and yet it was by Gods secret appointment ordered to be done to make good the threat against Elies house namely to fulfil the word of the Lord concerning the house of Elie even so we may interpret the punishment of Sauls first fault that is the cutting off his blood from the Crown to be accomplished in Michal and his other fault in sparing Agag threatned to be punished in the rejection of his person to be made good by his untimely slaughter And the due observation of these Stories will also instruct us how that the building of the Temple signifying the glory of the Church and the settlement of Kingship and Priesthood were all accomplished together and how Kingship was the leader in this Chorus of happiness as Gods chief Instrument for compleating of them For so are we instructed by the direction which Moses gave concerning matters of Appeals wherein the expression of the Judge that shall be in those dayes not only denotes another manner of Judge then formerly but the Priests and he and the place which the Lord should choose being conjoyned must signifie their contemporary establishment for perpetuity for to none of the other Judges God had said Why have yee not built me an house nor was Kingship nor Preisthood setled but in Solomon and Zadock the sons of David and Samuel and immediate instruments in building this Temple the figure of the Christian Church to succeed Nay this Office and power of kingship is so cleer in Scripture that it is usual with the abetters of Polarchies now adays to balk it in the plain sense thereof and to hearken to Philo Josephus and I know not what Antichristian Authors to learn from them the Authority of the people of the Sanhedrim and such like Magistrates not considering the interest and prejudice wherewith these men writ For they designing to bring their Writings and Nation into the more esteem amongst the learned persons of those times and having so long lived and been so well entertained the first among the Grecians and the other amongst the Romans as to be affected with their humors and way of learning they had the same reason to commend those other Forms and to depress this Kingly Office and Power as they had to commend thereby their own writings and Country And as in Kings all power is thus united so he alone it is that is the true Representative whole and whose actions may binde the people without their consent but not theirs without his And so much is often by God acknowledged making the good or ill of the King and Kingdom all one Thus Abimilechs particular detaining of Sarai is by him apprehended as an evil threatning his whole kingdom and we finde Sauls particular act against the Gibeonites punished with the peoples famine as Davids numbring the people afterward was punished with their Pestilence And in that whole story we may observe the punishment or reward the good or ill of the people still to answer and be proportioned with the Vertues or Vices of their Princes and that though the people did offer in the high places or had not prepared their hearts to seek the God of their Fathers or the like yet if this general Representative person was upright before God even for his sake a blessing did ensue which is nowhere observed to be done in respect of any subjects piety And this may seem less strange since we finde that Adam being made Monarch of all Creatures should have the violence of his race imputed and charged on them so as to involve them in the same guilt and destruction by flood Nor is this degree of power before spoken of much more then what before was practised by Moses himself according to the advice of his Father-in-Law as we read Exod. 18.20 namely to make Laws and Ordinances for them to live by and where Law was already made by God to reserve to himself the interpretation thereof as also all appeals and all difficult and important causes and for the better dispatch sake to refer common causes to subordinate Judges All which is again farther expressed Deut. 19 to the 18. where he owns the making Judges and last appeal Our of all which it may be found that the most material marks of Soveraignty were in many of these temporary Judges as the power of making some Laws and interpreting them the last appeal and supreme decision of controversies especially in Moses because he was a King too as formerly noted and so made by God and not by the people And unto Ioshua next as made by Moses for on him by Gods appointment was he by imposition of hands to put some of his honor that all the Congregation of Israel might be obedient that is that he by receit of this justly derived power from God his Vicegerent might have full power to command them And therefore are they also called Kings as in the inte-rregnum when there was no Judge it is said there was no King in Israel and yet was these Judges power inferior to that of Kings coming after This soveraign power of Kings we may finde implyed in that answer of Samuel to the people of the manner or power of a King which had it but been equal to that of their former Judges what needed it have been told the people And they that will not have the things there set down to be in his power but that he was to give account thereof or that his actions were controleable by any order or body of the people do yet commit a greater absurdity for then to what purpose should Samuel go about to fright the people with a thing of no danger and which was in their power to remedy For so it follows that they should cry out in that day because of their King and the Lord should not hear them meaning that they had none but God in that case to appeal to by whose forbearance to hear them therein they had no lawful remedy left them For had his words imported no more terror to their understanding but what they had right and power to remedy they might have answered Nay but we will have a King under us and not over us No he shall be onely King of the less number of the people and their Representatives but unto the major part or Vote he shall be subject upon all occasions they shall think good and so making our selves Soveraigns over our Soveraign we shall prevent those threats for thereby having upon the matter no King we shall do but what unto every one seems good in his own eys And by the expression over thee so often there used must be meant over the whole people being the same thee that should choose him so that if his election were by the major part or such as stood for them as so it must be or elese it could be no Election his power must be above the major part or their
because it is the onely foundation for other foundation then this can no man lay and this foundation every man must lay or else all the faith and obedience to be framed thereupon will come to nothing For although their be other articles as depending on this and incident to our Christian profession which ought to be believed also even as all things by God proposed as truths are yet to add them as of themselves necessary to salvation it is to Christ and Christian faith as high derogation as to add circumcision or other observations as necessary to salvation in our Christian obedience And as for our obedience outward we are freed from those many rites ceremonies and observations of the Jewes which God in particular favour of the Jewish Nation had appointed most of them being but shadows of Christ himself and of that great and plain way which by the Gospel should be revealed Nay the very judicial part though instituted by God himself for that government bindes us not as positive laws but as useful presidents upon like occasion that is to say where their and our causes were alike which is not binding as such or such laws formerly made and authorised by God but as parts of the general law of reason For as unto them God was immediate lawgiver and being given before Kings was both God and King so was the litteral observation of them in both respects necessary that is as religious and as civil duties also For both were the same to them because God at that time undertaking the managery of the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Estate made both one then no otherwise then his remitting both to the Prince makes both of one sort now that is under the same chief relation to duty and obedience namely that of conscience But because of Gods express undertaking herein to them it was do this and live but unto us for whom those directions were not particularly made by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be justified As Gods rule to them was outward and litteral so were his promises and threats for performance temporal and respecting this life onely Wherein they failed as needs they must their failing was expiated by sacrifice pointing at a Saviour to come to fulfill these things for them but Christ being now come and having fulfilled all righteousness the observation of the letter is released as to direct divine authority and we Christians standing bound but to the general precept of love and charity are referred for our particular managery and guidance therein to the higher powers whom we are to obey not onely for wrath but also for conscience sake not onely for fear of that present temporal punishment they may infflict as meer men in authority but out of conscience also of preservation of our owne innocence in preservation of our obedience to God in them All which in the Epistle to the Hebrews is plainly signified where God is brought in speaking of the difference of the Jewish and Christian Covenant and obedience according to the many Prophesies to that purpose and saying Not according to the Covenant that I made with their Fathers in the day when I took them by the hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt that is not like as it was whilst I gave them particular precepts for all their outward duties and did lead them in all their affairs my self as if I should have taken them by the hand But this course God now changeth because they continued not in my Covenant and I regarded them not saith the Lord that is because I found humane frailty so great that these litterall commands could not be kept therefore now I will put my laws into their minde and write them in their hearts and I will be to them a God and they shall be to me a people And they shall not teach every man his Neighbour and every man his brother saying know the Lord for all shall know me even from the least to the greatest that is by the love of God shed abroad in our hearts all shall be taught of God and by his Spirit led into all fundamental and saving truth so that by being all taught of God to love one another which is the life and soul of the moral law they shal by keeping that one precept of love keep the whole law But for our direction outward therein we are not come unto a mount that might not be touched and that burned with fire nor unto blackness and darkness and tempests that is to hear them from such a mountain which was made inaccessible through these terrible apparitions that accompanied Gods presence thereon and the sound of a Trumpet and the voice of words which voice they that heard entreated that the word should not be spoken to them any