Chivalry and military service is now as much as an Act of Parliament can do it turned to the Plow or socage Tenure yet the fealty which is saith Sir Edward Coke included in every doing of homage which being done to a mesne Lord is always to have a Salva fide saving of the Tenants faith and duty to the King his heirs and Successors doth or should put all that are now so willing to hold by that tenure and to leave their Children and Estates to the greedy and uncharitable designs of Father-in-Laws under the conditions and obligations of fealty in mind or remembrance that by the fealty which they do or should swear unto the King and the oath of Allegiance which containeth all the Essential parts of homage and fealty which are not abrogated by that Act of Parliament for alteration of the Tenures in Capite and by Knights service into free common socage and the Oath of Supremacy to maintain and defend the Kings Rights Praeheminences and Jurisdictions cannot allow them that undutifull and unmannerly way of Arresting Molesting or Imprisoning any of the Kings Servants without leave or licence first had and that a Copyholder in Socage forfeits his Lands if he speak unreverent words of his Lord in the Court holden for the Mannor or goeth to any other Court wherely to intitle the Lord thereof to his Copyhold or doth replevin his Goods or Cattel upon a Distress taken by the Lord for his Rent or Service or refuse to be sworn of the Homage which in Copyhold Estates is not taken away by the Act of Parliament of 12 Car. Regis Secundi for the taking away of Homage upon Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service And where a Copyhold Tenant against whom a Recovery is bad cannot have a Writ of false Judgement he hath no other remedy but to petition the Lord to Reverse the Judgement nor can have an Assise against his Lord but may be amerced if he use contemptible words in the Court of the Mannor to a Jury or without just cause refuse to be of it that all the Lands of England are held immediately or mediately of the King that every Freeman of London besides the Oaths of Allegiâ—nce and Supremacy takes a particular Oath when he is made Free to be good true and obeysant to the King his Heirs and Successors and doth enjoy all the Liberties and Freedome of the City Trade and Companies by and under them And that they and all other Subjects his astricti Legibus which are under such Obligations cannot by their Homage Fealty Tenure of their Lands natural Ligiance under which they were born and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy without violation of them and the hazard of their dreadfull consequences incroach upon those just and rational Rights and Priviledges of the Kings Servants confirmed by as many Acts of Parliament as our excellent Magna Charta of England hath been at several times after the making thereof at the granting of which King Henry the 3 d. took such care of his own Rights and Priviledges as by his Writ of Proclamation to the Sheriff of York wherein mention being made that he had granted to the people the Liberties mentioned in the Magna Charta which he would have to be observed he commanded him nevertheless that all his own Liberties and priviledges which were not specially mentioned and granted away in that Charter should be specially observed as they were used and accustomed in the times of his Auncestors and especially in the Raign of his Father King John For our allegiance due to the King being vinculâ—m arâ—tius a more strict tye betwixt the King and his Subjects ingaging the Soveraign to the Protection and just Government of his people and they unto a due Obedience and Subjection unto him by which saith the Custumary of Normandie â—i tenentur contra omnes homines qui mori possunt vivere proprii corporis praebere consilium adjuvamentum ei se in omnibus Innocuos exhibere nec ei adversantium partem in aliquo fovere to give him councel and aid against all men living and dying to behave themselves well towards him nor to take any ones part against him will leave such infringers of his Royal Rights and Piviledges inexcusable for the dishonour done unto him by Arresting Molesting or Imprisoning his Servants upon any Actions or Suit without leave or licence and at the same time when many of them do enjoy the Priviledges of HAMSOCNE a word and priviledge in use and practice amongst our Auncestors the Saxons or questioning and punishing of any that shall come into their House Jurisdiction or Territotory by the gifts grants or permission of the King or some of his Royal Progenitors deny or endeavour all they can to enervate the Rights and Liberties of him and his Servants when they may know that he and his Predecessors Kings and Queens of England have and ought to have an Hamsocne Ham in the Saxon Language signifying domus vel habitatio an house or habitation and Socne libertas vel immunitas a liberty immunity or freedom to question and punish any that shall invade the Liberties and Priviledges belonging to his House Palace and Servants vel aliquid aliud faciendum contra
Kings Attorney and Sollicitor general and Serjeants at Law except the two Puisneys of the Kings Serjeants at Law have not only precedency before other Lawyers and men of the long Robe not Judges or Masâ—ers of Requests the later of which if but extraordinary and Advocates or Lawyers debet alios Advocatos precedere but with the Kings other Councel of Law extraordinary and the Queens and Princes or heir apparants Attorney and Sollicitor general are in their Pleadings allowed to sit within the Bars of the Chancery Courts of Justice beneath the L. Chancellor L. Keeper or Judges and are to have a prae-audience before any other Lawyers by the custome of England drawn and derived from that of the Civil Law the superintending reason of many of our Neighbour Nations which ordaineth that Advocatus Fisci the Kings Attorney general being first instituted by the Emperor Adrian praeâ—dit quoscunque advocatos etiam eo antiquiores quoniam major est autoritate is to precede and take place of all other Advocates although they be his Antients for that he is greater in authority post advocatum fisci sedere debet in foro procurator Fisci etiam ante omnes alios advocatos simplices non habentes aliam dignitatem cum Procurator Fisci etiam advocatus dici potest and next to him in the Court ought the Kings Solicitor general to sit before any other Advocates having no other dignity when as the Kings Solicitor general may in some sort be said to be the Kings Attorney general and the kings Attorneys and Sollicitors general are stiled Spectabiles a title betwixt that of Illustris antiently given to Emperors Kings and Princes and that of Clarissimus given to Senators tale officium confert dignitatem est nobile ossicium and such an Office conferreth or makes a dignity and is a noble Office and many of the Kings Maenial or Domestick Servants which are under the ranks and titles of Nobility and were not theeldest Sons of Knights are as our learned judicious Sir Henry Spelman hath observed meerly and only by their serving the King said to be Esquires or Gentlemen and Trades-men serving their Prince or the kings Sadler the kings Grocer and the kings Haberdasher the kings Lock-smith c. may by their offices or places stile themselves Gentlemen for although by the Civil Law vaenalitia seu usus vilis artificii ipso facto nobilitatem amittat a Trade consisting of buying and selling or handicraâ— doth in the very act not allow them to be Gentlemen yet Principum artifices nobiles sunt the Workmen of Princes are as it were Nobles the comprehensive term of Gentry quia omnes in dignitate positi for they have a kind of dignity belonging officiariis principum to the servants or Officers of Princes It being adjudged in the Court of Common Pleas in the 14 th year of the Raign of King Henry the 6 that the Serjeant of the Kings Kitchin or any other servant of the King in any other Office in his house is a Gentleman and it was then said by Juin the Chief Justice that those of the Kings house would be grieved if they shoul be otherwise named and it was by Newton one of the Judges of that Court then declared that Gentleman or Esquire is a name of worship that of Esquire being as antient in the Courts of our kings as the time of king Alfred who by his last will and testament recorded by Asser Menevenses gave Legacies Armigeris suis to his Esquires that Title being formerly so uncommunicable to the Vulgar as the eldest sons of Dukes and Barons have not believed themselves to be disgraced by it and in France as late as the raign of their King Francis the first who was contemporary with our king Henry the 8 th a valet de Chambre to the king was appellatio honorifica an honourable title and the French kings Karvers were no longer agoe than in the reign of our Queen Elizabeth stiled Armigeri Esquires and was not heretofore so apt to be mis-used as it is now when too many of our Barristers or Apprentices at Law do so much mistake themselves as to dream that a Tayler Tanner Butcher Victualler or Yeomans Son though nothing of kin to a Gentleman is ipso facto an Esquire when he is called to the Bar in an Inns of Court or being an Officer in a Court of Justice and admitted into an Inns of Court heretofore only destinate and appropriate to the Sons of Nobility or real not self made or created Gentry as the learned Sir John Fortescue Chief Justice and believed to be afterwards Chancellor of England under our King Henry the 6 th hath rightly observed with whom Sir John Ferne a learned Antiquary and Lawyer who lived in the later end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and was so great an honourer of the Profession and Professors of the Civil and Common Laws as he saith they do deserve honour and reverence of all men and referring us to Ludovicus Bolognius of the 130 Privileges due to a Doctor of the Laws declareth that they ought to be honoured in the Courts of Princes according to that saying Doctores Legum sunt honorandi ab omnibus Doctors of Law are to be honoured of all men and under that notion comprehendeth Serjeants at Law and other the Legists and Professors of the Common Law doth not disagree when he giveth us not only the evidence that none but Gentlemen were admitted into the Inns of Court but the reason thereof for that Nobleness of Blood joyned with Virtue maketh a man fit and most meet to the enterprizing of any publick service and for that cause it was not for nought that our antient Governors in this Land did with a special foresight and wisdom providâ— that none should be admitted into the houses of Court being Seminaries sending forth men apt for the Government of Justice except he were a Gentleman of blood And that this may seem a truth I my self saith he have seen a Kalender of all those which were together in the society of one of the same houses about the last year of King Henry the 5th with the Arms of their Houses and Family marshalled by their names when Gentry was in that Kings Reign so rightly esteemed and valued as he being to raise an Army to go with him into France did in that warlike age by his Edict or Proclamation prohibit any to go with him but such as had Tunicas Armorum did bear Coats of Arms or were gently born or discended except such as had served in the Battle of Agen-Court And the strict observance of admitting none into the Inns of Court but such as were born Gentlemen was so lately used in some if not all of the Inns of Court as Sir John Archer Knight now one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at
reason when he understands the Honour acquired by being the Servant of a Soveraign Prince to be as well the cause of their Priviledges and Immunities which he positively affirms to be ratione dignitatis Officii by reason of the dignity of their Offices and Places as the import and necessary use of their Offices and Places about the Person health and safety of the Prince in which the well-being of the Universality of the people and Body Politick are concentred And that they are called Curiales Courtiers ex quo cum Cura esse debent in respect of the Cares which they take in the service of their Prince mitius agendum Curialibus Aulicis quam aliis parcendum honori verecundiae domus Regiae his qui pro domo parentibus Regiis laborarunt the Servants of the King are to be more favoured than the Servants of other men and a special regard ought to be had unto the honour of the House or Palace of the King and those which do labour and take pains for the good thereof and the Kings Family that amongst the Domesticks or Servants of the King or Soveraign Prince omnis ordo recipit splendorem a Principe every degree or rank hath in some sort the resplendency and reflection of their Soveraigns imparted or communicated unto them Et cum Senatores excusantur a fortiori Curiales Familiares Principum nec ex eo eorum conditio deterior fieri debet cum circa Principem se obsequiales exhibent universis and when Senators or Parliament-men are priviledged by a greater reason ought the Princes Servants to be priviledged neither should their condition be made to be worse than theirs seeing that when they do Officiate about the Prince they do at the same time serve the People and Weal-publick and recounting some of the Priviledges of the Court Officers and Servants doth amongst others agree that Curiales in hoc privilegiantur quod praedia eorum non possunt alienari sine solemnitate that their Lands and real Estates cannot as other mens be aliened in a common and ordinary manner but by special words and expressions of the certainty of the cause and money given for it Et istud est in favore ipsorum Curialium ut Respublica habeat divites Curiales in tantum in hoc privilegiatur res Decurionum seu Curialum quantum res minorum Ecclesiae in hoc pari passu ambulant And that in favour of the Courtiers or Kings Servants to the end that the Commonwealth may be the better served by the Kings Servants being rich and that their Lands and real Estate are in that as much priviledged as the Lands and real Estate of Infants and the Church which was not a little and as to that have equal Priviledges And further assures us that in France the Kings Servants have a Priviledge quod non possunt conveniri coram Judice Ordinario loci ubi habent Domicilium they are not to be cited or prosecuted before the Ordinary Judge or Court where they inhabit which all other persons not priviledged are only to be sed debent conveniri in Curia ibi causae eorum tractari debent maxime pro negotiis Curialibus coram Magistro Officiorum aut magno Praeposito domus Principis but ought to be cited or compelled to appear in the Court and there the cause ought to be tryed especially if it concern any affairs of the Court before the Lord Steward or the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold in aliis vero causis non concernentibus eorum statum Curialem sed negotia privata seu particularia suarum rerum but in other causes not concerning the business of the Court but for any of the Kings Servants private or particular business there was at Paris in France in the Kings Palace a particular Chamber or Court called the Court of Requests wherein by the Kings Letters called Commitimus the causes of any of his Servants were to be decided and determined Which honours and respects due and given unto Kings and Princes Servants in so many Neighbour Nations may be enough to assure us that that which our English Laws and Customes have afforded those that serve our Princes ought not to have such outcries or complaints against them And that Sir Hugh Hamersley Knight Lord Mayor of London in the Reign of King James was not much if at all mistaken when he stood so much upon his priviledge of the Kings special Servant or Lieutenant in the City of London in the time or year of his Mayoralty as he resolved not to give place unto the King of Denmarks Ambassador who intended to come and dine with him but to insist upon the honour and priviledge of his Place in that particular which the Ambassador understanding by Sir John Finet then Master of the Ceremonies who was to attend him thither thought it better to forbear as he did that designed visit For a common and innate civility and respect which should be used amongst Servants and all others could never yet think it consonant to reason that a Butchers Apprentice or the Foreman of a trim Citizens Wives shop should take place of the Servant of any of our Princes of the Blood Nobility or other Persons of Honour much less of our Kings there being degrees and precedencies of Servants amongst all people any thing acquainted with good manners and civility proportioned and laid out according to the ranks or qualities of their Masters and in that also a consideration to be had of the nature of their Imployments taught us by the difference betwixt a Footman or Coachman and a Gentleman wherein our gracious Soveraign did but preserve the Majesty due unto his Soveraignty when if report be true he did in the later end of the year 1666. prohibit the Duke of Newcastles Footmen the wearing of black Velvet Caps which the Kings Footmen usually do whilst they attend his Caroch And if Histories the monuments of Time and former Ages were as they are not in that particular silent a common and frequent and almost every years experience will evidence how much the Honour of Princes are concerned in the respects or not respects of their Servants by the care and circumspection those resemblances of their Masters greatness do take and use to preserve and not diminish the least Iota or tittle of the Honour due unto those that sent them the strict and piercing inspections of Princes into the qualities greater or lesser of those that are sent and all and every the circumstances and ceremonies of their Receptions and Entertainments Punctilioes niceties and formalities insisted upon by Ambassadors complaints of the least omissions or preteritions exact and curious measures in the giving or not giving them respects to the full or height with their strivings for place or precedency even to bloody Combats betwixt the Ambassadors of emulating Princes as betwixt the French and
