like as to the magistrates of Rome chuse wither he would slay and offer them at Rome or Preneste Also that out of that fleet which rid in the harbour of Brundusium there should be twentie gallies assigned him to use until such time as the king were arrived at the fleet which was given him Finally that L. Cornelius Scipio should accompanie him never depart from him but bear the charges both of him his retinue about him untill they were embarked ashipbourd It is said that the king joied wonderously at this courtesie and kindnes offered him by the people of Rome that he would needs pay for those presents which were given him onely hee commaunded his son to take a gift at the hands of the people of Rome Thus much have our historians written as touching K. Prusias But Polybius reporteth that this K. was unwoorthie the majesty of so honorable a name for that he was wont to meet the embassadours of Rome with his head shaven and a cap upon it also to acknowledge cal himselfe the freed villaine and vassaile of the people of Rome and to testifie so much he ware the badge and token of that degree and condition At Rome likewise when he entred the Counsel-house hee stouped downe and kissed the very doore sill calling the Senatours gods his saviours yea and to have used other speeches not so honourable to the hearers as base and unsitting his own person When hee had sejourned in and about the cittie not above thirtie daies hee tooke his leave and departed into his owne Realme To the Reader FRom the five and fortith booke forward all the rest of Livie to the great maine blemish of the Latin tongue and no small griefe of learned men is lost even 100 bookes wanting five like as those ten betweene the tenth and one twentith books commonly called the second Decade For as it appeareth by L. Florus the Epitomist there were in all 140 and the arguments of so many remaine at this day by him collected But if it be true that Frauncis Petrarch saith Livie wrote in all 142 and as Charles Sigonius probably coniectureth the 36 and 37 Breviaries of L. Florus be wanting of this latter number How all these complete bookes of T. Livius should miscarrie it is not certenly knowne Some hope there is that they are but mis-cast and laid out of the way For like as within these hundred yeeres some fragments of the storie were discovered in Magunce and the last five bookes now extant found by Simon Grinaeus in the Librarie of a monasterie over-against the citie of Wormbs and dedicated by Erasmus of Roterdam unto Charles the son of William Lord Montjoy in the reigne of Henrie the eight of famous memorie K. of England c. so wee are not to despaire of the rest In the meane time we must make much of these briefe summaries left unto us Even as therefore I have inserted those ten Breviaries in stead of the bookes so I thought it not amisse in hope that one day the verie bookes themselves will come to light to proceed in the rest following and the rather for that neither bee that translated Livie into the Tuscane language nor they who have done him into French as farre as I could ever see have taken that paines THE BREVIARIES OF L. FLORVS VPON THE REST OF T. LIVIVS HIS BOOKES WHICH ARE NOT EXTANT Of the six and fortith Booke EVmenes came towards Rome Now because in the Macedonian warre he had carried himselfe indifferent betweene Perseus and the Romanes there passed a law in generall tearmes That no King might repaire to Rome to the end that if he were excluded he should not be reputed an enemie nor if he were admitted acquit and cleered of all fault Cl. Marcellus the Consull subdued the Gaules inhabiting the Alpes and C. Sulpitius Gallus the Ligurians The Embassadours of K. Prusias complained of Eumenes for that hee invaded and wasted their borders and they enformed besides that hee had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome At the earnest suit and entreasie of the Rhodians a league was contracted with them The Censors tooke a review and survey of the city wherein were enrolled and sessed 327022 citizens of Rome M. Aemylius Lepidus was elected president of the Senat. Ptolomaeus the king of the Aegyptians was by his younger brother expelled out of his realme but by the meanes of Embassadours sent from Rome he was restored to his kingdome Vpon the death of Ariarathes king of Cappâ—docia his sonne Ariarathes came to the crowne and by entercourse and mediation of Embassadours renewed amittie with the people of Rome This booke containeth besides the warres against the Ligurians Corsians and Lusitanians fought with variable fortune the troubles also in Syria after the death of Antiochus who left behind him Antiochus his sonne a very child This young prince togither with his guardian Lysias Demetrius the sonne of Selencus who had been sent in hostage to Rome murdered privily because he was not set at large and dismissed by the Romanes and so himselfe entred upon the kingdome L. Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Perseus departed this life whose incorruptions and abstinence from the publicke treasure was such that notwithstanding he had brought both out of Spaine and Macedonie so great store of wealth and riches yet when his goods were prized and sold there would be hardly raised thereof sufficient to repay his wife her dowrie The Pomptine marishes were drawen drie by Cor. Cethegus the Consull unto whom that charge was by lot fallen and the same turned into firme ground Of the XLVII booke CNeus Tremellius a Tribune of the Commons had a fine set on his head for that he had contended in a wrongfull cause with M. Aemylius Lepidus the soveraigne Pontifie The power and authoritie of the cleargie magistrates was greater and mightier than before A law was enacted as touching inordinate suit for offices In the survey of the citie there were taxed in the subsidie booke 328314 Romane citizens L. Aemylius Lepidus was chosen againe president of the Senat. Betweene the two breethren Ptolomees who were at variance there passed this accord and agreement That the one should reigne in Aegypt and the other in Cyrenae Ariarathus king of Cappadocia by the politick plot forcible power of Demetrius king of Syria dispossessed of his kingdome was by the Senat set into it againe Certein embassadors were sent as delegates from the Senat to determinie of the litigigius ground betweene Masanissa and the Carthaginians C. Martius the Consull fought against the Dalmatians at the first unfortunatly but afterwards atchieved the victorie The occasion of the waâ— with them was this for that they had made wast upon the Illyrians who were allies of the people of Rome The same nation Cornelius Nasica the Consull brought in subiection Q. Opimius the Consull subdued the Ligurians beyond the Alpes who had spoiled Antipolis and Nicaes
recited all the articles and conditions thereof Hearken quoth hee O Iupiter listen thou Herald for the Albanes attend also and give eare yee the Albane people how these conditions from the first to the last have beene read alowd out of those bookes or tables of waxe without coven or fraud and how at this day they are most rightly meant and understood according to the tenure of the words from these articles I say shall not the people of Rome start backe first nor make default If they shall first goe backe and faile therein by publicke consent and fraudulently that day O Iupiter smite thou the citie of Rome as I to day will strike this swine yea and smite thou home so much more as thou art more able and powerfull than my selfe And after he had thus said he smote the swine with a slint stone The Albanes likewise repeated their prescript forme of words and the oath by their Dictator and Priests for the purpose The complements of the covenant and composition thus performed and all concluded then those three brethren of both sides as it was before agreed buckle to arme themselues And being encouraged on both hands by their well-willers and friends that put them in mind of their countrey gods their native soile and parents saying that all their fellow citizens and countreymen whatsoever both at home in the cittie and abroad in the campe euery one had their eie onely upon them their weapons and their hands the young men being both of themselves by nature forward and lustie and also emboldened with the comfortable words of their friends advanced forth betweene both armies Now were the two hosts set on both sides before their campes rid of present danger rather than void of care and pensivenesse For why the whole triall of soveraignetie and rule rested in the valour and good speed of a few Whereupon they longing to see the sequele and issue were wholly bent to behold and onely minded this unpleasant sight and spectacle At sound of trumpet these brave brethren three to three like as they had beene two set battels and carrying the stomackes verily of two great armies affronted one another and with cruell and mortall weapons gave the charge Neither regarded they their owne proper peril but set before their eies only the rule or servitude of the common-weale as if the state of their country from thenceforth lay wholly upon their good or band successe in this action So soon as they began to cope together and make assault that their harneis and weapons once clattered and their drawne swords shone and glittered againe behold such an exceeding feare came upon the beholders that they trembled and quaked withall and during the time of equall combate seeing no inclination of victorie to the one side or the other they were so astonied that unneath they could well speake or freely take their wind Afterwards when as they were come to closing and handstrokes and that now not onely the stirring of their bodies and the doubtfull handling of their weapons and armour but bloodie wounds also were seene two of the Romanes having sore wounded all the three Albanes fell down one upon the other and yeelded up the ghost At whose fall the Albane host shouted againe for ioy but the Romane legions albeit they were now past all hope of victorie yet they were not void of care being amated and in an extasie as it were with very feare what should become of him who being but one had three Curiatij vpon him at once But as good hap was hee as yet was fresh and unwounded And as hee was not able alone to make his part good with them altogether so in single fight man to man he thought himselfe good ynough for them all one after another To single them therefore and to part them in fight he begins to flie thinking thereby they would follow after him each one as his hurt bodie would give him leave Now when he was retired a prettie good way from the place where they had fought and looking behind him espied them follow farre a sunder and one of them not much behind himselfe hee turned againe upon him with great violence And whilest the host of the Albanes cried out to the Curiatij to rescue and succour their brother Horatius by that time had slaine his formost enemie and was in hand with the second Then the Romans with such a shout as they are wont to make who after a great fright recover themselves and take heart againe encourage their champion and hee himselfe hasteneth to finish the combate And before that the third who was not far off could get to the other he had slaine the second Curiatius So that now there was but one to one left to fight on even hand and they neither in hope nor strength equally matched As for the one of them his bodie as yet not wounded and his double victorie withall caused him to attempt the third conflict stoutly and courageously The other faint and feeble of his hurt tired with running had much adoe to come forward and quite out of heart seeing his two brethren lie slain at his feet offereth himselfe as a prey to his victorious enimie for surely betweene them was no fight at al to speake of The Romane he triumphing and crying out for joy Two brethren alreadie qd he have I sent to the divell the third likewise shall I send after them that a Romane may command an Albane which is the cause of all this warre And there with he thrust his sword alost into his throat who had much adoe to hold his weapons and so soone as he was downe stript and rifled him The Romanes with great triumph and gratulation receive Horatius rejoicing so much the more as his case was more dangerous and well neere desperate Then of both sides addresse they themselves to burie their champions but not with like cheere and alacritie of heart For why they of the one part were become lords and they of the other subiects Their tombes remaine yet to be seene in the very places where they were each of them slain two of the Romans entombed together in one place neerer unto Alba the three Albanes towards Rome but distant a sunder like as they fought and left their lives Before they dislodged and departed thence the one from the other Metius according as it was capitulated in the composition asked demanded what Tullus would command him to do who enjoined him to keep his youth readie in armes at an houres warning for that hee would employ them in service in case hee should warre with the Veientians So were the armies dismissed home And Horatius he went formost bearing afore him the threefold spoile of three brethren Whom his sister a maid affianced before to one of the Curiatij met before Capena gate and espying upon her brothers shoulders the coat of armes of her espoused husband which she her selfe had wrought with her owne hands she
friends and allies at first marvelled much at the matter but afterwards there gallopt and horseman and advertised the king that the Albanes were gone away Tullus in this so fearefull and dangerous case vowed twelve Priests Salij and two temples to Pallor and Pavor 1. to Palenesse and Feare and with a lowd voice cried out in the hearing of his enemies commanding the said horseman to return to the battel saying There was no cause at al to feare for that himselfe had commanded the Albane host to wheele and fetch about and so to charge the Fidenates on their backes where they lay open Willing him expressely moreover to cause the men of armes to hold up their launces on end By which meanes a great part of the footmen could not see the Albanes as they departed and went their waies And those that had seene them thinking it was a truth which they heard the king to speake fought so much the more hotely So the feare turned now from them and fell upon the enemies for they heard the king when hee spake so lowd and also a great manie of the Fidenatians being cohabitants with the Romanes understood Latine For feare therefore that the Albanes should all on a suddaine run down from the hils and stop their passage to the towne they turned their backes and fled Then Tullus presseth hard upon them and having discomfited the Fidenatians wing commeth back more fiercely upon the Veientians being alreadie amased at the fright of the other Neither were they able to withstand the brunt Howbeit the river behind at their backs kept them at first from flying away but afterwards when their flight bended thitherward some flinging their weapons shamefully away like blind men ran headlong into the water other lingering stil and staying on the banke side doubtfull whether to flee or to sticke to it and fight were trod under foot and hewen in peeces Never had the Romanes before that day a more cruell battell Then the Albane armie which beheld and saw all this conflict descended downe into the plaine And Metius forsooth rejoiceth much on Tullus behalfe for his victorie Tullus againe speaketh Metius faire and gave order that the Albanes in a good hower should joine their campe to the Romanes and against the next day prepared a purging or Lustrall sacrifice The morrow when it was day and that all things were in a readinesse according to the manner hee commandeth both armies to assemble together to an audience The criers beginning at the furthest part of the campe summoned the Albanes first Who also for the strangenesse of the matter and desirous to heare the Romane king to make his Oration preased forward to stand next The Roman legion for the nonce as it was before decreed stood armed round about and hemmed them in and the Centurions had in charge without delay to execute whatsoever they were commanded Then began Tullus to speake in this wise If ever in anie warre heretofore yee had cause O Romanes to render thankes first to the immortall gods and then to your owne manhood and valour certes it was in yesterdaies battell For yee fought not then with the force of your enemies more than with the trecherie and falshood of your friends and confederates which is the greater conflict and farre more dangerous For to put you cleane out of doubt and to beare you no longer in hand with a wrong persuasion The Albanes went up toward the hils without my commission neither was it my commandement that but a policie and countenance onely of command to this end that yee not knowing how ye were forsaken might not withdraw your hearts from fight and also that your enemies weening they were environned behind should be afraid and so enforced to flee Yet are not the Albanes all in generall to bee charged with this fault which I reprove They did but follow their leader as yee likewise would have done if I had willed the march to have turned anie whether from thence It is Metius that was the guide and leader of this journey Metius is hee that is the worker and deviser of this warre Metius I say it is and none but Metius the breaker of the Romane and Albane league But let who that will from henceforth presume hardly to do the like if I make not him forthwith a notable example to all the world The Centurions stood armed round about Metius and the king goeth on with the rest of his speech as hee began and said That which I pray God may turne to the good prosperitie and happinesse of the people of Rome of my selfe and you the Albanes I am minded to reduce all the Albane nation to Rome to endue the commons with the freedome of the citie to advance their cheefe gentlemen to the order of Senators to make one uniforme citie and Commonwealth that as in times past the Albanes state out of one body was divided into twain so now it may bee united and become one againe At these words the Albane youth unarmed and beset on everie side with armed men albeit they were distracted in mind yet were they forced with a generall feare to keepe silence and hold their peace Metius Suffetius quoth Tullas then If thou couldest have learned to keepe allegeance promise and covenants thou mightest have beene tought it at may hands with life But now since thy froward nature is incurable teach thou by thy fearefull example and death all mankind to hold and repute those things for sacred and holie which have by thee beene broken and violate Like as therefore erewhiles thou barest a double heart in doubtfull ballance betweene the Fidenates and the Romanes state even so streightwaies shalt thou yeeld thy bodie to be drawne a sunder and plucked into two peeces accordingly Then forthwith hee caused two teemes of foure horses to bee set to and Metius to bee stretched out and tied unto the chariots to them belonging Afterwards were the horses driven a contrarie way and carried with them in both chariots the bodie torne in peeces as farre forth as the lims hung fast together by their cords and ligaments which made all men avert their cies from beholding so cruell and horrible a spectacle This was the first and last punishment that ever the Romanes executed with so little respect or none at all to say a truth of the lawes of humanity In all other they may safely make their boast that no nation in the world hath ben lesse delighted and pleased with extremitie of torment Whilest these things were in doing there had beene certaine horsemen sent afore to Alba for to translate the multitude to Rome After whom were the legions also of the footmen thither led to rase and destroy the cittie At whose entrance within the gates ther was not that stur nor fearefull hurrie as usually is seene when citties are lost and when with breaking down the gates beating and battering the wals with rams and other engines forcing the citadell the
great a matter the king arose and when one of the houshold brought water to quench the flambe he was by the Queene staied And after the stir was somewhat appeased she forbad the boy to be disquieted untill such time as he awoke of himselfe and within a while as the sleepe departed the blaze likewise went out and vanished away Then Tanaquil the Queene taking her husband aside into a secret roome See you this boy qd she whom we so homely keepe and in so poore and meane estate bring up Wot well this and know for certaine that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtfull affaires hee will bee the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the kings house Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindnesse and indulgence the subject matter of so great a publicke and private ornament Wherupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their owne children and to instruct and traine him up in those arts whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises and to atchieve high place of wealth and honour And soone came that to passe which pleased the almightie gods For he proved a yong man indeed of princely nature and towardnesse in such sort that when there should be a sonne in law sought out to match with Tarquinius his daughter in marriage there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in anie respect So as the king affianced his daughter unto him This so great honour whereunto he was advanced upon whatsoever cause or occasion it was induceth me to thinke he was not the son of a bondwoman nor that he served whilest he was a little one as a slave I am of their mind rather that report thus When Corniculum was won the wife of Servius Tullius a great lord and principall personage of that citie and there slaine was left great with child and being among other captives knowne whose wife she was in regard of her rare nobilitie onely was by the Queene preserved from servitude and at Rome in Priscus Tarquinius his house was delivered of a child upon which so speciall favour there grew more familiar acquaintance betweene the two ladies the Queen and her selfe and the child also brought up of a little one there in court was both tenderly beloved and also highly regarded But his mothers fortune whose hap was after her countrey was lost to fall into the hands of enemies caused men commonly to thinke that he was the sonne of a bondslave Now in the eight and thirtieth yeare almost after that Tarquinius began his raigne was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit not onely with the king but also with the nobilitie and commons Then the two sonnes of Ancus who as they alwaies before disdeained in the highest degree that they were by the deceitfull practise of their guardian so unworthily put by the inheritance of their fathers kingdome and that a stranger raigned at Rome one who was not descended of anie neighbour house thereby no nor so much as of Italian bloud so now they began much more to take stomacke and indignation in case that after Tarquinius the kingdome should not returne to them and their line but should still run on end and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets That in the same cittie a hundred yeares almost after that Romulus the sonne of a god and a god himselfe raigned therein during the time he remained here upon the earth a verie bondslave and no better and one borne of a bondwoman should be possessed of the crowne and that it would be a foule staine and dishonour generally to the name of the Romanes but most especially to their house and familie if whilest the issue male of Ancus lived the kingdome of Rome should lie open and be exposed not to strangers alone but which is more to verie bondmen and slaves This ignominie therefore and open wrong they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid howbeit the greevance of this injurie done unto them set them on against Tarquinius himselfe rather than Servius Tullius both for that the king if he lived still would be a more sharp revenger of the murder than a privat person and also if they should happen to kill Servius whomsoever besides the king would vouchsafe for his son in law him was he like to make heir apparent inheritor also of the kingdome For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himselfe in this manner There were for the purpose to do this feat two passing stout and sturdie heardmen chosen who having such rusticall yron tooles about them as they were woont both of them to occupie and made a great shew of a most tumultuous brawle and fray in the very porch of the court gate by which means they drew all the kings officers sergeants guard about them then as they called with a lowd voice both the one and the other upon the king in such wise as the noise was heard within the pallace they were convented before his highnes At their first comming they cried out both at once and interrupted one another in all outrageous maner so as by a sergeant they were saine to be restrained commanded to speak by turnes untill at length they gave over their confused brawlings Then one of them for the nones as it was before agreed began his tale and while the king as wholly bent to give eare turned aside towards him the other list his axe aloft and strooke the king on the head and leaving it sticking there still in the wound they whipst out both of them together and ran their waies And whilest they that stood next about Tarquinius tooke him up readie to die the sergeants made after them that were fled and apprehended them Whereupon an outcrie arose and a great concourse of people wondering what the matter might be Tanaquil in this hurliburlie caused the court gates to bee shut and commanded everie one to avoid the place and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisit to cure the wound as if there were some hope of life and withall if that should faile shee prepareth other meanes and remedies against the worst that might happen Sending therefore in all speed for Servius when she had shewed him her husband halfe dead and alreadie bloudlesse shee tooke him by the right hand and besought him not to suffer either the death of his father in law unrevenged or his wives mother to be a laughing stocke unto the enemies Thine is the kingdome O Servius by right quoth shee if though bee a man and not theirs who by the hands of others have committed a most shamefull and villainous fact Take a good heart therefore and arme thy selfe and follow the guidance and direction of the gods who long since by a divine and heavenly flame burning about