more for they could not endure that which was commanded That is neither are we now to be terrified as by hearing God speaking with his owne voice to our outward ears but we for our outward direction are come unto mount Sion and unto the City of the living God the Heavenly Jurusalem and to an innumerable company of Angels that is to the present Church militant and to such as do therein instruct us as Gods Messengers by their Angelical doctrine And to the general assembly and Church of the first born which are written in Heaven and to God the judge of all and to the spirits of just men made perfect that is unto the Catholick doctrine of the Church assisted by God the judge of all and attested by those many Martyrs which like their Captain are made perfeâ—t by suffering And then that both these may be made beneficial to us and to our salvation we are come to Jesus the Mediator of the New Covenant and to the blood of sprinkling that speaketh better things then the blood of Abel And these Gospel duties of love and obedience we shall find to be the verry errand also of him that was to conclude the Law and the Prophets and to be Christs forerunner as it is most fully though mystically expressed by the Prophet Malachy and also by Saint Luke in their descriptions of Iohn the Baptist his office and message The first of these duties is couched in these words He shall turn the hearts of the Father to the Children that is he shall prepare them to entertain the loving of one another in as high degree as the Father doth his Child And then secondly for performance of the duty of obedience whereby to make this love to be advantagious it is added by Malachy and the heart of the children to their Fathers the which Saint Luke expounding to mean the disobedient to the wisdome of the just doth plainly shew that the preparation of the Gospel of peace and the way to make ready a people prepared for the Lord was by bringing them into such a state of
needful to keep of mutual injury through interfering desires But yet some kinde of guardians there must be to provide food and things necessary to cram down these appetite-less innocents lest their reward of preserving others should turn to their own destruction But if we cannot fancy desiring and not desiring equal but must acknowledge appetites the wheels of the soul then is there no way left but to admit of degrees of command amongst men themselves for our orderly enjoying those stocks of blessings by God afforded us and to keep us at unity and from the common destruction of one another To this end God placeth man at first in a state of subjection to one head so that no doubt had Adam lived he had been as natural Father so King of all mankinde But his death being sentenced left brethren as in equality should contend this power of one mans command over another was the established due of birthright for else we cannot think it personally indulged to Cain over one so much better then himself By this course if observed men should have continued in due quiet and subjection until the numerousness of the several subject families might make the common head of them assume another Title And therefore we find that where God promiseth to any person a great encrease of race and posterity he promiseth withal as a compleating of that blessing that Kings should be born of them But after such time as Ambition Covetousness Revenge and the like began so to prevail amongst men that neither Gods Precepts nor fellow-feeling of the miseries of rebellion could keep them in obedience how just is it with God to make our own stubbornness our punishments So that if we impartially look amongst all those desolations of Nations they are but the issues of their own Civil wars and contentions which had their first rise from popular discontent and insurrection An Argument more popular and pleasing I know it had been to have extolled such Kings as measured their power by Justice and their Laws but I being not now to write to Kings but to subjects and in what concerned them in order to peace shall respit that till the Kings part in order to Peace and Prenty shall be treated of Therefore writing to such onely I chose to prefer their certain benefit by obedience before Discourses that should flatter them to their ruine by insinuating unto them a power they can never make use of without the mischief of disagreement and Civil war For there is certainly a vulgar and popular flattery as well as there is a flattery which is personal and this is doubtless the most dangerous of the two as having more to seduce The which kinde of insinuation is but too apparent in many writers of this kinde wherein men considering that those that are to be their Readers and from whom they expect encouragement and applause are such as stand interessed in the relation of subjects they do thereupon deal with them in their discourses of freedom power or the like as those do that tell black women they are fair that is to be wholly respective to those their own private interects and designs to be by this courtship gained and not at all to the truth of things themselves or to the benefit of those they pretend to instruct whom they do really abuse by this their unfriendly information As for example whensoever this unhappy controversie between Prerogative on the one hand and Liberty on the other shall for decision be by both King and people referred to Law for no Kings nor no people do professedly decline them who then shall be the Judge shall the King No he is a party and to be ruled by them Well then we will suppose the Subjects no parties nor to be ruled by them but to interpret and perchance make and alter them as they shall finde cause what shall follow but that they thereupon divide into Factions again some putting the power into I know not what and how many Magistrates and some into such and such Representatives all of them as far from truth as differing from one another But as in either case they set the Law above the King so they set the Subject above the Law dealing in the one as preposterously as the other But in this as in all other cases the natural tie of self interest and respect doth so blinde and byass us in our judgement and practise that we will bring in as reasonable and practicale in the Kingdom and Commonwealth what we think highly unfit to be exercised towards our selves in our own Families that is not onely to think it lawful and convenient that more then one should be there governing at once because our selves may happily be one of that number but also we are always ready to entertain and practise all rules of restraint whereby under colour of Divine or Humane Law all that live under him as Subjects may make themselves otherwise when they please upon allegation that the Laws and rules of Justice and Reason are to be in the first place obeyed Whereas if the children or servants of our own Family should in our Government and Commands demean themselves with like stubbornness either by disputing the soleness or arbitrariness of our power in general or by scrupling their obedience to each command in particular until they finde it by God or their Prince Authorized how would we then cry out against this sin of disobedience in them when as yet we think it but duty in us that the Obedience we owe to our King the Father of our Country should be answered with such demurrers pride and prejudice always equally prepossessing us to bring down and level all power that is above as well as to subject and keep under that which is already below But say men what they will Obedience as obedience must be implicite and he that in any command of lawful Authority obeys no farther then he findes reason so to do obeys but himself and not another And yet are Princes and Governors the less to wonder at this stubborn inquisitivenes in subjectâ— since it is no other then what hath been and is daily offered to God himself in prying into the reasonableness and morality of his Laws and Justice even from our first Parents to this very hour A thing of well known advantage to that proto-Rebel whereby to rule in the Children of disobedience For if once we come so far to arrogate as to believe the reasons of Gods Actions and Councels are apparent to ours his will as of course must be submitted to ours also Therefore as then it was hath God said you shal not eat so every day still it is such and such Commands and Laws are but for such and such ends and whether those ends were expressed by Cod or no every man is ready according to his own interpretation to obey or not obey or so far and no farther even to a perpetual distraction in Religion and
disturbance of one another where a supreme definitive sentence is not kept up And as we usually thus search into his Councels for the Reason of his Laws so set we up models of equity of our own for measuring his Justice Insomuch as upon every extraordinary and remarkable event how peremptory are we to assign this or this for a cause each one judging his own apprehensions of right and wrong as the onely necessary patterns for Gods proceedings and intentions herein Which whilest they shall differ so much one from another and can be but one true if any be must they not charge God foolishly For example amongst us that have now felt in so high measure his deserved hand those that are of the Romish opinion say This late revolt is in Justice for our Kings deserting his Obedience to that See and our particular Schisms the punishment of our grand Schism from them and the more particular pressure thereof lighting on the Nobility and Gentry are the punishments of their ingrossing the Churches Patrimony which like the coal from the Altar hath almost consumed their nests These looking upon this kingdom as the head and pillar of Protestantism say That as Reformation of Religion was first set up by our Princes out of State designs of alteration of Government and of being independent on the power of Rome so are they now but justly punished with the same pretensions by their own Subjects who in their risings they presume have as great Authority to interpret Scripture against their Civil Governors now as formerly against their spiritual head And they farther say That as to gain strength and general assistance from the Laity was the onely reason we first made the Scriptures vulgar and common that under the obliegingness of so high a favor whereby their abilities seemed to be flattered to an equal pitch with the Clergy they might be gained to that side that therefore our present requital from popular wresting these Scriptures again to publik disturbance amongst our selves is but just also Others that are from them in opinion most contrary so are their reasons also They tell you that Popery and Superstion were here too much and too long countenanced and abetted they tell you that the Clergy were yet too high and powerful and their maintenance too great and unbecoming that things have thus happened because the true sense of Scriptures and thorough Reformation from Rome were too little regarded Others that it may be regard neither of those extreams but look on things as polititians will tell you That the assistance of