Bona Catalla sua quaecunque ac universos legales tenentes suos omnium singulorum maneriorum suorum in protectionem defensionem nostram suscepimus specialem The King to all unto whom these presents shall come sendeth greeting We considering the well accepted and laudable Services done as well unto us as our dear Mother Isabel Queen of England by our trusty John de Staunton and being therefore willing to honour him according to his deserts have made the said John a Knight of our Chamber and one of our Servants in Ordinary whilst he lives as well when he shall be absent as present And of our especial grace have taken into our special protection the said John de Staunton and all his Lands Tenements Goods and Chatels and likewise all his Tenants of his Manors Omnibus singulis nostris fidelibus tenore presentium firmiter inhibentes ne eisdem Johanni Terris Tenementis Bonis seu Catallis suis aut legalibus tenentibus maneriorum praedictorum malum molestiam prisas aut aliud impedimentum inferunt vel faciunt indebite vel injuste si quis eis injuriatum vel forissactum fuerit id eis debite reformari corrigi faciunt Streightly charging and prohibiting all our good Subjects that they do not unduly or unjustly endamage or molest the said John de Staunton his Lands Tenements Goods Chatels or his said Tenants and if any shall injure or wrong them therein that you do duly cause it to be reformed and amended And the Writs of Protection which our Kings of England have sometimes granted unto some which were imployed in their Service upon some special motives and reasons and were not his maenial or domestick Servants having been very often if not alwayes made and granted not only to protect the persons of such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary but specially imployed upon extraordinary occasions but de non molestando res terras tenementa homines which in the legal acceptation antiently signified their Tenants as well as their Maenial or Houshold Servants especially when instead of Rents or for some abatements made of them they Plowed and Sowed their Landlords Land Reaped their Corn and did many other Services belonging to Husbandry bona Catalla possessiones suas not to molest trouble or permit them to be troubled in their Estates Real and Personal Lands Tenements Servants Tenants Goods Chatels and Possessions and do agree with those priviledges which our Neighbour Princes of Europe and many other Nations have allowed their Servants And such or the like Protections are and have been an antient allowed priviledge not only to Foreign Embassadors but their Assistants Servants Goods and Chatels in the Dominions and Territories of Kings and Princes to whom they are sent and where they are resident Et sane quae potest tanta vis esse privilegii personae Legatorum si privilegium istis accessionibus non conceditur saith Albericus Gentilis And truly to what purpose will the priviledge of Embassadors be or enure if the Protection of their Estates as well as their persons should not attend their employments for where their persons may not be summoned cited or inforced to lay by or forsake his Service in the attendance upon the process of any of his Subordinate Courts of Justice there cannot by the rules of Common Justice and our Magna Charta that great piece of right reason and Justice be any Judgement had or obtained without appearane against them or any Execution thereupon against their Goods or Estate And it being so just and necessary for the Plaintiffs to demand Leave or Licence for the compelling of them to appear to their actions it will be as necessary becoming certainly to demand a second Leave or Licence to take out process of Execution upon any judgement obtained when as in the ordinaay course of our Laws and the intendment thereof every Plaintiff as the Records of our Courts of Justice will abundantly testifie is as it were by Petition to pray and ask leave to take out his Writ of Execution for that as the Judges may in their inferior Orbes sometimes find cause to Arrest or stay for a time some Judgements and Executions so certainly and much more in the Superior may the urgency of some present and necessary Service of the King and the Weal Publique the Kings Service and the publique being as inseparable as his Person and Authority Body Politique and Corporal require some pause or a Licence first to be demanded Such requisites and privileges drawn from the same Fountain of priviledges and reason being no otherwise in their effects then as to the joynt priviledges of Persons and Estates then the priviledges of Parliament and the Protections allowed unto the Peerage and Members of the House of Commons and their Maenial Servants in order to that publick affair and service of the King who doth not limit those favours only to their Persons and the personal service of their Servants attending upon them but do for that time comprehend and secure their Estates both Real and Personal and will not willingly permit so much as the minds of any of the Members of Parliament to be vexed by any disturbance of process or legal proceedings whilst they are employed and intended by Law to be only busied in those weighty occasions which they would be if the Real and Personal Estates of themselves or Servants which attended upon them were molested and troubled and therefore King Henry the 8th in his Speech to the Judges in the Case of his Servant Ferrers and a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament in the 33th year of his Raign said that his Learned Councel at Law had inform'd him that all Acts and Process coming out of any Inferiour Courts must for the time cease and give place to the Parliament as the highest of Courts and that whatsoever Offence or Injury is in Parliament time offered to the meanest Member of the House of Commons is to be adjudged as done both against the King and the whole Court of Parliament which was then assented unto by all the Judges of England then present saith Mr. Crompton and confirmed by divers reasons And well may it be so when it is and hath been not unusual for the Judges of the Court of Kings Bench or Common Pleas which do stand upon a less but legal Foundation to free or unattach Goods attached in the City of Lond. by their course or custom of Process of a man that had occasion to attend either of those Courts concerning some Suit or Suits there depending as to procure a Capias utlegatum against one c. and declare it to be a priviledge or liberty belonging unto those Courts in their several Jurisdictions to protect such persons in veniendo versus eandem Curiam ibidem morando inde ad propria redeundo absque arrestatione Corporum Equorum Bonorum seu Catallorum
being all three of them with fifteen dayes betwixt the Testes and Retorns first and successively to be retorned as now the manner of retorning them of course is usually before any Exigent can be awarded in order to an Utlary if the Defendant do not appear before unto the Action whether Civil or Criminal to prevent it which so often repeated process and warnings the Law doth so strictly enjoyn as in the Reigns of King Henry the 4th and King Henry the 6th Utlaries have been reversed for that the Exigent was awarded to Utlaw the Defendants upon the second Capiaâ— There cannot be any just or legal possibility of Utlawing of them although they be neither Great Officers of State nor of the Kings Privy Councel or of the Baronage who by reason of their eminencies high degrees and qualities are alwayes to be excepted from those ordinary kinds of Process For if any of the Kings Servants in ordinary should be wronged by any such false Retorns which must necessarily fore-run and open the doors of the Process of Exigent the Prologue or Ushers to an Utlawry they are and ought to be as justly entituled as any of the common people of England are to an Action of the Case against the Sheriff or any other who shall make or cause to be made any false Retorn quod nichil habet that he had nothing when as many of them have good or great or some Estates in Lands and Freehold in the County or place where the Action is laid or quod non est inventus was not to be found in his Balywick the later of which was in former ages used to be so ill resented as in the Reign of King Edward the 3d. an Action was brought against one for retorning upon a Writ quod non est inventus that he was not to be found whereby a Capias or Writ to arrest him was awarded against him And as much against the mind of the Law it would be and a very great distance from truth and reason that the King in the usual process and proceedings unto or towards an Utlary should cause an Original Writ to be directed unto the Sheriff of Middlesex who is by Law to execute no Writ in his Court or Palace to command one of the Kings Servants to pay a Debt demanded by the Plaintiff or if he did not to summon him to appear before his Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster to shew cause why he did not when his own Officers of his most Honourable Houshold upon leave obtained to prosecute the Debtor in the Court of Common Pleas were more properly to have made that summons should upon a nichil habet nec est inventus that he hath nothing or is not to be found retorned upon such an Original Writ by Clerks or Attorneys of course without the warrant or privity of the Sheriff in whose name it is retorned and to whom it is directed suffer a Capias in his Name and under his Seal to arrest or take his body to be issued out against his Yeoman of the Robes or his Physicians in ordinary or some other of his Servants in ordinary necessarily attending him not by courses as many other are by the indulgence of his Royal Majesty for the ease of his Servants permitting them to officiate by turns which within a few weeks or months brings them again into their duty and places of attendance but constantly every day and night in the year And should upon a non est inventus retorned of course as aforesaid when the time or day prefixed in that Writ of Capias is expired suffer in his Name and under his Seal another Writ of alias Capias to be made to the said Sheriff commanding him to arrest or take the said Yeoman of his Robes or any other of his Servants in ordinary whom he knows not to be absent from his service or affairs and upon a like feigned and false retorn of course upon that Writ when the time prefixed for to arrest him is expired cause or command a Writ of pluries Capias to be made or issued out against him and upon the like feigned and false retorn made upon the said Writ of pluries Capias when the time prefixed to arrest him is expired cause a Writ of Exigent to be issued out commanding the Sheriff in five several County Court dayes to call the said Yeoman of the Robes or such other his Servant in ordinary and if he appear to take him if not to retorn him Utlawed and should likewise at the same time issue out at the request of the party Plaintiff his Writ of Proclamation directed to the Sheriff of the County where his Family resided to be proclaimed at two several County Court dayes and a third time at the Parish Church door upon a Sunday immediately after Divine Service ended commanding the said Yeoman of the Robes or such other his Servant to appear and render himself to the Sheriff otherwise to be Utlawed when he knows he was at that instant of time and would be at other times prefixed busie and imployed in a near attendance upon his Person or that the Yeâ—man of his Robes or such other Servant in ordinary should be Utlawed upon an intendment or supposition in Law that after so many iterated contempts of the King and his Process or Writs being twelve in number that is to say a contempt upon not appearing upon the Original Writ three several contempts upon the Capias Alias and Pluries five other contempts in not appearing at the five Husting dayes if the Action had been laid in London or five County Court dayes if the Action were laid in any County and three several contempts in not appearing upon the Proclamation when he either knew not of the Process as it very often happens or if he did take notice of them refused to appear to the said Action because his business about the Kings own person and affairs would not permit him And should thereby subject him to all the mischiefs and inconveniences of an Utlawed person and that fierce Process of Utlary called a Capias Vtlegatum and command a Sheriff to enter into any Liberties as if he intended such Servants might be taken in his Bed-Chamber or his Court which no Law or Custom hath hitherto permitted or held fitting or reasonable and seize his Person Lands and Goods and Lease and Demise away his Lands to the Plaintiff untill he shall appear and answer the Action and the King for the Contempts in not appearing thereunto when as it was the Kings own necessary affairs and business that hindred him and he was at that instant of time busied in his duty and attendance upon his person and cannot be restored unto the benefit of the Laws and the Birth-right of a Subject untill he shall have reversed the Utlary by Plea or Error or as the usage of the Law was in the time of King Henry the 4th and long after that the
an alias and pluries Capias also to arrest returned with a non est inventus that such of the Kings Servants being sought to be arrested is not to be found and until there can be a contempt where there is none a consequent without an antecedent and an effect without a cause Howsoever if any of the Kings Servants should at any time be so indirectly and unduly outlawed he may by the favour of their Royal Master be inlawed and restored to the benefit and protection of Him and his Laws as was some hundred of years ago held to be Law and right reason by Bracton who left it as a Rule to posterity that Rex poterit utlagatum de gratia â—ua per literas suas Patentes inlegare recipere eum ad pacem suam reponere eum in legem extra quam prius positus fuit The King may of his Grace by His Letters Patents pardon the Utlary and restore him to the benefit of his Laws but if he were outlawed contra legem terrae debet eam pronunciare esse nullam utlagati secundum legem terrae facilius recipiuntur ad pacem secundum quod ibi fuerit causa vera vel nulla vel minus sufficiens contrary to the Law of the Land the Utlary ought to be annulled and the Defendant more easily received into the protection of the King and his Laws where there was a just cause for to reverse it or where the cause of the Outlawry appeared to be none or insufficient with whom concurred Fleta who likewise said quod utlagati extra legem positi ad legem gratia Principis concomitante restitui possunt inlagari dum tamen causa utlagariae nulla fuerit vel nimis mature That men outlawed or bereaved of the benefit of the Laws may by the favour of the Prince be restored when the cause of the Vtlary was none or it was sooner promulged or adjudged then it ought and may well be understood to be no otherwise When our very learned Bracton did long agoe rightly define an outlawed person to be qui principi non obediat nec Legi which obeyed not the King nor the Law and the cause of an Outlawry to be contumacia inobedientia contempt of the King and disobedience unto him and his Laws such Servant of the King which obeyeth the King his Soveraign and Royal Master in the duty of his place necessary attendance and service cannot be adjudged to disobey the King at the same time when he doth more especially obey him And if not guilty of any disobedience contumacy or contempt to the King cannot be understood to be so unto his Laws or established Courts of Justice which do act and do justice and punish in his name only and by his authority for where there cannot be a contumacy or cause of it according to the priviledge of the Kings Servants in the first Process or Summons in Order to the intended Vtlary nulla sequi deberet captio cum captio nulla saith Bracton nec ea quae sequntur locum habere debeant no Capias or Writ to arrest ought to issue and when there is no Capias or Writ to arrest the Vtlary which shall be endeavoured to be the consequence of it is not to be at all quia ubi primum principale quod est summonitio non subsistit for that the principal which was the Summons was not duly awarded But if any shall think it to be a contempt of the Kings Process or Courts of Justice although it be none against the K. himself such a contra-distinction will prove to be as invalid illegal and irreligious as that abominable one in the late Times of Confusion of distinguishing betwixt the person of the King his Authority and his natural and politique capacity which our Laws do declare to be so united as though most of the Regal Priviledges are adjudged to appertain to the Sacred Persons of our Kings for the Kings Prerogative as Justice Brown alledged in the argument of VVillon and Berkleys Case en respect de son person vaont a son person is in respect of his Person and do attend it and howsoever there are some that do only and properly belong to his Politique capacity yet his natural and politique capacities are neither to be confounded or so separated as one to be against or contrary to the other And they which are so willing to entertain or harbour any such opinions may do themselves more right to believe that which a more serious consideration may inform them That the Civil Law defining representation doth make it to be no more then locum alterius obtinere vel tantundem valere to be in the place of another or to avail as much as if he were present and preses Provinciae dicitur in provinciis representare qui in eadem judicis juris vicem tenet the President of a Province is said to represent is as a substitute of the Judge the Law and Acts there in the place of them which to all that are but smally acquainted with those excellent Laws cannot seem to be absâ—lute when they may every where find the Praetors or Proconsuls of Provinces advising as the younger Pliny sometimes did with Trajan the Emperor in their Letters to the Emperors upon all emergencies and cases in Law and directing and steering their Judgments and sentences according to their rescripts and answers retorned unto them and our common-Laws of England where they do sometimes seem to say that the King is virtually present in his Courts of Justice do it but as authorative with a quoad quatenus and quodam modo as unto such or such things and particulars in a certain manner as far as the reach and compass of the Delegated power committed unto their care and trust will extend for the King is not in such a manner represented by or in his Courts of Justice by his authority granted unto them as to be no where else in his natural or personal Capacity or Commands for then he must be Apotheosed or more then mortality or mankind will permit and so omnipresent and every where as to be at one and the same morning hour and instant of Time in the Terms or Law dayes in the Court of Common-Pleas Exchequer Kings-Bench and Chancery out of the later whereof he could not issue out in the same day and moment of Time his Writs Original and remedial under his Teste meipso witness our self in the Chancery authorizing the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to hold Plea in most of the Actions which they have cognisance of and are impowred to hear or determine and be at the same time truly and properly believed to be in the Court of Common-Pleas nor could cause any of their Records to be transmitted coram nobis unto himself in his Court of Kings-Bench to correct the Errors committed in some Action by the Judges of