required a Cos. to be not onely the enformer but also the reformer Then T. Quintius answered That the Consuls were blamed without just cause who being bridled with the lawes of appealing tending to the great prejudice and disanulling of their soveraigne government had not commission sufficient by vertue of their place to punish the thing according to the hainousnesse and qualitie thereof as they had courage and heart thereto and that there was need now not onely of a valiant and stout man but also of one that was freed from all bonds of lawes and tied to none And therefore he would name L. Quintius for Dictator in whom there was courage answereable to to that absolute authoritie When all men liked well thereof Quintius himselfe at the first refused demanding what they ment to object and expose him an unweldie man and so far stept in years to so great a trouble and manifest danger Afterwards when as they replied on all hands and alledged how in that heart of his for all his age there was more valor and in his head more pollicie than in all men besides heaping on him right due and deserved praises and commendations and whilst the Consull also importuned him still and gave not over then Cincinatus after he had praied to the Gods immortall that his decrepit old age in so fearefull a case might not turne either to the losse or dishonour of the common-wealth was by the Consull pronounced Dictator And he forthwith nominated C. Servilius Hala Generall of the horsemen The morrow after when he had set and disposed certaine guards in divers places of the cittie and was come down into the Common place the common people wondring at the strangenesse of the matter had their eies upon him and the adherents and complices of Melius and he himselfe their captaine saw well that the force and power of this so great a magistrate was bent against them But they that were not acquainted with those plots and dessignes that tended to the setting up of a king asked one another what tumult or sodaine war should require either a Dictatours majestie or that Quintius after sourscore yeares of age should be the onely Ruler of the citie With that Servilius the Generall of the horsemen was by the Dictator sent to Melius Who said unto him The Dictator calleth thee Wherat he being affraid asked again What he would and Servilius said That he was to make his answere and purgation of a crime that Minutius had enformed against him before the Senate Then Melius began to retire himselfe backe into the rout of his followers and looking about at the first shrunke onely away from him and refused to obey At the last the Apparitor at the Generall of the horsemens commandement began to force him to go with him but he being rescued by the standers by found his feet and began to flie be sought the aid of the comminaltie of Rome saying That the faction of the Nobles conspired his overthrow and persecuted him for the good he had done unto the Commons and for his liberalitie bestowed upon them beseeching them to help him in that extremitie and not to suffer him to be murdered asore their face and in their very fight As he spake these words Hala Servilius overtooke him and killed him outright and being spreint with his bloud thus staine and guarded with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobilitie he bringeth word to the Dictator how Melius being cited to come unto him put backe the Apparitor and raised the multitude and now had suffered due punishments for his deserts Then quoth the Dictator On forth in this valour and vertue of thine ô C. Servilius thou deservest great praise and hast delivered the common-wealth this daie from Tyrannie Then as the multitude murmured and made a sturre upon some doubt what they should thinke of the fact and what might bee the occasion therof he commanded them to assemble together and openly avowed the deed and pronounced that Melius was justly slaine yea albeit he had been cleere from seeking to be king for that being summoned and convented before the Dictator and that by the Generall of the horsemen he refused and came not for my selfe quoth he was set judicially to examine and inquire of the cause upon the triall therof Melius should have sped no worse than his cause deserved but because he went about by violence to withdraw himself from judgement by violence therfore was he restrained Neither was he to be proceeded against as a citizen who being borne in a free state where justice law were in force and in that citie wherout he was not ignorant that the K.K. were sometimes expelled and where in one the same year Collatinus sisters sons and the sons of that Cos. that was deliverer of his countrie detected of a complot and conspiracie of receiving again into the citie the KK bloud were by their own father beheaded out of which citie Tarquinius Collatinus Cos. for the detestation only of the name being commanded to give up his office suffered exile in which cittie many yeares after Sp. Cassius for practising and plotting only to be King suffered condigne punishment wherein also of late time the Decemvirs for a tyrannicall pride were deprived of their goods banished their countrie and berest of their lives That in the same cittie I say Sp. Melius should conceive any hope of reaching to a kingdome And a man I pray you of what qualitie and condition And yet no gentilitie of birth no dignities nor deserts serts were sufficient to make way to any for lordly rule and tyrannie Howbeit the Claudij and Cassis by reason of the Consulships and Decemvirships of their own by reason of the honourable estate and reputation of their auncestors the worship and glory of their linage tooke upon them became hautie and proud and aspired to that wherunto Sp. Melius had no such meanes to induce him who might have sit him downe well enough and rather wished and praied to God than hoped once for so much as a Tribuneship of the Commons And supposed he being but a rich corne-mudgin that with a quart or measure of come of two pounds hee had bought the freedome of his fellow cittizens or thought he by casting morsels of bread and victuals asore the common sort that the victorious people conquerours of all nations about them might be allured into thraldome whom the cittie could hardly brook to be a Senator him they should indure their King to have the regall ensignes and the government of Romulus the first founder of the cittie descended first from the gods and to them ascended up againe why it was a thing not so wicked as monstrous Neither was this act sufficiently satisfied for with the sheading of his bloud unles the house and wals within which so horrible madnes was conceived and forged were cast down rased and unles these goods which were tainted infected with the
to gratifie him withall to please his palate and to content his talage maketh his disease long and peradventure incureable who might have been recovered out of hand in case at once he would have resolutely endured the right cure of a skilfull physitian And certes if it were not materiall to the managing of this warre in hand yet would it import much to martiall discipline that our souldiors should be acquainted not onely with the sweet fruit of a victorie atchieved but also if occasion required longer time to abide this tediousnesse and to wait for the end of their hope be it never so long and if war be not finished in summer to stay for winter and not as sommer birds by andby in the fall of the leafe to looke about and seeke for housing harbour and covert Consider I beseech you and see The love and pleasure of hunting carrieth men into mountaines woods and forests through frost and snow after their game shal not we then use the like sufferance in the needfull exploits of warre which pastimes sports and delights are wont to draw and fetch out of us Thinke we the bodies of our souldiors so effeminat their hearts so tender and delicat that they cannot for one winter abide in campe and forbeare their home but must needs warre as men at sea watching times and seasons and observing the quarters of the yeare Cannot they endure both parching heat and chilling cold They would blush and be abashed verely if a man should therewith charge them and they would stand stifly in this and avouch That they had both in bodie and mind manlike sufferance and patience and that they were souldiors as well for winter as sommer and that they set not the Tribunes a worke for any patronage of cowardise shelter of idlenesse but remembred wel enough that their forefathers were not under shade for feare of sunburning nor had their houses over their heads for taking cold when they first created and ordeined that magistracie of Tribunes This rather is beseeming the valour of your souldiors this fitteth well the name of Romanes not to have their eie upon Veij onely and this warre now in hand but to seeke for fame and glorie both by other exploits and also with other nations in time to come And thinke yee that there would ensue hereupon a small crack of credit and hazard of reputation Would ye have the neighbour nations confining upon us conceive thus of the people of Rome That if a cittie could receive their first brunt and abide their assault for a very small while it neede not after to feare any more Or rather should not this dread and terrour of our name spread all abroad both far and neare That no wearisomnesse of long siege assault no violence of bitter winter is able to raise the Roman armie from any towne once by them invested as knowing no other ende of warre but victorie and whose manner of service is not by way of violent force more than of obstinate continuance which as in all other militarie occasions so in besieging of citties is most needfull the greatest number whereof being either by strong bulwarkes and other fortifications or by naturall situation impregnable yet by famine by hunger and thirst processe and tract of time only doth force and overthrow As it will I doubt not Veij at length unlesse the Tribunes of the communaltie succour our enemies unlesse that the Veientians find that reliefe and aid at Rome which they seeke in vaine throughout all Hetruria For can there ought happen to the Veientians so wishedfor as that first the cittie of Rome should be full of variance and then the campe as it were by a contagion from thence as full of mutinies But contrariwise I assure you amongst the enemies so good order there is and government that neither the tediousnesse of long siege ne yet the loathing of kingly rule hath caused any stur or garboile among them No not the deniall of helpe from the Tuscanes hath one whit troubled and distempered their mindes but die he shall forthwith that is the author of sedition Neither shall any man there be suffered to speake those words which are spoken here amongst you without any punishment or controlling He deserveth the bastanado to be drie beaten and well cudgeled that forsaketh his colours or departeth from his guard and quarter But here in open assemblies they that persuade and counsell not one or two souldiors but whole armies to leave their standerds and ensignes and abandon the very campe have audience with applause In so much that whatsoever a Tribune of the Commons speaketh although it were to betray the cittie and undoethe whole state ye are used to hearken and give good eare to him and being ravished and carried away with the sweetnesse of that authoritie yee suffer under it to lurke any misciefe whatsoever There remaineth now no more but this that the words they give out here with open mouth the same they might iterate in the campe among the souldiors to corrupt the armie and not suffer them to obey their captaines For to such licentious libertie they are growne at Rome that they feare and reverence neither counsell nor magistrate neither lawes nor auncient customes neither decree of Senatours ne yet the discipline of militarie service Now was Appius with his orations good enough for the Tribunes able to meet them at everie turne But see a thing that no man would have thought a losse and foile received before Veij made Appius to have the better hand of the cause wrought a greater unitie among the states and kindled an ardent desire to assaile Veij more hotelie and to beseege it with more resolution For when they had raised up a mount neere to the citie and approched in a manner to the wals thereof with their rolling towers roufed mantlets whiles I say they were not so vigilant in the night season to tend and watch these Fabrikes as they were busie and earnest in the day time to reare and plant them behold all of a suddain the enemies opened a gate and armed in great numbers especially with burning firebrands set all on a light fire and in the space of one hower consumed both the mount and the mantlets which had cost so long time in making And many a man besides that came to helpe but in vaine by sword and fire lost his life Which being reported at Rome made all men heavie and sad and caused the Senatours to take care and feare how upon this accident they might possiblie prevent and stay either commotion in cittie or mutinie in campe doubting least that the Tribunes would have insulted over the Common-weale as if they had gotten a great conquest At what time they that were by calling Gentlemen and so assessed and had no horses of service assigned them from the cittie after some consultation together among themselves suddainely came into the Senate and having libertie graunted of speech promised
For what interest or title had the Gaules in Tuscane They againe stoutly made answere That they caried their right in their swords point and that valiant men were lords of all the world So they were on both sides so set on fire that they ran to their weapons and skirmished with the Tuscanes Then against all law of nations a thing that hastened the destruction of the Romane cittie the Embassadours tooke armes Neither could this be so secret but it was known For even before the ensignes of the Tuscanes there were sene three most noble valiant knights of the Romanes for to fight so farre exceeded the valor of those strangers above all the Clusines Moreover and besides Quintus Fabius riding out of the battaile on horsebacke charged his lance upon the captaine of the Gaules as he fiercely assailed the ensignes and battaile of the Tuscanes ran him through and slue him and as he rifled and disarmed him the Gaules tooke knowledge of him and throughout the whole host notice was given that it was an Embassadour of the Romanes So leaving their quarrell against the Clusines they sound the retreat and threatened the Romanes There were of them that thought good presently to advance forward to Rome but the elder sort prevailed that there should be sent Embassadors first to complaine of the iniuries and to require that for the law of armes broken the Fabij should be yeelded unto them Whenas the Gaule Embassadours had declared their message according to their commission the Senate nothing liked of the Fabians deed and thought the barbarous Gaules required nothing but just and reason Howbeit suit of friends and private respectes would not permit to make an Act of that in personages of so great marke and nobilitie which they deemed meet and requisite Therfore to the end it might not be imputed to them and they blamed if peradventure any foile or overthrow should happen unto them by warring with the Gaules they referred the hearing discussing of the Gaule demands unto the people Where might and favour so much prevailed that even they who were in question to be punished were created for the yeare folowing Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie At which the Gauls being offended as good cause they had with open threats menaces of warre returned again to their companie There were with the three Fabij P. Sulpitius Longus Quintus Servilius the fourth time P. Servilius Maluginensis Whenas now so great danger was toward neere at hand see how fortune blindeth mens eies when as she will have her sway and not be hindered that cittie which against the Fidenate and Veient enemie other nations bordering therby tried the utmost help oftentimes made a Dictatour now being threatned with a strange enemie never heard of before comming to war upon them from the Ocean sea and the farthest parts of the world sought neither for governour nor helpe more than ordinarie Even those Tribunes by whose rash dealing that war was first caused had the managing of all made no more choise nor mustering of soldiors than usually had been in common wars making but a light matter of it and of no consequence and setting little by and elevating the rumour of the warre The Gaules in the meane time having heard how for the nonce those breakers of humane law were soone advanced to honour and how their embassage was deluded and dalied with all on a fire as they are a nation that way impatient and in anger outragious pluckt up their standards forthwith and marched with all expedition on their voiage At whose noise and hurliburly as they passed by in such hast when as the townes thereby were put in feare and ran to their weapons and the countrie pesants fled away they with open mouth gave out and signified that they went to Rome All the way as they journeied what with horse and men both in length and breadth they tooke up a mightie roome in their march But what with the fame that went before and the messengers of the Clusines and of other people that followed one at the heeles of another this speedie comming of the enemies brought right great feare and terrour to Rome For notwithstanding that they went with a power of men in all hast sodainly mustered hardly met they them at eleven miles end where as the river Allia running downe from the hils of Crustuminum with a very deepe channell not much beneath the highway dischargeth it selfe into the Tyber And now by this time the whole countrie before them and all the coasts about were overspread with the enemies And as they are a nation naturally given to vain tumults and therein born bred with an hideous and dissonant kind of singing like a blacke Santus they filled all about with a fearefull and horrible noise There the Tribunes Militarie without getting aforehand a convenient place to pitch their tentes in without fortifying the same with any trench or rampiers whereunto they might safely be take themselves even without any regard of God whom at leastwise they should have been mindfull of if they had forgotten man without Auspices and bird-tokens without reconciliation to God by sacrifice full unhappily and in an ill houre ranged their battell devided into wings for feare of being compassed with multitude of enemies Yet might not the vaward answere the breadth of the enemies notwithstanning they made their rankes and files so thin that the middle ward of the battaile was weake and skant joyning close together On the right hand there was a little higher ground where they thought to bestow men for supplie which as it gave the first occasion of feare and running away so was it the onely safetie of them that flâ—d For Brennus the Duke or prince of the Gaules fearing exceedingly in that small number of the Romanes some stratageme and supposing that the higher ground was for this purpose kept That when the Gaules should have encountred with the forefront of the legions then the rescues would charge them both upon their backes and their flankes displaied and advanced his standerds against those in rescue nothing doubting but if he had once driven them from their holde upon higher ground on the plaine he should soone have the victorie considering that in number he overwent them See how the Barbarians had not onely lucke but pollicie also on their sides Contrariwise the Romans in their camp were nothing like themselves either for captains or souldiors Their mindes were so possessed with feare thinking of running away and so forgetfull besides that the greater part of them chose rather to flie to Veij their enemies citie although the Tyber were full in their way than to take the streight course to Rome to their wives and children For a while the advantage of the ground defended those that were for rescue but in the rest of the hoast so soone as they that were next heard the shout from the sides and those that were farthest off from
upon the crime of usurping the kingdome but be yee sure of it they will tender and favour the faire looks and person of no man before the cause of their owne free estate When all the house liked well and allowed of this advise and ouverture they made no more ado but served Manlius with processe to answere at a day appointed Which was not so soone done but the Commons at the very first began to storme and be enraged especially when they saw the accused man during his trouble so rufully arraâ—ed accompanied with none of the Senators nor so much as one of his kindred and affinitie no nor his very brethren Au and T. Manlius A thing before that day never seene nor knowne but that in so great a danger as this was the neerest kinsfolke in bloud did change their weed For even when Ap. Claudius was committed and imprisoned C. Claudius his adversarie yea and the whole linage and name of the Claudij were mournefully clad and poorely apparelled Now surely say they it is a very compact amongst them all that this popular man so gracious and welbeloved should be confounded and overthrowne because hee was the first that ever fell away from the Senatours to the Commons When the day was come of his arraignement I can find in no author what was objected against the prisoner by his accusers directly tending to prove the crime of aspiring to a kingdome but onely the conventicles of the multitude certain seditious words his overmuch largesse and his forged surmise and false information of the gold I doubt not but there was matter of great importance urged and enforced against him seeing that the Commons delay in proceeding to his condemnation was not long of his cause but occasioned by the place onely This one thing seemeth worthie to be noted and for all mens learning that how notable and how great soever his honor worship commendable parts were the soule and cursed desire of tyrannicall rule made not onely unpleasant and without grace but also odious and detestable in the eies of the people He brought forth as it is reported welneere foure hundred men whome hee had laid out monte for gratts and without any interest or consideration those whose goods he saved from port sale and kept from the bondage of their creditours after they were condemned Oâ—er and besides he not onely reckoned up but shewed also in open sight the honourable testimonies of his service in the warres as the spoiles of his enemies by him slaine and disarmed to the number of 30 giftes bestowed upon him by Generals in way of reward 40 amongst which were two goodly murall garlands for scaling and entering upon the wals first eight civick coronets for saving the lives of citizens in danger Moreover he presented there in place the parties themselves in person whom he had rescued out of the enemies hands and amongst them he nomiminated C. Serviltus at that instant Generall of the horsemen and now absent And when he had rehearsed his noble feats of armes and amplified them according to the height of their worthin a most glorious and eloquent Oration as one whose words were sutable and answerable to his deeds at the last he stript his breast bare and shewed the scarres there remaining of wounds received in the warres and ever and anone looking to the Capitoll eftsoones he called aloud upon Iupiter and the other gods to helpe him now in this extremitie and peril of his state and praied that the same mind which they had given him to defend the Capitoll cliffe and even to the safegard of the people of Rome they would vouchsafe the same people in this distresse of his wofull calamitie beseeching them both all and some to looke up to the cliffe and to the Capitoll to turne themselves toward the gods there anâ—so to proceed to judgement of him All the whiles the people were cited and called by their Centuries and the prisoner stretched forth his hands and converted his praiers from men to the Gods the Tribunes evidently saw that unlesse they freed the eies of the people from beholding the memoriall of so great a desart it would never be that so long as their mindes were this forestalled and possessed with that benefit of his they would find the enditement were it never so true So the matter being put off and deferred to another day the people were summoned to assemble in the grove Petelinus without the gate Flumentana from whence they might not have a sight of the Capitoll There the accusation prevailed more than compassion and the matter went against him and so with hard and obdurat hearts they pronounced a heavie and dolorous sentence and which the verie judges themselves had in horror Some there be that say there were Duumvirs ordained for the purpose to make inquisition and sit upon this treason against the State Thus being condemned the Tribunes caused him to be throwne headlong downe the rocke Tarpeia Which place was the selfe same that yeelded to that one man a monument and memoriall both of singular glorie and also of extreame punishment and ignominious death After his death there remained two infamous markes behind him of shame the one publicke occasioned by his dwelling house For wheras it was situate where now the chappell and work-house or mint-house of Moneta standeth an Act was proposed unto the people That none of the Senatours linage should dwell on the cliffe or Capitoll mount The other proceeding more properly from his owne line and kinred For that by a generall decree of the house of Manlij it was provided That none of that familie and race should ever after beare the name of M. Manlius This was the end of him who but that he was borne in a free cittie had beene a right worthie and renowned man But the people being now past all danger from him calling to mind and considering without all affection his vertues as they were found a misse of him shorly after Yea and for the pestilence also which ensued soone upon for that there could be no causes knowne of so great mortalitie was imagined of many a man to have growne upon the execution of Manlius arguing thus That the Capitoll was polluted with the blood of the saviour therof and the gods tooke no delight and pleasure to have as it were presented unto their eies the punishment of that man by whose meanes their temples had beene delivered out of the hands of the enemies Vpon this plague and scarcitie of corne withall and the common brute that spread abroad both of the one and the other there ensued the yeare following many warres whenas L. Valerius the fourth time A. Manlius the third time Ser. Sulpitius the third time L. Lucretius L. Atmylius the third time and M. Trebonius were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie For besides the Volscians who by destinie were appointed for ever in a manner to busie and keepe occupied the Romane soldiours
devided amongst them Whether that everie one of them might in equitie hold the lands well neere of three hundred citizens and a commoner to have hardly ground enough for to build him a necessarie house upon and to serve for a place to burie his dead Also whether their will and pleasure was that the Commons oppressed with usurie should yeeld their bodies to beare yrons and suffer torment unlesse they paid theinterest before the principall And that daily by whole companies they should be had away from the barre condemned to thraldome and Noble mens houses to become goales filled and pestered with prisoners And wheresoever a Patritian dwelt there should be a private prison These indignities and piteous matters to be heard when they had with a loud voice charged upon them even before those that were affraid of the like measure themselves with more indignation and disdaine of all that heard them than they themselves shewed in the uttering and deliverie But these Senators say they and that they redoubled will never make an end either of getting more land still into their hands or spoiling and undoing the Commons with usurie untill the Commons make once out of their bodie one Consull for to be the maintainer and protectour of their libertie As for the Tribunes of the Commons they were now just nothing set by as who by their priviledge of Inhibitions and negative voices spoiled themselves and overthrew their owne power And never will there be any indifferent and equall course taken so long as the Nobles keepe the soveraigne place of commaund and the sword to strike whiles the poore Commons have onely the buckler hand to ward all venues For unlesse the government be parted betweene both alike the Commons shall never have their due and equall portion in the Commonweale Neither is it reason that any man should stand contented with this onely that in the Election of Consuls the Commons are eligible and capable of the dignitie for in case it be not concluded absolutely that one Consull at the least shall be of necessitie a Commoner there will never be any at all Have yee forgotten alreadie say they that notwithstanding an Act made That there should be Tribunes Militarie created rather than Consuls for this intent that Commoners might aspire and reach unto the chiefe place of honour yet for all that in 44 years space there was not so much as one of the Commoners chosen Tribune Militarie And will any man beleeve that they will of their own accord conferre upon the Commons when otherwise they may chuse that dignitie in the disposing onely of two places who were ever wont in the making of Tribune Militarie to take up eight roomes all wholly to themselves And will they allow them a way unto the Consulship who thus long have held the Consular Tribuneship so guarded as no man might have accesse thither but themselves Nay it must be gotten by a positive law which in their assemblies for Election by favour and grace might not be obtained One of the Consuls roumes must be set aside past all peradventure and question and that for a Commoner to enter into For as much as if it stand still upon a choise the mightier man will ever go away with the game cleere And whereas heretofore they have been wont to alledge and say That the Commons affourded not sufficient and able men to beare the offices of the chaire and of state that now can not be truely objected Forwas the Commonweale I pray you more slackly and negligently governed upon the Consular Tribuneship of P. Licinius Calvus who was the first Commoner that ever was made Tribune Militarie than it was ruled for those yeares space in which there was not a Tribune Militarie but of the Nobilitie Nay on the contrarie side it will be justified that some of the Nobles were condemned after they were out of their Tribuneship and not one of the Commoners And whereas not many yeares past we began to make Questors or Treasurers out of the Commons like as we did Tribunes Militarie the people of Rome repented never of the choise of any one of them It remaineth now that the Commoners beare the office of Consuls too That were a fortresse of their libertie that were a strength and sure hold to trust unto If they were once come and slept to that degree then may the people of Rome thinke assuredly and be persuaded that the KK are banished indeed out of the cittie and their freedome fully established for ever to endure For from that day forward shall the Commons be partakers of all those things wherein the Nobles now surpasse them namely soveraigne rule and authoritie martiall renowne parentage and Nobilitie great ornaments doubtlesse unto themselves to enjoie heere in this life but farre greater to leave behind them unto their children and posteritie These and such like Orations when they saw to be plausible and willingly accepted they preferred a new Statute That in steed of the two Duumvirs for holy ceremonies and matters of the Church there might be chosen 10 Decemvirs Provided alwaies that one part of them should be created forth of the Commons and another from among the Nobles The Session for enacting of all those lawes they deferred untill the armie was returned which lay then at the siege before Velitre But the yeare was come about and fully expired before the legions were reduced home from thence and by that meanes the whole businesse about these new lawes hung still in suspence and was put off unto the entrance of the new Tribes Militarie As for the Tribunes of the Commons the Communaltie chose the same againe even those twaine who had beene the proposers of those lawes And the Tribunes Militarie were these T. Quintius Ser. Cornelius Ser. Sulpitius Sp. Servilius L. Papyrius L. Veturius Presently in the beginning of the yeare they put it to the verie jumpe and finall triall what should become of those lawes And when as the Tribes were called and none of the Tribunes collegues stepped betweene to stop the proceeding of the law-givers the Nobles were affraid and ran unto their two last helpes to wit the highest and absosolute office and the greatest man among them They thought it good therfore to create a Dictatour And M. Furius Camillus was nominated who Elected unto him L. Aemylius for Generall of the horse The lawmakers likewise for their part against so great preparation of their adversaries armed at all parts the cause of the Commons with stout stomacke and couragious heart And having assembled an Hall of the Commons they called forth the wards to give their voices At what time the Dictatour accompanied with a great traine of Nobles full of wrath and menacing frownes tooke his place and set him downe And after the matter was canvassed first by the ordinarie conflict of the Tribunes among themselves whiles some propounded and others gainsaid the law with their negatives forces and that by how much in right