the Scots formerly against their Queen the assistance of the Dutch and Rocheller against their Kings were the just causes of insurrection now and they will tell you also that the beheading of the Queen of Scots was ominous to the like fatal blow Believing it a Vice against common prudence for Princes out of consideration of any mischief to one another to do that which should be destructive to all as well as it is a sin against Religion neglecting the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto By all which and many more instances which might be given of like nature being first bewitched with our Understandings and then idolizing our own justice to be the same with Gods we do cause Rebellion to creep on us as the sin of witchcraft and stubbornness as Idolatry That is we will then onely begin to serve God and obey his Laws when we have first interpreted them to serve our own turns which is in effect never to obey them more Whereas that more remarkable token of Obedience that was to Abraham imputed for righteousness was in fact seeming as contradictory to justice and goodness so far as humane ability could reach as it was to the stream of his own particular affection For my own part I am not more in love with those four letters that spell King then with the rest of the Alphabet And could I see probable hope how that thirst of governing might be satisfied to general liking and agreement by that soveraignty which each subject should by this means have over the common vassal the King I should have rest contented with my share therein and have rather given encouragement to this so common a benefit where first all of us should have had our contents by being real governor of this one and then that one contented again with the titles formalities and shews of his Government also then have made my self subject to so much labour and censure But as in all works that are to be done there must be the worker the work and the instruments whereby he brings it to pass the which in order to the work must be at the workmans appointment and choice so in this work of Polity and Government the commanding are workers the commanded the work and the Law Magistracy Councellors c. are the instruments for effecting it Whether Prince or people shall be workmen I will not here say onely thus much is evident that Laws Magistrates c. must be at the choice and dispose of such as rule and also above the ruled as holding necessarily a middle term to unite and agree them in the work it self If as considering how things are now practised and the many opinions to the contrary I shall be by any hastily condemned of ungrounded novelty for that not contenting my self in the modest and equal way of commending Monarchy above other Governments I have quite cast Aristocraty and Democraty out of the right number and reckoned of them but as Anarchies I shall entreat them to consider that I onely undertake to look into Government and its forms as they stand authorized in Scripture or Reason and not as they stood in humane device or practise and therefore I hold my self no further blamable then failing hereof For unto my strictest enquiry there could not be found one Text amongst those we call Canonical countenancing and mentioning any other form not so much as one word of the power of People or Nobility Parliaments Senate c. which the restless wits of men have since devised as in derogation to the other Nay when God means to express himself by titles of power common to men it is either of King or Father which as the greater and lesser Monarchs have alone divine Authority to command over mens persons And I believe all knowing men will confess that as onely God expresly appointed this form so nature also at least at first in her golden age and whilst she was at the best insomuch as for some thousands of yeers it is by all concluded there was no one sort of people otherwise governed then by Kings And therefore by that same rule of strangeness and wonder where with others may behold my Positions in condemning I may behold theirs in approving them even that a sort of men there should be that pretending their utmost and onely subjection to Gods word should yet contemn the power of Kings
p. 12. CHAP. VI. Of Honor p. 16. CHAP. VII Of the Laws of God leading to Government p. 24. CHAP. VIII Of the Master of the Family p. 28. CHAP. IX Of Soveraignty and its Original and of Monarchy or Kingly power p. 41. BOOK II. CHAP. I. OF Anarchy p. 79. CHAP. II. Of Faction and its original and usual supports p. 98. CHAP. III. Of Rebellion and its most notable causes and pretences p. 104. CHAP. IV. Of Liberty p. 114. CHAP. V. Of Tyranny p. 122. CHAP. VI. Of Slavery p. 126. CHAP. VII Of Property p. 130. CHAP. VIII Of Law Justice Equity c. p. 139. CHAP. IX Of Publike good Common good or Common-weal p. 158. CHAP. X. Of Paction and Commerce p. 161. CHAP. XI Of Magistrate Councellors c. p. 177. CHAP. XII Of the Right of Dominion p. 186. BOOK III. CHAP. I Of Religion in its true ground p. 213. CHAP. II. Of Religion as commonly received p. 116. CHAP. III. Of the Church Catholike and of the Fundamentals of Religion p. 222. CHAP. IV. Of each particular Church and its power p. 226. CHAP. V. Of the forms of Church Government and of the jurisdiction claimed by Church-men p. 233. CHAP. VI. Of the head of the Church and the Scriptures interpretation p. 249. CHAP. VII Of Love and Obedience and of our state of Innocence thereby p. 261. CHAP. VIII Of the Coincidence of Christian Graces p. 277. CHAP. IX Of Charity as it stands in Nature p. 299. CHAP. X. Of Patience Long-suffering Humility Meekness c. p. 310. CHAP. XI Of Idolatry and Superstition and of the power of each Church her head in the establishment of Ceremonies and divine worship p. 328. CHAP. XII Of Antichrist p. 349. CHAP. XIII Of the mystical delivery of some divine Truths and the reason thereof p. 388. CHAP. XIV Of Athiesm p. 403. BOOK IV. OF the causes of like and dislike of content and discontent and whether it be possible to frame a Government it self pleasing and durable without force and constraint p. 419. BOOK I. CHAP. I. Of Deity FRom the observation of the dependance of one thing upon another as of its Original and Cause we must come at last to fix on such a cause as is to all things Supreme and Independent For to proceed infinitely we cannot but shall lose our selves as in a circle whose ends will be as hardly brought to meet in our conceit as it is to imagine the most remote cause and most remote effect to joyn by immediate touch Observe we again That no Operation or Effect could ever have been produced in regular and orderly manner unless the direction thereof had first or last proceeded from a voluntary Agent So that when we find the Superiour Bodies Elements and other Creatures void of sense and will by their constant endeavours either pointing to any end at all or such other ends as have respect and benefit beyond themselves they must be concluded but as Passive Agents in both cases and the latter respect especially weighed will at last bring us to pitch upon one Agent or Authour of such universal power and concern in all things as to be the true Creator and Director of them all One I say for should each Element by it self or should the will of more then one be the Guider of Productions and Effects would it not follow that this Procession of chance or different aim and will must necessarily set Nature sometimes at a stand for want of sufficient power and direction what course to follow or as it were by a kinde of Civil War make her endeavours so distracted and weak that nothing but dissolution and confusion could follow From all which we may conclude both a Deity and the unity thereof and that as a free Agent no operation could have proceeded from him without an end whereby as by an immutable Law the effects and endeavours of other Creatures stand directed and limited unto certain ends and bounds which otherwise would not proceed at all or else do it infinitely or destructively to one another And upon the same reason of having the vertues and endeavours of natural Agents and Elements thus stinted and directed it will follow that as there must be such original Elements as might have fitness to answer thesâ— Laws and Rules of Providence so this pre-existent matter could not be equally eternal with Deity but must be at first created by the same hand it is now guided for should they not or should there have been no creation at all but a perpetual pre-existence of Elements before they had by the Rules of Providence their vertues and abilities harmoniously directed they must by their irregular courses have been the destruction of one another As therefore in the first case to skip and balk the more immediate and instrumental causes of things and fasten them as immediate upon God the Supreme after the usual way of the ignorant were so to confound and jumble Causes and Effects that there should not in nature be any certain Production at all because if the Supreme Cause should be an immediate cause to the most remote effect then in order backward that remotest effect must be a cause to that which was his immediate cause before and so on or else what was the immediate effect to the Supreme before will now by its removal therefrom and coming to be as immediate cause to the most remote effect want a cause for its own Production so in this latter case the like would befal if through want of good and true observation of the dependance and reason of effects and causes till we come to the Supreme Cause or Reason we should fasten the Productions of Elements or first matter on Chance for if they be constant and uniform how shall Chance own or lay claim to them Again to make them Co-eternal with Deity is to deny his Eternity or their dependance on him who must precede the Chaos in time as that again must precede the Endowment and Regulation of the qualities of the Elements themselves in time also For so fire was before heat as the cause is before the effect which had it been Eternal and the qualites of burning thereto annexed without limit which must have been had it been from it self only what would have become of the race all things else in this general conflagration which now keeping its degrees and being confined within such and such subjects and bounds by a Superiour Power is a great and necessary help to their Production That and all things else readily obeying the Law of their Maker from whom as from a most wise Omnipotent and Bountiful Creator nothing but works and operations suitable are to be expected CHAP. II. Of Providence and its Rules in general AS therefore the perfection of this Worlds Maker doth sufficiently argue the perfection of the work so doth the perfection of the work as justly plead for continuance Continue it could not by any other Power then