course of Law its Process may inform us that the King hath notwithstanding such a power superintendency of Justice inherent in him over all the Courts of Justice high or low in the Kingdome as upon the Sheriffs retorn quod mandavit Ballivo libertatis that he made his Warrant to the Bayliff of such a Liberty to arrest such a Defendant and that the Bayliff nullam sibi dedit responsionem had made him no retorn nor answer he may thereupon by his Justices cause a Writ to be made to the Sheriff commanding him quod non omittat propter aliquam libertatem Ballivi libertatis c. quin capiat that he do not omit to enter into the said Bayliffs liberty and arrest the Defendant and may also when a Defendant is outlawed cause at the instance of the Plaintiff a Capias Vtlegat Writ to be made to take arrest the utlawed person with a non omittas propter aliquam libertatem power and authority to enter into any Liberty under the name of his Attorney General as an Officer intrusted with the making of the said Writs of Capias Vtlegatum and that Offices either granted by the King for term of Life or in Fee or Fee-Tayle are forfeitable by a Misuser or non user by not executing that part of the Kings Justice committed to the care and trust of the Officers thereof And so necessary was the Kings Supreme Authority heretofore esteemed to be in the execution and administration of Justice as in the Case between the Prior of Durham and the Bishop of Durham in the 34th year of the Reign of King Edward the first where amongst other things an information was brought in the Kings-Bench against the Bishop for that he had imprisoned the Kings Officers or Messengers for bringing Writs into his Liberty to the prejudice as he thought thereof and that the Bishop had said that nullam deliberationem de eisdem faceret sed dixit quod ceteros per ipsos castigaret ne de cetero literas Domini Regis infra Episcopatum suum portarent in Lesionem Episcâ—patus ejusdem he would not release them but would chastise them or any other which hereafter should bring any of the Kings Letters or Writs within his Bishoprick to the prejudice of the Liberties thereof And in the entring up and giving the Judgment upon that Information and Plea saith the Record Quia idem Episcopus cum libertatem praedictam a Corona exeuntem Dependentem habeat per factum Regis in hoc minister Domini Regis est ad ea quae ad Regale pertinent infra eandem libertatem loco ipsius Regis modo debito conservanda exequenda Ita quod omnibus singulis ibidem justitiam exhibere ipsi Regi ut Domino suo mandatis parere debeat prout tenetur licet proficua expletia inde provenientia ad usum proprium per factum praedictum percipiatur in regard that when the Bishop had the liberty aforesaid by the Kings Grant or Charter from the Crown and depending thereupon he is in that as a Servant or Minister of the Kings concerning those things which do belong unto the Kings Regality within the Liberty aforesaid to execute and preserve it in a due manner for and on the behalf of the King so as there he is bound to do Justice to all men and to obey the King and his Commands as his Lord and Soveraign although he do by the Kings Grant or Charter take and receive the profit arising and coming thereby Wherein the Judges and Sages of the Law as in those Ancient Times they did not unfrequently in matters of great concernment have given us the reason of their Judgment in these words Cum potestas Regia per totum Regnum tam infra libertates praedictas quam extra se extendant videtur Curiae toti Consilio Domini Regis quod hujusmodi imprisonamenta facta de hiis qui capti fuerunt occasione quod brevia Domini Regis infra libertatem praedictam tulerint simul cum advocatione acceptatione facti Et etiam dictis quae idem Episcopus dixit de Castigatione illorum qui brevia Regis extunc infra libertatem suam portâ—rent manifeste perpetrata fuerunt when as the power and authority of the King doth extend it self through all the Kingdome as well within Liberties as without it seemed to the Court and all the Kings Counsel that such imprisonments made of those which brought the Kings Writs within the Liberty aforesaid the Bishops justifying and avowing of the Fact and the Words which the Bishop said That he would punish all such as should bring any Writs to be executed in his Liberty were plainly proved Et propterea ad inobedientiam exhaereditationem Coronae ad diminutionem Dominii potestatis Regalis Ideo consideratum est quod idem Episcopus libertatem praedictam cujus occasione temerariam sibi assumpsit audacim praedicta gravamina injurias excessus praedictos perpetrandi dicendi toto tempore suo amittat Cum in eo quo quis deliquit sit de Jure puniendus Et eadem libertas Capiatur in manus Domini Regis Et Nihâ—lominus corpus praedicti Episcopi capiatur Wherefore because it tended to disobedience and a disherison of the Crown and diminution of the Kings Power and Authority It was adjudged that the Bishop for his rash presumption and boldness and for committing the aforesaid wrongs and injuries should forfeit his Liberty aforesaid for that every man is to be punished according to the nature of his offence And it was ordered That the Liberty should be seized and taken into the Kings hands and that the Body of the Bishop notwithstanding should be taken into Custody For the Kings Justice to which his Coronation Oath is annexed is inseparable from his Person so fixed to his Diadem and Regal Authority as it is not to be absolutely or any more then conditionally deputed and intrusted to any other or otherwise then with a reserve of the last Appeal and his Superiority and therefore King Edward the first in some of his Writs Commissions or Precepts saith that he but not his Judges was Deâ—itor Justitiae so a Debtor to Justice as not to deny it to any of his People complaining of the want of it and ad nos pertinet the care thereof belongeth to the King and to that end appointed his high Court of Chancery and his Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and required all the Officers Clerks of that Court to take care that pro defectu Justitiae nullus recedat a Cancellaria sine Remedio no man for want of Justice do go away from the Chancery destitute of remedy from whence also lyes an Appeal to the King himself in Parliament and in the Case of Sir William Thorpe Chief Justice of England in the 24th year of the Reign of King Edwardâ— the third being put
out of his place for Bribery and Extortion it was in the Sentence or Judgment given against him said that Sacramentum Domini Regis quod erga Populum habuit custodiendum â—regit maliciose false Rebelliter quantum in ipso fuit he had falsly malitiously and traiterously as much as in him lay broke or violated the Kings Coronation Oath which demonstrates that although he had at the same time violated his own Oath made unto the King when he was admitted into his Office or Place yet his fault was the greater in breaking the Kings Oath and that part of his Justice with which he was trusted For the Grants of the Judges Places by the King durante bene placito or quamdiu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they do wel behave themselves the Kings Commissions of Oyer Terminer Et Gaola deliberanda of Gaol Delivery and to hear and determine Causes in their Circuits their Oathes besides their Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy taken at their admittance into their Places prescribed and directed in the 18th year of the reign of King Edward the third and administred by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keepers of the Great Seal of England for the time being That they the King and his People in the Office of Justice shall not counsel or assent to any thing that may turn unto his damage shall take no Fee or Robes of any but the King himself nor execute any Letters from him contrary to the Law but certifie him and his Councel thereof and shal procure the profit of the King and his Crown in all things that they may reasonably do the same in an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of the Reign of that King they are expresly mentioned to be Deputed by the King to do Law and Right according to the usage of the Realm the Kings Writs directed unto them stiling them no otherwise then Justitiariis suis and those Courts the Kings Courts the acknowledgment of the Judges themselves in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and their readiness to obey all her lawful commands in the Case of Cavendish and that of Sir Edward Coke that the Judges are of the Kings Councel for proceedings in course of Justice their assisting the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England upon request or sending for some of them out of their own Courts into the Chancery their attending upon the King in his House of Peers in Parliament to assist and advise in matters of Law there debated when required but not with any power of Vote or decisive Judgment their often meetings out of their Courts altogether upon any of the Kings commands or references in causes difficult by Petition or Appeal to the King and their Opinions humbly certified thereupon and attending upon the King and his Councel upon matters doubtful wherein the ayde and advice of the Regal Authority was required and whether their Patents or Commissions be durante bene placito or quam diu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they shall well behave themselves are void per demise le Roy by the death of the King that granted their Patents or Commissions and to be renewed at the pleasure of his Successor may abundantly evidence that they may not claim or justly be beleived to be independant Soveraign absolute or without an Appeal to their King and Soveraign who granteth amongst many other Offices in the said Courts the Office and Place of Warden of the Fleet by the Name of the Keeper of the Kings Pallace at Westminster aad the Office thereby to attend by him or his Deputy the Courts of Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer and keep in safe Custody the Prisoners committed by them when all the Writs and Process of those Courts are issued under his Name and Seal and all but the Chancery which are honoured by his own Teste are under the several Testes or Subscriptions as the Law intendeth of the Chief Justices or Judges thereof together with the Exemplifications of Fines Recoveries Verdicts and other Records in the Court of Common-Pleas and the Court of Kings-Bench and in their several and distinct Jurisdictions are subjected unto and dependant upon the Regal Authority Crown and Dignity And cannot be otherwise understood to be when our Kings have sometimes fined Judges for Extortion or Bribery as King Edward the first did Sir Ralph de Hengham and diverse other Judges in the 16th year of his Reign when the Judges in the â—aid Courts cannot ex officio pardon or discharge a fine or punishment imposed or inflicted by them upon Offenders nor without his Writ of Error amend or correct Errors committed by themselves after the Term ended wherein they were committed are if they exceed their bounds subject by his Writ punishment of Praemunire to a forfeiture of all their Lands Goods Estate of their Lands in Fee-Simple or for Life to have their Bodies imprisoned at the will of the King to be out of his Protection and when he as he pleaseth commandeth the Rolls and Records of the Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas to be brought into his Treasury or the Tower of London for safety adjourneth those Courts upon occasion of Pestilence or other reason of State or Warre as King Edward the first did to York where they continued for some years after that the Judges are by Office of Court to stay surcease in many things where they do perceive the King to be concerned either in point of profit or other concernment untill they have advised with the Kings Serjeants or Councel learned in the Law when the Writs of Prohibition frequently granted by the Court of Common-Pleas or Kings-Bench in his name do signifie that he hath haute Justice power and authority over those and the inferior Courts of Justice and by his Supreme Authority doth by his Legal Rescripts and Mandates issuing out of his High Court of Chancery upon any defects in his Subordinate Courts for want of power and authority consonant or agreeable to the rules of right reason and equity moderate the rigors of his Laws correct Errors and provide fitting remedies for all manner of Contingencies or Disorders happening in the course execution or manage of his Laws or Justice testified by his Injunctions out of the Chancery to stay the rigors and proceedings in the Courts of Common-Law Commissions of Trail Baston more rightly ottroy le Baston granted by King Edward the first to inquire of and punish misdemeanours riots extortions c. which the Courts of Justice then in being had cognisance of might have upon complaint punished redressed many other Commissions of that kind made out by that other of our Kings with Commissions of Assise Association cum multis aliis or the like the Writs of Rege in consulto
untill it was by that prudent Prince restrained and limited to the Authority and Jurisdiction which it now enjoys was much more large and extensive than now it is and that of the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House whose power and priviledge over that part of the Kings Servants which are under his Authority being exempt from that of the Lord Steward having been not by any Act of Parliament prohibited may not be thought to exceed the power and auâ—hority inherent in their Offices and places when they shall punish or commit to prison any who shall attempt to violate or infringe the honour and priviledges of the Kings House or Servants derived unto them from his Supreme Authority who having Ordinariam Jurisdictionem in regno suo pares non habet neque superiores an Ordinary and Supreme Jurisdiction and hath neither Peer nor Superior may as well protect his Servants in his affairs and business in his House or about his Person and punish any that shall hinder them therein as the Judges in his Courts of Justice who neither have or can claim any other power or authority than what he delegates or entrusteth them withall do upon all occasions in the Case of their Officers Clerks or menial Servants They therefore who shall so much suffer their reason and understanding to wander and be mislead as to deny the Kings most Honourable Privy Councell or any other Court within their Cognisance Power and Authority tueri Jurisdictionem such a coercive power as may support their Jurisdiction may think but never find they have any ground or cause for it and if they please to tarry for a conviction untill the never failing unhappy consequences shall bring them too late to acknowledge that which in viridi observantia by late abundant sad experiments is more then a little visible in the disorders of the present Church Government occasioned by the reverend Governors want of power who having their hands as it were tyed behind them are made to be as good old Ely admonishing and reproving to no purpose and how little the directive or commanding Power of Laws will signifie where the coercive shall be absent may bitterly repent it And will meet with as little reason to second or assist their opinion that a priviledged person imprisoned contrary to his priviledge is so in the custody of the Law as not to be able to claim or make use of his priviledge to release or discharge him when the frequent use of discharging men out of prison by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of Priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their appearances discharged And in matters of Parliament Priviledge can teach and prove the contrary for in the Case of Trewynniard a Burgess of Parliament in the Court of Kings-Bench in Easter and Trinity Term in the 38th year of the Raign of K. Henry the 8th the said Trewynniard was discharged by his Priviledge although he was arrested upon an Utlary after Judgement and the Judges of the Court of Kings Bench did adjudge and declare That every Priviledge is by prescription and every praescription which soundeth for the Common-weal is good although it be a prejudice to any private person And that such a priviledge hath been alwayes granted by the King to his Commoners at the request of their Speaker the first day of the sitting of Parliament And it is common reason that forasmuch as the King and all the Realm hath an interest in the Body of every of its Members it seemeth that the private commodity of any particular man ought not to be regarded for it is a maxime That magis dignum trahit ad se minus dignum the more worthy is to be preferred before the lesse and concluded That the Parliament is the most High Court and hath more Priviledges then any Court of the Realm and that in such a Case every Burgess is to be priviledged where the Action is but at the Suit of a Subject and that by such a temporary discharge the Execution is not discharged but remaineth When as men protected that were not the Kings Houshold Servants had their Protections allowed aâ—ter the commencement of the Action sometimes after Issue joyned at other times of the nisi prius or Triall at other times after the Verdict given and sometimes at the dayes in Banck and where any Defendant neither protected or priviledged was imprisoned he was not so believed to be in the Custody of the Law but that the Judges or any one Judge of the Court out of which the Process or Writ issued might not as well out of the Term as in the Term grant in their Subordinate Jurisdiction a Supersedeas quia improvià e or erronice emanavit because there was some Error or mistaking in the awarding or granting of the Writ by which he was taken And those Authentique Books of the Register of Writs old and new Book of Entries and the presidents therein contained will sufficiently testifie that arrests of priviledged persons and the goods or persons of priviledged persons have been and ought to be discharged from Attachments Arrests and Imprisonments and that which they would call the Custody of the Law by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their Appearances discharged But however the pride and disrespectfull and disobedient humors of too many of our Nation be now so much in fashion as to quarrell with every thing of Authority and the Regalities of their Soveraign the dayes of old and Ages past will evidence that the before mentioned Priviledges of the Kings Servants in Ordinary were for ought appears to the contrary believed to be so legall and reasonable CHAP. VIII That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary but imployed upon some temporary and casuall affairs abroad and out of the Kings House AS it was desired and thought fit and necessary to be communicated to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary or his Domesticks but only imployed as extraordinaries upon some of his special affairs or occasions which were but Temporary and to that end it was requisite that some signification or notice should be given that they were so imployed and that they should not be arrested imprisoned or disturbed in it but be protected from it the like being also done when any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary where imployed out of the Kings House or Pallace by their Writs of Protection under the great Seal of England for otherwise probably it would not have been known that they were his Servants either ordinary or extraordinary or what was their business And therefore in the Register of Writs a Book in the Statute of Westminster the second made in the 13th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first in the year of our Lord 1285 called the Register of the Chancery
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and oâ—ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione sâ—andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in