his owne province And in regard of his prosperous happie exploits like as the people the yeer past continued his Consulship so the Senat against the year following when App. Claudius and L. Volumnius were Coss. proroged his martial rule stil maugre the hart of Appius who was greatly against it In some Chronicles I find that Appius whiles he was Censor sued to be Consull that his Election was crossed and staied by L. Furius a Tribune of the Com. untill he had resigned up the Censorship Being created Cos. and the war with the Salentines declared new enemies allotted unto his Collegue he remained at Rome that by civile pollicie and managing home-affaires he might augment his owne state and authoritie since that the honor of warre-service rested in the hands and conduct of another Volumnius had no cause to repent of his charge province for many fortunate battailes he fought and some townes of the enemies by force he woon He was a bountifull giver of the spoile away unto his souldiours and this bountie in it selfe alone acceptable hee helped much with great courtesie and gentlenesse by which vertues and artificiall meanes he made the souldiours both venturous in perils and tough in travell Q. Fabius on the other part in qualitie of pro-Consull gave battell to the Samnites neere the citie Allifa where the day was nothing doubtfull The enemies were discomfited and beaten into their campe neither had they beene able to have kept the field but that there was but a little day left behind and yet before night they were beset round about in their hold yea and watched with good guards all night long that none should make escape The morrow morning ere it was well day light they began to yeeld themselves and to capitulate That as many Samnites as there were among them should bee sent foorth in their single garments and they all went under the gallowes As for their confederates and allies there was no such proviso nor composition made but they all to the number of seven thousand were sold as slaves and ware a garland As many as advowed themselves to be Hernicks were kept apart by themselves to be forthcomming All those Fabius sent to Rome to the Senat and untill such time as enquirie was made whether in a publicke muster they were pressed souldiours or voluntarily served under the Samnites against the Romanes they were committed to bee kept in ward among sundrie Nations of the Latines during which time the new Consuls Publius Cornelius Arvina and Quintus Martius Tremulus for those were now created had in charge to propose that matter anew unto the Senate The Hernickes tooke that ill Whereupon the Anagnines held a Diet or generall councell in the round Cirque which they call Maritimus of all the citties of that Nation except the Alatrinates Ferentinates and the Verulanes Where the whole State of Hernickes proclaimed warre against the people of Rome In Samnium also for that Fabius was departed thence there arose newe troubles and rebellions Calatia and Sora were forced â— and the Romane garrisons that there lay were put to the sword and upon the bodies of as manie as they tooke alive they exercised much torture and crueltie Whereupon Publius Cornelius the Consull was thither sent And to Martius were the newe enemies appointed for by this time decreed it was That warre should bee made upon the Anagnines and the other Hernickes At the first the enemies had so seised all the convenient advenues and waies betweene both the Consuls campes that there could not readily passe a lackey or currier betweene in so much as for certaine daies both Consuls abode doubtfull how the world went and uncertaine one of the others state The feare wherof spred to Rome so as all the younger sort from seventeen yeers of age to seven and fortie sware to serve and against all suddain occasions and occurrents whatsoever two full and complete armies were levied and enrolled But the Hernick war was nothing correspondent either to the present menaces orto the ancient glorie and reputation of that nation for having done no worthie adventures and within few daies lost their campe thrise they covenanted for to have thirtie daies truce during which time they might send Embassadours to the Senate of Rome and in consideration hereof they promised to lay downe two moneths pay and to find corne for the armie and allow everie soldior one cote But from the Senat they were put off and referred to Martius unto whom by order from the Senat a large commission was granted to dispose of the Hernicks as he thought good and so he tooke the whole nation as yeelded to his devotion The other Consull in Samnium being in forces more puissant than the enemy was notwithstanding encombred much with the difficultie of the ground All the passages had the enemie stopped possessed himself of the forrests and woods which were thorow-fares that no way victuals might be conveied unto him Neither could the Consull for all that daily he displaied banner in field traine them forth to fight so as it was well seene that neither the Samnits could abide present battel nor the Romans long delay of war But the arrivall of Martius who upon the subduing of the Hernicks made hast to aid his Colleague caused the enemie to differre no longer the triall of the field For they who thought themselves not good enough to match so much as the one armie knewfull well that if they suffered two Consuls armies to joine together there had beene no hope left They therfore set upon Martius as he marched without order of battaile Hereupon in all hast their trusses and fardels were brought together and laid in the middle and as the time would permit he set his soldiors in array At the first encounter the shout was hard into the campe of the other Consull Afterwards the dust descried a farre off gave an al'arme and made a trouble and garboile there Then the Consull presently commaunded to arme and hastely bringing his soldiours forth into the field entred upon the battaile of the enemies in the flanke whiles they were busied in another skirmish He cried aloud to his men that it were exceeding great shame to suffer the other armie to carry away double victorie not themseves win the honor of that war which was their proper charge Thus wheresoever he charged he brake in and made entrance and having pierced and made a great lane through the midst of the enemies battaile he passed on toward their campe which finding void of defendants he tooke and set a fire Which when the soldiors of Martius saw burning before their faces and the enemie likewise as they looked behind then began the Samnites on all hands to flie but killed they were every where down right all places full of murther and carnage so in no part could they finde meanes to escape and save themselves Now when there were a thirtie thousand of the enemies slaine
number of the Duumvirs was increased those I meane who should oversee as superintendents the offring of sacrifices And now at this present they have no greater cause to complaine if the Tribune a stout brave man hath added five places more of Augurs foure of Bishops unto which commoners may be nominated not to dispossesse you of your roumes or to displace you ó Appius but that men of the commons might assist you in the function and ministerie of divine service church matters like as they do their part performe good service in humane civil affaires And be not ashamed ô Appius to have him for your colleague in the priesthood whom you might beseeme to have in Consulate or Censorship your companion fellow unto whom being Dictator you might be Coronel of horse as wel as he to you in your Dictatorship Those auncient Nobles in old time our progenitors admitted into their number order a Sabine stranger the very head top of your nobilitie one Ap. Clausus or Ap. Claudius choose you whether You must not thinke much then to accept us into the number of Priests We bring with us many honorable titles even all the same that make you so prowd and to beare your head aloft L. Sextius was the first Commoner created Consull and C. Licinius Sâ—olo the first Coronel of horse C. Râ—tilius was the first Dictator Censor Q. Publius Philo the first Praetor We have heard this song evermore sounding in our eares That to you alone pertaineth the taking of Auspicia that you only are of noble descent gentilitie that ye none but ye by right dutie ought to manage the affaires and the soveraigne government both at home and abroade and yet alwaies hitherto the commons in their places and charges have done and sped as well as the Patritij and henceforth ever shall I doubt not What heard ye never it spoken that the Patritij were at first 〈◊〉 and created and not descended from heaven but such as were able to name their father and grandsire that is to say even freemen just and no more What I my selfe can nominate alreadie mine owne father to have bene a Consull and shortly shall my sonne be able to alledge his grandsire There is nothing els ó Quirites in the matter whereupon we stand but that we may obteine all which hath bene denied us For the Nobles desire only to maintaine a side and to comend and reake not greatly what issue their contentions come unto As for me I am of advise and this would I have That to the good profite and happie estate of you all and the weale publick this law may passe under your affirmative voyce Vtirogastis Then presently the people commaunded the Tribes to be called to a scrutinie and soone it appeared that the law would without all doubt be accepted but that day was lost by the opposition and negative of some Tribunes Howbeit the morrow after they were afraid to crosse it and then with exceeding consent of all hands it passed cleere So there were created Prelates or Bishops first P. Decius Mus himselfe that so pleaded for the law with P. Sempronius Sophus C. Martius Rutilius and M. Livius Denter Likewise five Augurs of the Commons to wit C. Genutius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minutius Festus C. Martius and T. Publius So there were eight Prelates in number and nine Augurs The same year M. Valerius the Consull procured the law of appealing to the people more surely to bee established and confirmed This was now the third time after the deposition of the kings that this one Act was revived and alwaies by the same house or familie of the Valerij The cause of renuing the same so often was no other I suppose than this for that the mightinesse of some fewe great men of the Patritij was more powerfull than the libertie and freedome of the Commons Onely the law Portia seemeth to have beene enacted for to save the backe and sides of cittizens from whipping because that it awarded and set a greevous punishment upon him that either had beaten or killed a cittizen of Rome The law Valeria which forbad to scourge or behead any man whosoever that made his appeale had this annexed only that if any one had trespassed and procceded farther it should bee decreed LEAUDLY AND NAUGHTILY DONE Such was the modestie reverence of men in those daies that this one addition in my conceit verily was supposed to bee a sufficient bond to strengthen the law But now adaies would a man scarcely threaten his servant or slave in that manner The same Consull made warre without any worthie or memorable exploit against the Aequians that rebelled who setting aside their stout prowd stomacks had nothing left of their ancient fortune and estate The other Cos. Apuleius besieged the town Nequinum in Vmbria The place was difficult and hard to get up and on the one side steepe downe right whereas now standeth Narnia so that it was impregnable either by assault or countermures skonces whatsoever Whereupon the new Consuls M. Fulvius Paetus and T. Manlius Torquatus entred upon this enterprise left undone and unfinished by the former Now when all the Centuries nominated with one voice Q. Fabius for the Consulship of that yeare even without his owne suite and seeking Macer Licinius and Tubero doe write that he himselfe laboured to have that charge put off and reserved unto a yeare of more warre alleadging that for the present hee would serve the Commonweale in better stead by bearing some civile office in the cittie and so neither dissimuling what hee rather desired nor yet seeking for it hee was made Aedile of the Chaire with L. Papyrius Cursor But to set this downe for a certaine truth I dare not because that Piso a more ancient writer of Chronicles sayth that the Aediles Câ—rule of that year were C. Domitius Cn. F. Calvinus Sp. Carvilius and Q. Fabius Maximus That surname I suppose verily gave occasion of the error in the Aeediles Whereupon ensued a tale sorting to that errour mixed compounded of the Elections of Aediles and Consuls together The same yeare was held a solemne survey and purging of the citie by sacrifice called Lustrum by P. Semproniius Sophus and P. Sulpitius Averrio and two Tribes more were added to the rest Aniensis and Tarentina And thus much concerning the affaires at Rome But now to returne to Nequinum after much time spent in long and lingering siege before the town two of the inhabitants whose houses joined close to the wall undermined the ground and by a secret way came as farre as the corps de guard of the Romanes From whence they were brought before the Consull and promised him to let in and receive what garrison and troupe of armed men he would within the cittie This offer was thought neither to be neglected and refused nor yet rashly to be credited So with the one of these twaine
for the other was kept behind as an hostage two other spies were sent by the same mine to discover the traine By whose relation when it appeared sufficiently that all was safe and without danger by the leading and guiding of the traitor aforesaid 300 armed men by night entred the cittie and seized that gate which was next unto them at which being broken open the Consull and the Romane armie without resistance made entrie and surprised the citie In this sort Nequinum was reduced to the obedience of the P. of Rome A Colonie was thither sent to frontier against the Vmbrians called of the rivers name which runneth under it Namia And the armie with a rich prize was brought againe to Rome The same yeare the Tuscanes contrarie to the tenure of the truce made preparation for war But whiles they were busily occupied otherwise it fortuned that a puissant armie of Gaules invaded their marches and for a while altered their dessignements Afterwards by the meanes of monie whereof they were full and bare themselves mightie they sought to make the Gaules of enemies to become their friends and sollicited them to band together and so jointly to maintaine warre with the Romanes Their societie and friendship the barbarous people refused not onely they stood upon the summe what they should have for their hire Which being agreed upon and received and all things els in a readinesse for to goe into the field when the Tuscanes willed them to follow after they flatly denied that they had received any consideration for to make warre upon the Romanes but whatsoever they had taken it was because they should not wast the Tuscane land and by way of hostilitie and force of armes doe any violence upon the inhabitants howbeit if the Tuscanes were so minded to employ them they would bee willing to serve but for no other reward and recompense than to bee admitted into part of their territorie that at the length they might have some certaine place of abode to settle themselves in Many Diets and consultations hereabout were held by the States of Tuscane but nothing resolved and concluded not so much for that they feared to part with some of their lands as because they were in great dread every one and abhorred to have dwelling by them such neighbors descended from so savage a race cruell nation Thus were the Gauls let go and dismissed having away with them a huge masse of monie which they got without any travell or perill of theirs The bruit of the Gaules tumult and insurrection together with the Tuscanes warre caused no little feare at Rome Wherupon more hast was made to conclude a league with the Picene people T. Manlius the Consull had the charge of the Tuscanes warre alotted unto him Who scarcely was entered into the confines of the enemies but as hee was training and exercising amongst the horsemen ran his horse with full cariere and suddainly as he turned about was cast off and presently lay for dead and so the Consull three daies after his fall ended his life Which the Tuscans taking hold of as a good ominous token presage got hart and were very jolie saying that the gods had in favour of them begun this warre This was heavie news at Rome both for the losse of so brave a personage and for the time wherein so unhappily it fell out so as the assemblie held by the advise of the cheefe Peeres for to substitute a Consul in his place that was deceased frighted the Senatours from chusing a Dictator All their sentences and all the centuries gave with M. Valerius to bee Consull who was the man whome the Senate was about to have pricked for Dictatour Then forthwith they ordained him to go into Tuscane to the armie Whose comming suppressed and kept under the Tuscanes so as not a man durst once go out of their trenches and hold Even their very feare was as good as a siege unto them for that the new Consull neither by wasting the fields nor firing their houses in such sort as every where not onely the smal villages but also the good and wel-peopled townes were seene to smoke and burn againe could draw them forth to fight This warre continued longer than men thought but behold there arose a bruit of another which considering the mutual losses of both sides was for good causes greatly to be feared upon intelligence given from the Picenes their new allies namely that the Samnites were about to take armes and rebell and had sollicited them also to doe the same The Picentes were highly thanked for this and a great part of the Senatours care was diverted nowe from Tuscane to the Samnites The dearth besides of corne and victuals troubled the cittie and driven they had ben to extreame famine if Fabius Maximus as they have written who are of opinion that hee was Aedile that yeare by provident purveighing and diligent conveighing of corne had not been as carefull and industrious in the dispensing of victuall now at home as many times before in war-affaires The same yeare there was an Interreigne but upon what occasion it is not knowne The Interregents were App. Claudius and after him P. Salpitius who held an Election of Consuls and created L. Cornelius Scipio and Cn. Fulvius In the beginning of this yeare there came the Oratours from the Lucanes to these newe Consuls for to make complaint That the Samnites who by no conditions and meanes could induce them for to band and take armes with them were entered into their confines and made wast of the countrey and by verie force provoked them to warre saying That the Lucanes had long agoe overshot and passed themselves that way but nowe they were so fully resolute that they could find in their hears sooner to abide and endure all kind of calamitie whatsoever than ever after to offend and displease the Romane name They besought the Senate therefore to receive the Lucanes into their protection and also to keepe and defend them from the violence and injurie of the Samnites And for themselves albeit entering into warre alreadie with the Samnites they were of necessitie obliged to be sast and true unto the Romanes yet for better securitie they were readie to put in sufficient hostages The Senate was not long consulting hereabout but all with one consent were of opinion to make league with the Lucanes and to summon the Samnits to make amends and restitution The Lucanes besides a courteous gracious answere were accepted into the league Then were there Fecial Heralds dispatched to the Samnits to give them warning for to depart the territorie of the Romane allies and to withdraw their forces out of the confines of the Lucanes But the Samnites sent out certaine messengers to meet them upon the way to denounce unto them that if they presented themselves in any Councel within Samnium they should not depart againe with safegard of their persons When these news were heard at
hotely begun with exceeding stomacke and courage Whereupon the confronting and charging one of another was more eager than the slaughter bloudie betweene them and as the fight in manner was egall so they parted with losse alike For of each side there died above sixe hundred footmen and halfe as many horsemen But the losse on the Romans side was greater than in proportion of the number because certaine of the degree and calling of knights and five Colonels and three Captaines of the Allies were slaine After this iourney Anniball went into the countrey of the Ligurians and Sempronius to Luca. To welcome Anniball at his first comming into Liguria there were delivered unto him two Romane Questors or Treasurers Cn. Fulvius and L. Lucretius who were intercepted by the Ligurians and taken in a traine of ambush with two Colonels and five others besides whose fathers by calling were as good as Senators fellowes and this was done because he should assure himselfe the better that the peace and amitie contracted with them would be faithfully kept and observed Whiles these things thus passed in Italie Cn. Scipio who was sent into Spaine with a fleete armie for sea land having set saile from the mouth of Rhodanus compassed the mountaines Pyrenei arrived at a place called Emporia where he disbarked and landed his forces and reduced unto the Romane empire all the countrey beginning at the Laceranes and so from thence all the sea coast as farre as to the river Iberus partly by renewing the ancient leagues and partly by devising meanes to contract new Whereupon there rose a great name of him for his clemencie whereby he prevailed not only with the States by the sea side but also amongst the inlanders and mounteiners even to the nations that were more fierce and savage with whom he not onely made peace but also wrought them so that they tooke armes in his quarell and there were levied from among them certaine strong cohorts and bands for to aid and succour him Hanno whom Anniball had left for defense of that province was not ignorant hereof and therefore before all was gone and the countrey alienated he thought good to meete with this mischiefe and having pitched his campe in sight of the enemies set his men in ordinance of battaile The Romane captaine likewise resolved not to deferre the fight knowing that so he might be forced to encounter both with Hanno and Asdruball and rather yet he desired to deale with them one after the other single than at once with both But this battaile was not so much dangerous Sixe thousand enemies were left behinde slaine and two thousand taken prisoners together with those that were left for the gard of the camp For both the camp was forced woon and also the General himself with certain guards was taken prisoner Moreover Stissum a towne neere unto the camp was woon by assault howbeit the spoile pillage of the towne were matters of small worth and value namely the houshold stuffe and such pelfe and trumpery of barbarous people and certaine poore base slaves It was the camp that enriched the souldiers by reason that not onely the armie which was now vanquished but that also which with Anniball served in Italie had left behind them about Pyreneus all good things to speake of that they set store by because they would go lightly and not be encombred with cariages Before any certaine report of this overthrow came to Asdruball he had passed over Iberus with 8000 footemen and 1000 horsemen as purposing to make head against the Romanes at their first comming but when he heard how the field was lost and the camp withall he turned his iourney to the sea And not farre from Tarracon he found the souldiers of the Armado and the mariners besides wandering and straggling over the fields for usuall it is that happie successe should breede carelesse negligence whereupon he sent out his horsemen every way and with great slaughter and flight he chased them to their ships and not adventuring to make any longer stay thereabout for feare to be surprised by Scipio he retyred back to the other side of Iberus Scipio also upon the first report of these new enemies having rallied his forces together in great hast after he had slightly chastifed a few captaines and left behinde him a small garrison at Tarracon returned with his fleete to Emporiae He had no sooner departed from thence but Asdruball was there in his place and having induced and incited the State of the Ilergetes who had given hostages to Scipio for to revolt and rebell even with their owne youth wasted the territories of all those that continued faithfull confederates to the Romanes Afterwards when Scipio was roused once out of the place where he wintered the enemie retyred againe and quit all the countrey on that side Iberus Then Scipio having in hostile manner invaded the countries abandoned left by him that was the author cause of their rebellion and by that meanes the nation likewise of the Ilergetes after he had driven them all within Athanagia which is their capitall towne he layd siege unto it round about and within few dayes brought the whole seignorie of the Ilergetes under his obedience and besides a greater number of hostages than before which they were constreined to deliver he condemned them in a good round summe of money From thence he went forward against the Auseranes neere to Iberus being associates also to the Carthaginians having beleaguered their citie he forlaied intercepted the Lacetanes as they came by night to succour their neighbours not farre from the towne even as they were at the point to enter in There were slaine of them 12000 and the rest being welneere all disarmed fled every way scattering here and there over the fields home to their houses All the help and defense that they had who were within was only the foule and cold winter weather evermore naught and hurtfull to assailants that lye forth The siege lasted thirtie dayes during which time seldome fell the snow lesse than foure foote deepe and so covered the pentises and mantilets of the Romanes that when the enemies flung fire sundrie times thereupon that alone saved the same and nothing else In the end upon the departure of their Prince Amursitus who was fled to Asdruball they yelded upon condition to pay twentie talents of silver so Scipio returned to Tarracon there to winter But that yeare at Rome and about the citie were many strange and prodigious signes seene or at leastwise a thing usuall when mens minds are once touched with religion and given to make scruple many were reported and soone beleeved Among which this was one that a babe of condition free borne and but halfe yeere old cryed with a loud voice in the hearbe market lö Triumphe Also in the beasts market an Oxe of himselfe undriven climbed up to the third lost or storie of an house