preservation of all creatures in general is called Providence so being applyed to mans particular it is called Peace A blessing of such utility that in Scripture we may observe all other blessings included therein as the more worthy so that in our prayer for the peace of Jerusalem any other state we include all sublunary benefits it is capable of and as our God will be called the God of peace so our Saviour the Prince of Peace who as a complement of all blessings saith Peace be unto you and enjoyns it as a common and summary benediction to others Peace to this house or Peace to this City But because peace in it self seems but a Negative happiness we will now so far as is for the present needful speak of Mans end and happiness in general which by means of this peace he strives to attain and secure CHAP. V. Of each Mans private End and Felicity WE before touched how the different Perfections of Creatures arose from the different neerness to Divine resemblance and that the whole Creation took effect out of Gods intention to express his goodness and reap thereby due praise and glory and that this difference of participation and resemblance appeared most in man as a creature most lively enabled both to the rellishing and enjoying this goodness and bounty and withal of greatest engagement and ability to return due praise We are now to consider that as it would have seemed unreasonable in God to expect praise from us for such things whose use and possession we could not at all apprehend or acquire so to encrease this praise and thanks it was necessary that the objects of our felicity and our vigor in enjoying and possessing them should be encreased also And again as for to have coveted and delighted in any by means of our affections and then have wanted the benefit of reason and discourse to attain it had been and abuse so to imagine we should have ever put forth to the possession of any thing the pleasure or benefit whereof we did no ways apprehend were absurd and therefore in this necessary conjunction our reason and affections are heightned and helped by each other yet Reason doth usually play the part of the Servant or Ministerial Officer to the attaining of what we apprehend as Pleasant which Reason having assented unto on the behalf of the object out of which Pleasure is expected it is then called Good or when on the behalf of the way and means to attain it it is then called Vertue especially if it overthrow not a greater Pleasure in others to which end all Laws are framed Politically appointing punishments to keep off the seeking of such Pleasures They that have hitherto defined mans felicity have stinted it to such and such particular objects wherein for the most part guessing by the measure of their own rellishes and apprehensions they themselves thought greatest happiness to consist but we not making mans felicity narrower then the objects thereof will afford and reckoning small pleasures even to be parts thereof also do not mean to contend in what particular object or exercise this delight doth most consist leaving it to ties proper and indisputable judge each mans own appetite but do affirm mans end to be pleasure At which if any seem startled as esteeming a difference should be put between that which is good and that which is pleasant and that goodness may be had where pleasure is not their mistake ariseth from the observation that since many men and creatures take often delight in such things as procure them afterwards great harm and sorrow and on the other side finding many things which are painful in the present possession to prove afterwards good they seek thereupon to divide Good from Pleasant Not duly considering that besides God no object can have in it self a positive or perfect degree of goodness but it is in them comparative only even according to that serviceableness they yield to other things as for food cloathing or other use Therefore the measure of good received from any thing must be rated according to the rellish entertainment and serviceableness it finds in the receiver which must make it good or not For if by good we understand what is commodious and necessary for the preserving and perfecting our nature without regard whether it be pleasant or not see we not how they take away the use of sense and reason and make the felicity of living Creatures not to exceed that of stones and other Inanimates for these have this felicity conferred on them with greater constancy and assurance then Sensitives and if such kind of passive or negative happiness could dignifie would be more excellent of the two Whereas they having no apprehension rellish or delight in what they do we may justly account them excelled by Creatures of sense as they are again by man surpassing them all in the variety and vigour of his enjoyments As for instance in that intellectual pleasure of honour wherein man seems so delighted as if he were a second Deity they have either none or small apprehension Their ears are not capable of harmony or the sweetness of eloquence nor their eyes delighted with Colours Figures method c. They want also many varieties of tastes and smells which we possess And in a word as man hath brain the root of sense in greater quaintity then they so also he exceeds them in the use and effects thereof being more various and abundant in his desires and more vigorous and steady in his possession All which will conclude that goodness in Sensitives as such cannot be where pleasure is not and that goodness is but another name for Pleasure or commonly the way our reason apprehends to it For when for the health of my body I endure Physick or other observations which are troublesom and unpleasant or for the good of my soul abstain from any thing pleasant or undergo any task or pennance see we not how that which is called good in both kindes is but in respect it is the way to what is pleasant afterwards for the appetite following Pleasure as her general end and preferring the greater to the less by the help of reason finds that in these and like cases this end is not otherwise attainable For this lasting pleasure of health doth far countervail the temporary sufferings of Physick and the reward of heaven any momentany punishment and in both cases proves not the avoidance but Pursuit of Pleasure For is any thing Pleasant to the taste for other cause eschewed but out of fear of some other detriment nor can we make an Athiest forbear his pleasure when the terror of shame or the Law are off him or the Glutton his appetite in any thing which fear of sickness forbids not From the first instance we may conclude this Maxim That slighter and less durable pain is to be suffered rather then greater as if that of Physick to that of Sickness
and entertaining of laws for all men to live by if they be such as have that proportion and agreement with my reason as it can discern their goodness I shall then for their own and not for their authors sake accept them But what law can be so framed as to finde universal acceptance or if some could yet so many as for number and use are fit for the goverment of whole nations in all kinds amidst so great variety what agreement can be hoped for in their receipt Are not men usually in this case found rather inclinable to rules of their own invention then obedient to the directions of others Who till they are by some supernatural natural power differenced must be presumed in command but equal and in that respect want that authority which is unto all Law-makers requisite And hence it is that the most famous founders of Common weals have still avouched a God for their Author Whereupon since the force of law must depend on the authority of the Maker and that according to our belief of his sufficiency in himself and interest in us our obedience to his commands will proceed it pleased our All-seeing God in the first Table to settle our reverence and attention to himself He first tells us he is God and that we must have none but him for untill we be brought from the condition of Athiesm what authority can precepts from Divinity have or if other Deities should have equal or better place in our esteem then him our obedience to his commands would not proceed with due readiness And secondly By denying us the making of Images the usual expression of other Deities he doth remove a great bait to this alienation of minde both to them and also the fear of placing our devotions on Creatures or second causes whereby in regard of their unworthiness to him having his presence and authority by their means lessened in our sight our observance to his laws would necessarily fall And as his credit should not be impaired by mingling so neither by perjury nor by common and unnecessary discourse of him as of a person of ordinary esteem therefore thirdly under the prohibition Of taking of his name in vain our highest respect to his honour is challenged upon which the more due observation of his laws will follow And as this duty of reverential obedience is in Scripture commonly known by the name of fear So to implant it and draw on the peoples obedience the better God in giving these fundamental Laws appears more plainly and majestically then ever before or since himself then talking with them from heaven That his fear might be before their faces that they sin not that is break not his laws And fourthly knowing the weakness of our capacities in conceit remembrance of things so sublime and that by practice and iteration we are best wonn to approve keep these things in our mind he appointed a seventh part of our time to be kept holy to that purpose In which last command that seems most strictly enjoyned yet we may observe him to point out that the end of all laws was more ours then his service and therfore he indulgeth not only the cure and other necessary works for the good safety of men but the pulling of an Ox or Ass out of the pit our Saviour concluding in this command as in behalf of all others That the Sabbath was made for man and not man for it And God having thus given fit and sufficient rules for fastning his own authority in our belief he comes to those main precepts which establish our preservation and mutual peace and begins with the foundation of society and government to wit obedience to superiours and that under the notion of the most common and unquestionable relation of that kinde which is parentall For should he have setled obedience under any other relation it could not have been so universally known and binding because all could not be wives nor servants so as the authorities of husbands and masters might be universally inclusive Nor could all yet be subjects inasmuch as there were yet many Independent families not grown so great as that the Master should take on him the title of King and particularly the Jews themselves were yet such It was therefore under this notion the straightest and most universal obligation to obedience because none could be exempt inasmuch as having every one fathers and mothers of their own they were thereupon as under the notion of an officer of power also enjoyned to obedience to the publike father of their country And therefore the observation of this precept being so necessary it is observed to be the first commandment with promise and the end and benefit of it is plainly annexed That our dayes may be long in the land For if slighting the honor and respect due to them and their commands we trust to our private Rules and Wills for publike guidance what will