is their dignity service and attendance upon the King and Weal publick more then any supposition of their great Estates sufficient to be distreined which hath founded and continued those just and warrantable liberties and priviledges unto them tam tacito omnium consensu usuque longaevo derived and come down unto us aswell from antiquity the law of Nations and the civil and Imperial laws which were no strangers unto us above 400 years after the comeing of our blessed Saviour Christ Jesus into the flesh or when Papinian the great civil Lawyer sate upon the Tribunal at York seven years together whilst the Emperor Severus kept his Court and was there Resident wherein are only to be found the Original g of many honorable rational and laudable customes of honour and Majesty used not only in England but all the Christian Kingdomes and Provinces of Europe quam Regni Angliae Institutis latisque quae in Juris necessitatemque vigorem jam diu transiit as our common and Municipal laws and Reasonable customes of England necessarily to be observed for if it could be otherwise or grounded only upon their sufficiencies of Estate whereby to be distreined every Rich Man or good Freeholder which differ as much from our Nobility as the Hombre's Rico's rich men without priviledges do in Spain from the Rico's Hombre's dignified and rich men might challenge as great a freedom from arrests especially when our laws do allow an action upon the case against a Sheriff or other which shall make a false Retorne that a Freeholder hath nothing to be distreined when he hath estate sufficient whereby to be summoned or distreined but it neither is nor can be so in the case of our Nobility and Baronage who are in times of Parliament to be protected by their Dignities and the high concernments of Parliamentary affairs from any molâ—station or disturbance by any Writs or Processe either in their Persons or Estates and are by some condiscention and custome in favour to such as may have cause of action against them in the vacancy of Parliaments and when their priviledge of Parliament ceaseth become liable to the Kings Writs or Processe yet not by any Processe of arrest or imprisoning of their persons but by Writs of Summons Pone per vades salvos taking some Pledge or Cattle that they shall appear and Distringes to distrein them by their Lands Tenements Goods and Chattels untill they do appear and answer to the action that which is retorned or levied thereupon being not retorned into the Exchequer or forfeit to the King if they do appear in any reasonable time unto which priviledge of Process the Bishops of England and Wales holding by Barony may justly claim or deserve to be admitted when as the Metropolitans having an Estate for life in their Bishopricks and Baronies ought not to have a Nihil habet retorned against in their several Provinces nor the Suffragan Bishops in their Diocesses nor have their dignities subjected to the violence of Arrests or sordid usage of prisons hindering the execution of their sacred Offices in the Government and daily occasions of the Church of God neither are any of the Baronage or Bishops of England to be distreined in their Journeys per equitaturam by their Horses or Equipage for any Debt or upon any other personal action whilst they have any other Goods or Chattels whereby to be distreined So as if any of the Temporal Baronage of England holding their Earldomes or Baronies in Fee or Fee Tail or for Life should by the prodigality of themselves or their Ancestors or by misfortunes troubles or vicissitudes of times as too many have been since their honors have not been as if rightly understood they ought to be accounted feudall and the Lands thereunto belonging as the lands of the Bishops and spiritual Barons unalienable be reduced to a weak or small Estate in lands or should have none as John afterwards King of England a younger son of King Henry the Second was who untill his father had conferred some honors and lands upon him was called Jean sans terre John without land yet they having a Freehold in their honors and dignities and the Dukes Marquesses Earles and Viscounts of England having at their Creations some support of honor by way of Pension or Annuity yearly paid unto them by the King and his Heirs and Successors annexed thereunto and not to be severed from it The antient Earles having the third peny or part of the Fines and Amercements due to the King out of the Counties of which they were Earles afterwards about the Raigne of King John reduced to 20 Maâ—kes per annum as all the later Earles and Viscounts now have and the Dukes and Marquesses a greater yearly annuity or Creation mony as 40 Marks or 40 l. per an And all the Nobility and Baronage of England having besides a Freehold in their honors and dignities and their houses nobly furnished some of them having above 20 thousand pounds per an lands of Inheritance many above 10 others 7 6 5 4. or 3 thousand pounds per annum lands of Inheritance in Taile or for Life and none unless it be one or two whose misfortunes have brought their Estates for Life or Inheritance something under one thousand pound per annum There can be neither ground or reason for any Sheriff upon any the aforesaid Writs awarded or made against any of them to retorne Quod nihil habet per quod summoniri possiit that he had nothing whereby to be summoned attached or distreined and if that could as it cannot rationally be truly or legally done yet the Judges sworn unto the observance of the laws and to do Justice unto all sorts of people cannot in any of their Courts award or cause Writs or Process of Capias against them to arrest or imprison their bodies upon any action of debt or other personal actions not criminal which makes an impossibility for any of them in civil actions to be outlawed And if they had neither Creation mony nor Lands Goods or Chattels which is neither rationally or probably to be either imagined or beleived yet they are not to be denied those honorable priviledge so antiently and by the laws of nations belonging to their high calling and dignities when as the antient Charters or Creations of Earls those later of some of our Dukes Marquesses Viscounts and Barons having words and clauses amounting to as much do grant them as in that antient one by King Henry the second to Earle Aâ—berick or Albercius de tere of the Earldome of Oxenfordscyre their honors ita libere quiete honorifice sicut aliquis comitum Angliae liberius quetius honorificieutius habet as freely and honorably as any Earl of England held his Earldome as that grant of the same King to William d'Abbiney of the Earldome of Arundell cum omnibus libertatibus liberis consuetudinibus predicto honori pertinentibus
year of our Saviour 1220 displace the learned Jacobus Baldwinus a Doctor of the Civil Law and removed him from his place of Praetor or Lord Chief Justice into which they had elected him for that he had caused a Noble man to be hanged when as â—atrio Statuto strangulationis ignominia eximuntur nobiles a Noble man was by their Laws not to be put to death in so ignominious a manner and thereupon enacted by a Law that from thenceforth no Doctor of Law should be admitted into the Office or place of Praetor Hispanus nobilis jure Regio Hispaniarum ex Nobilitatis privilegio in Carcerem mitti non potest nec in ipsius armis equo recte fit executio A Spanish Noblemen is not by the Kingly law and Prerogative of the King of Spain and tbe priviledge of his nobility to be imprisoned or his Arms or Horse taken in Execution by the Laws of Poland and of Flanders a Noble man is not to be imprisoned but taken into custody by the Magistrate or Judge in their houses or confined to some City or place until the debt demanded or Action be satisfied or by plea discharged in depositionibus attestationibus testimoniis ferendis magis creditur Nobilibus quam Ignobilibus in attestations or testimonies Noble men are more to be credited then ignoble ac etiam cum de illorum re agitur even when it is in their answers or own concernments ad officia secularia magis quam plebei assumuntur are sooner to be preferred to secular Offices and imployments then such as are ignoble reverenter sunt salutandi are to be reverently saluted ad omnem occursum illis assurgendum caput revelandum de via decedendum c. men are to rise unto them at their coming towards them uncover their heads or give them way or place for in doing them honour the Prince or King that gave them the honour is honoured Si in judiciis comparent Index qui in Hungaria in causis nobilium non nisi nobilis eos salutare ad sedendum aliquo humiliori loco iuvitari debet if he appear in any Court of Justice the Judge who in Hungary in the causes of any of the Nobility is likewise to be a Noble man is to salute them and invite them to sit in some place beneath the Tribunal Non verbo sed in scriptis sunt citandi are not to be cited by word of mouth but by writing de calumnia personaliter jurare non tenentur are not to take in any action the Oath de Calumnia that the action is not meerly brought in malice or for contention injuria nobilibus illata longe aliter aestimatur quam ea quae ignobili infertur an injury done unto them is more then to one which is ignoble torqueri non debent ought not to be put upon the Rack or tortured Offendens Consiliarium principis incurrit crimen Majestatis quando offenderetur in odium contemptum siu principis he which hurteth or offendeth a Councellor of the Prince our Temporal Baronage being so in Parliament by Inheritance committeth Treason if it be done in hatred or contempt to the Prince And the reason given for the high esteem of Nobility and those more then ordinary favours and priviledges granted and imparted unto them and the Baronage of the Empires of Rome Germany and many Neighbour Kingdomes are that they are de familia Principis accompted as a part of the Families of the Emperors and Kings unum cum ipso faciant corpus unum Consistorium are as one body and incorporate inhaerere principi dicuntur sicut stellae firmamento soli are said to attend the Prince as the Stars in the firmament do the Sun radii solares solem and as the Rayes or Beams of the Sun do accompany it The Emperours Honorius Theodosius declaring that immunitate digni sunt quos sui lateris comitatus illustrat that they which had the honour to attend and be near their persons deserved to be priviledged Poloni Nobiles cum de illorum vita honore agitur non ab alio quam ipsom Rege Judicari possint non nisi consulto principe sunt puniendi the Nobility of Poland in any matter concerning their life and honour are only to be tryed by the King and are not to be punished unless the Prince be first consulted and do approve thereof Et Barones apud Gallos non aliorum Judicio subsisti poterant in prima instancia quam Nobilium Seneschallorum ad quos Idcirco illorum causae maxime feudales remissae fuisse leguntur apud Jo. Tilleum recollectorum Franciae regum And the French Baronage are in the first instance to to subject to no other Court or Judgement then that of the Nobility and Stewards appointed by the King and therefore their causes especially such as concerned their feudal estates or honorary possessions were as appeareth by John Tilly thither remitted Et ab omni aevo Nobilium Galliae fuit specâ—ale privilegium ut omnes eorum cause semper essent reservatae singulari Regis Supremi eorum principis salvo guardia protectioni jurisdictioni And it was in all ages a special priviledge of the French Nobility to be under the Guard Protection and Jurisdiction of their Soveraigne Atque hinc Ballivorum antiqua Institutio quod illi essent esse deberent tanquam custodes conservatores omnium jurium privilegiorum nobilibus competentium and from thence came that antient institution of Bailiffs Judges or officers specially appointed who were ought and were to be as Guardians and conservators of all the rights and priviledges appertaining to the Nobility Et nobiles non minus privilegiati favorabiles quam familiares domestici principum vel Officialium And the Nobility are there to be no less priviledged and savoured then the Servants and domestiques of the King or any of his Officers the distinction betwixt the Nobility and common people of all the Kingdoms and Nations of the Earth being so universal As in China the Mandarines being the Nobility and Governors of Provinces cannot be imprisoned but for heinous faults have two Maces of Silver carried before them in the streets and none are to cross the streets whilst they pass along and all men are to give way unto them Montezeuma Emperor of Mexico in the West-Indies ordained that the Noblest men of his Empire should live in his Palace would have none of the Plebeyans but Knights in any office in his Court who had priviledge to carry Gold and Silver wear rich Cotton and use painted and gilt vessels which the common people might not And even the most wild and barbarous of mankind inhabiting the Earth in those Countries and places where the glimmerings of nature and civility could give any admission have so every where acknowledged an honor due to their nobility as upon
your selves within the limits of our duty we will be as careful to maintain and preserve your lawful liberties and priviledges as ever any of our predecessors were nay as to preserve our own Royal Prerogative Et ab hac radice Regalitatis rectae Rationis And from that root of Regality and right reason only Foundation and Original though Sir Edward Coke is willing to mistake it when he would have it to flow from a respect only due to Justice and the Courts thereof have proceeded the great reverence and awe due unto the Superior Courts of Justice at VVestminster Hall for lesser or inferiour Courts do neither deserve nor claim it when the Judges do sit there in their several Superior Courts under the Shadow and protection of the Royal Oak Whence also came that very necessary custom and usage to be bare uncovered and respectful in their words and behaviour to one another in the Judges presence as well as unto the Judges themselves and from whence and the reflex of Supreme authority have the Judges power to fine or imprison such as mis-behave themselves therein as in the case of VVilliam Botesford fined to pay two Marks by the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench for threatning to kill one Hawis Gaygold for prosecuting him in an action of trespass and using those Menaces in aula placitorum in presentia Justic. ipsius Regis Curiae suae contemptum in VVestminster Hall in the presence of the Kings Justices and in contempt of the Court and was committed to the Marshall and that at an Assize holden at Northampton in the third year of the Raign of King Edward the third John Blundell was attached ad Respondend tam domino Regi quam VVillielmo de Towcester Attorn Thomae Comitis Mariscalli Angliae de placito quare insultum fecit super ipsum in domini Regis curia contemptum per verba contumeliosa ipsum vili pendebat in retardationem prosecutiones negotiorum praedict comitis aliorum to answer aswell unto the King as VVilliam of Towcester Attorny for the Earle Marshall of England wherefore he made an assault upon him in contempt of the King and his Court and did with many scandalous words revile him to the disturbance of the business of the said Earle and others Super quo Juratores de consensu partium praedict instanti die transgressionis impanellat whereupon a Jury being the same day of the trespass and offence by the consent of both parties impannelled the Jury found that the said John Blundell was guilty and he was committed to prison fecit finem domino Regi per dimid Marcae per pleg ' c. qui manuceper quod bene se gereret pacifice versus predictum VVillielm alios quoscunque and was fined to pay half a Mark to the King and gave bayl for his good behaviour towards the said William and all others And whence all the Judges are impowred to free such as are arrested in the face or sight of the Court though it be upon process granted by themselves or any other Court in the Kings name or upon the most just and legal action as likewise to aggravate or make the punishment greater for offences done in the face or contempt of the Court and that all such misdemeanors are in Indictments or Writs brought or commenced upon them said to be in contemptum domini Regis curia suae in contempt of the King and his Court from which or the like ground or reason came also that great honor respect and care of Judges in the superiour Courts by the Statute of the 25 th year of the Raigne of King Edward the third which makes it to be high Treason to kill any of them with a forfeiture of all their lands and estates as in case of Treason committed against the King and no less then misprision of Treason for any to draw a Weapon upon any Judge or Justice sitting in the Courts of Chancery Exchequer Kings Bench Common Pleas or upon Justices of Assize or Justice of Oyer and Terminer although the party offending do not strike for which he shall lose his right hand all his goods suffer imprisonment and forfeit his Lands during his life and no less a punishment for rescuing a prisoner in or before any of the Courts committed by any of the Judges or arrested by any of their Writs Mandates or Process the no small punishments inflicted for abusing of Jurors or for beating a Clerk in vemendo versus curiam in his way to one of those Superior Courts where he was imployed or for threatning a Counceller at law for acting or pleading for his Client the priviledge of the Barons Officers and Clerks of the Exchequer granted or allowed by King Henry the First and to this day not to be denied them not to pay Toll or Custome for any thing they shall buy for there necessary uses or occasions nor to be compelled to appear at Hundred Courts Assizes or Sessions which the Officers Clerks and Ministers of the other Superior Courts are likewise indulged nor to bear Offices in the parish wherein they live as Constable Church-Warden c. either in the Vacations or Term Times and that the Barons of the Exchequer Et omnes alii ministri ibidem ministrantes sive de clero sint sive Regiae Cur. qui assident as the words of their Writs of priviledge are which exempts such of the Clergy from the dominering power in those dayes of the Ecclesiastical Court ex mandato ad alias quaslibet causas extra Scaccarium sub quibusounque Judicibus vero Judice sub quo lis mota fuerit sive sit Ecclesiastious sive Secularis non evocentur si forte vocati fuerunt ratione regiae potestatis publica authoritate tam ex dignitate Regia quam consuetudine antiqua excusantur and all the Officers Clerks and Ministers sitting in that Court or attending therein by the Kings command shall not be constrained to appear or attend upon any causes actions or suits against them before any Judges whatsoever whether Ecclesiastical or Secular and if they be cited or called before such Judges by reason of any of the Kings Writs or Process are aswell in respect of the Kings Royal Dignity as also by antient custome to be excused the Writs of priviledge granted unto them where they are prosecuted in any other Court Pleas or actions concerning freehold appeal or felony only excepted mentioning as they do in case of priviledge of the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench and Common Pleas that if the Plaintiffs have any cause of action except as is before excepted they may if they please prosecute or bring their actions or complaints against such priviledge person in the Court where he is attendant From which Royal Fountain and Original and the care of publick preservation flowed or was necessitated that priviledge now and heretofore allowed to the Kings Guards