chaunce of the whole State and Empire For hereupon there revolted unto the Carthaginians the Attellanes the Calatines the Hirpines a part of the Apulians all the Samnites except the Petellines all the Brutij in generall and the Lucanes And more than these the Surrentines and the whole tract wellneere of the Greekes along the sea coast The Tarentines Metapontines the Crotonians the Locrians and all the Gaules within the Alpes And yet for all these defeatures and rebellions of their Allies and subjects were not the Romanes one whit enclined to make anie mention of peace neither before the comming of the Consull nor yet after that hee was returned and renued againe the dolourous remembrance of that wofull overthrow received And even at that very instant so high-minded was the cittie and so farre from drouping and being cast downe that as the Consull returned homeward from so great a defeature whereof himselfe onely was a principall cause hee was not onely met upon the way by all the States and companies of the cittie in great numbers but also highly thanked in that hee despaired not of the State of the Commonweale who if hee had been the Generall and Leader of the Carthaginians should have beene sure to have smoaked for it and endured all extremitie of torment and punishment THE XXIII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the three and twentith Booke THE Campanes revolted unto Anniball Mago was sent to Carthage with newes of the victorie at Cannae and in the entrie of the Counsell house he poured out on the floore the golden rings which had been plucked from the fingers of the Romanes there slaine which by report exceeded the measure of a Modius Vpon these tidings Hanâ—â— the noblest personage among all the Carthaginians persuaded with the Senat of Carthage to sue unto the people of Rome for peace but he prevailed not by reason of the Barchine side and faction that gaiâ—esaid him Cl. Marcellus the Praetour fought fortunately before Nola in a sallie which hee made out of the towne against Anniball The Armie of Anniball fell to riot at Capua and gave themselves to such sensualitie while they wintered there that both in bodily strength and also in courage of â—â—nd they became much enfeebled Casilinum was besieged by the Carthaginians and the inhabitants within were driâ—â—â— by extreame famine to â—at thongs and leatberings plucked from off their shields and targuets yea and to feede upon 〈◊〉 and rats They lived with nuts which the Romanes sent unto them downe the river Vulturnus The bodie of the Senate was replenished by receiving unto them a new supplie from out of the order of knights or gentlemen to the number of 197. L. Posthumius the Pretour was together with his armie defeated by the Gaules and put to the sword Cneui and Publius Scipiones vanquished Asdruball in Spaine and had the conquest thereof The remnant of the Armie defeated at Cannae was sent away and confined into Sicilie and commaunded not to depart from thence before the warre was fully finished A league and societie was concluded betweene Philip the king of the Macedoniaus and Anniball Sempronius Gracchus the Consull discomfited aâ—d slue the Campanes Moreover this booke containeth the fortunate exploits atchieved by T. Manlius the lord Deputie in Sardima against the Carthaginians and the Sardi who tooke the Generall himselfe Asdruball together with Mago and Hanno prisoners Claudius Marcellus the Praetour vanquished and defeated in a set battaile before Nola the Armie of Anniball and was the first that put the Romanes 〈◊〉 some good hope of better successe after they had beene toiled out with so many foiles and losses ANniball after the battâ—ile fought at Cannae the winning and ransacking of both the Romane campes dislodged anone and was removed out of Apulia into Samnium being sent unto for to come unto the Hirpines countrey by Statius who promised to betray and deliver the cittie of Consa into his hands Now there was a citizen of Consa named Tribius a noble personage and of great name in his countrie But the bend and faction of the Cossanes a familie of great power by favour of the Romanes kept him downe and overweighed him but after the same of the battaile of Cannae and the comming of Anniball divulged and blowne abroad by the speeches of Trebius those Cossanes abandoned the cittie and so was it without any conflict rendered unto the Carthaginians and received a garrison Anniball leaving behind him there all the pillage and baggage that he had devided his armie into two parts giving Mago in charge to possesse himselfe of the townes of that countrey which would revolt of themselves from the Romanes or else to force them thereunto in case they denied and refused so to doe Himselfe tooke his journey through the land of Campaine toward the nether sea intending to assault Naples that he might bee lord of a port towne also and have it at his devotion When hee was entred the confines of the Neapolitanes hee placed some of the Numidians in ambush as cunningly as he could and there for the most part the waies are hollow and full of close and secret noukes and holes others he commaunded to make a shew of driving a bootie out of the fields and to ride out braving before the gates of the cittie Against whom seeming to bee not many and those disordered a troupe of horsemen issued forth but the enemies of purpose giving back and retiring from them tilled and trained them on to the place of ambush and so they were environned on every side and there had not one of them escaped alive but that the sea was neere where they espied many fisher boates along the shoare on the bancke side and as many of them as were skilfull in swimming gat unto them and saved themselves but in that skirmish neverthelesse certaine young gentlemen were slaine Among whome Hegeas also the Captaine of that Cornet of horsemen died in the place who followed too hotely upon them that reculed and seemed to flie But Anniball after he had viewed the wals and saw they were not easie to be woon was discouraged and skared from giving assault to that cittie From thence he turned his journey and took his way to Capua a citie flowing in wealth and superfluitie of all pleasures by reason of long felicitie and the favourable aspect of gracious fortune But among all corruptions that there raigned it was infected most with the licentious loosenesse of the Commons who exceeded beyond all measure and abused their libertie Pacuvius Calavius a man of noble race there and popular with all but one that by lewd indirect courses became rich mightie by meanes thereof had both Senat and Com. under his girdle might do what he would This man chaunced to be head Magistrat the same year that the Romans were defaited overthrown at the Lake Thrasymenus
Carthage where being sent unto both by embassadors from Hippocrates also by letters from Annibal who moved him made remonstrances That now the time was come to recover Sicilie again with much honor glorie and being himselfe there present in person no bad sollicitor by word of mouth to further follow the cause he easily persuaded the Carthaginians prevailed that as great a power both of horse foot as might possibly be raised should passe over into Sicilie Being arived at Heraclea within few daies after Agrigentum was delivered up into his hands And all other cities which had banded taken part with the Carthaginians were put in so good hope to drive the Romans out of Sicilie that even they at last who were besieged within Saracose took hart unto them were so in their ruffe that supposing part of their forces sufficient enough to defend their citie they parted between them the charge managing of the whole war in this manner That Epicides should remaine behind for the guard and defence of the citie and Hippocrates ioyne with Himilco and warre jointly against the Romanes Hee with 10000 foot and 500 horse set out by night and passed betweene the Corps de guard where none at all warded and encamped about the citie Acerrae As they were fortifying their campe Marcellus came upon them as hee retyred backe from Agrigentum possessed now by the adverse part whether he had made great hast but in vaine in hope to prevent his enemies and get thither afore but little thought he and nothing lesse than in his returne from thence at that time and in that place to meete with an armie of Saracosians that should make head against him Howbeit for feare of Himilco and the Carthaginians whom he knew to be abroad and with whom he was not able to make his part good with that power which he had about him he marched as circumspectly as he could having his eye on every side and led his army in good order of battaile against all occurrences whatsoever might happen by the way And so as good hap was that carefull forecast and diligence which he was provided with against the Carthaginians served him in very good steed against the Sicilians Finding them therefore busie in pitching their tents without order and skattred asunder and most of them unarmed he environed soone all the Infanterie that they had and put them to the sword But the Cavallerie after a slight skirmish begun fled with their leader Hippocrates to Acrae Marcellus after he had by this fight repressed and kept in the Sicilians who were at hand to fall away and revolt unto the Romanes returned to Saracose and after some few dayes Himilco joyned with Hippocrates and encamped about eight miles from thence upon the river Anatis Likewise about the same time or very neere it hapned that 55 war-ships of the Carthaginians under the conduct of Bomilcar Admirall of the Armada put into the great haven of Saracose out of the deepe and maine sea and also the Romane fleete of thirtie gallies with five ranks of ores arived at Panormus and landed the first legion there and thus the warre was turned and diverted from Italie So wholly seemed both nations as well Romanes as Carthaginians amused upon nothing now but Sicilie Himilco making full accoumpt to prey upon the Romane legion which was set a land at Panormus as they should come to Saracose missed of the right way to meete with them for he marched and led his power far within land higher in the countrey but the legion coasted along by the sea side accompanyed as it were with the fleete which flanked them and came to Pachinus unto Appius Claudius who with part of his forces went out to meet them on the way But the Carthaginians made no long stay about Saracose For Bomilcar having small trust and confidence in his ships considering that the Romanes were comming toward him with a fleete and were twise as many in number and withall seeing that by sojourning there he did no other good but with his companie empoverish and eate out his friends spred and halfed up saile and with a mery wind passed over into Affrick Himilco also who had dogged and followed after Marcellus in vaine as far as Saracose to espie some good opportunitie and vantage to bid him battaile before he joyned with a greater power seeing that he was hereof disappointed and the enemie lying about Saracose safe and secure as well in regard of their fortifications as their forces because he would not spend any longer time to no purpose in sitting there still to looke upon their allies how they were besieged he dislodged and removed from thence attending wheresoever there were any hope and likelihood of revolt from the Romanes thither tocome with his armie and shew himselfe in person to encourage and animate by his presence those that favoured his part And first he recovered Murgantia where the Romane garison was betrayed by the inhabitants and delivered unto his hands Into which citie the Romanes had conveyed great store of corne victuall and provision of all sorts Vpon this revolt other cities also tooke hart unto them and the Romane garisons were either thrust and driven out of the castles and fortresses or els were treacherously betrayed surprised and destroyed The citie Aenna seated upon an high hill and on every side inaccessible as it was by naturall situation of the ground imprenable so it had a strong garison within the castle and a captaine of that garison one that was not so easy to be compassed and over-raught by deceitfull traines His name was Pinarius a wittie man hardie withall who reposed more trust in his owne diligence to prevent that he might not possibly be deceived than in the truth and faith of the Sicilians And at this time more than ever before he stood upon his gard and tooke heedful care of himselfe and his charge by occasion that he heard of so many treacheries treasons so many revolts of cities and massacres of garisons and therefore as well by day as night he looked that the castle was well provided and furnished of good watch and ward continually and the souldiers never departed from their armor nor their appointed place Which when the chiefe citizens of Aenna perceived who already had covenanted with Himilco and promised to betray the fort and the garison and saw that the Romane captaine was so wary that he lay not open unto the opportunitie of any fraudulent and guilefull course they resolved by apert and open meanes to effect this their designed enterprise They alleaged therefore unto Pinarius that the citie and castle both ought to be in their power since that they entred into league and amitie with the Romanes as free men and were not yeelded as slaves to be kept in duresse and prison Reason would therefore and meete it was as they thought that all the keyes of the gates were delivered unto them
supposing that they were but some few who through the negligence of the watchmen and warders were gotten over the wall and ever as he met with any that were skared and in feare hee said unto them eftsoones that they themselves made more adoe and every thing worse than there was cause reporting all in greater measure and more fearfull manner than need was in very truth But when he saw all places about Epipolae full of armed men after some small voley of shot and little skirmish with the enemie whereby hee provoked them rather than did any good else hee turned backe againe with his companies and retired into Acradina not fearing so much the violence and multitude of the enemies as least some intestine mischeefe by this occasion might arise and that he should find in this tumult and hurliburly the gates of Acradina and the Island shut against him Marcellus being entered within the walls tooke his prospect from the higher places and when hee beheld under his eies the most goodly and beautifull citie of all others in those daies by report he wept and shed teares abundantly partly for joy that he had brought his purpose to so good a passe and partly in compassion and remembrance of the auncient glorie and renowme of that citie Hee called to mind the navies of the Atheniens by them sunke and drowned hee thought upon the utter overthrow of two puissant armies together with the losse of two most noble and famous captaines of theirs moreover there came into his memorie so many wars fought against the Carthaginians with so great perill and hazard so many and so mightie Tyrants and kings that raigned and kept their seat and roiall court there amongst the rest he could not chuse but think of king Hiero of fresh and famous memorie a prince who above all other gifts which his owne vertue and fortune had graced endued him withall was recommended especially for his many favors and good turnes done unto the people of Rome When all these things presented themselves to his remembrance with this cogitation besides how all that beautie and glorie within one houres space was readie to burne on a light fire and to be consumed into ashes before that he advanced his ensignes against Acradina hee sent before those Syracusians who had conversed as is aforesaid amongst the guards and garrison of the Romans to persuade the enemies with mild gentle speech yet to yeeld the citie It so fell out that the most part of them that warded the gates and walls both of Acradina were certaine fugitive revolts fled from the Romanes who had no hope atall upon any condition whatsoever to be pardoned These would suffer none either to approch the walls or to parle and speake with any And therefore Marcellus after hee saw that enterprise frustrate disappointed commaunded to retire with the ensignes unto Euryalus This Euryalus is a little mount and fort situate in the utmost quarter of the citie remote far from sea and commanding the high way that leadeth into the fields the middle parts and very hart of the whole Island a place very commodious for the taking up receipt of all victuals The captain of this hold was Philodemus an Argive placed there by Epicides Vnto whom there was sent from Marcellus Sosis one of them that murdred the tyrant and after long communication Sosis with craftie words abused by him colourably put off until another time made relation unto Marcellus that Philodemus had taken a farther day of respite deliberation But he put off still from day to day triflingout the time of purpose untill Hippocrates Himilco might come with their forces and legions making no doubt but if he mought receive them into his fortresse the whole armie of the Romans being now enclosed within the walls should be overthrowne and utterly defaited Marcellus seeing that Euryalus was not delivered up and forced possibly it could not bee encamped himselfe betweene Neapolis and Tyche so are two parts of the citie named and may for their bignesse go well enough for two entier cities of themselves for feare least if he were once entred into the populous and most inhabited places of the citie his souldiers greedie of pillage would not bee kept together but runne loosely up and downe to rifle Thither came unto him from Tyche and Neapolis Embassadours and Oratours with olive braunches adorned with sacred veiles and infules humbly beseeching him to hold his hand from effusion of bloud firing the citie Marcellus calling his counsell about these their petitions rather than demaunds after mature deliberation by generall consent of all gave expresse and streight commaundement to the souldiours that no man should offer abuse or violence to the bodie of any freeborne person whatsoever as for all besides his will and pleasure was it should bee their bootie Now was the campe of Marcellus defended on both sides with housing in steed of a wall and hee bestowed a good corps de guard at the gates thereof lying open overagainst the streets least when the souldiours ran to and fro in the citie the campe in the meane while might be assailed Then upon the sound of trumpet the souldiours fell to their businesse ran into all parts brake open dores set all on a fearefull hurrey but spilled no bloud and they never gave over ransacking and rifling untill they had cast out and carried away all the riches and goods that had beene a gathering a long time during their wealthie and prosperous estate Amid these stirres Philodemus also seeing no hope of succours and rescue after he had covenanted for his securitie to return safe and without harme to Epicides withdrew his garrison away with him out of the fort and rendred it up to the Romanes Now whiles every man was turned another way and busied in that part of the citie which was forced Bâ—mâ—â—car taking the advantage of one night wherein the Romane fleet by reason of a violent tempest could not â—ide at anchor in the maine sea gat forth of the haven of Saracose with 35 ships and having sea-roume halfed up sailes and away he went with a mery gale of wind leaving 55 behind for Epicides and the Saracosians and after he had informed the Carthaginians in what danger the state of Saracose stood returned within few dayes with a fleete of a hundred saile rewarded for his labor as the report went by Epicides with many rich gifts which the treasure of king Hiero paid for Marcellus possessed now of the fortresse Euryalus and having planted there a garison was well rid of one care yet for he doubted least if a new power of enemies had bene received behind his back into that fort they would greatly have annoyed his men enclosed now as they were and encombred within the walls After this he besieged Acradina and invested it round about and fortified three severall campes in meet and convenient places against it hoping to shut them up
keep his owne in case three armies and three captaines should joyne againe togither so hee considered withall that either if he sped well in this exploit he should restore and set upright againe unto the Romanes the decaied and prostrate state of Spaine or if he were discomfited and put backe yet by giving the adventure first upon the enemies he should not be altogither contemned and of no reputation But least this attempt so suddaine and the terror and error which may fall out in the night-time should happen to trouble this his designed plot the course of his good fortune he thought it not amisse to make a speech unto his soldiers and to exhort encourage them asore hand And therefore calling them togither to a generall audience in this manner hee discoursed unto them of his intent and purpose My valourous and loiall souldiours either the reverence and affectionate love of mine toward our cheefe captaines during their life and after their death or the very present condition and state wherein we all now stand may be a sufficient testimonie and proofe to any man whosoever that this charge and government of mine as it is in regard of your judgement of me right honourable so it is in truth and in very deed to me most weightie and full of care and trouble For at what time as but that feare tooke away all sence of sorrow I was not so much maister of myselfe as to seeke out and find some comfort and sollace for mine owne pensive soule and heavie spirit I was forced being but one which is a most hard matter for a man to doe in time of greefe to minister consolation unto the common misfortune and calamitie of you all And surely I have no list at all the harder is my case to avert my mind from continuall greefe of heart not so much as even then when as I am to studie and devise by what meanes I may bee able to preserve for the behoofe of my countrie these small remnants of two armies For why the greevous and bitter remembrance of calamities past is ever before me The two Scipions trouble mee all the day time with carefull thoughts they disquiet me in the night season with fearfull dreams they make mee oftentimes to start out of my sleepe willing and charging mee to suffer neither them nor their souldiours who were your fellowes and companions and for the space of eight yeeres in those parts where they served never received foile ne yet the Commonwealth to continue unrevenged warning me withall to follow their discipline their precepts rules and good instructions And like as whiles they lived here among us there was no man more obedient than my selfe to their directions and commaundements even so after their decease whatsoever in my conceit I judge they would have had especially done in all occurrences the same my desire is that you also my souldiours would like of and approove for the very best I would not have you to weepe waile and lament still for them as if they were extinct and gone for ever for they live still and shall so long as the world endureth and continue immortall in renowme and fame of their worthie and noble acts but rather so often as you remember and thinke of them to go like hardie and valiant men to a field even as if you heard them speaking unto you or saw them giving out the signall of battell Neither was it I assure you any other object but that presented yesterday unto your eies and minds which effected so memorable a peece of service as it was by which ye have made good proofe unto your enemies and given them to understand that the Romane name died not together with the Scipioes and that the vigour and vertue of that people which was not extinct and buried by the overthrow at Cannae will ever rise againe ye may bee sure out of all adversities let cruell fortune storme and rage as much as ever she can And now since yee have shewed such valour and hardinesse alreadie of your owne accord I have a mind and would gladly see how bravely yee will beare your selves upon the direction and commaundement of your captaine For yesterday when I sounded the retreat unto you at what time as you followed so freely upon the enemie being troubled and disarraied my desire and meaning was not to represse and abate your bold courage but to deferre and reserve it against some greater opportunitie of advantage and for a more honourable and glorious exploit that anon upon the first occasion you being prepared and provided might surprise them at unwares not standing upon their guard armed and wel appointed assaile them disarmed and naked that which more is whiles they are in their beds fast and sound asleepe And the hope that I conceive of this good opportunitie and effect thereof my souldiours ariseth not upon some fantasticall imagination of mine owne braine by hap-hazard and upon vain presumption but grounded upon good reason and present experience For verily if a man should demaund even of you your own selves What the reason was that being but few in number lately discomfited ye were able to defend your campe against many more than your selves and those heartened with fresh victories yee would make no other answere but this That you fearing that which followed had both fortified you campe in every respect with strong munitions and were your selves well appointed and furnished yea readie to receive them whensoever they came And certes so it is we find it true by experience Men are least sure and secured against that which fortune saith is fearelesse and need not to bee prevented because that which wee neglect is evermore open and exposed to all daungers Now the enemies doubt nothing lesse at this time than that we who were so lately our selves besieged and assailed by them will now come to give an assault upon them in their hold Let us adventure to doe that which no man would beleeve that ever wee durst enterprise and the selfe same cause which seemeth to make the thing most difficult shall effect it soonest of all others At the change of the third watch I will lead you forth without any noise at all in great silence Well enformed and assured I am that in their campe the Sentinels are not releeved in due course order neither yet the ordinarie corps de guard kept as they ought to be Your shout and outcrie shall not so soone bee heard at the gates nor your first charge and assault given but yee shall surely be maisters of the campe Then let me see you performe that carnage and execution among them heavie and dead asleepe affrighted with an unexpected al'arme and taken on a suddain unarmed and in their beds from which yesterday ye thought much that ye were called away and reclaimed I wote well that this seemeth unto you an audacious enterprise and full of hazard but when