follow but civil discention blood and slaughter which in the sixth and next command he expresly forbids saying Thou shalt not kill a crime so foul that nothing but the life of the offender can satisfie it And then seventhly To prevent occasions of quarrel and murther most commonly arising about propriety he by saying Thou shalt not commit adultery removes it in the chief rise thereof our wives and posterity For to what other use almost labour we the possession of all other things but to furnish and transmit unto them but if my issue be not mine or uncertain with what heart shall I bestow labour for them And then if this parental love and care shall cease shall not nature and providence want one of her maine supports whilst these younglings unable to provide for or help themselves are left in danger of perishing Again suppose them all brought up yet when with the strength of body the knowledge of their different begettings doth come to appear what will follow but scorns derisions and slaughters Therefore as marriage was to be a means to unite families one to another and was therefore forbidden in the same kindred as having this union already made so doth the due observation of wedlock especially on the womans part unite each family in it self and is the most excellent means to peace and agreement Whereas adultery administers occasions of quarrels of parents and families one with another and of the same family in it self And therefore we finde however tendeâ— God is of the life of man the breach of this command is punished with death And then eighthly to steal is to destroy propriety directly and thereby unity when as on the contrary aright to give witness and information in our neighbours business and between party and party is the likeliest way to settle it and peace amongst us which is ninthly commanded when the Bearing false witness against our neighbour is forbidden And lastly Having given us
execute effects proper to deity onely so in this particular of Government by delegation to authorise and enable others which of themselves could otherwise claim neither power nor right herein it doth by conferring one another without diminution in himself so far by addition imply an augmentation of power inasmuch as self-ability simply considered is not so large as when unconfinedly all things or any thing can be made susceptible of this strength In which doing the weakness of the instrument will also increase the reputation of the Agent by having his strength made perfect and apparent in weakness when from so low a degree its honor and power shall be so advanced that it shall be as it were a second deity able to act things proper to deity onely as in right of government and that without all just pretence of arrogating to themselves or derogating from him So that now we ought rather to admire and magnifie the ways of Gods government amongst us then by such reprobate and Athiestical Tenents seek to dethrone him and set up our selves in his stead For if our Pactions and Associations here below can once make us independent on him what will they be but Conjurations and Conspiracies against Heaven and so upon the matter must he be subject to our apprehensions and appetites and either in the way of government operate as expresly and personally as in former times or else must we conclude it reasonable to deny his care or interest therein at all As if because God was onely known more immediately to create the first man therefore all now must owe their Creation to their Parents only as not having in our sense any other cause of production then the known way of generation common to us with all other things Or because God doth not now rain Manna Quails or other things from Heaven as to the Jews he sometimes did but that the Sun the Earth and other Elements together with mans industry are the onely sensible immediate conveyers and causes of all our food and other benefits we enjoy it is therefore reason that our ignorance in his ways of dispensation should forthwith exclude our acknowledgement of his care and providence and make the usual returns of thanks we give for such things appear rather to proceed from complement then duty By this Doctrine we may as well also conclude against mans right of Dominion over other Creatures because the first Dominion was immediately given to Adam and Noah onely when yet by priviledge of birth we have right to inherit also whatsoever belonged to them as men this being a natural and common and not a personal prerogative onely The like we must hold of heirship to the government of a Family not making its power dependant on the Will or any consent to be derived from Wife Children or Servants but he exercising and enjoying it as proper to the Office And what were this Doctrine but to overthrow and walk quite contrary to the Doctrine of Christianity which constitutes and commends Faith where present sense is wanting and in matters of divine doctrine or example pronounceth him happy that shall not see and yet believe For if God muâ—t be always tyed to evident demonstrations in the manifold dispensations of his Spirit and of every good and perfect gift from him proceeding then must miracles be continual as that of the fiery tongues otherwise in such spiritual donations how shall sense be sâ—tisfied we are receivers at all Or if no such manifestation now be must we thereupon make answer that we know not so much as whether there be a Holy Ghost or no or because there is now no such manifest breathings used nor no persons of equal authority to Christ or his Apostles to confer ordination must we say therefore that that power whereby Priests and Ministers exercise their spiritual Functions is meerly humane and from them onely received that are immediate workers therein What were this but as before we had thrust God out of Government and superintendency of the state by reckoning his Vicegerent as the peoples so now to interdict him any particular care or Authority of the Church also by accounting his Ministers our own But in sum this power of Kings belongs to them as Kings and by vertue of these their Offices it is that God owns the very Heathen as servants and Deputies to himself for so Nebuchadnezzar Cyrus c. held and exercised their Authorities and yet had no special revelation or Ministery for their enthroning as had Saul or David or different from other Princes And indeed if this power came not by office then are all hereditary Princes but usurpers and falsly said to reign in their fathers stead for how could they reign without power and have power without special ministration As for example Solomon held his Kingdom from God and by as good right as his Father and that by force of his Office and Unction although ministred but in the ordinary way and at his Fathers command onely he held it not from any paction of the people who rather looked on Adoniah as the true heir and accordingly joyned with him in rebellion And if any think that it was in regard of some special occasion God was to employ Nebuchadnezzar c. that they were thus particularly owned this is not denyed but the question is whether that extraordinary power or that ordinary one over their Subjects common to them with other Princes came by any extraordinary revelation or designation from Heaven so as both to enable their subjects to elect and appoint those individual persons without regard to their right otherwise and then those persons also to act and execute accordingly But although nothing extraordinarily appeared yet do these Kings confess their power from God and we finde it the custom for all Kings to write themselves Dei Gratia and acknowledge the holding their kingdoms and powers from God onely To this purpose amongst Christians especially their Crowns Scepters Swords c. as Emblems of power are first offered and then received from the Altar by the last act acknowledging their power from God onely by the other offering it to his glory and service the main end of policy And therefore though Jephtah had an ordinary way of entrance to the Government namely by making Association he was brought in by the faction and assistance of the Gileadites yet is he reckoned sent of God as well as Jerubaal Bedan and Samuel who had extraordinary ministration So that although God do leave those intervenient actions of Succession Election Conquest c. to the same ordinary event of Providence with other things in mens choice and dispose which may therefore in a sort be called a humane Creature yet the collation of power is from him onely no otherwise then in marriage the Husbands power over the Wife depends of it self and not on any resignation from 〈◊〉 although for her greater obligation toobedience her
he should therefore not have his heart lifted up above them by nation his brethren and by nature his equals but the consideration hereof imprinting the sense of compassion and fellow-feeling in him it might restraine all exorbitance in the exercise of this high power so far as not to insult or afflict beyond measure And this is the cause why succession of Princes and continuance in the same stock is so generally preferred before election namely that they are then sure to have one of their own nation or brethren Even so again by forbidding him to multiply horses or much silver and gold to himself there also expressed it was not simply to forbid him these things as unlawful for the two next and greatest Kings of eminency David and Solomon had them in great abundance without blame but to give another like caveat against pride that is least presuming upon these advantages he might be brought to forget God his strength and think to keep under his subjects more by the fear of tyranny then the love of a brother And also to admonish him that he should not put his people to unnecessary charges in supplying him beyond publike use And to cleer this by instance in multiplying horses we shall finde the prohibition point particularly towards Egypt as a prophetick admonition against their leaning of the strength of that staffe which should run into their hands which was afterwards verified in Hosea and Zedekiah who put vain trust in these Egyptian forces and the 24 and 43 Chapters of Jeremiah are full of disswasions from this Egyptian confidence and from returning again thither And as that people were extreamly inclined to set their faces towards that place so could not these admonitions but be very necessary for their King both to keep them from so doing and to forbear making flesh his arme himself To which purpose Isaiah is very full Wo to them that go down to Egypt for help and stay on horses and trust in Chariots because they are many and in horsemen because they are strong but they look not unto the holy one of Israel neither seek unto the Lord. As for the law there mentioned it cannot be understood of any particular one made for his restraint and so proper to him as King but of those general Laws of Moses given for all men to live by And therefore it is enjoyned him write it out of that which was before the Priest to whom he is now to succeed in the chief charge thereof In which charge although he differed from others yet that the