both Horse and Foot Garrisons and Commanders of Castles Towns or Forts and was believed to be necâ—ssary in the time of Justinian the Emperor Qui statuit milites conveniri tam in causis Civilibus quam Criminaelibus coram ducibus suis quod miles nisi a suo judice coerceri non possit that Soldiers should be cited and tryed aswell in causes civil as criminal before their Captains or Commanders And that a Soldier should not be compelled to appear before any other which was not in that time any new Edict or Ordinance but a Declaration of an antient law and custome in use amongst the Romans in the Infancy of their mighty Monarchy some hundred of years before the birth of our Redeemer as may be evidenced by Juvenal and what was in use and practise and accompted to be of antient institution in his time which was not long after the birth of our Saviour when he saith Legibus antiquis Casâ—â—erum more Camilli Servato miles ne vallum litiget extra Et procul a Signis justissima Centuriorum Cognitio est igitur de milite By antient laws and customes sacred held By great Camillus Soldiers were not to be compel'd To appear in Courts of Justice but in the Campe to abide And by their own Commanders to be try'd And from the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and safety of the Kingdome are allowed by our reasonable laws and customes the priviledges and franchises of the Cinque Ports that the Inhabitants within the liberties thereof do sue and are only to be sued in the courts thereof and the Kings ordinary Writs and Process do not run or are of any 〈◊〉 therein and such as are in certain special cases are only to be directed to the Constable of the Castle of Dover and the Warden of the Cinque Ports and those franchises were so allowable by law as the Abbot of Feversham in his time a man of great power and authority and armed with many and great priviledges of his own both Spiritual and Temporal being imprisoned by the Warden of the Cinque Ports for an offence committed therein for which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury citing the Kings Officers there into his Ecclesiastical Court the Record saith Quia secundum consuetudinem regni approbatam ratione juris Regii ministeri Regis pro aliquibus quae fecerunt ratione officii trahi non debeant Rex prohibuit Archiepiscopo Cantuar. ne volestari faciat ministros suos Dover de eo quod Abbatem de Feversham pro delicto suo incarcerassent per considerationem Curiae quinque portuum de Shepway in regard that by the custome of the Kingdome approved and the right and prerogative of the King the Kings Officers are not to be compelled to appear in other Courts the King prohibited the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that he should not molest or trouble his Officers or servants at Dover for that by a judgement of the Court of the Cinque Ports holden at Shepwey they had imprisoned the Abbot of Feversham for an offence by him committed From the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and good of his household and servants the multitude of tenants heretofore of the Antient Demesnes of the Crown which were in the hands of King Edward the confessor or William the Conqueror for that as Sir Edward Coke saith they plowed the Kings Demesnes of his Maners sowed the same mowed his Hey and did other services of Husbandry for the sustenance of the King and his honorable household to the end that they might the better apply themselves to their labors for the profit of the King had the priviledge that they should not be impleaded in any other of the Kings Courts for any their lands or in actions of accompt Replevin ejectione firmae Writs of Mesne and the like where by common intendment the realty or title of lands may come in question are to be free and quit from all manner of Tolls in Fairs and Markets for all things concerning their husbandry and sustenance of Taxes and Tallages by Parliaments unless the Tenants in Antient Demesnc be specially named of contributions to the expences of the Knights of the Shire for the Parliament and if they be severally distreined for other services they may all for saving of charges joyne in a Writ of Monstraverunt albeit they be several Tenants and where they recover in any action are by the Laws of William the Conqueror to have double costs and damages From which Spring and fountain of priviledges in relation only to and for the concern of the Prince and Son and Heir apperant of the King of England and his revenue hath been derived those of the Court of Stanneries or jurisdiction over the Tyn Mines where by the opinion of Sir VVilliam Cordell Knight Master of the Rolls Sir James Dier Knight Cheif Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Justice Weston no Writ of Error lyeth upon any judgment in that Court and by an act of Parliament made in the 50 th year of the raigne of King Edward the third and the grant of that King all Workmen in the Stanneries are not to be constrained to appear before any Justice or other Officers of the King his Heirs or Successors in any plea or action arising within the Stanneries unless it be before che Warden of the Stanneries for the time being Pleas of land life or member only excepted nec non recedant ab operibus suis per summonitionem aliquorum ministrorum seu heredum nostrorum nisi per summonitionem dicti custodis and should not depart from their said works or labors by reason of any Summons of the Officers of the King or his Heirs unless it be by the Summons of the aforesaid Warden were to be free as to their own goods from all Tolls Stallage Aides and Customes whatsoever in any Towns Havens Fairs and Markets within the County of Devon and that the VVarden aforesaid should should have full power and authority to administer Justice to all that do or should work in the Stannaries or any forreigners in and concerning any plaints trespasses contracts or actions except as is before excepted arising or happening within the Stannaries and that if any of the workmen be to be imprisoned they shall be arrested by the said Warden and kept in the prison of Lydeford and not else where untill according to the Law and custome of England they shall be delivered All which before mentioned Exemptions and Priviledges as effects flowing and proceeding from their true and proper causes may justifie those more immediate and proximate of the Kings Servants in Relation to his person and a greater concernment more especially when so many of the people of England can be well contented to enjoy not a few other immunities exemptions and priviledges which have had no other cause or foundation then the indulgence and favour
same time consider the damage which our Kings have suffered by their Grants to divers Abbeys as amongst others unto the Abbey of St. Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk which in a Plea betwixt that Abbot and the Bishop of Ely and his Steward in the sixth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First appeared by the Charters of King Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror and King Henry the First to be in general words all the Liberties which any King of England might grant the very large Priviledges of Common of Pasture and Estovers the later of which hath spoiled much of the Timber of the Kingdom in many vast Forrests and Chases their many deafforrestations and that of three Hundreds at once in the County of Essex at the Request and Petition of an Earl of Oxford their taking their Customs and Duties upon Merchandize Exported or Imported at small and priviledged Rates and manner of payment of Tonnage and Poundage and by the granting away of so many Franchises Exemptions Priviledges view of Frank Pleg and Liberties which the Commons in Parliament in the one and twentieth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third thought to be so over-largely granted as they complained That almost all the Land was Enfranchised and Petitioned That no Franchise-Royal Land Fee or Advowson which belong or are annexed to the Crown be given or severed from it And so very many more Immunities Franchises and Priviledges which since have been indulged and granted to very many of the People which like the dew of the heavenly Manna which so plentifully covered the Camp of the Children of Israel and lay round about them have blessed many of the English Nation and their after Generations as the dew of Hermon and that which descended upon the Mountains of Zion And so many were those exemptions customs prescriptions and immunities Quae longi temporis usu recepta quaeque ratio vel necessitas suaserit introducenda rata stabilita fuerinâ— quasi tanto tempore principis consensu Judâ—cioque probata Which by a long accustomed use introduced by reason or necessity as the Learned Baldus saith concerning those which by the Civil Law and the Law of Nations have as approved by the consent and Judgment of the Prince been ratified and permitted as they would if faithfully and diligently collected as my worthy Friend Mr. Tho. Blount hath done very many of them in his Learned and laborious Nomo Lexicon not onely put Posterity in mind how very many and almost innumerable they are and how much they ought to be thankful for them but that their Forefathers did without any the least doubt or scruple believe that the Kings and Princes which granted them had power enough to do it And ought not to have their ways or passages stopped or blocked up by those Opinions of Sir Edward Coke and the rest of the Judges in contradiction of the late Learned Doctor Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the case of Prohibitions argued and debated before King James and his Privy Council and Council Learned in the Law in Michaelmas Term in the fifth Year of his Reign that Rex non Judicat in Camera sed in Curia the King is to decide and determine the Causes and Controversies of his Subjects in his assigned and Commissionated Courts of Justice but not out of them or in his Palace Court or Chamber nor take any Cause out of his Courts and give Judgment upon it and that no King after the Conquâ—st ever assumed to himself to give Judgment in any Cause whatsoever which concerned the administration of Justice within the Realm and that the King cannot delay Justice or Arrest any Man neither Arrest any Man for suspicion of Treason or Felony as other of His Lieges may Wherein the Men of new Notions who in the Itch and Hope of Gain or the good will and applause of a Factious Party can like the after hated Ephori of Sparta upon all occasions oppose the Kings legal Rights and Prerogatives and thinking to satisfie others as well as themselves in making ill-warranted matters of Fact the Directors or Comptrollers of the Law may suspend their adoration of those Errors in that so called twelfth Report of Sir Edward Coke which being published since his Death have not that candor or fair dealing of Plowden's Commentaries or the Reports of the Lord Dyer or many other of his own Reports but concealing the Arguments and Reasons urged by the Opponents doth onely give us a Summary of his own and the other Judges Opinions which we hope may vanish into a mistake and meet with no better entertainment from those Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law if they were now in the Land of the Living to revise and examine those Opinions so Dogmatically delivered then a Retractation or Wish that they had never seen the Light or walked in the view of the Vulgar and advise those who would gladly make them the Patroni of so many ill Consequences as either have or may follow upon such Doctrines to build upon better Foundations and not to adhere so much unto them or any others though they should be willing to seem to be as wise therein as Socrates or Plato but rather subscribe to the Truth CHAP. XX. That the power and care of Justice and ihe distribution thereof is and hath been so essential and radical to Monarchy and the Constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognizance divers Causes which their established Courts either could not remedy or wanted power to determine have remoued them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon just and legal occasions respite or delay Justice WHen the King is Author omnis Jurisdictionis the Author of all Jurisdiction which is the specifica forma virtus essentialis Regis qua se nequit abdicare quamdiu Rex est neque vis illa summae ditionis potestatis Regiae dignitate citra pernitiâ—m ejus interitum separari distrahique potest Speciâ—ick form and essence of Kingly Majesty which the King cannot alienate or depart from as long as he is King nor may that Jurisdiction or supream Power be severed from the Regal Dignity without the ruine or destruction of the King as Mr. Adam Blackwood a Scotchman hath very well declared in his Book against Buchanan his Learned more than Loyal Countrey-man concerning the Magistracy Lords of Sessions and Judges in Scotland That all Judges and Magistrates Ne in Civilibus quidem causis nullam nisi munere beneficioque Regis sententiae dicendae nullam Juris judiciorum potestatem habent derived even in Civil Causes all their power and authority from the Kings Authority and without it had no power to give a Sentence or Judgment quicquid enim Magistratuum est quicquid judicium
Regibus obnoxium for what ever any Magistrates or Judges do is subject to his controll or superintendency Quicquid potâ—statis ditionis impâ—rii nacti sunt id receptum benignitati Regum praestare tenentur in quorum praesentia non sâ—cus evaneseit quam in meridiano sole stellarum fulgor quae coruscant in tenebris lucidissimis radiis mirum in modum scintillantes apparent Whatever Power or Jurisdiction they had was to be attributed to the Grant and Favor of the King in whose Presence it doth vanish and disappear as the brightness of the Stars which shine in the dark do at the shining or glory of the Sun Quemadmodum enim illae praesenti quicqued habent luminis soli foenerantur Ita Magistratuum potestas omnis vis imperium ubi praesto Rex est ad eum redit aquo profectum est for as they do borrow their light from the Sun so all the Power Force and Rule which the Magistrates have when the King comes or acts in his own Person do return to him from whom they received it and that if Kings do abstinere non tantum a sententiae dictione sed a foro ne Regiae dignitatis splendore judicum oculi perstringantur forbear from intermedling in their Courts of Justice it is that by the lustre of their Presence the Business of the Judges may not be hindred or disturbed Non igitur abs re tribunalia creatis a se Magistratibus relinqunt idque solemne Reges habent ut nunquam in orchestra conspiciuntur nisi quid momenti gravioris inciderit quod ipsorum authoritate absoluta summaque ditione potestate numine decidatur Wherefore it was not without cause that they did leave their Tribunals to Judges or Magistrates made or created by them and made it to be as a Custom duly to be observed not to appear themselves in their Courts of Justice unless some great matter of weight or moment hapned which required the aid or assistance of their supream and absolute Authority and that notwithstanding that James the fourth King of Scotland did in imitation of what he had learnt in France Institute a kind of supream Court and call'd it The Court of Sessions for determination of Causes like that of the Parliament of Paris and in Criminal matters made it to be without Appeal Quaedam vero quae majoris Exempli sunt regis cognitionem desideranâ— quae Scotorum Jurisperitorum vulgus puncta vocat sive Capita Coronae reservata cujusmodi sunt Majestatis raptuâ— incendii id genus aliorum But yet there were certain matters or things which the ordinary sort of Lawyers amongst the Scots called Points or Pleas of the Crown especially reserved to the Determination and Judgment of the King himself such as Treason Rape burning of Houses or the like which being in the Year of our Lord 1581 when Mr. Ad. Blackwood wrote that Loyal and Learned Treatise not denied to be good Law and right Reason in Scotland and of as long a Date or Original as about 300 years before the Incarnation of Jesus Christ was although it hath since the time that Mr. Blackwood wrote strangely deviated into the sullen surly and unwarrantable Doctrines and Practice of a factious and domineering Presbytery and other the heretofore Corahs Dathans and Abirams of Scotland Omnium regnorum perpetua lege more consuetudine receptum A received and well approved Law and Custom amongst all Nations and may seem to have been derived from the Council which Jethro many Generations after that an inundation of Sin had in the grand and most universal punishment of the Deluge washed away all Mankind but Noah and his Sons and Daughters in all but eight Persons and left them to tremble and stand amazed at his Justice and adore his Mercy gave to Moses his Son-in-law to ease himself of his continual toil and tiring labors From the Morning untill the Even in determining the Controversies of the People by constituting Judges over them and reserve to his own Decision and Judgment every great Matter Wherein it can not well accord with the rectified Reason of Mankind that Jethro had in that his Council any the least design to diminish the Superiority Right or Authority of Moses or that Moses by hearkning unto it did intend thereby to bereave himself of the dernier ressort ultimate Appeal and Authority with which God had entrusted him And those not to be contradicted sacred Records of the Almighty can assure us that not onely King David who is therein said to have been a Man after Gods own heart Solomon the wisest of Kings and the succeeding Kings of Israel and Judah but Ezra and Nehemiah who were but as Governors or Stadtholders under Artaxerxes over the remnant of the Captivity of the Jews did come close up to that advice of Jethro and adhere to those eternal Laws of right Reason Superiority and Rules of Government ever since observed in all or the greatest part of the Kingdoms of the habitable Earth amongst which our Kingdom of England and her early as well as later Inhabitants alterius orbis of this our other World for the Reasons and Authorities herein before declared and that which shall be added hereafter in confirmation thereof and the excellent and incomparable constitution and method of her Monarchy and Government which will manifest it self and be plainly evidenced to any who shall rightly inspect it is to be ranked and reckoned And may reduce to a better understanding all those who have taken up those Opinions on trust or a sleight or no examination that such a pattern of the Divine wisdom in his Theocraty and Monarchical Government of the promised Seed of Abraham is no way repugnant to those Rules of Government which have been not onely approved and practised by our British Saxon and Danish Kings before the Norman Success and Victory but continued by their Successors When King Canutus taught by the no seldom Petitions Appeals and Complaints of the People was about the Year 1016. enforced to make a Law That Nemo injuriis alterius Regi quaeratur nisi quidem in Centuria Justitiam consequi impetrare non potuit no Man should complain to the King of any wrong or injury done unto him unless he could not in the Century or Hundred-Couâ—t obtain any Remedy In that great and remarkable Pleading for three days together in the Reign of William the Conqueror at Pinnendene in Kent in the grand Controversie betwixt Lanfrank Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Odo Bishop of Bayeux the Kings half Brother for divers Mannors Lands and Liberties of that Arch-bishoprick of which the Bishop of Bayeux had disseised him although that King did upon special occasions sometimes hold his Commune Concilium or Parliament the King Prâ—cepit Comitatum totum absque morâ— considere homines comitatus omnes Francigenas praecipue Anglos in Antiquis legibus câ—nsuetudinibus peritos in unum