strucke the Sicilians dead who stood in the presence of the Consuls looking for the event of the lotterie as if Saracose had bene lost againe in such sort as their pittifull lamentations and their wofull plaints for the present turned all mens eyes uppon them and anone after ministred cause of much speech and talke For they went about to all the Senatours from one to another in poore and vile aray protesting that if Marcellus came amongst them againe as L. deputie they would not onely forsake every man his owne countrie where he was borne but also abandon the whole Iland of Sicilie complaining that without any desert of their parts heretofore he had bene cruelly bent against them and his hatred was irreconcileable and what would hee now do in his choller and knowing that the Sicilians came to Rome of purpose to make complaints of him The Iland were better say they to bee on a light fire to burne with Aetna or to be all a very sea than thus to be exposed as a prey unto a mortall enemie for to be devoured These grievous mones and pitteous complaints of the Sicilians first carried to the houses of the Nobes and great men of the cittie and there taken up much talked of by many whiles some pittied the Sicilians others envied Marcellus spread abroad at lengthso farre untill they came to the Counsel-table And the Consuls were dealt withall to propose unto the Senat that they might exchange their provinces one for another Then Marcellus stood up and said That in case audience had bene given to the Sicilians alreadie in the Senate house peradventure hee would deliver his opinion to another purpose but now least any man might say that they were bridled for feare durst not speake their minds freely nor complain as they would of him at whose command under whose obedience they were to be within a while he was for his part readie to make change of his province if his colleague were as well content made no greater scruple of the matter Only he requested that the Senat would not prejudice his cause For if at the first quoth he it had bene hard and uniust extraordinarily and without casting lots to give my colleague the free choise of his owne province how much greater wrong then should I have nay what disgrace were offered unto me if my lot should be taken from me and transferred upon him So for that time the Senate having made an overture unto Marcellus what they would have done rather than by any decree prejudiced the matter brake up And the Consuls betweene themselves privatly made exchange one with the other See the fortune and fatal destinie of Marcellus that haled him as it were to be matched with Anniball and to fall into his hands to the end that the same man who of all the Romanes was the first that vanquished Anniball in fight and wan the honor from him should now in the mids of prosperitie happie successe of warre be the last Roman Generall that was slaine by Anniball and yeelded the glorie of giving him the overthrow After the provinces were thus interchaungeably shifted the Sicilians were brought into the Senat. Where they made a long speech as touching the perpetual constant faithfulnes unto the end of K. Hiero towards the people of Rome all to currie favour gaine thankes unto the whole nation of Sicilie Recounting that Hieronymus first and after him Hippocrates and Epicides as for other things so especially for their revolting from the Romanes and turning to Anniball were odious and hatefull unto them For which cause and nothing else Hieronymus was by the hands of the chieftaines of their young gallants as it were by a publike decree of the state made away and killed and the noblest of their young gentlemen to the number of seventie conspired to murder Hippocrates and Epicides who being disappointed and put by the effecting of their designment through the delay of Marcellus who at the time before appointed came not with his power to Saracose were appeached their intended plot revealed and they all by those tyrants put to death And yet to speake a truth Marcellus himselfe was he that gave the first occasion of the tyrannizing of Hippocrates and Epicides in that most cruelly he sacked and rifled the Leontines But from that time forward the Nobles of Saracose never ceased to come in unto Marcellus and promised to deliver the cittie into his hands whensoever he pleased But he forsooth at first stood upon these tearms that he would rather force it by assault but afterwards seeing he could not effect that his purpose notwithstanding he had wroght al the devises he could both by sea land he made choise of one Sosis acopper-smith Mericus a Spaniard to have them to work contrive the betraying of the citie rather than of the principal of the Syracusian nobilitie who had so often offred that service never yet wold it be accepted alâ—ywis because he might pretend some colorable cause of justice to proceed in al rigor against the most ancient alies of the people of Rome for to massacre them and make spoile of all that they had Set case that Hieronymus had not revolted and gone to Anniball but the whole people and Senate of Syracusa Suppose that the Syracusians in generall by publicke consent had shut the gates against Marcellus and not their Tyrants Hippocrates and Epicides when they had the Syracusians sure ynough under their owne hands Say they had warred against the people of Rome with as spightfull cankred malice as the Carthaginians doe and ever did what greater hostilitie could Marcellus possibly have exercised against them more than he hath unlesse he would destroy rase the citie to the very ground Surely hee hath left nothing in Syracusa but the bare walls the naked emptie houses of the citie the temples chapples of the gods defaced broke open for the gods themselves with all the rich gorgeous ornaments are caried away Many a man is spoiled robbed of his goods in such sort as having nothing left him but the bare soile they are not able when all is gone with his leavings to maintein themselves and sustaine their wives and children They were humble petitioners therefore suppliant suiters unto the LL. of the Senate to take order that restitution might be made unto the rightfull owners if not of all for that is unpossible yet of so much at least as was to bee found and might be truly owned againe After these and such like complaints Levinus the Consull commaunded them to goe foorth of the counsell house to the end that the LL. might bee consulted with and deliver their opinions concerning their demands Nay marrie â—uoth Marcellus let them stay still rather that I may answere to their very faces seeing my LL. our case and condition is so hard who warre and fight for you that we must have those
him that besieged Caulonia hearing of the siege and assault of Tarentum went night and day and made all the hast he could with a running march to reskue and succour the citie but hearing by the way that it was forced and gone Ah I see well quoth he the Romanes also are not without their Anniball In good faith so was Tarentum woon and so lost againe by treacherie and treason But because he would not be thought to turne back and flie in the very same place where he made stay he sat downe and encamped almost five miles from the citie and after he had abode there some few daies he retired himselfe to Metapontum From thence he suborned two Metapontines and sent them to Fabius at Tarentum with letters devised from certaine principall men of that citie wherein they promised to betray Metapontum and the Punick garison into the Consull his hands upon assurance made unto them that all former trespasses and offences should be forgeven and forgotten Fabius supposing all was truth and plaine-dealing appointed a certaine day when he would come to Metapontum and sent his letters also to those principall citizens which letters were brought unto Anniball whereat he was right glad and tooke great contentment that his fraud sped so well and that Fabius also might be entrapped caught and overtaken by his wily fetches as well as others and thereupon laid an ambush for him in the way not farre from Metapontum As Fabius before he should go out of Tarentum attended to know what the birds signified he observed once or twise that they approved not his journey And when he killed a sacrifice thereby to know the will of the gods the Soothsayer or bowell-prier gave him warning to take heed of the deceit of his enemies and beware of wait-laying The Metapontines seeing that he came not at the day appointed were sent againe to hasten him forward and to encourage him to come who were all sodainely at once apprehended and for feare of farther torture disclosed the practise of the ambush In the beginning of that summer wherein these occurrents hapned after that Scipio had bestowed the whole winter in winning and reconciling the harts of the barbarous people partly with gifts and rewards and partly with enlarging and sending back their hostages and the prisoners there came unto him one Edesco a noble and famous captaine of the Spaniards His wife and children were in custodie with the Romanes but besides that occasion which brought him to Scipio there was another cause even a generall inclination of all their minds that chanced I wot not how which withdrew and estranged whole Spaine from the Carthaginian empire unto the Romain The same reason moved Indibilis also and Mandonius the greatest LL. and Princes no doubt of all Spaine to leave Asdruball and with all the power they could make of their followers and vassals to depart into the mountaines standing just over his camp from whence they might from hill to hill continually retire themselves in safetie to the Romanes Asdruball perceiving the puissance of his enemies to grow and increase still more and more by little and little and his owne to diminish and foreseeing that unlesse he made some hardie adventure and prevailed that way all would be naught and fall to the ground as it was beginning alreadie to reele determined to put it to a battaile with all speede possible Scipio also was sharp set and the more desirous of fight as well for the good hope which the successe of his former affaires confirmed and encreased as also because before the armies of his enemies should joyne together he was more willing to fight with one Generall and one armie than with all them joyntly at once and yet he had well amended and encreased his forces politickly of purpose against the worst in case he should be driven to fight with many of them together For seeing there was no use of ships because all the river seas along Spaine were cleered of the Carthaginian navie he withdrew his fleete up into the harborough at Taracon and joyned his sea-servitours to his land souldiours For armour he had store enough which was either taken in the pillage of Carthage or newly made after the winning of the towne by so many Artificers and Craftsmen that he kept there hard and close at worke With this power Scipio in the beginning of spring departed from Taracon for now by this time was Laelius returned from Rome without whose companie he was not willing to enterprise any service of great moment and importance and led forward against the enemies As he journeyed peaceably all over the countrie and passed through the territories and confines of every cittie and State his Allies were readie to entertaine and accompanie him Indibilis also and Mandonius among the rest with all their power met him Then Indibilis in the name of them both spake not like a sottish barbarian foolishly and inconsiderately but rather with a modest kind of gravitie more like one that excused his revolt running from the adverse part upon constreint and necessitie than made boast of catching and embracing the vantage therof upon the first opportunitie presented I know full well quoth he that the very name of a fugitive revolt as it is odious detestable to old Allies so it is suspicious to new And I cannot greatly blame the manner of men in so doing in case it bee not the bare name but the double dealing that causeth the hatred Then he reckned up his owne good turnes and deserts done unto the Carthaginians on the one side and recounted their covetousnesse and pride on the other side together with their injurious dealings with himselfe and his people And therefore quoth he this bodie of mine onely hath conversed among them untill this day but my hart affection hath long since bene with them where I beleeve verily that right justice and religion is regarded and mainteined for even so do we flie as suppliants in humble manner to the gods also when we can no longer endure the violence and wrongfull outrages of men Beseeching Scipio this one thing withall that this his starting from the enemie and raunging with him he would neither blame and condemne presently as a transgression nor honor and commend as a good desert of his but as he should find both him and the rest by good proofe from that day forward even so to make reckoning of them accordingly and not otherwise Scipio made answer again That in truth he would so do neither would he take them for fugitives and runawaies who judged that they were not bound in conscience to mainteine the societie and alliance with them as good lawful who made no count at al to observe inviolable any promise or dutie to God or man Then were their two wives children brought forth into their sight and delivered unto them whom they received and shed teares abundantly for joy and so for that day they were
to marke some old targuets of his enemies which hee had not as yet seene and their horses more lanke and leane than earst before And as hee guessed the number also was greater than ordinarie and usuall Suspecting therefore that which was indeed hee sounded the retreat in all hast and sent out presently to the river where they used to water to see if they might either light upon some and catch them prisoners or at leastwise take good markes by their eie whither any of them haply were higher coloured or looked sunburnt presently upon their late travell Also he gave them commaundement to ride aloofe about their campe and to spie whether the rampier were enlarged or set out farther in any place and to listen attentively whether the trumpet sounded single or double within the camp When all other circumstances besides were related in order affirmatively onely the not enlarging of the camp put them by their hint and gave the occasion that they were beguiled Two severall campes they were like as before the comming of the Consull the one belonging to M. Livius the other to L. Porcius And in neither of them were the rampiers and trenches set out any jot whereby they might put up more tents quarter themselves in larger roume But this one thing troubled this old experienced captaine acquainted so well as he was with the Roman enemies that his espials brought word how in the Pretors campe they sounded the trumpet once and in the Consuls twise For surely that was an evident argument that two Consuls were there And in thinking how the other Consull had departed from Anniball and given him the slip he mightily tormented himselfe And he could not once suspect and imagine that which was indeed the truth namely that Anniball was deluded and mocked in a matter of so great moment as to bee ignorant what was become of the Generall or of the armie to which he lay so close and neere encamped Surely thought he and without all question he hath received no small foile and overthrow in this fright dareth not make after and follow the enemie Nay hee feared much least all were lost and gone and that he should not come time ynough to helpe and succour him and that the Romans had gotten alreadie the same good hand in Italie which they had before in Spaine Otherwhiles he was persuaded that his letters never came to Anniball his hands that they were intercepted and so the Consull made hast to prevent him and give him the foile by the way Being perplexed with these carefull cogitations hee caused the fires to bee put out and at the signall given at the first watch to trusse up bag and baggage and to dislodge and be gone In this fearefull hast and nightly tumult the guides whiles they were slenderly looked unto small heed was taken of them one of them sat down and rested close in a secret lurking hole which he had before destined in his mind the other waded over the river Metaurus through the sourds that he was well acquainted with so got away made an escape So the armie left at randon without their guides first wandered over the fields and then diverse of them being wearie sleepie with over-watching laid them downe along here and there and left their colours with few about them Asdrubal commaunded them to march along the banke of the river and to follow it untill the day-light might direct them the right way so going a compasse in and out according to the winding reaches crancks of the river wandered a great while gained but a smal ground forward Now when day light once appeared he purposed to spie out the first place for convenient passage and there to get over But finding no fourds by reason that the farther it was from the sea the higher were the banckes from the water that kept in the river hee spent all the live-long day and gave the enemie time to follow after him And first Claudius Nero came with all the horsemen then Porcius followed hard after with the vaunt-coutriers and light armed footemen Whiles they made offer to charge their enemies in their march every way and plaid still upon them in so much as now Asdruball leaving to journey forward where in he seemed rather to flee than march was desirous to take a little hil along the river side and there to encamp and fortifie Livius was come also with all the maine power of footemen so armed and so orderly appointed and marshalled as they were not only provided to march in journey but readie also presently to give battaile But when they were all joyned together and aranged in battaile array Claudius had the leading of the right wing Livius commaunded the left and the Pretour tooke the charge and conduct of the maine battaile Asdruball seeing no other remedie but to fight never fortified his camp but in the fore-front before the vaward and in the very mids placed his Elephants about them in the left wing he opposeth the French against Claudius not so much trusting upon them as supposing verily that the enemie was afraid of them and in proper person he tooke up the right wing against Livius for himselfe and the Spaniards in whom being old beaten souldiours he reposed his most hope The Ligurians in the mids were bestowed behind the Elephants But the battaile was rather drawne out in length than stretched forth in breadth The Frenchmen were defended with the hill that bare out over them That front which the Spaniards kept encountred with the left wing of the Romanes And all the battaile of the right side which bare out from the conflict stood still and fought not The hill that was opposite against them was the cause that neither afront nor aflanke they could charge upon the enemie But betweene Livius and Asdruball there was an hote fight begun alreadie and cruell bloudshed on both sides There were both the Generall captaines there was the greater part of the Romanes as well foote as horse there were the Spaniards old and experienced souldiours skilfull also in the Romane manner of fight there were the Ligurians a tough nation and hardie in fight Against this battailon were the Elephants turned who at the first shock and onset troubled and disordered the vaward yea and began to force the ensignes to geve ground But after upon the noyse that grew greater and the battaile that waxed hoter they began to be unruly and travers betweene both battailes as it were doubtfull to whether side they belonged much like to ships left hulling and floting without their pilots and steeres-men Then Claudius cried out eftsoones to his souldiours To what end quoth he made we such post hast and tooke so long a journey But seeing that he laboured in vaine to avance his banners and mount up against the hill opposite unto him and perceiving that way how it was impossible to come unto the enemie and to enter upon
parts in manner by turnes they retired safely into the battaile of footmen Now when as the battels were not past halfe a mile asunder one from another Scipio sounded the retreat and opened his ranks received all the horsemen and light armed souldiours within the middle ward and having divided them in two regiments hee bestowed them for succours and supplies behind the wings Now when the time was come to joyne in medley hee commaunded the Spaniards and those were the maine battaile to take sure footing and go steedily togither faire and softly himselfe out of the right wing for that point he commanded dispatched a messenger to Syllanus Martius willing them to stretch out that wing on the left hand like as they saw him to draw it a length on the right with direction also unto them that they togither with the light horsemen and light appointed footmen should encounter and close with the enemie before that both battailes might meet and joyne togither Thus having enlarged out at full their wings they with three squadrons of footmen and as many cornets of horsemen togither with the light armed skirmishers advanced with full pace directly afront the enemies whiles the rest followed sidewaies a crosse Now there was a void peece of ground in the mids between by reason that the Spaniards ensignes went but slowly forward and the wings had bene in conflict alreadie when the floure and strength of the enemies battaile consisting of old beaten Carthaginian and Africane souldiors were not yet come within the darts shot neither durst they put in to succour them that were in fight for feare they should open the main battaile for the enemie that came directly against them Their wings were much distressed in the fight on every side For the horsemen the light armed souldiours and the skirmishers having wheeled about and set a compasse to environ them ran upon them on their flanks The cohorts of footmen charged upon them afront al to break off their wings from the bodie of the battell And as now in every respect the fight was unequall so the rable of camp-followers Baleare Ilanders raw untrained Spaniards opposed against the approved Romane and Latine soldiors pulled down a side The day went on stil Asdrubal his armie began to faint and no mervaile for they were surprised taken of a sodain betimes in the morning wer forced in hast to enter into the field go to battel before they had refreshed strengthned their bodies And to that purpose Scipio had drawne the day on length and trifled out the time that the battell might be late For it was the seventh houre or one a clocke after noone before the ensigne of footmen charged upon the side points And a good deale later it was ere the maine battailes fought and joined together so that the heat of the noone sunne the paine of long standing in armour and hunger and thirst came all together to enfeeble and spend their bodies before that they came to handstrokes and to buckle with their enemies which was the cause that they stood leaning and resting themselves upon their shields And over and besides all other troubles the Elephants also affrighted and madded with this tumultuous and disordered manner of fight of horsemen skirmishers and light armed souldiours together ran from the wings upon the main battell The captaines therefore themselves being thus tainted as well in courage of heart as in bodily strength gave ground and reculed Howbeit they still kept their arraies as if the whole battell had retired whole and sound by the commaundement of their Generall But when the winners and conquerours on the other part were so much more forward to charge upon them more hotely on every side because they saw them to lose their ground and shrinke backe so as their violence could not well be endured then albeit Asdruball held them still together and did what he could to stay their flight crying eftsoones alowd unto them that there were hils behind them and places of safe retreat if they would retire in good sort moderately and in orders yet when they saw their enemies presse so hard upon them killing and hewing in peeces those that were next unto them feare was above shame and so immediately they shewed their backe parts and ran away all at once as fast as they could Yet at first when they came to the root and foot of the hils they began to make a stand and rallie the souldiours againe into order of battell seeing the Romanes to make some stay of advauncing their ensignes up the hill But afterwards when they perceived them to come lustily forward they began againe to flie afresh and so in feare were forced to take their campe Neither was Scipio himselfe farre from their trench and rampier but in that very brunt had beene maister thereof but that immediately upon the hote gleames of the sunne when hee shineth in a waterie skie full of blacke and rainie clouds there powred downe such store of showers and tempests that hardly could he himselfe after his victorie recover his owne campe And some there were also that made it a scruple and matter of conscience to attempt any more for that day The Carthaginians although they had great reason to repose themselves and take their necessarie rest so wearied as they were with travell and sore wounded especially seeing the night was come and the stormie raine continued yet because their feare and present daunger wherein they stood gave them no time to loiter and slacke their businesse against the next morning that the enemies should earely assaile their campe they gathered up stones from out of the vallies neere about them and piling them one upon another amended the height of their rampier purposing to defend themselves by the strength of their fence seeing small helpe and remedie in force of armes But the falling away of their Confederates was the cause that their departure flight from thence seemed more safe than their abode there would have beene This revolt was begun by Altanes a great lord of the Turdetanes for he with a great power of his followers and retrainers fled from the Carthaginians to the adverse part Whereupon two strong walled townes together with their garrisons were yeelded by the captaines unto Scipio Asdruball therfore fearing least this mischeefe might spread farther now that their minds were once set upon rebellion dislodged about the midnight following and removed Scipio so soone as he was advertised at the breake of the day by those that kept standing watch in their stations that the enemies were gone having sent his horsemen before commanded the standerds and ensignes to bee advaunced and led so speedie a march that if they had gone streight forward and followed their tracks directly they had no doubt overtaken them but beleeving certaine guides that there was a shorter way to the river Baetis they were advised to charge upon them as they passed over But