Law was the same appears by the intent thereof there mentioned common to him with the rest namely that He might learn to fear the Lord his God and to keep the word of this law and statutes to do them He is not bidden you see to be affraid of his People Representative or Collective nor are they or any one earth hereby authorised to look unto his performance of this law or to resist or punish him in case he transgress the which is the thing in question and not whether Kings are subject to God and his Laws or no for none will deny but they are and are also for many considerations more obliged to keep and press these laws then any of their subjects As none on the other side will I hope say that his subjects are to be to him in Gods stead so as to judge and punish him if he do not But then it may be answered that the people have a dry right without a remedy They have a right indeed to be free from oppression but such an one as serves to no stead since it may be taken from them at the pleasure of another What shall we call an appeal to God no remedy or shall we say there is no remedy or justice for subjects but when and where themselves shall be judges and executioners in it for if so what use of this common judiciary power when one part of the people may still have power to judge of another It was the partiallity and injustice incident to this way of proceeding that made it reasonable for people to subject themselves to a common umpire or judge whose sentence should alwayes be taken as indifferent Because else they did nothing and are yet but in the same first state of Anarchy they were For he that is not supreme in all causes and things but onely such as the people shall assent unto is not truely supreme in any thing forasmuch as their judgement coming after his as of power to confirme or disanull they will still be without a supreme and their Major vote allowing his affirmative or rejecting his negative sentence will at last conclude the whole definitive sentence to be come into their hands No if rulers of policy peace and government be maintained the King onely as aforesaid can be supreme and all other of his subjects can have but derivative powers that is aâ— sent of him The complaint of misusage must still run to the higher the people cannot appeal to the people when the King their onely supreme Judge on earth hath oppressed them They have in this condition none but God above him to appeal unto he is the onely King of Kings and to him onely in this case vengeance doth belong All which was well intimated in Samuels reply foreshewing that these oppressions should irremediably happen sometimes In that day shall ye cry unto the Lord but he shall not hear you So that then after all these warnings and threats the people chusing to submit to this government and power it makes their resignation of power and trust to him to be implicite and for better or worse It makes it appear that they had considered before hand of these things as mischiefs that might sometimes befall them the which patience and sufferance not rebellion and resistance were to remedy And so far were they from pretending or desiring any caution against it that their reply Nay but me will have a King over us that we also may be like all the nations and that our King may Judge us and go out before us and fight our battailes imports an acknowledgement of his unquestionable supremacy over them and that aswell in Civil as Martial affairs which is meant by judging them and fighting their battailes And then by their proposing herein to be like other Nations whose Kings it is well known had at that time absolute Soveraignty the condition of perfect subjection will be farther manifest And again in desiring a King in the place of Judges who already had supreme authority as far as positive law went must farther imply their acknowledgements of an extraordinary obedience to this new and extraordinary power For when Samuel tells them that now God was their King meaning that in all extraordinary and urgent occasions his advice and direction was to be sought and they notwithstanding this chusing to have a King it makes that absolute
submission to authority they are to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake or as they render Gods glory or their own good And then least any factious pretence should alienate their duties in the true object of their allegeance it is appointed unto Kings as supreme and unto other governors as to such as are sent of him for such was the will of God and their well doing that hereby they should put to silence the ignorance and foolishness of men even of such men as not knowing that the foundation of Society was laid upon the united and irresistable authority of the person had under pretence of liberty vented their maliciousness and countenanced rebellion in favouring some subordinate authority against the supreme And then lastly least any should object that because as aforesaid these governors were but for the punishment of evildoers and praise of them that do well therefore if they should do the contrary as their Commission or authority would fail so their obedience to him might faile also We shall farther finde him giving precepts of suffering patiently though they knew it wrongfully And this he confirms by the example of our Saviour himself who as he vvas infinitely more innocent so vvas his usage more hard and unjust and thaâ— many times from under Kings that had neither natural nor rightful authority over him As for one instance in the case of paying tribute for although as appears by Peters ansvver it vvas but vvhat he had used to do he makes an expostulation purposly to cleer all doubt that might be made Of whom said he do the Kings of the earth take custome or tribute of their own children or of strangers Peter saith unto him of strangers Jesus saith unto him then are the children free notwithstanding least we should offend tâ—em go thou to the sea and cast an hook and take up the fish that cometh first and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a piece of money that take and give unto them for me and thee So that you see rather then he vvill offend them that is resist authority and give occasion to rebellion by standing out and refusing as he proved he might have done in this illegal command he vvorks a miracle to perform it and doth it for Peter also of vvhom it vvas not demanded Nor vvas this done out of fear as vvanting povver to resist if resistance had been lavvful For he was able to have commanded more then twelve Legions of Angels a povver sufficient to have mastered any oppossion But he like a Prince of peace left us this example not to promote rebellion against the supreme authority but to commit all to him that judgeth righteously even to God to vvhom alone Kings are accountable and therefore to him alone vengeance in that kinde especially doth belong For as God vvas the alone author of their povver and Office so vvill he be the onely judge of their defaults therein according to that of David against thee onely have I sinned as if lying vvith another mans vvife vvere no wrong or trespass to her husband vvhich that it vvas so is cleerly evinced in that parable made by Nathan of the taking of the Evv-lamb and in Davids answer acknowledging it an offence and making a censure thereupon namely The man that hath done this shall surely dye and make restitution But although David had power thus to punish any of his subjects as having from God rightful jurisdiction over them yet when he understands himself to be the man he concludes none on earth above him but that he is subject to God onely in the said words Against thee only have I sinned Marke also the use of this kingly power in enforcing or abateing the rigor of the law For restitution was by Gods law onely set down as a punishment of theft which was the onely fault and not adultery which appeared in the parable of the Lamb but he for the punishment of a fault so aggravated by circumstances though fit to have death added and should no doubt have been therein by his subjects obeyed without imputation of guilt for using arbitrary power no more then when he took the shewbread altered the courses of the Priests erected new Offices amongst them brought in Musick and other Ceremonies into the Temple without particular direction from God or Moses law and when he commanded the numbering of the people as beforesaid and again made that law for the shares of such as stayed with the stuff both of them not onely without but against his present peoples liking To conclude therefore Soveraignty is the supreme judge and disposer of Publike interest where by â—ublike is meant whatever may be of general concern between that Kingdom and another or of mutual concern to others in the same kingdom although the same be kept as a propriety in private hands The particulars of this authority we will briefly here set down The chief is that so largely heretofore spoken of namely the sword of Justice or the last appeal aswel in Religious as Civil Causes and is inseparable and incommunicable The next is the power of making and interpreting of laws The next is to lay taxes and grant privilidges and exemptions and therefore had David and Solomon both their tribute Masters and so Saul also out of his known prerogative promised to them that should slay Goliah to make his fathers house free in Israel which power to free must suppose a power to impose The next is to make Magistrates and state officers for he having delegation from God and being the common Fountain and Center of power their power must be but derivative and part of his The next is to make peace and war all of them comprehended under those general terms of submission mentioned in the Jews first election of their Kings namely to judge them and fight their battailes And as for the other more separable and communicable markes of receiving homage coynage and valuing the mony weights and measures to grant Letters of Mart to have Crown and Scepter to have titles additions and donations of honor as they may be sometimes but complemental so may they be comprehended under some of the more general and express markes before spoken for if he have the last appeal and be in all causes and over all persons and estates in his dominions supream head and governor it will follow that he is so also in these Although in the passed Treatise the name of King be only commonly used yet what is spoken of him is to be applied unto Monarchy in general under what other title of Emperor Prince Duke Lord c. so they be free and holding of God onely For unto the Monarch in right of his Office and not to the name is the Power and Soveraignty due even as the head of the family is in relation to his wife called husband to his children