convenire Commanded the whole County without any delay to assemble together as well French as English and more especially such of the English as were skilful in the ancient Laws and Customs of England ubi Goisfredus Bishop of Constance in loco Regis saith the Leiger Book of Rochester vel vice Regis saith Eadmerus fuit Justiciam illam tenuit â—at Judge for or in the place or stead of the King as his Commissioner Hujus placiti multis testibus multisque rationibus determinatum finem postquam Rex audivit laudavit laudans cum consensu omnium principum suorum which could not be the Commons in Parliament as it is now formed or the then Commune Concilium the Parliament consisting of his Nobility Bishops and Peers who could not all of them be stiled Princes but were rather such of his greater sort of Nobility as were then attending upon him in his Court assembled and met together by his Command in that great and more than ordinary County-Court confirmavit ut deinceps incorruptus persevâ—raret â—irmiter praecepit the end of which Trial made by many Witnesses and Reasons being certified to the King he greatly approved it and by the consent of all his Princâ—s confirmed and strictly commanded it to be inviolably observed In the Reign of William Rufus his Son the Delegated Justice of the King in his Courts was so little believed not to be the Kings or the Judgments thereby or therein given not owned or understood to be given by the King as it was the Opinion as well as Complaint of Anselme Arch-bishop of Canterbury how justly or unjustly the Men of that Age when the Church-men were unruly and did not seldom forget themselves and their Benefactors did best know quod cuncta Regalis Curia pendebant ad nutum Regis nilque in ipsis nisi solum velle illius considerari That all matters in the Kings Court depended upon his Will and his onely Will was the Director thereof and whether the particular Interest of that stout and pious Prelate had therein misled his Judgment or no they must be too much unacquainted with our Laws reasonable Customs Annals Memorials Records and Accompts of Time and Transactions bigane and past as well as those of other Nations and the right origination or signification of the word Curia or Court and the no infrequent usage or acceptation thereof if they do not acknowledge that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupatur potestas Dominium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui potestate fretus est judiciumque exercet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi habitacula Domini That Curia signifieth Power and Dominion and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that exerciseth that Power in giving Judgment therein and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Habitation or Place of Residence of the Lord or Superior dicebatur autem Curia saith the judicious Sr. Henry Spelman primo de Regia seu palatio Principis inde de familia Judiciis in ea habitis ritu veterrimo it being at the first or more especially called Curia or the Court and took its Denomination by a most antient Usage or Custom from the Kings House or Palace and afterwards from their Houshold or Family and the Place where Kings did administer Justice And so untill Courts for the distribution of Justice were allow'd for the ease of Princes and better accommodation of their People out of their Houses or Palaces it will not be easie or possible to espy any essential difference as to the Place of doing Justice betwixt Curia Regis and Camera Regis the Court or Chamber of the King for after that some of our Courts of Justice in England by the indulgence of their Soveraigns ceased either to be ambulatory or resident in their Palaces those that have not bid a defiance to that universally allowed and entertained Maxim by all or most part of Mankind Qui facit per alium facit per se He that doth by another is truly and rightly said to have done it himself and are not resolved to encounter or be adversaries to all the right Reason which they can meet with or to pick up such weak and incogent Arguments as may make a shadow rather than substance of Truth or right Reason ought to confess that there is no real difference between the Kings doing of Justice in his own Person and cauâ—ing it to be done by others or betwixt the hearing of Causes or doing of Justice in the Hall or his Privy Chamber or any other Room of his House or Palace and that before and from the Conquest untill after the thirty eighth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third whilst the Chief Justice of the Court of Kings Bench attended our Kings as well in their Courts as Progress to assist him in matters of Law and the Decision of Pleas of the Crown and such matters of Law as were not appropriate to the Decision of the Court of Common Pleas as it was then and hath been since constituted which did not leave the Kings Court or Palace untill King Henry the Third commanded it in the twentieth Year of his Reign to abide at Westminster Our Kings of England have in their own Persons heard some or many Causes and given divers Judgments in Aula in their Court or Palace in some Causes wherein they had the assistance of the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench and when they did not do it personally by reason of their frequent Divertisements Addresses of Ambassadors from Foreign Princes or in respect of the many great Affairs and Cares of State and Government which could not afford them the time or leisure to do it did cause it to be done by their Authority and by their constituted Justices who Vicaria Potestate by as it were a Deputation Lieutenancy or Assignation to those onely purposes represented them and were impowered to do it the Courts of Justice in William the Conquerors time being called Justicia Regis the Justice of the King and the Judges or Justices in the Reign of King Henry the Second Justiciae Regis in the abstract the Kings Judges or Justices For the Kings Justice or Superiority was never yet by any Law or Reason absolutely or altogether conâ—ined to his delegated Courts or authorized Judges or Justices or to any certain or determinate Place as that froward and powerful enough Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury could not but acknowledge when in a Parliament or Great Council holden in the Kings Court at Winchester by the Command of King William the Second or William Rufus in the Contest betwixt him and that King concerning that Archbishops resolution oâ— going to Rome and the Kings refusing to give him Licence divers of the Lords and Bishops passed in and out betwixt them and at last the Archbishop himself went in unto him to expostulate and debate the Matter with him And in the making of the Constitutions of Clarendon in
the Reign of King Henry the Second when Thomas Becket the stubborn Archbishop of Canterbury having Judgement ready to be given against him by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in that Parliament or Great Council upon the Complaint of John Marshal for Injustice done unto him by the said Archbishop and his Defence heard Rex exigit Judicium The King demanded Judgement to be given against him But the Earls Barons and Bishops delaying of it and contending who as it hath been said in other cases should hang the Bell about the Cats Neck and begin the Vote or Sentence Rex hac audita de pronunciando Controversia motus est the King hearing the Controversie who should begin the Vote was displeased whereupon Henry de Blois Bishop of Winchester impositus dâ—cere tandem invitus pronunciavit being put to it to give his Vote did at length begin it In the second year of the Reign of King John that great Suit touching a Barony which William of Mowbray claimed against William of Stutuile which had depended from the Reign of King Henry the Second is said to have bin ended Consilio Regni voluntate Regis by the Kings Will and Advice of Parliament In the One and twentieth year of the Reign of King Henry the Third a Complaint being made to the King that Jordan Coventry one of the Sheriffs of London having by the Order of the Mayor and Aldermen of London arrested and taken divers persons that were offenders in Annoying the River of Thames with Kiddels upon Complaint made to the King he sent for the Mayor and Citizens and upon hearing of the Matter confirmed the Cities Jurisdiction convicted the Complainants Amerced every of them at Ten Pounds and adjudged the Amerciaments to the City In the Thirty eighth year of that Kings Reign upon a Quarrel betwixt some young men of that City and some of the Kings Servants the Londoners being despitefully used by them fell upon them and did beat them shrewdly who thereupon complaining to the King he Fined the Citizens to pay One thousand Marks In the one and fortieth year of his Reign being in the year 1256. he sate in the Court of Exchequer in Westminster Hall where he did make Orders for the Appearance of the Sheriffs and bringing in of their Accompts and Fined the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of London for Oppression and Wrongs done by them who submitted themselves in that place to the King And if so and the Records and Memorials as well of the Court of Exchequer as of that City do speak it there can be nothing within the pale or verge of Reason or the fancy or imagination of any whose Intellectuals are not in a Lethargy to make it either possible or rational that the King himself had not then and there the Preheminence or Courtesie afforded him to give or pronounce the Order or Judgments or that the Soveraignty as the Law in more inferior matters betwixt party and party amongst private persons doth sometimes adjudge it should be at that instant or part of time in abeiance or suspence and operate nothing or that the Barons of the Exchequer could at that Time by intendment of Law be supposed to represent the King when he was personally present it being by the Law of Nations a constant usage and custom settled and approved in the most parts of Christendom that the Governors of Cities and Forts do at the coming and personal Presence of their Soveraign deliver unto him upon their knees the Keys thereof and in all obedienee and humility receive them and their Authority again upon their departure and re-delivery And it is not yet gone out of the memory of man that Sir William Cokain Knight Lord Mayor of London when King James in a Great Solemnity came to St. Pauls Church did at Temple-Bar deliver upon his knees unto him the Keyes and Sword of the City and carried a Mace before him Or that it would not be Contrarium in objecto a Parcel of Contradictions that Esse at one and the same instant of Time can be a non esse idem non idem ibi non ibi the King should be understood not to be there when he was there and to be there onely virtually and in power and not present when he was there in his Person as well as in his Power Or that He should sit and be there onely as an Auditor or Spectator Or as Sir Edward Coke said concerning King James his personally sitting in the Court of Star-Chamber to consult but not in Judicio in Judgement when the Law and the Reason of the Law and the Fact and the Records and Memorials thereof do give so full an evidence against that Pseudo Doctrine and ill-grounded Opinion which the Learned Lawyers and Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Third did so little believe As Bracton discoursing where Actions Criminal by the Laws and Customs as well before his Time as in the Reign of King Henry the Third were to be heard and adjudged expresly concludeth with a Sciendum est quod in Curia Domini Regis debent terminari cum sit ibi poena corporalis infligenda hoc coram ipso rege si tangat personam suam sicut Crimen laesae Majestatis vel coram Justiciariis ad hoc specialiter assignatis si tangat personas privatas It is to be known or certain that Actions Criminal ought to be tryed in the Kings Court and that before the King himself if as in cases of Treason they concern the Person of the King because there is a corporal punishment to be inflicted or before Justices specially thereunto assigned if they concern private persons And gives the reason vita vero membrum hominum sunt in manu Domini Regis vel ad tuitionem vel ad paenam cum deliquerint for the lives and members of all the Kings Subjects are in the hand of the King either to defend or punish Habet enim plures Curias in quibus diversae actiones terminantur illarum Curiarum habet unam propriam sicut Aulam Regiam Justiciarios Capitales qui proprias causas Regis terminant aliorum omnium per quaerelam vel per privilegium sive libertatem ut si sit aliquis qui implacitari non debeat nisi coram ipso Domino Rege for he hath many Courts in which divers Actions are to be tryed And of those Courts hath one of his own as that of the Kings Palace and hath Chief Justices who are to hear and determine the proper Causes of the King and of all others upon complaint or by reason of priviledge or liberty as where a man sued or prosecuted ought not to be impleaded but before the King For in vain were many since the Conquest exempted by Priviledge not to be tryed before any but the King himself if our Kings did never use nor could in person hear and determine
under His Seal and Teste Me Ipso directed to all His Courts of Justice And are as Bracton saith Formata ad similitudinem Regulae Juris framed by and according to the Rules of Law whiâ—h warranting many of the Proceeding thereof are in the Assize betwixt Wimbish and the Lord Willoughby in Trinity Term in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth said and not denyed to be Law and the Act of the King but not of the Chancellor So as they who shall endeavour to impose upon other men that the King is not by Law presumed to be present in his Court of Kings Bench where the Records do mention the Judgements given therein to be coram Rege before the King as if he were personally present with the Judges of that Court who are assigned to assist Him may as to the Kings Power in matters of Justice and over the Judges and Courts delegated by Him do well to seek a reason which is justly to be feared will never be found why it should be Law or Reason for King Alfred in the discords or ignorance of his Subordinate Judges in the distribution of Justice to hear and determine the Causes Himself or for King Canutus long after to judge the Causes of such as complained unto him when our Bracton doth not at all doubt of it when he saith that the Judges nullam habent Authoritatem sed ab alio i. e. Rege sibi Commissam cum ipse qui delegat non sufficiat per se omnes Causas sive Jurisdictiones terminare they have no Authority but what they are intrusted with by the King who granted it when as he who delegated them is not able or sufficient by himself to hear aad determine all Causes in every Jurisdiction unto which our Register of Writs that Pharmacopeia Director and Magazine of Medicines and Remedies for many a Disease in the Estates and Affairs of the People which Justice Fitz Herbert in his Preface to his Book De Natura Brevium of the Nature of Writs calleth The Principles of the Law and the Foundation whereupon it dependeth and in Plowdens Commentaries is as to many things truly said to be the Foundation of our Laws and so Authentique as Brown Justice in the Case betwixt Willon and the Lord Barkley in the third year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth declared that all Writs were to pursue the Forms in the Register and it was enough to alledge so is the Register will easily assent and all our Books of the Law all the Practice and Usage of our Courts of Justice all our Records Close and Patent Rolls and our Kings hearing and determining of Differences betwixt the Common Law and Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions and their making of Orders to reconcile the Proceedings of the severall Judges thereof and the like betwixt the Admiralty Court and the Courts of Common Law ordered decided and agreed before King Charles the First and His Privy Council in the ninth year of His Reign the Judges in criminal Matters not seldom attending the King for a Declaration of His Will and Pleasure where a Reprieve Pardon or Stay of Execution shall be necessary will be as so many almost innumerable powerful and cogent Arguments to justifie it And a common and dayly Experience and the Testimony of so many Centuries and Ages past and the Forme used in our Writs of Scire Facias to revive Judgements after a year and a day according to the Statute of Westminster the 2. with the words Et quia volumus ea que in Curia nostra rite acta sunt debite executioni demandari because we would that those things which are rightly done in our Courts should be put in execution c. may bear witness of that Sandy Foundation Sir Edward Coke hath built those his great mistakings upon and those also that the King cannot propria Authoritate Arrest any man upon suspition of Treason or Felony when the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the First expresly acknowledgeth that the King may Arrest or cause men to be Arrested as well as His Chief Justice without distinction in ordinary and civil or criminal matters and when by the beforemention'd Opinions of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas and of all the Judges of England delivered under their hands in the Four and thirtieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth it was acknowledged that She or the Lords of Her Privy Council might do it And in the before recited great Case of the Habeas Corpora in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr there was no question made but that the King might lawfully do it with a cause expressed in the Warrant And many a Nobleman and others hath in several of our Kings Reigns either upon suspition of Treason or Flagranti Crimine in or very near the acting of it or upon great Misdemeanors been Arrested by our Kings and Princes onely Command and sent Prisoners to the Tower of London As the Great Mortimer Earl of March by King Edward the Third the Pompous Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Ann of Bulloin by King Henry the Eighth the Duke of Northumberland by Queen Mary the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Essex by Queen Elizabeth for Treason Robert Earl of Somerset and his Lady committed for Felony Sir Tho. Overbury for refusing to go Ambassador when he was sent by King James Henry Earl of Oxford for striking up a Great Lords heels in a Solemnity of a great Feast when the French Ambassador was entertained in Westminster Hall for presuming to offer to wash his hands after the King had washed in the Basin which as Lord Great Chamberlain of England he had holden to the King Thomas Earl of Arundel for marrying the Lord Matravers his Son to the Sister of the Duke of Lenox and Richmond without his Licence and Philip Earl of Pembroke and the said Lord Matravers for striking and scuffling with one another in the House of Peers in Parliament and some others by King Charles the First and some by His now Majesty and our Parliaments have many times in some Charges brought against offenders of the Weal Publique petitioned our Kings and Princes to do it and many others have been so committed in the Reigns almost of all our Kings and Princes of which every Age and History of this our Kingdom can give plentiful Examples which we may believe to have been done by good and legal Warrant when in all our many Parliaments and Complaints of the People therein such Arrests and Imprisonments have not been in the number of any of their complained Grievances for otherwise what Power Writ Authority or Warrant of a Judge or Justice of Peace could have seiz'd upon that Powerful Mortimer and taken him in Notingham Castle out of the amorous Embraces of Queen Isabel the