heat of the execution and fled to Adrumentum having assaied and tried all meanes possible both in the very conflict and also before the battaile ere he departed and left the fight And this praise and commendation he woon even by the confession of Scipio himselfe and all others that were expert warriours that with singular skill that day he ordered the battell and marshalled the field For the Elephants he had placed in the forefront whose adventurous force and intollerable violence in giving the onset might empeach the Romans from following their colours and keeping their arraies the onely thing wherein theyreposed their greatest hope and confidence Then before the maine battaile of the Carthaginians he set the auxiliaries and aid-souldiours of purpose that being a confused rable and medley of all sorts of nations such as were not bound by alleageance but tied onely by gaine and wages should have no libertie to retire themselves and escape by running away who also as the forlorne hope bearing the furious heat of the first brunt might wearie the enemies with charging upon them if they did no other good yet with receiving many a wound in their bodies dull turne the edge of the enemies sword After this in the battel where all his hope was he placed the Carthaginian and Africane soldiors that being otherwise in all things els equall to the enemies they might in this regard have the ods in that they were to fight with them wearied and wounded when they themselves were in heart and lustie As for the Italians who also were devided from the rest by a good space betweene he removed farre off into the rereward as doubtfull whether they were freinds or enemies Anniball having done this doubtie deed and worke as it were for the last proofe of his vertue and valour fled to Adrumetum and was from thence sent for to Carthage whither hee returned in the sixe and thirtith yeer after that he first departed thence a very child Where in the Counsell house he confessed and said That overcome he was not only in a battell once but also in the main war for ever hereafter protesting in plain tearms that now there was no other way but one to save themselves and that was peace if they could obtaine it Scipio immediatly after this battaile having forced by assault and rifled the enemies camp returned with a huge bootie to the sea and his ships being advertised afore by a messenger that P. Lentulus was arrived at Vtica with five ships of warre and a hundred hulks laden with provision of all kinds of victuall And supposing it good pollicie now that Carthage was troubled and throughly affrighted to come upon them with all terrour on every side so soone as he had dispatched Laelius away to Rome with tidings of this victorie hee commaunded Cn. Octavius to lead the legions by land against Carthage Himselfe in proper person after hee had joined this new fleet of Lentulus unto the old Armada of his owne weighed anker and departed from Vtica and sailed directly to the haven of Carthage Hee was not farre from thence when there met him a ship of the Carthaginians garnished with insules ribbands and white flags of peace and beset with branches of Olive wherein were ten Oratours embarked the best men of the citie sent by the advise motion of Anniball to crave peace Who as they approched the hin-decke and poupe of the Admirall ship put forth the vailes and tokens of suppliants praying beseeching the protection and mercie of Scipio Who had no other answere made them but that they should repaire to Tunes whether hee intended to remove Then himselfe after hee had well viewed the situation of Carthage not so much to have the full knowledge thereof at this present as to terrifie the enemies returned to Vtica whether he had called backe Octavius also As hee marched forward from thence toward Tunes he had intelligence given him that Vermina the sonne of Syphax was comming to aid the Carthaginians with a power of more horsemen than footemen whereupon part of the armie together with the whole Cavallerie was sent whereof the light horse and vantcurriers charging the vaward in their march after a light skirmish discomfited the Numidians and having stopped all passages every way with the horsemen so as they could not get out and flye there were upon a fifteene thousand men of them slaine 1200 taken prisoners 1500 Numidian horses also were gotten from them alive and 72 militarie ensignes The young Prince himselfe in the mids of the tumult and conflict with some few escaped Then encamped Scipio neere Tunes in the same place where he lay before and thither repaired unto him thirite embassadors from Carthage And they verily as they were in harder case greater distresse made much more pitifull entreating than before but in their audience found lesse favour and mercie by a great deale for their late treacherie and falshead so fresh in remembrance Now albeit when they were set in counsell all of them had just cause to be angrie and thereupon were provoked to destroy and rase Carthage yet upon better advisement consideration how great and difficult an enterprise and what a long peece of service it was to besiege a citie so strong and so well fortified and for that Scipio himselfe was troubled in mind with the expectation of a successour who should come to win the credit and honor of finishing the war which indeed was gotten by the travaile and hazard of another all their hearts were turned and enclined to peace The morrow after the Oratours were called againe before them and after they had bene well checked rebuked and plainely told of their treacherie and warned withall that after so many losses and overthrowes which they had received they should now learne to be wise and at length beleeve that there were gods in heaven and that an oath was to be regarded these conditions of peace were tendered and offered unto them Imprimis it was capitulated That they might live free according to the forme of their owne laws Item What cities what territories and within what bounds and limits they held and were possessed of before the warre began the same they might keepe still Item That Scipio and the Romanes from that day forward should not wast and spoile the countrey Item That the Carthaginians should deliver all renegate traitours all fugitive persons all captives and prisoners yea and yeeld unto them all ships of warre with brasen heads above ten triremes or galeis of three ranks of oares Item That they should put into their hands all those Elephants which they had alreadie tamed and manned and should breake and tame no more of them Item They should make warre neither in Affrick nor without Affrick but by order and warrant from the people of Rome Item That they should make restitution and amends to Masanissa for all harmes and enter into league with him Item That they should find
of these letters there went forth a decree from the LL. of the Senat that C. Aurelius the Consull should send out precepts for the armie to be readie at Ariminum that very day on which he appointed them to the Rendez-vous in Hetruria and that either himselfe in his own person if it might stand with the good of the State would go with a power to suppresse these French commotions or els write to L. Furius the Pretor that when the Rom. Legions presented themselves unto him out of Hetturia he should send in their steed his owne five thousand allies for the guard of Hetturia in the meane time and make a journey himselfe in person to levie the siege before Cremona and to set the colonie free that now was beleaguered They thought good besides to dispatch embassadors into Affrick who first should go to Carthage and afterwards to Masanissa in Numidia To Carthage for to intimate unto them That Amilcar a citizen of theirs left behind in Fraunce and whether he were of the armie of Asdruball before or afterwards of Mago they knew not for certein waged warre there against the covenants in the league conteined that he had assembled certein forces of French and Ligurians to enter into armes against the people of Rome and therefore if they had any love to intertein peace they should call him home and deliver him to the people of Rome Over and besides they had in commission to give them to understand that delivery was not yet made of all the rennegate rebels but many of them by report were retired to Carthage and there went up and downe and conversed openly which persons were after diligent search made to be attached and apprehended that they might according to the tenure of the accord be sent home againe and delivered into the hands of the Romanes And thus much concerning their message to the Carthaginians Now they had in charge besides to congratulate with Masanissa and to declare what joy they tooke in his behalfe namely for that he had not only recovered the inheritance of his fathers kingdome but also enlarged his dominion by conquest of the most flourishing part of the realme of Syphax Moreover commaunded they were to signifie unto him that they had undertaken to warre upon king Philip because he had friended and aided the Carthaginians and by offring and doing wrong to the friends of the people of Rome even at what time as all Italie was full of troubles and warres enforced and put them to it for to send their armies and their armadaes into Greece and so by dismembring and deviding their forces into sundry places was the principall cause that they were so late ere they passed over into Affrick requesting him for the maintenance of this warre to send over certein aids of Numidian horsemen These orators had great gifts and honorable presents given them for to cary unto the king to wit divers peeces of plate both of gold and silver a purple robe of State with a rich castock or cote wrought in palme tree worke with a royall scepter of yvorie also a robe embrodred before with purple with an yvory chaire of estate Last of all they were willed to make promise unto the king that if he could thinke upon anything needfull and expedient either to establish his kingdome or to advance his royall estate the people of Rome would endevour respectively for his good demerits to compasse the same to the uttermost of their power There arrived also about that time embassadours from Vermina the sonne of Syphax and presented themselves unto the Senate excusing the error pretending the youth of the prince clearing him of all fault and laying the whole blame upon the fraud and faiterie of the Carthaginians promising for their king and master in this wife That like as Masanissa of a prosessed enemie was become a sworne friend to the Romanes even so would Vermina doe his best and straine himselfe that in all offices of friendship toward the people of Rome neither Masanissa nor any other should surpassed go beyond him and making petition in his name that the Senat would vouchsafe to give him the titles of King of Allie and Friend unto the Romans These oratours had this for their answere That not onely Syphax his father before him of a confederate and friend sodainly without any cause at all prooved an enemie to the people of Rome but also himselfe had practised alreadie in his young yeeres and laid the first ground of his warrefare in annoying and troubling the Romanes by warre and therefore he was to seeke pardon and crave peace at their hands before he might be invested by them with the tearmes of King of Ally and Friend for the honour of that style the people of Rome were woont to vouchsafe to none but those kings onely who had deserved singularly well of them Mary there should be certaine Romane Legats in Affricke unto whome the Senate would give order to minister and tender unto Vermina certaine conditions of peace according to a large and absolute commission that they had from the people of Rome To doe what they thought good And in case the king misliked ought in those capitulations and were desirous to have any article added put out or altered he must have recourse againe to the Senate and demaund the same So there were Legats or commissioners sent into Affricke with such a commission abovesaid namely C. Terentius Varro Sp. Lacretius and Cn. Octavius and each of them had allowed a galleace directed with five rewes of oares After this were the letters read of Q. Minutius Pretour in the province of the Brutij importing thus much That the consecrated money of Proserpina at Locri was by night stollen out of her treasurie but to say who should doe the deed they had no presumptions to give light and lead them directly The Senate tooke the matter in very ill part and grieved exceedingly That sacrilegious men fell still to church-robbing and would not give over and that the late fresh example of Pleminius so notorious as well for the heinous fact as the fearefull punishment was not able to terrifie them and give them warning So C. Aurelius the Consull was enjoined to write unto the Pretour into the Brutians countrey to this effect That it was the Senats pleasure that due enquirie and examination should be had of the treasurie thus robbed after the same precedent and course that M. Pomponius the Pretour tooke three yeeres before And looke what money could be found it should be laid up duly in the place and what was not forth-comming it should be supplyed and made good againe Also if he thought meet that there should be certaine purgatorie sacrifices according as the bishops before ordained in the like case for the expiation and satisfaction of the violating and defiling of the temple Moreover there chanced about the same time divers prodigious tokens from many places to be reported In the
noble and renowned citie in Thessalie but another which they call Cremaste and woon it all but the fortresse Attalus in like sort tooke Aegeleon fearing nothing lesse than such an accident from them that were busie in besieging another towne By this time as the engins and other fabricks without Oreum were at the point of finishing and readie to performe the batterie for which they were made so the garison within was overtoiled with continuall paine and travaile spent with watching night and day and faint with many a grievous wound Moreover part of the wall shaken underneath with a butt and push of the Ram was alreadie fallen downe in sundrie places in so much as the Romanes entred by night at the open breaches and all the way above the Key and so were possessed of the castle Attalus likewise by the breake of day after he saw the banner reared upon the fortresse and the signall which the Romanes put forth entred the citie for now the walls in many places lay along The garison and the townesmen fled to a second citadell that they had from whence after two dayes they yeelded The citie was the kings lot the bodies of the prisoners were the Romanes share Now drew the sunne neere unto the Aequinoctiall line in Autumne at what time the Euboean gulfe called Coela is dangerous and not well trusted of mariners Therefore being desirous to be gone into a place of safe retreat before the troublesome winter weather overtooke them they turned their course and made head to Pyraeeum from whence they came where Apustius leaving behind him thirtie ships set a compasse about the cape of Malea and sailed to Corcyra But the king stayed still so long as the festivall dayes of Ceres continued because he would be present at the celebration of those solemnities After the feast ended himselfe likewise retired into Asia but first he sent Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians home againe These were the affaires and exploits performed this summer by sea and land by the Romane Consull and the Lieutenant generall with the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians against king Philip and his allies The other Consull C. Aurelius being come into his province when the warre was brought to an end could not smudder and conceale his anger conceived against the Pretour for fighting in his absence When he had taken order therefore to send him into Etruria himselfe with the legions invaded the countrey of the enemies where by way of robbing and spoiling he warred so as he got more prey then praise But L. Furius seeing there was little to do in Etruria and withall desirous rather than his life of a triumph over the Gaules which he supposed to obteine with more case whiles the Consull was absent who was both angrie with him and also envied at him arrived at Rome before any man looked for him and assembled the Senate in the temple of Bellona Where after he had declared what acts he had atchieved he requested that he might be permitted to ride into the citie with triumph In great credit and accoumpt he was with many of the Senatours both for his noble and worthie deeds in which regard they honoured him and also for a speciall favour and love in which respect they affected him But the more auncient and elder Senatours denied him triumph as well for that he had warred with the armie of another as also because he had abandoned his owne province and government upon a greedie desire to catch a triumph by waiting his opportunitie and taking advantage a thing not warrantable by any former precedent or example And as many of them as had bene Consuls said moreover That above all things he ought to attend upon the Consull his returne For well might he say they being encamped neere unto the citie have defended and guarded the Colonie only and so have drawen the time out untill his comming and never needed to have fought a set battaile for the matter And although the Pretour have omitted so to do yet ought not the Senate to follow his example but expect the Consull When as therefore they shall have heard the Consull and Pretour discoursing and arguing the matter both together face to face then they should be able to judge better and more soundly of the cause A great part of the house was of opinion that they ought to looke unto nothing els but the good service done and whether he were lawfully called thereunto as a magistrate of himselfe to manage his affaires by his proper conduct and the guidance of his owne fortune For of the two Colonies say they which were opposed as two sorts and bulwarks to restraine the sodaine impressions and tumults of the French when the one was sacked and burnt and the same fire like to leape from it to the other so neere as from house to house that joyne together what could the Pretour have done otherwise in that case For if there might be nothing attempted without the Consull it must needs follow that either the Senate did amisse in geving the Pretour the charge of an armie for if their will was that the warre should be managed not by the Pretours armie but by the Consuls they might have limited it in the Commission by speciall words expressely forbidding the service to be done by the Pretour but onely by the Consull or else the Consull hath committed a fault who having commaunded the armie to go out of Tuskane into Fraunce came not himselfe in person to Ariminum to encounter the enemie and be present in that warre which without him might not be lawfully fought Over and besides the occasions and seasons of warre attend no stayes and tarie for no politick delayes of Generals And otherwhiles fight a man must not because he is willing thereto but because his enemie puts him to it To conclude the very battaile it selfe and the happie issue thereof ought onely to be considered and regarded The enemies are defeated and slaine their camp taken and ransaked the siege raised from the one Colonie and it preserved the captives of the other recovered and restored to their friends and to be briefe in one battaile the quarell is decided and the warre finished And not onely men have rejoyced for this victorie but also there have bene processions for three dayes space to the honor of the immortall gods FOR THAT LU. FURIUS HATH MANAGED THE COMMON-VVEALE VVELL AND HAPPILY AND NOT ILL AND RASHLY Finally these French warres fall by a fatall destenie to the house and race of the Furij By these and such like remonstrances alleaged by himselfe and his friends the majestie of the Consull absent was overweighed with the favour borne to the Pretour present And so in a frequent assembly of Senatours a decree was graunted That L. Furius should ride in triumph Thus triumphed over the Gaules L. Furius Pretour whiles he was in office He brought into the common treasurie 320000 Asses 170000 pound weight of silver But
and turne to good whatsoever you doe or go about When he had thus said those Tribunes also of the Commons who openly promised and protested to oppose themselves and to crosse the repealing of the law made some briefe speeches to the same effect Then L. Valerius rose up to maintaine the bill by him proposed for the revoking of that law and spake as followeth If privat men had stepped forth and advaunced forward either to approove and persuade or to reject and dissuade that which by us is proposed I my selfe also without opening my mouth would have attended your will expected the deliverie of your suffrages as thinking it had bene sufficiently debated discoursed alreadie whatsoever might be said for both parties But now fith that the Consull M. Porcius Cato a man of so great reputation and gravitie not only by his countenance and authoritie which alone without any word at all spoken had been important enough and effectuall but also in a long premeditate Oration framed with much studie and forethinking hath impugned and inveighed against our proposed ordinance I must of necessitie answere him againe as briefly as I can Who neverthelesse hath spent more words in reproving and chastising the matrons and dames of the citie than he hath bestowed reason to the purpose in dissuading our new law and all verify for this intent that he might leave it doubtful whether the women had done that which he blamed them for as induced by their own motives or seduced by us and our suggestions As for me the protection directly of the cause I will take in hand and not busie and trouble my head in defence of our persons against whome the Consull hath rather glaunced and girded at by way of big words than charged indeed by found reasons It hath pleased him to call this An assembly and mutinous meeting yea and other whiles he tearmeth it An insurrection and secession of women because the wives in open place intreated you to repeale that law now in time of peace in the flourishing and blessed state of the Commonweale which during those troublesome daies of war had bene enacted against them I wote full well that both these words and other besides are verie significant sought out and picked for the nones to enforce and aggravate the matter And we all know that M. Cato is an Oratour not onely grave and earnest but otherwhiles also fell sharpe and bitter however otherwise by naturall disposition he be of a mild spirit and courteous enough But to the point What new and strange thing is this that our wives have done in comming abroad and assembling themselves in companies about a matter that so much concerneth and importeth themselves What were they never seene before now abroad in open street I will take the paines ó Cato to turne over your own book of Originals against yourselfe Listen and marke how often they have done the semblable and alwaies truly for the common good and benefit of the State And first and foremost in the verie beginning and infancie of this citie even in the reigne of king Romulus when the Capitoll-Keepe was taken and held by the Sabines when in the middest of the Common place they were raunged in battell array and readie to fight a bloudie field was not the quarrell ended and the conflict stayed by the dames and wives that ran in and put themselves betweene the two armies After the KK were driven out and expelled What happened tho When as the legions of the Volsciens under the conduct of Coriolanus Martius incamped within five miles of Rome were they not the matrones of the citie that turned backe this armie which doubtlesse would have forced our citie and put it to ransacke And is not this likewise as true that when the Gaules were possessed of Rome and masters thereof the dames of the citie and none but they even by the consent of all men came foorth into the open streets made a contribution and laid downe that gold which paid for the ransome and redemption of the citie No longer since than in the last Punicke warre because I will not stand so much upon antiquities was it not thus that not onely when the citie was at a fault for money the widowes stockes supplyed the want of the common treasure but also at what time as we were driven to seeke for new gods and to send for them afarre off to succor us in our extremities all the wives and matrons of the citie went to the sea side for to receive the goddesse Mother Idaea The occasions quoth he are different and the case is not alike Neither is it my purpose or any part of my meaning to compare causes and toproove they are all one This onely I stand upon and take it sufficient to excuse and cleere the women for bringing up no straunge noveltie in that they shewed themselves in open place To proceed therefore seeing that no man made any woonder then of that which women did in under taking the affaires that concerned all alike as well men as women marvaile we now that they doe the semblable in a cause that properly and peculiarly pertaineth to themselves And what great thing was it they did Now in good faith wee are too coy and squeamish of our hearing and our eares over nice and delicate if when masters disdaine not to heare the praiers of their servants and slaves we scorne to give eare to the requests of ladies and dames of honor But now I come to the matter in question in regard where of the Consull his Oration consisted in two points For first hee tooke it verie ill that any law at all once enacted should be revoked and secondly he stood upon this that above all others the law devised and made for repressing the superfluous ornaments and attire of women should remaine in force for ever So it should seeme that the first part a common defence as it were of all the lawes was a speech befitting the place and person of a Consull but the other against the exceeding pompe of women more properly became a man as himselfe of most severe life and precise carriage And therefore it is great doubt and to be feared least wee should seduce you into some errour if we lay not downe and shew plainly the vanitie and defect both in the one in the other For as I confesse that of those lawes which are devised and established not for a time and by occasion of some particular occurrence but for ever and to the perpetuall good of a citie none ought to be abolished unlesse it be so that by use and experience the same be checked and found hurtfull or by some change of the State become needlesse and superfluous so I see evidently that those statutes and ordinances which are brought in to sit and serve some seasons are mortall if I may so say and mutable with the times And oftentimes wee see that warre disclaimeth those lawes
and went the round and saw to the setinels with as much diligence as if the enemies were hard at gates A Spaniard came not within the citie neither went they forth themselves unlesse it were upon just occasion But on the sea side the issue was open for any man at his pleasure By that gate which turneth toward the Spanish towne they never used to go forth but in great number even a third part welneere of the townesmen and those who the night before had watched upon the walls And this cause induced them to go abroad for that the Spaniards being no men at sea gladly would traffike and trade with them willingly buying of them their strange merchandise from forein parts brought in by ships and venting unto them againe their land commodities and fruits arising of the maine The desire of this mutuall commerce and necessarie intercourse was the cause that the Spanish towne was open to the Greeks And in greater safetie and securitie they were also by reason that they were shadowed under the wing of the Romane amitie which they interteined with as great loyaltie as the Maffilians although they were nothing so mightie and puissant And even at this time they received the Consull and his armie with great courtesie and liberalitie Cato sojourned there some few daies whiles he was advertised by his espials where his enemies abode and what their forces were and because he would not be idle whiles he stayed there he bestowed all that time in training and exercising his souldiours It hapned to be that season of the yeere when the Spaniards had their corne within their granges readie for the thrashing floore where upon he for bad the comepurveiours to provide graine and sent them home to Rome Warre saith he shall feede and mainteine it selfe Being departed from Emporiae he wasted and burnt the territorie of the enemies forced them to run away in every place where he came and put them in exceeding fright At the same time as M. Helvius departed out of the farther province of Spaine with 6000 garison souldiours delivered unto him by the Pretour he was encountered by a great armie of the Celtiberians before the towne Illiturgum Valerius writeth that they were twentie thousand strong that twelve thousand of them were slaine the towne Illiturgum woon againe and all above fourteene yeeres of age put to the sword From thence Helvius marched to the camp of Cato and because the countrey was cleere from enemies he sent back the garison into the nether Spaine and tooke his journey to Rome where he entred the citie Ovant in pety triumph for the happie successe atchieved in his affaires He brought into the treasurie of silver in bullion or Ingots 14732 pound weight of silver coine 17023 bigate peeces and of Oscane silver 120338 pound weight The cause why the Senate denied him full triumph was this for that he warred under the conduct and name of another and not in his owne province But it was two yeeres before he returned by reason that the yeere betweene he was stayed there lying sick of a long and grievous disease and put over his government to Qn. Minutius his successor Whereupon Helvius likewise entred the citie of Rome in that manner of triumph two moneths only before his successor Qu. Minutius triumphed He likewise brought into the chamber of the citie 34800 pound weight of silver in masse of bigates in coine 78000 of Oscane silver 278000 pound All this while the Consull lay encamped in Spaine not farre from Emporiae Thither repaired unto him from Bilistages a prince of the Ilergetes three embassadors where of his sonne was one complaining that their forts were assailed by force of armes and they had no other hope to make resistance unlesse they might have a gard of Romane souldiours to defend them and 5000 say they will be sufficient for never would the enemies abide by it if such a power came against them The Consull answered them and said that he had a feeling and compassion of the perill of feare whether it was wherein they stood howbeit he was not at that time furnished with such forces that he might safely spare so many out of his maine armie thereby to dismember the same and to empaire his strength considering a mightie hoast of his enemies was not far off with whom he looked every day and he knew not how soone to joyne battaile in open field with banner displaied The embassadors hearing this sell downe prostrate at the Consuls feete and shed teares humbly beseeching him not to forsake them in this piteous plight For whither say they shal we go if we be repulsed from the Romanes No allies we have besides nor other hope in all the world This danger we might have avoided well enough if we would have bene false and disloyall if we would have banded and rebelled with other Spaniards but no menaces no terrours presented unto us could drive us to renounce our fealtie hoping alwaies that we should have help and succour enough from the Romanes but now if no meede if no reliefe come from thence if we be denied at the Consuls hand heaven and earth we call to witnes that we must be forced full against our wills and upon meere necessitie to revolt from the Romanes for feare we drinke of the same cup that the Saguntines have done afore us and choose we wil to dye with the rest of the Spaniards for companie rather than perish alone by ourselves So for that day they were dismissed without other answer But all at the night following the Consul was much distracted in mind and carefull in both respects Vnwilling he was to cast off his allies and see them destitute and as unwilling again to breake his armie considering that in so doing he might either delay the opportunitie of geving battaile or endanger himselfe in the very innstant of conflict But at length he resolved in no wise to diminish his owne forces doubting least in the meane while he should receive some dishonor at the enemies hand As for his associates he thought it best to interteine them with good hopes for want of better helps considering that often times and especially in war outward semblances and vaine shewes are held and taken for truth and substance and serve the turne well enough and when a man is throughly persuaded that he hath aid and succour the very trust and confidence there of hath ministred hart to give the venture of some exploit and preserved him as well as the thing it selfe The next morrow he delivered this answere unto the embassadors That albeit he feared to abate his own strength in serving other mens turne with any part of his forces yet he had at this present more regard of their occasions and dangerous estate than of his own Where upon he gave commandement that a third part of all his bands and companies should have warning to bake and dresse viands with all speed for to bestow lay