party and those that joyn not enemies to the publike ill-affected c. By this means having gotten such strength as to be able to pursue their own interests in opposition to lawful Authority they proceed with less fear towards the accomplishment thereof whether it be that more neer interest the advantage of pleasure belonging to each ones person commonly included under riches and desire of property or that which is more distant as of Wives Children Kindred Friends c. which may be ranked under the sense of Honor. For still our pursuit in attaining them is heightned as we conceive our propriety and interest in them to lye Now as the leaders private ends were as beforesaid Ambition Covetousness or Revenge so to joyn interest and engage the people they flatter them with the notions of Liberty Propriety and Justice corresponding with their own aims before mentioned For Liberty answers Ambition both proceeding from Pride and impatience of Government The desire of increase of Propriety answers Covetousness And popular Justice is nothing else but Cruelty and Revenge And now have they engaged all affections too For Ambition is the extream of Honor the pleasure of the Minde Covetousness includes all the pleasures that sense can desire And Revenge is the utmost bound of our malice against the things we hate tending to the satisfaction of the irrascible faculty as the other did of the concupiscible Therefore the Leaders never defining or telling what civil Liberty Property or Justice is or ought to be they leave it for the people who have them promised as great matters to think that by Liberty they mean not onely freedom from all subjection themselves but because they are told all Power comes from them and is at their dispose they think they shall now have power over others also By Propriety they are led to think not onely to have their own estates altogether independâ—nt but to be freed of all Taxes and Obligations besides For the meanest cannot but expect if he be not directly promised that upon overthrow of the enemy great encrease will then come to his share And then as the weakest Natures are ever most revengeful and cruel so Subjects can never want objects of this kinde whom under shew of publike Justice they will always implacably prosecute Nor do the Leaders of Factions hide themselves and meanings on the naming of things onely but of persons also For having themselves cast off subjection and teaching others to do the like they use not the name of Subject any longer it is now the people a word which as used in Anarchies signifies insubjection and therefore can be never proper but in Anarchy and sometimes it is the Commons they represent and stand for And then there is none so low but thinks he is included in one of these notions there is not one of the meanest servants in a Family but is in his conceit one of the People or one of the Commons at least and answerably he is ready to take the side that makes him such fair promises And he may hope also that as the greater includes the less so a free-born Subject as he is shall be freed of Master as well as Prince for he is sure that all his bondage hath been from the one and not from the other They poor souls little thought that by People and Commons are meant onely such as the Leaders shall choose after they have made themselves by their helps Masters of the other party to stand as for the People or to choose or to be their Representatives At which time I hope being the people themselves they will not break their former Promises of having no intention but the good of the People Upon occasion of which deceits and mistakes it comes to pass that the generality of the people are ever murmuring against these Governments and more ready to change again then the Subjects in Monarchies as now finding that those large promises of general Liberty c. comes to none other end then to be at the continual dispose of their fellows and that their own share in power or riches answers not that great hopes they had thereof when they deposed their former Prince When this Association or Faction divides against the Ecclesiastical Government it is called by a peculiar name of Schism which is seldom wanting where the other is For Religion being taken of general concern to all the reaping up of abuses herein cannot but deeply engage and in order to this the peoples Liberty in interpreting Scripture must be asserted and then having set up Levites to scholly them to their purpose Conscience comes to be engaged for them also in this pretended Reformation and as much as much as may be drawn from the other side But now as all Faction hath in its aim the overthrow of Government so it is from its own divisions again always a ruine to it self as it had been to the Kingdom by division before For the common enemy as they call them now subdued which was the cause of their uniting they begin to reflect upon themselves both in the division and managery of the power and profits now come into their hands and also of the neerer prosecution of those particular interests that brought them into this association Both which occasions will again necessarily break them into sub-divisions and lead them to finde out new associations of such as come yet neerest to correspond with them against such as are farthest off and upon like Grounds and Arguments as they had associated against others before they associate against one another now Nor can this well be otherwise because as I said publike good was not the cause of their joyning except a forraign fear yet remain or do arise to keep them united or except the Leaders be allyed by kindred or have all of them a common interest The last commonly happens when claim is laid to the Crown and Government For then as one mans interest made them associate it will keep them so The other is when the heads are few and their interests so agreeing that more is probably to be got by a great and sure share now possessed in the Government then in adventuring for all Therefore the present successors to Monarchies overthrown by Faction are Aristocracies but these many times so short-lived as their Government is not to be setled and known For one or some amongst them as courting more the people will still by their help set themselves in the Throne or if that fail rather then submit again to his incensed fellows he perswades and sets up the peoples general power above them under shew of more liberty and so comes usually Democracies which if they fall not into Monarchy again by the force and choice of their souldiery grow by degrees more Aristocratick For those that call themselves the people secluding always as many as they can and taking in none to share with them in power their number at last must
be few Besides as Nature in all things being left to her own working will by gentle and orderly steps tend to that perfection she was forcibly deprived of so it may be observed how by degrees all Governments do of their own nature and uninterrupted by violence always lead to that perfection and state of Unity again from which by force onely they were hitherto debarred And unto the undeniable proof of the natural right of Monarchical Government it may be asserted that as no Government of it self let alone in the hands of the governors without the forcible intermedling of the governed but would still come to be Monarchy so no government was ever brought from fewer to more but by the force and terror of the people upon the Governors themselves who now as in the Fable of the Serpent that would be governed by his own Tayl will be governing themselves and so make all lawfulness of Government at last vanish into forcible obtrusion There are many other particulars by which Faction useth to make its rise and support which shall be spoken of in the next chapter of Rebellion amongst other things which are the originals of that also For these two are of such like extraction and so neer a kin that what is properly the cause to one is for the most part so to the other Faction being but Rebellion in its birth and as yet but in devise and contrivance and Rebellion being but Faction brought into act and execution even as Polarchy or Anarchy is but both of them brought to such maturity and perfection as to be capable of self-subsistance CHAP. III. Of Rebellion and its most notable Causes and Pretences AS the inordinate thirst of pleasure and its consequent Liberty to attain it is in us all both natural and unlimited so where Rules and Laws of Polity and Government the onely means of restraint are not strictly enjoyned or duely obeyed it commonly falls out that what should have been a bridle proves rather a Spur and the possession of one inordinate lust doth by it self make way for another even as the abundance of drink to the drunkard is the cause of greater thirst to ensue Observe we this First in that lesser Government of a Family and you shall finde Children and Servants nowhere so unquiet and discontented as where the indulgencies of the Parent or Master do most appear And so it is in Kingdoms also where Subjects that have soft and mild spirited Princes and from whose more gentle and easie natures they having already attained many things of Liberty and Freedom do come at last to forget how inconsistent these things may be with their duty or publike peace and to think that their very asking should now be the onely rule for his granting Whereupon as it happens that there is most brawling contention and unquietness in such Families so in such Commonweals Mutinies and Rebellions do ever abound And to keep the Scripture president herein what other Reason can be given of those many murmurrings and insurrections of the Jews even while under the government of Moses one so far from oppressing their liberty that he was the meekest man on the earth And when again they had all things in such plenty as even their very Lust was supplyed with miracles what followed but that which was given for quieting them at one time proved the occasion of their mutiny at another For so while he smote the rock and the water gushed out they are still asking can he give bread can he provide flesh for his people And when they had this flesh this manna it was found too light food for their satisfaction and this very food of Angels was insufficient to stint their boundless desires Therefore while the very meat was in their mouths God was forced to cure by severity those breaches of obedience which abused Mercy and Clemency had made Look again to them under their Kings and you shall finde none so ill used as the best of them even David and Solomon In the last of whose time it is expressed Judah and all Israel was then many as the sand which is by the sea in a multitude eating and drinking and making merry And again Judah and all Israel dwelt safely every man under his own vine and under his own fig. tree from Dan to Beersheba all the days of Solomon And in whose time as the wisest and most peaceful of Kings that Kingdom had the greatest eminency and happiness of any their persons free as expresly said of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen and having riches in such abundance amongst them that he made silver and gold to be in Jerusalem as stones c. And yet as in a kinde of wantonness and surfet they come to his son Rehoboam to ask release of this grievous yoak of Solomon his Father But in truth we can interpret this their coming to Sechem to no other end then to make a Covenant and association to rebel and the pretence to make Rehoboam King was but the outside of their