and unfitting a course or method of Government For can any man that is Master of the least grain of Reason or Prudence think it safe for a Kingdom so to restrain if it could be a Soveraign Prince when a person in time of Pestilence or otherwise shall with a Plague-Sore running upon him come into the presence of the King who in case of Leprosie when it was more frequent than now it is can for the preservation of His People from the infection thereof make His Writ de Leproso amovendo command the Leper to be removed to some other place that He should have no power to bid any of His Servants to cause him to be taken away or put in prison Or that King James when his Life was assaulted by the Assassinate which Earl Gowrey had appointed to murther him did transgress any Law of Scotland Nature or Nations when he did arrest and struggle with him until the loyal Sir John Ramsey came to his Rescue Or that that prudent Prince after his coming into England did break any Law of England Nature or Nations or not perform the Office of a King when by his own Authority he did without sending to the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench or a Justice of Peace for his Warrant cause Sir Thomas Knivet and others to apprehend Guydo Faux but some minutes before the Match should have been secretly and undiscovered laid in order to the firing of the Gunpowder and other Matterials which were shortly after to take fire for the accomplishment of the intended treason of him and his wicked Complices to destroy the King Prince Nobility and the Chiefest of his People assembled in Parliament and all that were in or near the Cities of London and Westminster by the Gunpowder Plot of blowing up the Houses of Parliament And whether a King may not in the like case of Contempt or Danger as well do it as he may do where a Souldier prest in the Kings Service upon a Certificate by the Captain into the Chancery being the Watch-Tower or Treasury of the Kings Justice that he absented himself send his Writ or Mandate to one of his Serjeants at Arms to take him which Sir Edward Coke saith may be done per Legem terrae by the Law of the Land and may upon a Certificate of an Abbot or Prior into the Chancery do the like by his Writ to the Sheriff to take a man professed in Religion that is Vagrant and alloweth it to be Lex Terrae a Legal Process so to do in honorem Religionis in honour and respect to Religion or may not as wel imprison a man for a Contempt as Discharge him Or why He may not Arrest or cause any man to be Arrested for Felony or Treason or but suspition thereof when Sir Edward Coke is of opinion any man may do in the Kings Name upon a common Fame or Voice or Arrest a man by warranty of Law and of his own Authority which woundeth another dangerously or keepeth company with a notorious Thief whereby he is suspected or if the King shall not upon necessity or extraordinary occasions be enabled to do it for that supposed rather than any reason at all that he ought not so to do in regard that no man can have an Action against Him for any wrong or injury done unto him by the King How have our Lawes and reasonable Customes for many Centuries and Ages past submitted unto and not at all complained of the Kings Seizure of Lands but suspected to be forfeited or of Lands aliened without Licence or pardon of Alienation and the like Or why should not our Kings have as much liberty as the holy King Edward the Confessour might have had if he would to have commanded a Thief to be apprehended for stealing in the Royal Lodgings when he bad him onely be gone lest Hugeline his Chamberlain should come in and take him Or as legally as King Edward the Third and his Council did commit one that was found arm'd in his Palace to the Marshalsea whence he could not be bayl'd or deliver'd until the Kings Will and Pleasure should be known Or as it was adjudged in the thirty nineth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when in an Action of Trespass the Defendant justified the doing thereof by the Command of the King when he was neither Bayliff nor Officer of the Kings and it was adjudged by the Judges that he might so do without any Deed or Writing shewed for it or if they should mistake in their Arrests or Imprisonments of suspected Traytors or Felons should not have as much liberty as a Justice of Peace hath in criminal matters or as the Judges have in his Courts of Justice in civil Actions where the parties that mistake or bring their Actions where they should not or Arrest one man in stead of another are onely punished with Costs of Suit or Actions of False Imprisonment but not the Judges or Justices of Peace for howsoever some Flatterers when King Richard the Third having murthered his Nephews and usurped the Crown and sate one day in the High Court of Chancery had in some of the Pleadings or Causes heard before him alledged that the King could do no wrong and some of our Lawyers have since so much believed it as they have reduced it into a kind of Maxime and given it a place in some of their Arguments Reports Yet Bracton in the Reign of King Henry the Third and Justice Stamford in the Reign of Queen Mary did believe the King might unwillingly by Himself or His Officers or Ministers do wrong and declared the Law to be both in Bractons and Stamfords time that in such Cases the Subjects where they have any matter of Complaint or Grievance need not want their legal Remedies by Traverse Monstrans de Droit or Petition the reason of the latter being as Stamford saith because the Subject hath no other Remedy against the King but to supplicate him by Petition for the Dignity sake of the Person And a late Experience hath told us how a Dispute betwixt our two Houses of Parliament whether a Great Person accused of Delinquency might be Arrested and put under Custody before his Charge or Accusation could be made ready gave the Party opportunity to escape into the Parts beyond the Seas and the Disputants leisure and time enough to agree of the matter And it should be remote enough from any the suspition of Errour or over-credulity for any man to think an Arrest or Imprisonment by the immediate Command of the King in the case of Treason or Felony or but suspition of either of them not to be as legal as that of a Justice of Peace made by a Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England in his Name and by his Authority derived under him And those who will take out Sir Edward Coke's before mentioned Lessons and enter themselves into
and the Responsa prudentum of their Commissionated Justices and the Reasonings and Dictates of those Disciples of refined Reason and how wide also is the difference betwixt Deliberation and things spoken of a sudden betwixt Arguments solemnly made both at the Bar and at the Bench and that which passeth from them obiter or in transitu hastily and without any premeditation or in passage or as circumstantial to some other matter or when it was not subjectum Argumenti the subject or material part of the Argument but came in as foreign or was not the principal Design thereof or was but as some of the Law Reports do mention other things to have been spoken onely ad mensam as they sate at Dinner or Supper or in their private Conferences or per Auditum by Hear-say or Report of another coming in from a Court or Business at Law where they that made the Report were not present neither were those Sons of Wisdom ignorant that Laws were to be so subservient to Government as not to incumber the just means thereof and the Power and Authority which should protect and take care of it For although Kings and Princes ought in performance of their Oaths taken at their Coronation to make the Methods and Rules of their Governments where Justice and Reason shall perswade it to come up as near as they can Legum suarum praescripto to the minde and direction of their established and allowed Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom and moderate and guide their Power as Bracton saith to the right end for which it was ordained yet the Suprema Lex Salus Populi ne quid detrimenti Respublica capiat the Supream Law to heed above all things next to the will and commands of the Almighty King of Kings the safety of the People and Weal Publique committed to their charge wherein their own is not a little concern'd being not to be neglected enjoyns the care and observation of that great Principle in the Eternal Laws of Nature and right Reason that there ought to be in all Kings Princes and Governors such a Power and Means extraordinary as may answer the purpose of Government procure Justice relieve Necessities and repel any the Incursions of Dangers which present Laws or the greatest fore-cast could never provide or before-hand arm against when Time Necessities or Hazards imminent cannot tarry for the popular or long deliberations or assent of a Multitude who can sooner bring upon themselves a ruining and fatal Discord than procure any help at present and that to oblige Government to a close and pertinacious adhering to Laws or Rules already established which can yield them no relief or at the most none at present may be as inconvenient and destructive as to limit a Captain Master or Pilot of a Ship going to Sea what Orders and no other he must observe when Pirates or Enemies assaults unlooked for the Furies of the merciless Windes and Seas or those many other Misfortunes of which the Seas do produce as great a plenty as they do variety shall rush or break in upon him and must of necessity require other helps or directions and cannot always sayl by Card or Compass or in sight of a conducting Pole-Star but most sometimes for the preservation of himself the Ship and Passengers lowr his Sayls cut his Cables or Main-mast or throw Goods over-board to be recompensed by those whose good and safety was procured by it Or might be as fatal as it would be to an Army when a General or Commander of it shall be pinnion'd and fetter'd with Instructions or Authorities ill calculated and must not go beyond them when their Cares Arts and Stratagems are not to be before-hand prescribed by Laws Instructions or Rules of War but are to be used and practised as Occasions Opportunities Advantages or Disadvantages Successes Dangers or Misfortunes shall advise And therefore if we look down from the hills of Time into the valleys of the Ages past and take a view of the Laws and Constitutions of our Princes the Records and Monuments of their Justice distributed by themselves or the Judges their Substitutes the weight of the Reasons of their Judgements therein and the Obedience which the People have from Age to Age readily paid unto them they that will not wilfully sacrifice to a peevish Obstinacy may see cause enough for our Kings as well to make use of extraordinary Helps and Remedies in order to Justice and the Weal Publique as their delegated Judges have done by that which they call Office and Discretion or course of Court and Equity of Statutes in many Causes too many to be here instanced when the Laws would too much streighten them or not permit them to do that which Justice would require or expect at their hands to believe that the no unfaithful or unlearned Judges in the former Ages did not incroach upon the Liberties of the People or wanted a Warrant of right Reason when they had such a veneration and respect to the Prudence of divers of our Princes their Reason and Necessities of State and the preservation of the People and in doing of Justice as in the sixth year of the Reign of King Richard the First Adam of Benningfield and Gundreda his Wife having brought a Writ of Dower against Robert Mallivell and Pavie his Wife for seven Carves of Land in Raveneston with the Appurtenances in the County of Nottingham of which the said Gundreda had a Fine levied unto her in the Court of King Henry by Robert Mallivell Father of the said Robert Mallivell and thereof produced the Chirograph and alledged that the said Robert the Son had disseized them in the War or Rebellion of Earl John the Kings Brother and was with him in the War against the King at Kingeshage and that by reason of the Seisin of the said Robert by the said Earl John the Land was taken into the Kings hands as Hugh Bardo witnessed but the said Robert pleaded that he paid a Fine to the King for it and for that Land to have his Lands again and for that produced the Kings Letters to the Sheriff of Nottinghamshire who attested the truth thereof Et Dominus Cancellarius dicit quod ipse accepit ab ore Domini Regis quod ipse redderet Seisinam terrarum omnibus illis qui disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem dicit quod ratum habeâ—ur quod ipsi disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem inde consideratum est quod magis ratum habetur quod Dominus Rex ore precipit quam quod per literas mandavit quod Adam Gundreda habeant Seisinam suam and the Lord Chancellor witnessed that he was commanded by the King by word of mouth that he should make Livery of their Lands to all which were disseized by the said Earl John which would have required a good Warrant in a matter concerning so many and said that it was proved that they
reddend erronice et sine warranto processerunt Upon view and due consideration of which Record and Writs aforesaid it appeared to the Court that the aforesaid Justices had by colour of the Writ of Procedendo which was of a later Date than the Writ of Venire Facias to cause the Record and Proceedings to be brought before the King and that by that Writ of Venire Facias the Power of Proceeding was taken from the aforesaid Justices nor in the said Writ of Procedendo was any mention made of the Bishops aforesaid Allegation nor of the Kings former Command that after the taking of the Assise they should not without Advising with the King Proceed to Judgement and that by such a giving of Judgement they had Proceeded Erroniously and without Warrant whereupon and other the Errors alledged the Judgement was Reversed and the Seisin of the Land adjudged to the Bishop In the third year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Bishop of Winchester being Attached to Answer the King Quare decessit a Parlemento tent ' apud novam Sarum absque licencia Regis contra inhibitionem Regis et in Regis contemptum Wherefore he departed from the Parliament Holden at New Salsbury without Licence of the King contrary to the Kings Inhibition and in Contempt of the King Episcopus dicit quod ipse est unus de Paribus Regni et Praelatis Regni et eis inest venire ad Parlementum Domini Regis summonit Et pro voluntate Domini Regis cum ipse placuerit Et dicit quod siquis eorum deliquerit erga Dominum Regem in parte aliqua in aliquo Parlemento debet corrigi emendari non alibi in minor Cur ' quam in Parlemento per quod non intendit quod Dominus Rex velit in Cur ' hic de hujusmodi transgressione contempt ' fact in Parlemento responderi c. To which the Bishop pleaded that he was one of the Peers and Prelates of the Kingdom and that they are to come to the Parliament of the King when they are summoned when he pleaseth and that if any of them should offend the King in any thing the King ought to correct or call them to accompt for it in Parliament and not elsewhere in any lesser Court. Wherefore he hoped that the King will for any such offence or contempt cause him to answer in Parliament To which the King's Attorney replyed Quod licet Regi de hujusmodi transgressione sectam facere vel delinquentem punire in quacunque Curia sibi placuerit c. Et Episcopus e contra ut prius ideo datus est dies That by Law the King may prosecute against a Delinquent in whatsoever Court he pleaseth which the Bishop denied as aforesaid and therefore further day was given c. King Edward the second having by his Letters Patents granted to Maurice Brownesword Officium Custod Vlnagij in Anglia postea ipsum inde amovit et conâ—ulit dictum Officium Nicholao Sherlock unde Mauricius per petitionem Regi porrectam in Bancum Regis missam petit quod dictum Officium ei restituatur The Office of the Aulnage in England and afterwards displaced him and granted the said Office to Nicholas Sherlock and Maurice Brownsword having thereupon exhibited his Petition to the King which prayed that the said Office might be restored unto him and the King having sent it to the Judges King Edward the third his Son notwithstanding in the fifth year of his raign misit breve suum Justic quod non vult ea irritari quae Pater suus in hoc fecit praecepit quod supersedeant quousque aliud inde ordinaverit c. sent his Writ to the Justices declaring that he would not have that to be made void which his Father had done and commanded them to proceed no farther therein untill his further order In a Judgment given in the Court of Kings Bench in Easter Term in the tenth year of the Raign of the aforesaid King upon a Taxation or Assesment upon the County of Hertford for the wages of Hoblers and Footmen It was declared Quod nihil renovandum seu emendand quod factum fuit per Regem that nothing was to be revoked or amended which was done by the King and in the same Term and year Super prolationem Recordorum Rotulorum Curiae al. Dominus Rex misit breve suum Justic mandando quod nihil agerent in prejudicium sâ—u ex hereditationem Domini Regis sed quod supersederent in negotio praedicto nihil inde faciendo inconsulto Rege upon producing of the Records and Rolls of the Court the King sent his Writ to the Justices commanding them that they should do nothing in his prejudice or disherison and that they should stay and proceed no further without advising with him In Easter Term in the forty sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the third Thomas Bishop of Durham was attached ad respondend tam Domino Regi quam Gulielmo sil Henr ' de Aslokey quare iâ— placito erroris in utlagaria ad sectam tam Katerine quae fuit Vxor Willi ' de Kilkenny quam ad â—ectam Dâ—iâ— Ept ' infra libertatem Episcopat ' Dunelm non misit Recordum ex Mandato Regis in Bancum Regis to answer the King as William the Son of Henry of Aslokey wherefore upon a Writ of Error brought to reverse an outlawry as well at the Suit of Katherine which was the Wife of William of Kilkenny as at the Suit of the Bishop within the liberty of the Bishoprick of Durham he had not sent the Records as the King had commanded into the Court of Kings Bench and upon a second Writ commanding him to do it or to shew cause which was delivered at his Castle of Auckland and a third Writ of the like Tenor delivered to the Bishop himself at Waltham Cross spretis mandatis record processus non misit nec causam significavit quare id facere noluit but disobeying the Kings commands had neither sent the Records and Process nor shewed any cause why he did it not Episcopus dicit quod nulla brevia ei liberavit apud Dunelm ' quod ad illud apud Waltham retornavit quod ipse est Comes Palatinus Dominus regalis cujusdam terrae vocat le Bishoprick de Durham habet omnia Jura regalia quae ad Comitem Palatinum Dominium regalem pertinent per se Justic ' Ministros suos ibidem excercenda ac Justic ' suos proprios viz. Coronatorem Cancellar Cancellariam brevia sua propria ibidâ— de Cancellaria sua emanantia quod ministri Domini Regis ad aliqua officia sua exercenda ibidem in aliquo ad omnia Com' placita se non intromittant realia et personalia quae ad comitem Palatinum pertinent infra terram praed ' quod habet Justic.