forbeare the haven and suffer the Magnesians to be at peace and libertie and to beware that under a pretence of parle he did not sollicite and disquiet the multitude After this there was no farther talke and speech betweene them but plaine debate and altercation whiles Villius the Romane blamed and challenged the Magnesians as unthankfull persons and forewarned them of the miseries calamities that hung over their heads and again the multitude cried out aloud and accused as well the Senate as Quintius Thus Villius without doing any good returned to Quintius But Quintius having dispatched a messenger to the Pretour that he should reduce home his forces retired himselfe againe by sea to Corinth The affaires of Greece thus interlaced and blended with the Romane have caried me away as it were out of my lists not for that they were so necessarie and important to be written but onely because they were materiall to the cause of the war against Antiochus After the Consuls were elect for there I began my digression L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius the Consuls went into their severall provinces Quintius into Liguria and Domitius against the Boij As for the Boij they held themselves quiet yea and the whole bodie of their Senate with their children their captaines also with their Cavallerie to the number in all of fifteene hundred yeelded themselves to the Consull But the territorie of the Ligurians was over run and wasted and some fortresses woon whereby not onely there were prises gotten of all sorts and prisoners taken but also diverse captives as well citizens as allies were recovered out of the enemies hands This very yeere a Colonie was planted at Vibo by an act of Senate and Commons and there went thither three thousand and seven hundred footmen three hundred horsemen The Triumvirs who had the placing of them were Q. Naevius M. Minutius and M. Furius Crassipes Every footman was endued with fifteene acres of land and the horsemen twise as much It was a territorie held last in the tenure of the Brutians and they had conquered it first from the Greekes About the same time there happened at Rome two most fearfull accidents the one of them continued long but was not altogither so vehement and terrible for there was an earthquake endured eight and thirtie daies All which time the lawsteed or vacation from all courts of law and civill causes continued in great feare and pensivenesse in regard whereof a supplication was holden for three daies As for the other it was not a vaine feare but a very losse indeed that touched many men for there began a skarfire in the beast market and continued a day and a night burning many houses standing on the Tyber side and all the shops and warehouses with marchandise of great price were consumed Now was the yeer well drawing toward an end and daily more and more the bruit and rumour of the warre with Antiochus encreased and likewise the care that the LL. of the Senat had thereof And therfore they began to treat as concerning the provinces of the Magistrates elect to the end that all of them might be more circumspect and intentive to their charges So a decree passed that the Consuls should have the governance of Italie by name and also to go whithersoever the Senat should please to dispose of them and all men knew well enough that the warre against Antiochus was upon the point Also ordained it was that hee whose lot it was to manage that warre should have the conduct of foure thousand footmen of Romane citizens and three hundred horsemen besides sixe thousand allies of the Latine nation and foure hundred horsemen L. Quintius the Consull was appointed to take musters for those souldiors that there should be no stay but that the new Consull might immediatly put himselfe in his journey to what expedition soever the Senate thought good Item It was decreed as concerning the provinces of the Pretours in this manner namely That the first lot should assigne the double jurisdiction civill and forreine as well among citizens as strangers the second should concerne the Brutians the third the navie and the same to saile whithersoever the Senat would appoint the fourth for Sicilie the fift for Sardinia the sixt for the nether Spaine Over and besides L. Quintius the Consull was commaunded to enroll two new legions of Romane citizens besides twentie thousand foot and eight hundred horsemen of allies of the Latine nation and this armie they set out for that Pretour who was to governe the Brutij Two chappels that yeere were dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus the one of them L. Furius Purpureo vowed in the Gaules warre as Pretour the other when he was Consull and Q. Martius Ralla the Duumvir dedicated them This yeere there passed many sharpe and grievous sentences and judgements upon usurers against whome being privat men M. Tuccius and P. Iunius Brutus the two Aediles of the chaire commended action Of that silver wherein they were fined was made a charriot with foure wheeles guilded and set up it was in the Capitoll in the cabinet of Iupiter above the top of his shrine likewise twelve bucklers guilded The same Aediles also caused the porch or gallerie to be made without the gate Tergemina among the carpenters As the Romanes were wholly amused upon preparation for this new warre so Antiochus for his part sate not still three cities there were which kept him backe and checked his progresse to wit Smyrna Alexandria in Troas and Lampsacus the which he never could to that day force by assault or draw into amitie with any conditions whatsoever and to leave them behind in those tearmes when he should in proper person passe over into Europe he was not willing Somewhat also he was impeached by a consultation as touching Anniball For at first he was staied and hindered by occasion of the open ships which hee intended to send with him into Affricke And afterward buzzed it was into his head by Thoas the Aetolian especially and question moved whether it were good simply to send him thither at all or no This Thoas when Greece was all in an hurrey and full of troubles bare them in hand that Demetrias would be in their power at their devotion And like as wâ—â—â— his leasings touching the king in multiplying and magnifying his forces he had brought many of the Greekes into a fooles paradise even so also after the same manner he ceased not to feed the king with lies and fill him with hopes making him beleeve that all men wished for him with all their hearts would run by heapes to the sea strond to meet him so soon as they could but ken his fleet under saile This selfesame man was so bold also as to alter the kings mind as touching Anniball which seemed before resolved and settled For he persuaded him that the kings navie was not to be dismembred and part thereof to be sent away and if hee were to make
toiled and troubled as his armie was hee descended to Naupactum And having erected one fort against the castle hee invested all the other parts of the citie and devided his forces according to the situation of the walls This siege hee found as toilesome and painefull as that at Heraclea At the same time began the Achaeans to lay siege to Messene also in Peloponnesus for that it refused to be of their counsell and association For these two cities Messene and Elis were exempt from the Achaean Diet and accorded with the Aetolians Howbeit the Eleans after that Antiochus was chased out of Greece gave the embassadours of Achaea a more mild answere to wit That when they had discharged and sent away the kings garrison they would consider of the matter what to do But the Messenians having without any answer at all sent the embassadors away had levied warre and fearing much their owne estate seeing their territorie overspread with an armie and every where burned yea and their enemies encamped neere unto their cittie addressed unto Chalcis their embassadours to T. Iuintius the very man who before had set them at libertie to signifie unto him That the Messenians were readie both to open their gates also to surrender their citie unto the Romanes and not to the Achaeans Iuintius so soone as he had heard their embassage sent a messenger incontinently to Megalopolis unto Diophanes the Pretour there of the Achaeans to commaund him presently to retire his hoast from Messene and to repaire unto him Diophanes obeied his commaundement and having raised his siege marched himselfe lightly appointed for speed before the rest of his armie and about Andania a small town between Megalopolis and Messene encountred Iuintius Vnto whom after he had shewed the causes of the siege he received at his hands a gentle rebuke only for that he had enterprised a matter of so great consequence without his authoritie with an expresse commaundement also to casse and discharge his armie and not to disturbe and trouble the peace made for the good and benefit of all The Messenians likewise he charged to call home their banished persons into their citie and to joine with the Achaeans in their generall Diet and assembly And if they either had any matters to refuse or would willingly provide for themselves against the future time hee willed them to make their repaire unto him at Corinth and enjoined Diophanes immediately to summon the Diet of the Achaeans for him where personally himselfe would be Where after he had complained as touching the Island Zacynthus that by fraud and trecherie they had come by and kept he required that it should bee restored to the Romanes Now this Isle had sometime appertained to Philip the king of the Macedonians and he gave it unto Aminander in consideration that he might conduct his armie into the higher parts of Aetolia through Athamania in which expeditions and exploits of his the Aetolians hearts were so abated and quailed that they were constrained to seek peace Aminander made first Philip the Megapolitane governor of this Island but afterwards in time of that war wherin he banded with Antiochus against the Romans he called him away from thence to employ him in martiall affaires and sent Hierocles the Agrigentine to succeed him in his place This Hierocles after the defeature and flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae and the expulsion of Aminander out of Athamania by king Philip dispatched of his owne motion certaine messengers unto Diophanes the Pretour of the Achaeans and for a summe of money agreed upon between them betraied the Island to the Achaeans The Romanes thought it great reason that this Island should bee theirs in recompence for the warres which they had maintained for as much as M. Acilius the Consull the Romane legions fought not at Thermopylae for Diophanes ne yet for the Achaeans Diophanes to these chalenges and demaunds sometime excused himselfe and the whole nation otherwhiles stood to it and avowed the action and maintained the ca use by a plea of right Some there were of the Achaeans there that both protested how from the beginning they utterly misliked the course and also at this present much blamed the Pretour for his wilfull obstinacie And by their advise and authoritie an act was set downe that the whole matter should be referred and put to Iuintius to determine what he pleased Now had Iuintius this nature if a man crossed and thwarted him he was sierce and sell if one yeelded and gave place he was as gentle again and pliable And therfore without shewing any signe of debate either in language or countenance thus he spake If I thought qd he and were persuaded in my heart that it were good commodious for the Achaeans to hold and possesse this Island in question I would advise the Senat and people of Rome to let you enjoy it But like as a Tortoise so long as she keepeth her selfe close within her shell I see is sure and safe enough against all blowes and offence whatsoever but when shee once putteth foorth any parts looke whatsoever is discovered and naked the same is weake and subject to injurie even so you Achaeans being enclosed round about with the sea are able easily to adjoyne unto your selves whatsoever lyeth within the precinct of Peloponnesus to keep the same also when you have laid it to you but so soone as for a greedie desire of having more and encroching further you goe beyond those bonds you lye open without and are exposed to all hurt and domage Thus Zacynthus was delivered to the Romans with the assent of al the Counsel there assembled and Diophanes durst not say a word more to the contrarie At the same time king Philip asked the Consull as he marched to Naupactum Whether it was his pleasure that he in the meane while should recover and regaine those cities which were revolted from the association of the Romanes And having a graunt and warrant from him hee led his forces against Demetrias knowing well enough in what termes of troubles that city then stood For being forlorne and in utter despaire seeing Antiochus had forsaken them and no hope at all remaining in the Aetolians they looked every day and night either for the comming of Philip their heavie friend or else even the Romanes themselves a worse enemie like as they had a more just cause of anger and indignation against them A confused and disordered fort there were of king Antiochus his souldiours who being a few at first left there to lie in garrison grew after to be more and most of them unarmed such as after the field was lost at Thermopylae thither chaunced to flie and neither had strength nor heart enough to abide a siege And therefore when Philip sent certaine messengers before unto them to signifie that there was some hope that they mought be pardoned they made them this answere That the gates were open for the king and that
which being come the Tribunes onely betunes in the morning were set in their pewes within the Rostra or common pleading place The defendant was called who garded with a great companie of his friends and followers passed through the mids of the assembly approched the Rostra and stood just under it Then after an oyez and silence made My maisters quoth he you that are Tribunes of the Commons and ye likewise Quirites my neighbours and citizens of Rome upon this very day of the moneth it was that I fought a pight battaile against Anniball and the Carthaginians with right fortunate and happie successe meete therefore and good reason since it is that to day all pleas and actions surcease I will go directly and immediatly from hence to the Capitoll and present my selfe before Iup. Opt. Max. before Iuno and Minerva with all the rest of other gods and goddesses presidents and patrons of that temple and fortresse to performe my humble dutie unto them to salute and thanke them for that they have vouchsated me that resolute affection and powerfull meanes withall both on such a day as this and also many times besides to performe my devoir well and truly unto the Common-weale As many of you therefore Quirites as well may go yee with me and pray the gods to send you like governors to my selfe and no worse If I say and not else as you ever since I was seventeene yeeres of age even to these mine old dayes you alwayes advaunced me to honours before the ordinarie time of mine age so I againe devanced prevented the said honors with good service and noble deeds This said he departed from the Rostra ascended up to the Capitoll whereat the whole audience there assembled turned at once and followed Scipio in so much as at last the scribes and notaries yea and the very sergeant left the Tribunes there alone without any to beare them companie but their owne bondservants and the common cryer who still from the Rostra called and cited the defendant Scipio not only visited the temples upon the Capitoll hill but also made a perambulation with the people of Rome throughout the whole citie to all the churches and chappels of their gods and goddesses This was in manner a more solemne day unto him in regard of the affectionat favour of men and the estimation of his true grandeur in deed than on which he rode into the citie in triumph over king Syphax the Carthaginians But it was the last faire day that ever he saw and never shone the sunne againe pleasantly upon P. Scipio For after this foreseeing envie growing toward him and what a life and how full of debates he should have with those Tribunes upon a longer day graunted for the processe of law against him he retired himself apart to Liternum of set purpose to make default and not appeere to plead his cause any more He caried a greater spirit with him his heart was too big and used he had bene to higher degree of port honor than to take knowledge what it was to be accused he could not skill to vale bonet and stoup so low and to abase himselfe to the abject condition of those that pleade for themselves at the barre Now when the day was come and that in his absence his name began to be called L. Scipio answered for him and alleadged sicknes to be the cause why he was away But the Tribunes his accusers would not admit of that excuse replying saying That upon the same pride of heart in which he avoided once before his judiciall triall and left the Tribune and the whole assembly he now also would not appeare to make his answere Even for triumphed he then over the people of Rome when accompanied with those whom he led after him as prisoners after he had once taken from them their power libertie to give their censure and doome of him he sequestred himselfe that day by way of an insurrection from the Tribunes of the Commons into the Capitoll Well are ye now served therefore say they and justly punished for that dayes folly and rashnes For lo how he himselfe now abandoneth you who was your motive leader then to forsake us See how everyday morethan other our courage is fallen and hart abated And dare we not now send folke to fetch him a privat person and no more out of his ferme and house in the countrey and make him to appeare and plead his answere unto whom not past 17 yeeres ago at what time as he was Generall of an armie on land and Admirall of the Armada by sea we were so bould as to send tribunes of the Com. and an Aedile to arrest and bring him away with them to Rome In the end the rest of the tribunes of the Commons being called earnestly unto by L. Scipio for their lawfull favour set downe this order conclusion That if sicknes were alledged for his excuse and that there were nothing else but it that occasioned his absence it should be received for good and lawfull and their colleagues should adjourne his triall to a farther day It fortuned at that time that Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was one of the Tribunes betweene whome and P. Scipio there was some quarrell and enmitie He forbad expressely that his owne name should be subscribed to the instrument of the foresaid decree of his colleagues And when every man looked to heare some heavier sentence denounced against Scipio he awarded in this manner For as much as L. Scipio excuseth the absence of his brother by sicknes it is good and sufficient in my opinion And more than that I will not for my part suffer P. Scipio to be accused before he returne againe to Rome Yea and then also if he call for my helping hand I will geve him assistance and stop the course of processe against him And as to the marine point of the cause this is my resolution That P. Scipio being advanced so highly as he is to that pitch of honor by his noble famous exploits and by the dignities received at the hands of the people of Rome as if both gods and men had consented to set him alost for him to come downe now and stand pleading below at the barre beneath the Rostra and there to have his eares glow and ring againe with the checks and taunts of certaine greene heads and busie youths were a greater shame and disgrace to the people of Rome than to himselfe Nay he staid not thus with this bare award but sealed set it on surely with word of indignation testifying his discontentment for this course and manner of proceeding And shall Scipio quoth he my masters Tribunes that renowned conquerour of Affrick stand under your feet at your devotion Defeated he put to flight in Spain 4 most brave noble Generals of the Carthaginians with their soure entire armies for this Tooke hee Syphax prisoner vanquished he Anniball subdued he
feasting and banquetting from my mirth and good cheere by his means have I bene haled hither not halfe waked bu t with mine eies full of sleepe to aunswere in the case of parricide forced I am to plead mine own cause without my counsell without my proctor or advocate If I had bene to speak in the defence of another I would have taken time to studie premeditate frame an oration And yet what was I to hazard there but the reputation of wit and lerning Insteed therof I not knowing for what cause I was sent for heard your majesty first wroth and angry as you were to command us to plead our causes then my brother who hath stood up to accuse me As for him he hath pronounced an Oration studied for devised long before hand but I was allowed no longer time than whiles I heard my selfe accused to bethinke mee what to plead or to examine take knowledge of the matter that he hath laid forth against me In that present moment of time could I thinke you so sodainly taken as I was either give eare to my accuser or consider thinke duly of mine own plea astonied so I was with that sodain trouble unexpected occurrent that much ado I had to understand what I was charged with so far was I from devising what to speake in mine own defence What hope should I have now and in what case were I if I had not my father for my judge at whose hands albeit I am not so well beloved as mine elder brother is yet since I am the partie defendant I ought at leastwise to find as much pittie and compassion For I beseech you ó father to save mee in regard of my selfe and you but he requireth you to take away my life onely for his own assurance and better securitie And what will hee do against me thinke you after you have made over the crowne scepter into his hands who now alreadie thinketh it meet and reason to dispose of my bloud at his good pleasure In uttering of these words the teares gushed forth so aboundantly that they stoppped his mouth so as uneth hee could either speake or draw his breath Then Philip after hee had commaunded them to go apart and communed a while with his friends spake said That he wold not decide their cause upon these words of theirs nor upon one hours debating but by enquirie into both their lives and observing their behaviour in deed and word as well in great matters as in small Hereby they all saw well enough that the accusation of the precedent nights act was sufficiently refuted and evicted and the only thing in Demetrius to be suspected was the over-great favour that the Romanes bare toward him This was the verie seed of the Macedonian warre sowed as one would say during the life of Philip but the warre was after to bee waged most of all against Perseus The two Consuls tooke their journie into Liguria the sole consular province of them both and because they had atchieved their exploits fortunately there ordained there was a solemne procession for one day It fortuned that there came two thousand Ligurians or thereabout to the utmost frontier of the province of Gaule where Marcellus lay in leaguer requesting to bee received under his protection Marcellus after hee had commaunded the said Ligurians to give attendance upon him in the same place required by his letters the advise of the Senat. The Senate gave order to M. Ogulnius the lord chiefe justice of the cittie to write backe againe unto Marcellus to this effect That it was more meete that the Consuls unto whom that government appertained should give order and determine as touching the Ligurians who yeelded and submitted what was expedient for the common weale in that behalfe than the Senate As for them if they were to give their opinion they thought it not good to accept of the Ligurians surrender and being once received then to be disarmed but they were of this mind and advise that it was requisit they should be sent and referred over to the Consuls The Pretours at the same time arrived in their provinces to wit P. Manlius in base Spaine where he had bene governour before during his former Pretourship and Q. Fulvius Flaccus in the higher where he received the armie of Terentius for that other side of Spaine beyond Iberus had bene left without a lord Deputie by occasion of the death of P. Sempronius the Pro. pretour Whiles Fulvius Flaccus assaulted a towne in Spaine named Vrbicula the Celtiberians made head and came upon him where many and sundrie hote skirmishes passed and wherein many Romane souldiours were both hurt and slaine How beit Fulvius held still his resolution and by no forcible meanes whatsoever could be brought to levie the siege The Celtiberians toiled out of heart with divers combats retired and departed The cittie then seeing their succours dislodged and gone within few daies was forced and ransacked and the Pretour gave the pillage thereof to his souldiours Thus Fulvius after hee had gained this towne and P. Manlius when hee had retired and rallied his forces into one place which had beene dispearsed without any other memorable act performed brought their armies within the wintering harbours And these were the exploits in Spaine during that summer season Terentius who was departed out of that province before entred the cittie of Rome in a pettie triumph by way of ovation He carried before him in shew eight thousand three hundred twentie pound weight of silver and fourescore of gold besides two golden coronets weighing 67. pound The same yeare the Romanes were chosen Arbitratours betweene the people of Carthage and king Masanissa as touching their territories came personally to see the place in controversie And thus stood the case Gala the father of this Masanissa had woon the ground in question from the Carthaginians Syphax afterward disseized Gala thereof and consequently to gratifie Asdruball his wives father freely gave the same to the Carthaginians and set them in possession again Now last of al even this very yeer Masanissa had dispossessed the Carthaginians of the same This matter was debated by the parties of both sides in the presence of the Romans with no lesse courage and servencie of spirit than at other times when they tried the issue by dent of sword in open field The Carthaginians laid claime and put in their plea For that first it appertained to their ancestors in right of inheritance afterwards was conveighed to them by the free gift and donation of Syphax Masanissa counterpleaded againe and alledged that hee had both recovered the said territorie as parcell of his fathers realme and also held it by the law of nations and that the case was cleere on his side in regard as well of the just title as also of the present possession wherein he was saying that in this cause he doubted nothing else but that the modestie of