Crown from whence they had their first Original and Being and might by their every years Forfeitures since of too many of them by misusers or non-users take the advantage thereof And those of the better sort which have received the Honor of Knighthood and do enjoy the Dignity and respects thereof and in their Title of Knight or Cniht according to the Saxon and High and Low Dutch Languages do bear the signification of a Servant or attendant in Military affairs and so Uriah in the preface to the seven Paenitential Psalmes in King Henry the 8ths Primer is called King Davids Knight and Servant and our Knights were as Sir Henry Spelman hath informed us antiently reckoned amongst the Famulos Thanos Ministrâ—s Regis amongst the Kings special and more remarkable Servants and do or should enjoy the Priviledges not to be Decenners or Tithing men that they and their eldest sons should be exempted from being cited to appear in the Court Leets or Hundreds are as saith Camden called Equites aurati because antiently it was lawfull only for them to Guild and beautifie their Armor and Caparisons for their Horses with Gold and by the Statute made in the 8th year of the Reign of King Henry the 5th concerning only what things may be Guilded and what laid on with Silver Knights Spurs and all the Apparel which pertaineth to a Baron and above that Estate are allowed unto that noble Order when all others under the Penalty of 10 times the value are prohibited Were not saith the Lord Chancellor Egerton by the course of the Court of Star-Chamber to be examined upon any Interrogatories which might disparage them those that are to be chosen for every County which should be the Worthiest and Wisest men to be in the House of Commons in Parliament are to be milites gladiis cincti Knights in Assises of novel disseisin mort d'ancester attaint grand assise or in Writs of right two of the discreetest Knights of the Shire where the Justices shall come shall be associated unto them three are to be in Commissions of Oyer and Terminer to hear and determine forcible Entries rnd Outrages done in their County no man but a Knight was capable to be a Coroner antiently an eminent Officer of the Crown and Realm of England a plaint from a base and inferior Court could not be removed but by the Testimony of four Knights an Infant holding Lands by Knight Service made a Knight was antiently as to his person out of wardship or pupillage a Knight inhabitant or resorting to any City or Town Corporate wherein is Conusance of criminal Pleas is not to be impannel'd in any Jury for the Triall of any Capitall crime when the Sheriff had received Tallies of the Kings Debtors although he was an Officer of Trust and whose Retorne or Answer was much credited yet was not his Certificate into the Kings Exchequer of that Faith or Credit in the case aforesaid except the same were Fortified with one part of a Chirograph or Indenture Sealed and the hands of two Knights Testifying the same no Constable or Castelaine was to distraine a Knight for Castle-guard or to Execute that Service in his own Person because he is Priviledged to do it by the body of another and the like in Service of War in regard of the Dignity of Knighthood in every Commission to take the acknowledgment of a Fine to be levied of Lands a Knight ought to be one of the Commissioners in grand Assise and Writs de faâ—so judicio four Knights are to be Impannelled and not a less number in a Writ de perambulatione facienda and are so much valued and Intrusted above others as in Tryalls and Issues at Law where any of the Nobility or any Bishop is a party one Knight is to be of the Jury and are so more than many others Priviledged as their Armor and Horses as hath been before remembred are not to be taken in Execution there being so great an Honor appropriate and fixed to the degree of Knighthood as by the Law of Nations where their Knights are not also without many and great Priviledges an English Knight is not to be denyed that Honor Place and Reverence in all Forrein Kingdoms and Places where they shall have occasion to reside and Travell and are by other Nations as well as ours so much esteemed as they are not whilst they are Knights not to suffer any ignominous punishment and therefore S. Giles Mompesson and Sir Francis Michell Knights in the later end of the Reign of King James were degraded before they under went the Infamy inflicted upon them And so much were our Knights respected by our Laws as Hakelinus filius Joscii Quatribusches was in the time of King Henry the 2d fined 100 l. then a great Sum of Money for striking a Knight and Moyses de Cantebridgia 40 Marks because he was present when the Knight was compelled to Swear that he would not complain of the Injury done unto him Sir Francis Tyas a Knight in the Reign of King Edward the first recovered five pounds Damages in Wakefeild Court in Yorkshire a-against one German Mercer for Arresting the Horse of one VVilliam Lepton that was his Esquire and causing him to be unattended the Court Roll mentioning it to be ad dâ—decus dampnum praedicti Francisci quia fuit sine Armigero to the disgrace and damage of the said Sir Francis because he wanted the Service of his Esquire and a Ribauld or Clown that should without cause strike a Knight was as Britton saith to be punishâ—d by the loss of his hand that did it every man should owe so much to their benefactors as not to deny the King those regards and respects which are due unto him when the contempt or misusage of them cannot have any better effect than a dishonor of the King himself or be without a Reflection upon their Master and a disparagement to his Regal Authority which all the Histories and Monuments of former times have loudly Proclaimed to be dangerous both to King and people and do not seldome happen when Majesty is either contemned or neglected They who have no other to flye unto for help in in case of a denyall of their own Priviledges and can by his Favor and Justice procure a Writ of secta ad Curiam when a man refuseth to perform his Suit either to the County or Court Baron or de secta ad molendinum against one that refuseth to Grind his Corn at the Lords Mill quare obstruxit against one who having a liberty to pass through his Neighbours ground cannot do it by the owners threatning to hinder it essendi quietum de thelonio in the case of Citizens and Burgesses of any City or Town who have a Charter or prescription to exempt them from Toll through the whole Realm a Writ de fine Annullando to annull a Fine levied of
received him with four hundred men on Horsback clad all in one Livery And by a sad experience if they have a mind to taste it and the King should not continue and make it to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove his Courts his Servants and Courts of Justice as King Edward the first did to York for Seven years together during his Wars with Scotland would too late repent the misusage of the Founders and cause of their happiness and acknowledge the Night and Shades to be long and cold when their Sun should remove his Walk or Tropick to enlighten and refresh another part of the World And would find themselves to be mistaken in their Accompt as well as Opinion if they should fancy that nothing can hurt their Trade unless the River of Thames should be carried away from them and may in time be so well Acquainted with the Error of those conceipts as to confess that they were built upon a very Tottering and failing Condition when they shall like men either of any retrospect to the Ages or Times past or prospect of what is coming or may surely happen but consider that in all the Reigns of our Brittish Saxon or Danish Kings or of those of the Norman Race untill the Reign of King Edward the third the Neighbourhood of their Thames brought them so little advantage as it was rather an Embrio than an Emporium or noted Town of Trade that from thence to the Erecting and Incouragement of the Staple Towns and Cities of Trade whereof Westminster was one By King Edward the third for the Advance of our Clothing and Wollen Manufacture which in a short time after by the Wars of Franâ—e or some other intervenient obstruction dwindled into a desuetude and London and her Blackwell-hall made to be the Mistress of that once flowrishing Trade the quieting of Wales and the Commerce with it after the Reign of King Henry the 4th the uniting of the Houses of York and Lancaster by King Henry the 7th the opening of the Passages to the East and West Indies Grants of many Fairs and Markets which have been since made the Trade of London which was not before much more than in its Bloom and Blossom is by the Power Alliance Leagues and Interest of our Kings and Forreign Princes and the many Immunities and Priviledges procured by them for our Merchants with Francâ— Spain Portugal Burgundie and the Netherlands the Russia or Moscovie Hause or Hamburgh East and West-India Trade with those of the English Colonies as Virginia Bermudus Barbados St. Christophers New-England Maryland Mevis and Siranam since arrived to that height or perfecton which hath like Tirus Enlarged Her Borders and made her the Merchant of many Isles and to be as the Ocean into which al the Rivers of the Land do run and hasten to pay their Tribute And in the greatest of her Pride and Glory should not be to learn that the Scheld could not after that the Heiresse of Burgundie had transferred her Court and residence into Spain That great and Famous Town of Trade was made a place of desolation and a wonder of what she was and that the residence and Court of the French Kings hath made Paris though an Inland City far di-distant from the Sea and washed only by the River Seyne not much acquainted with Ships or Navigation to be called domicilium Regis caput regni the Head and Chief of all the Towns and Cities of France le Roy ayant son domicile ou les Princes Pairs de France autres officiers de la Couronne doivent estre a la suâ—te du Roy the King having there his House or Palace and the Princes and Peers of France and other Officers of the Crown who ought to attend the Court of the King Do the Merchants of London who Trade into Spain Russia and many other parts of the World by the Care Power and Protection of our Kings and Princes and their chargeable Embassies to Forreign Princes and States enjoy a Priviledge and Freedom from Arrests of their Persons or Estates without a Complaint first made to their Consuls or Remedie endeavoured to be obtained by Application unto them and to have their Causes and Actions tryed before a Judge Conservator of their own Priviledges Do our Kings allow and cause those Consuls to Solicite and take a care to maintain and defend those Priviledges and Authorize their Embassadors residing in the Courts of any Kings Princes or Republicks to make it to be a part of their business to be assistant unto them Have the Magistrates of the City of London for more than 500 years together at their coming to the Cathedral Church of St. Paul at some of their greatest Festivals and Solemnities in every year untill our late times of Confusion in a gratefull remembrance of his Favours walk round about and visit the Grave-Stone or Burial place of William Bishop of London who procured some Liberties to be Granted by William the Conqueror to their City being not the half of those of a greater Consequence and Profit which have been since Granted unto them by King Henry the first King Richard the first King John King Henry the third King Edward the third King Richard the second King Edward the 6th and divers others of our Kings and Princes who gave unto them many more and greater Favours and Priviledges as the Shrevalty of Middlesex Liberty to choose every year their Mayor free Warren in a great Circuit about the City that every Sheriff should have two Clarks and two Serjeants and the City have a Common Seal that the Mayor should be Escheator and Justice of Gaol Delivery at Newgate that the Serjeants of the Mayor and Sheriffs should bear Maces of Silver and Guilt with the Kings Arms Engraven upon them the Aldermen should continue during their lives and not be removed without special Cause with the grant of the Borough of Southwark and Conservation of the River of Thames cum multis aliis c. and many more some of which were before recited Will not all those Benefits their Being their Happiness and the continuance of those blessings with their Trades at home and abroad be enough to put them in mind to shew a kindness respects and Civility due unto the Kings Servants and not to drown those many Favours Honours and Priviledges received from him and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors in the dead Sea of a base and unworthy Ingratitude or imitate Jesurun who like an Heyser waxing fat kickt against the cause of it Or can they upon any Foundation or ground of Reason or probability think that if our Kings should not continue and make London to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove himself his Court and Servants to York Hull Oxford or Bristoll the Inhabitants thereof would not gladly pay him a greater Tribute of Duty and Thankfulnes than the not Arresting his Servanrs without licence first