his dessignes yea and much more affectionate than to king Eumenes notwithstanding that all the Sates of Greece and most of the principall personages were obliged unto Eumenes in fee as it were with him in regard of many courtesies and gracious favours received at his hands and that hee carried himselfe so in his owne realme that the citties which were subject unto him were not willing to change their condition with any of the free States whatsoever Whereas contrariwise the bruite went that Perseus after his fathers decease killed his wife with his owne hands and likewise secretly murdred Apelles whose ministrie and service in former time he had used in taking away the life of his brother Demetrius for which cause he lived in exile because Philip made search after him for to have him punished accordingly him I say he murdered after he had sent for him upon his fathers death and procured him to come unto him with great promises to recompence him highly for the execution of the foresaid fact Yet as infamous spotted as he was with these domesticall murders besides many other massacres of straungers abroad and for no good part and worthie desert otherwise commendable he was commonly more esteemed better regarded of the States of the countrie than king Enmenes a prince so kind and good to his kinsfolke so just and righteous to his subjects so bounteous and respective to all men whether it were that they possessed aforehand with the same and majestie of the Macedonian kings despised the rising of this new kingdome or that they were desirous of novelties and alterations or lastly that they wished and had a desire that he should make head against the Rumanes Now were not the Aetolians onely together by the eares among themselves by reason they were dived so deepe in debt but the Thessalians also and this pestilent maladie as it were by catching and infection was spread as farre as Perrhoebia But after that the Senat was advertised that the Thessalians had taken armes they sent App. Claudius as embassadour to see and appease those troubles who having rebuked and chastifed the chieftaines of both sides eased and stricken off a great part of the debt which grew burdensome and grievous by excesse usurie and that with consent of the most of the creditours who had thus overcharged their debtours hee parted the paiment of the due debt and principall by even portions for certaine yeeres The troblesom state of Perrhoebia likewise was reduced into good terms of quietnes by the self-same Appius and after the same order And at the very same instant Marcellus visited the Aetolians and tooke knowledge at Delphi of their troubles and garboiles which proceeded from very hostile hearts and minds enemielike and were pursued with civill war And when hee saw that they contended and strove avie to surpasse one another in rash courses and audacious hee would by his decree neither charge nor discharge the one partie more than the other but he requested them indifferently on both sides to absteine from warre to make an end of discord and dissention and burie all that was past in perpetuall oblivion Whereupon they were reconciled this their attonement was ratified with the assurance of pledges interchangeably given and accorded it was they should meete at Corinth there to bestow their hostages From Delphi and that generall diet of Aetolia Marcellus crossed the seas into Peloponnesus where he had appointed and published a solemne assembly and counsell of the Achaens Wherein hee highly praised and commended the whole nation for observing so stedfastly their old decree wherby they debarred and excluded the Macedonian kings out of their confines he declared evidently presented to the view of all the world what malice hatred the Romans bare to Perseus And that it might break out the sooner into open warres king Eumenes came to Rome and brought with him a note or abstract of all the preparations for the warre which with diligent search and enquire into particulars he had gathered Much about the same time the five Embassadours sent unto king Perseus for to see into the affaires of Macedonie were commaunded to take a voyage as farre as Alexandria for to renew the old amitie with king Ptolomaeus The names of them were these C. Valerius Cn. Lutatius Cerco I. Baebius Sulca M. Cornelius Mammula and M. Caecilius Denter And even then or not much after there came embassadours from king Antiochus and the chief principall person among them one Apolonius was admitted to come into the Senat where he excused the K. his maister for many good just reasons in that he had not sent his tribute and made paiment so soon as he ought by the day appointed but now he said that he had brought it all to the end that the king should be to them beholden for nothing but the respite of time only And besides that they were come with a present of certaine plate of gold weighing three hundred pound That the king his petition was That the societie and friendship which had bene contracted between his father and them might be renued also with him promising that if the people of Rome would impose anything upon him to be done which were meet to be laid upon a good and faithfull allie hee would not saile in his devoire to performe all offices whatsoever For why the Senate had so well deserved of him at what time as he sojourned in Rome and such courtesie he sound among the floure of the Romane young gentlemen that of all degrees and sorts of men he was reputed and used more like a king indeed than an hostage for the time These embassadours received a gracious answere and withall A. Attilius the Pretour of the cittie was enjoyned to renew the league with Antiochus which had bene concluded with his father As for the tribute the treasurers of the citie received it and the Censors tooke all the golden vessels aforesaid who had the charge to bestow the same in what temples they thought good Vnto the chiefe embassadour was sent a present in money amounting to the summe of one hundred thousand Asses who also was alowed an house to lodge in at his pleasure of free-cost and all his charges were defraied by the citie during the time that he made abode in Italie The embassadours who had bene in Syria gave this report of him That he was a man in great favour and highly honoured with the king and besides singularly well affected to the people of Rome Now concerning the affaires of the provinces for that yeere thus much as followeth C. Cicercius the Pretour fought in raunged battaile with the enemies in Corsica wherin seven thousand of the Ilanders were slaine and 1700 and better taken prisoners In that conflict the Pretour had vowed to build the chappell of Iuno Moneta After this was peace granted to the Corsians at their owne suit and seeking but they were compelled to pay two hundred thousand
two townes belonging to the seignerie of the Massilians Moreover here are conteined the adventures of many captaines in Spaine with no good successe In the 598 yeere from the foundation of the cittie the Consuls so soone as the assembly for election was past other Consuls chosen for the yere following began their office The cause of this alteration was because the Spaniards were entred into rebellion The embassadors aforesaid who had bene sent to take up and decide the controversie between Masanissa and the Carthaginians mande report That they had sound great store of ship-timber and other matter for a navie at Carthage Certeine Pretours accused by the provinces for avarice were condemned Of the XLVIII booke THe Censours tooke a review and taxe of the cittie wherein were reckoned three hundred soure and twentie thousand polls of cittizens The causes of a third Punike war bee heere recorded Vpon a report that there was a right poissant armie of Numidians upon the borders of the Carthaginians conducted by Archobarzanes the nephew of Syphax Marcus Porcius Cato persuaded in an oration to proclaime warre against the Carthaginians for that they interteined such a power within their frontiers under a colour against Masanissa but in truth raised against the Romanes howbeit Publius Cornelius Nasica gaine said him and dissunded the matter Whereupon ordeined it was that Embassadours should bee sent to Carthage in espiall to observe what they did and where-about they went Who after they had given the Carthaginian Senate a checke and rebuke for that against the covenants of the league they maintained forces and were provided of timber and other stuffe for a navie they were willing to conclude a peace betweene Massanissa and them so as Masanissa should forgue and part with the land in question But Gisgo the sonne of Amilcar a busie and seditious man who then was soveraigne magistrate notwithstanding their Senate promised to be ruled by the award of the said embassadours incited them so by his persuasive remonstrances to warre upon the Romanes that the embassadours made shift to flee save themselves or else they had come to a mischiefe When they related these newes at Rome the Senate alreadie set and bent against the Carthaginians were now by his words provoked much more M. Percius Cato performed the funerals of his sonne deceased in his Pretourship with exceeding small charges according to his abilitie for he was put poore One Andriscus who stoutly made the world beleeve that he was the sonne of Perseus the king of Macedonie was sent to Rome M. Aemylius Lepidus now sixe times chosen President of the Senate by the Censours gave his sonnes in streight charge before he died to carrie him fourth to buriall in a couch without linnen clothes and the purple pall and not to bestow in other obsequies above one denier saying that the funerals of the greatest and best personages are wont to be ennobled and hounoured with the shewes of images and titles and not with sumpteous expenses An inquisition there was about the practise of poisoning and sorcerie Publilia and Licinia who were endited for making away their husbands put in sureties before the Pretour to be bound in goods lands and bodie for them and after iudiciall processe passed and their cause heard by a decree of their kinsfolke suffered death Gulussa the sonne of Masanissa gave intelligence that at Carthage there was mustering and levying of souldiours rigging and providing of a fleet all preparations no doubt for warre and Publius Cornelius Nasica replied againe that nothing was to bee done inconsiderately without advise Thought good it was to send ten embassadours for to see the trueth of all and upon their knowledge to certifie L. Licinius Lucullus and Aulus Posthumius Albinus the Consuls when they tooke musters with severitie and rigour and would not for faveur spare any one but prest all were committed by the Tribunes of the commons who for their friends could obteine at their hands to release and immunitie of souldierie By occasion of the warres in Spaine which many times had bene untowardly and unfortunately mannaged when the cittie of Rome was so dismaied and daunted that there could not be found any one who would so much as accept of a martiall Tribuneship or was willing to goe in quality of lieutenant Publius Cornelius Aemylianus stepped forth made offer and professed that hee would undertake any kind of militarie service whatsoever should bee laid upon him and by his owne example stirred up all the rest to the love of warrefare L. Lucullus the Consull when Claudius Marcellus after whom hee succeeded was thought to have quieted all the states nations of Celtiberia subdued the Vacceans Cantabrians and other regions and nations as yet unknowne in Spaine P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemylianus the son of L. Paulus and the nephew of Africanus by adoption being there a martiall Colonell shew a Barbarian challenger that defied him But in the winning of the cittie Intercatia hee adventured a more daungerous enterprise For hee was the first of all other that skaled and mounted over the wall Servius Sulpitius Galba the Pretour sped but badly in a battalle against the Portugales When as the embassadours were returned out of Africke together with the Carthaginian Oratours and Galussa the sonne of Masanissa bringing word That they found at Carthage both an armie and also an armada thought good it was to put to question and debate the matter in the Senate where Cato and other principall Senatours were of opinion and gave advise to transport an armie presently into Africke but because Cornelius Nasica opined and said That hee saw as yet no iust and sufficient cause of warre agreed it was to forbeare all hostilitie and force of armes in case the Carthaginians would burne their navie and discharge their armie if not then agreed it was that the Consuls next following in place of governement should propose as touching the Punickewarre When the Theatre was built which by the Censours had beene put forth to workemen to frame and set up at a price through the meanes of Pub. Cornelius Nasica who inferred that it was a peece of worke unprofitable yea and hurtfull to the manners generally of the cittizens by vertue of an act of Senate demolished it was and pulled downe so as the people for a long time stood on their feet to behold the publicke plaies The Carthaginians at that time tooke armes contrary to the league and warred upon Masanissa But vanquished they were in field by him who notwithstanding he now was fourescore yeere old twelve yet hee used to tast his meat simply without any deintie sauce yea and to chew his bare bread still and over and besides they deserved to draw upon their head the Romane warre Of the XLIX booke THe beginning of the third Punick war in the six hundreth and one yere from the cities foundation which within 5 yeers after it began came to a full finall end Much diversitie
cowardise of the Greekes that would not come into the field the war was like to be long and lingering he nominated by the authoritie of the Senat T. Manlius Torquatus for the Dictatour to hold the Election of Consuls The Dictatour having named for his Generall of horsemen A. Cornelius Cossus held the Election and with exceeding favour of the people declared for Consull one like himselfe and tracing the steps of his owne vertue and glorie M. Valerius Corvinus for that was his surname afterwardes in his absence a young man I say three and twentie yeares olde To Corvinus was adjoyned companion in government a Commoner M. Popilius Lenas the fourth time Camillus performed no memorable exploit with the Greekes for neither were the Greekes good souldiors on land nor the Romans at sea At the last being kept from landing and failing besides other necessaries of fresh water they left Italie Of what people or of what nation in Greece this fleete consisted is not certainly known I would thinke verely that they were the Tyrants or potentates of Sicilie above all other For all Greece beyond them at that time wearied and toiled out with civill warres much feared the greatnesse of the Macedonians After the armies were discharged and that both abroad there was peace and also at home quietnesse through the unitie of the States least they should be glutted with too much joie behold a pestilence arose in the cittie and constreined the Senate to commaund the Decemviri to overlooke the bookes of Sibylla and by direction thereof was a Lectisterne celebrated The same yeare there was a Colonie drawne out of the Antiates to people Satricum and the towne was repaired by them which the Latines had destroied Also there was at Rome a league concluded with the Carthaginian embassadours who came of purpose to sue for societie and amitie The same rest continued still both at home and abroad when T. Manlius Torquitus and C. Plantius the second time were Consuls The Vsurie which was before after one in the hundred became now but halfe so much The paiment of debtes was dispensed and ordered into three yeares by even portions so as a fourth part should be paied out of hand And albeit some of the Commons for all that were pinched therewith yet the Senate had more regard to see credite kept with the chamber of the cittie than of the difficulties of private persons The greatest matters were well eased in that they forbare to collect the tribute and to muster souldiours The third yeare after that Satricum was reedified by the Volscians M. Valerius Corvinus the second time Consull with C. Petilius upon newes out of Latium that embassadours from Antium went about to the nations of the Latines solliciting them to rise up in armes was commaunded to make war upon the Volscians before the enemies forces were greater who put himselfe on his journey with a fierce armie toward Satricum Whither when as the Antiates and other Volscians were come to meete him with a power provided aforehand against any preparations from Rome presently without any staie they joyned battaile as being through a deepe setled and long hatred malitiously bent one against the other The Volscians a nation more hastie to rebell than hardie in fight being defeated in a battaile fled amaine and highed apace to put themselves within the wals of Satricum But when the wals were not able to save them for that the towne being environed and invested round with souldiors was readie to be taken by scaling there were upon 4000. of them besides the common sort not meete for service that yeelded themselves The towne was rased downe and burnt Onely they spared the firing of Matutaes church And the whole saccage and spoile was bestowed upon the souldiors But there were not comprised within this bootie the 4000 that yeelded Those the Consull in his triumph caused to be led bound before his chariot and after that solde them and brought a round sum of money into the treasurie Some write that this number of captives were bondslaves And that is more like to be true than that they should be sold who yeelded themselves After this followed Consuls M. Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpitius Camerinus Then began the Auruncan war upon a sodaine invasion that they made And for feare lest the action of that one State and cittie had been the resolution of the whole Latine nation and by their maintenance there was created Dictatour as if it had been against all Latium alreadie up in armes L. Furius Camillus who chose for his Generall of horsemen Cn. Manlius Capitolinus And as the use had been in time of great troubles and sodaine tumults he mustered without any respect of Immunitie and Exemption and therewith proclaimed a Cessation of all courtes of lawe and the legions with all speed possible were led against the Auruncans Where they found that they caried a mind of harriers rather than of warriors So that in the first battaile that war was dispatched Howbeit the Dictatour because they not onely made the quarrell and warred first but also offered fight without any drawing backe supposing there was some neede of Gods help withall from heaven had vowed a temple to Iuno Moneta and after he had obtained that he vowed for and thereby was charged to performe his vow so soone as he was returned home to Rome with victorie gave up his Dictatorship The Senat commanded two officers called Duumvirs to be created for the edifying of that temple according to the magnificence of the people of Rome The place was appointed set out on the Capitoll hil even the very plot of ground where somtime before stood the dwelling house of M. Manlius Capitolinus The Coss. having imploied the Dictatour his armie in the Volscian war surprised at unwares the towne Sora out of the enemies hands The temple of Moneta was dedicated the yeare after it had been vowed when C. Martius Rutilius the third time and T. Manlius Torquatus the second time were Consuls Immediatly upon the dedication of that church there ensued a strange wonder like unto that old marveile of the hill Albanus For it rained stones in the daie time it seemed to be darke night And the bookes of Sibylla being perused for that the cittie now was mightily given to superstition the Senat ordeined that there should be a Dictatour named for the ordeining of certaine feasts and holydaies So P. Valerius Publicola was chosen and with him Q. Fabius Ambustus Generall of the horsemen Order was given that not onely the Tribes should go in solemne procession with their praiers and Letanics but also the nations that bordered upon them with a precise direction unto them upon what daies every one should make supplication That yeare as it is reported there passed heavie judgements and sentences of the people against the Vsurers with whom the Aediles had commensed sute And without any notable cause to be remembred they grew to an Interreigne Vpon
which that something might be thought therby done both Consuls were made of the Nobles M. Valerius Corvinus the third time and A. Cornelius Cossus Now from hence forth will we indite of greater wars both for the puissance of the enemies and also for their far distance as well for their spacious countries they inhabited as long tract of time that they continued For this yeare began the Romans to bear armes against the Samnits a nation powerful in wealth and valiant in field After which war fought on both sides with alternative fortune there succeeded Pyrrhus their enemie after Pyrrbus the Carthaginians To see good Lord the wonderful stirs troubles and how often the Romans fel into extremies of perils that their dominion and Empire might arise unto this greatnes and high state which hath much ado to hold it own and stand maintained But the cause of the Romans war with the Samnits being in societie amitie linked together arose first from others and not upon any quarrel between themselves At what time as the Samnits warred unjustly as being more mightie upon the Sidicines they as the weaker and forced to flie for succour unto the richer banded with the Campaines Who bringing with them a greater name than power in deed to aid assist their Allies flowing in roiot and superfluous delights hapned in the countrie of the Sidicines to be foiled defeated by the other who had been inured hardned by continuall use of arms and so afterwards drew upon their owne heads the whole violence and poise of the wars For the Samnites letting the Sidicines alone went to the head and set upon the Campains as it were the verie fortresse and castle of defence for all the borderers For well they wist that there they might win victorie as easely but riches and honour at their hands they were to atchieve much more And when they had gained and held with a strong garison the hils called Tifata that were adjoining and commaunded the cittie Capua From thence they descended with a fouresquare raunged battaile into the plaine that lieth betweene Capua and Tifara where a second field was fought In which the Campanies had the overthrow and were beaten within their owne wals Having therfore no hope neer hand and seeing the strength of their youth greatly decaied they were constrained to seeke for aide of the Romanes Whose Embassadors being admitted into the Senate and having audience given them spake much what to this effect The people of Capua most noble Senatours hath sent us in ambassie unto you to crave at your hands friendship for ever and succour for the present Which amitie if we had requested in our prosperitie well might it sooner have begun but knit had it been with a weaker bond and not so durable For then remembring ourselves to have entred league and societie on even ground and in equall estate with you friends haply we should have beene as we now are but bounden and devoted unto you we had never been But now in case by your commiseration and pittie we be gained and won and in our distresse by your aid helped and relieved we must needs affectionately embrace a benefit from you received unlesse we would be thought unthankefull wretches and unworthie of any helpe either of God or man And albeit the Samnites have been before us intertained in friendship and confederacie yet we thinke that no sufficient barre but that we may also be received into the same Onely thus much it ought to make for them as to be preferred before us in ancientie of time and degree of honour For in that alliance between you and the Samnites there is no expresse clause no caveat or proviso contained against the making of any new confederacies And certes alwaies heretofore ye have thought it cause good enough of your friendship if the partie who sought the same were but willing and desirous to be your friend Wee Campaines albeit our present condition suffereth us not to speake magnifically giving place to no nation but yourselves either for the stately port of our cittie or goodnesie and fruitfulnesse of our soile in entering into your acquaintance shall not a little I suppose increase and better your good estate And first for the Aequians and Volscians those eternall and perpetuall enemies of this cittie they shall not so soone at any time stirre and put out their heads but we will be streight upon their jacks And looke what ye first shall find in your hearts to doe for our safetie the same will we alwaies doe for your Empire and honour And when those nations be once subdued that are betwen you and us which your vertue and fortunat felicitie promiseth will be shorly then shal your dominion reach all the way in a continued train as farre as unto us A pitifull and lamentable case it is that our present fortune urgeth us to confesse To this exigent and hard termes of extremitie are we Campaines driven right honourable that subject we must be either to our friends or to our enemies If ye defend us yours will we be forsake us once we must be the Samnites Consult yee now therfore deliberately whether ye had leifer that Capua and all the territorie of Capua should be annexed unto your power and State or added to the Samnites Seignorie Your mercy your succour ô Noble Romanes ought in equitie to extend unto all men but especially unto those who by yeelding their reliefe and helping hand even above their power unto others that implored and humbly besought succour are now themselves fallen all into the same streights of necessitie And yet to say a truth we fought in shew and semblance of word for the Sidicines but in verie deed and effect for our owne selves For considering a neighbour nation bordering even vpon us to be robbed and spoiled most wrongfully by the Samnites we well foresaw that when the Sidicines were once set a burning the same fire would soone be driven and reach unto us For now are not the Samnites come to assaile us as discontented for any injurie received but as well pleased that they have cause of quarrell offred and presented unto them For if it had been but a revenge onely of anger upon some pretended wrong and not a meane and occasion to satisfie their greedie appetite had it not been enough for them that they had vanquished and put to the sword our Legions once in the Sidicine countrie and a second time in Campaine itselfe our owne territorie What a cankred and mortall malice is this which bloodshed and massacres in two battailes cannot satiate or asswage Besides the wasting of our fields the driving away of booties as well of people as cattell the firing of villages the ruine and havocke they made and in everie place nothing but fire and sword Could not their anger and wrath have beene satisfied with all this But it is their greedie and unsatiable covetousnes and