appearance when they intended to unmake him For first Rehoboams raign was not Elective but in right of his Father and Grandfather as heretofore noted and he might as well have reigned in their stead without the peoples approbation as Ishbosheth Sauls son did over them in Davids time or as Nadab in Jeroboams stead over the same Israelites without any such confirmation So that this Assembly was indeed to settle Jeroboams new Principality and not to confirm Rehoboams And therefore since they first sent for him to come in the head of them whom they knew to lay claim to the Crown this action looks purposely to aim at a quarrel and gain a denyal whereby to get a pretence to rebel And was indeed the threatned punishment of Solomons offence against God and not of Rehoboams to the people and so suffered to be done in pursuance of that end namely the punishing his offence with the rod of the children of men Whereupon this his refusing the councel of the old men must be considered as a fit and necessary means thereunto And this may seem the reason of Rehoboams answer importing a denial to the ground of the peoples Petition and answering in that manner as though experience had fully told him that since too much indulgence and concession had lost to his Father he would recover it by rigor and severity But to affirm that this Rebellion was a punishment of Rehoboams answer onely were to give God the lye both for the reasons already mentioned and as plainly crossing his direct Promise to Jeroboam saying I will rent the Kingdom out of the hands of his son and give it unto thee even ten Tribes Plainly arguing a forepassed fault to God and not of oppression to the people upon which onely Reason he is warned to desist For of that war what good issue could be To have Jeroboam beaten
are equal by their own supposition But if they in their supposed way of conferring of power shall exclude children and servants and leave none but the Master power to elect then break they their supposition of equal and native freedom because the major part is excluded If they have power to elect then being so much the greater number I hope they will chuse such a government as shall now binde their Master and Father and not he them But let us go on by way of supposition These selected heads are met to chuse and empower a governor and to give them all their power that is their power of their several families that so he having power of all families may consequently have power of the whole kingdom which done they intend belike to give up house-keeping If so he will have a great task indeed If not I would know whether they mean to have less power over their families then before No they say they mean to govern them under him Well I suppose you can give this power you have over them so far as you had it and over your self too but then since the power of life and death and other things necessary for the Prince to have you neither had over them nor your self how can you give what you have not Again suppose the people the original of power and farther to make this power useful suppose they may recal it to right themselves when they finde it abused and that thereupon the liberty to appeal to them must ever lye open why then this serves to defeat the power of their representatives aswel as of Princes For these being set up also for the peoples good have no farther power neither then while they act that way the people must still retain power to hinder them from doing otherwise and consequently must have power to judge whether they do so or not And then this power must extend and exercise it self in all causes because their good or ill must be therein concerned And so I pray how shall business go on must the governor ask the governed their consent before he command What is this but as in mockery to say to them Do as you list or I will make you What is this but for people to command and Magistrates to obey Again although that maxime Salus populi suprema lex may be good in popular governments as shall be shewed anone where governing and governed are supposed alternative and the same because all come to be included but yet where there is difference there the good of both as making up the whole must be taken into proportionable and joynt consideration unless they can imagine that by contract the King should render himself purposly miserable to make others happy by his infelicity If so David and others that had promises of kingship from God by way of reward had certainly no such benefit And if this right and duty of resistance were so in the people as is alleaged why in so many thousand yeers and in the raign of so many unjust and evil Kings as are set down in the Old and New Testament do we never find Prophet Apostle or other men instructing the people in a duty of so great concern They if they had liked might as easily have said fight as obey and resist as not resist As for the Kings observation of the Laws and seeking the good of the people I believe no good Kings but will make it their imployment and in order to it no discret people but must thereupon grant that it is his part to to know and interpret what this law and good is for if it be left to be done by any other Party or Faction not he but they have now the charge For to say they will submit in all things just and reasonable and no farther is to appeal back to themselves and is not submission to another but all things are left to their private determination as before and just and reasonable must be but what they will esteem such For as before shewed men could not make question whether reason or equity should take place or no it was by all agreed it should but men differing amongst themselves on which side this right was and both parties confident of their own cause there was no possibility to avoid destraction and attain peace but by this voluntary and joynt submission to be herein governed by others So that laws of equity peace and government require that all parties submit to their common and appointed judge and sentence For as each man singly becomes a man by having a proper will and understanding even so it comes to pass that there can arise no difference against himself because understanding and will do in him alwayes unite Whereas if Thomas his will were to be guided by Iohns understand or contrary and either of them want will or understanding or have them over-born by another it were in the first place to overthrow the personal being of men and in the other to make it useless For should or could my will incline to nothing but what aforaign understanding saw good it would then be the will of him that had and not of him that wanted this understanding and for want of understanding I should want will also Or should I suppose there could be an understanding that could submit to that of another this were to destroy personality by confounding it and to imagine an impossibility fancing an understanding which should be and not to be at the same time Therefore when by the help of anothers understanding mine is so cleared as to see reason to consent to what it saw not before and upon it my will inclined to action this assent of my will is the issue of the light now apprehended in mine own understanding and not as it was before in anothers So in the body politick to keep the essence and union thereof entire there must be the same residence for understanding and councel at least for the last result thereof as is for will and execution And therefore as it would argue high arogance in any single subject to presume his own judgement better then anothers especially then his superiors so is it but the same thing from subjects to commend that councel themselves follow before that which their Prince follows For since goodness of councel doth not move by being but by being apparent and since this trial and apparency must depend on the ability and judgement of him that chuseth it none being able to take good councel but he that is in measureable to give it it must therefore be granted that the following of anothers councel after mine own choice differs little from following mine own If it should be argued that Princes may be carried away by partiallity and private interest and so some should think that the Councel of subjects should in that regard take place this were to beg the question upon a supposition against all apparant reason For
Gods and so they being but Stewards or Tennants no humane right of prescription can prevail against his original right And in a word to keep his right and our gratitude in continual memory were all those sacrifices and other feasts instituted serving but as so many Indexes and Lessons to shew that the earth is the Lords and the fulness thereof And although we on whom the dregs of Time are come are too prone to forget this everlasting precept of honouring God with our substance yet as a continual remembrance of his undoubted propriety it is our custome and duty as to pray to him for what we want so to thank him for all we receive which thanks in the receit of our ordinary food is called grace as denying all right of our own and acknowledging all to be his grace and bounty Which being so all Societies and men must be looked upon but as Tennant for such term and condition as the Landlord pleaseth So that when this great King after the manner of going into a far country shall be pleased not so immediately to operate in worldly affairs and dispensations but trust the several talents of his bounty to others as namely to Kings from whom he expects account to himself onely as by him onely trusted we are still to acknowledge Gods propriety in them and For this cause are to pay tribute for they are Gods Ministers attending continually upon this very thing That is for to be as Gods unto us aswel in fastening and assuring our proprieties amongst our selves by his laws which could not be else distinguished from the common natural claim to one man more then another by any meer humane right as they are to continue again Gods universal claim and propriety by taking and demanding some part to keep us in continual memory and acknowledgement of Gods supreme right still and of this establishment of propriety by loyalty and obedience And as for Gods acknowledging his Minister herein for himself it is well set forth by that speech of Zelophedads daughters pleading that their inheritances should still remaine in propriety to them because their father had not forfeited them by any rebellion against Gods chief Minister that is against Moses the then King of Jesurun or Israel saying Our father died in the wilderness and was not in the company of them that gathered themselves together against the Lord in the company of Rorah but died in his own sin By which we may plainly perceive that they claim right for continuance of those the proprieties of their family which were by Gods Minister formerly settled because their family had not made any such forfeiture by Rebellion as to cause them to revert again to the first Proprietor God and the Prince Which was the reason why in the case of Naboths vineyard before mentioned Jezabel did advise to have him accused For blaspheming God and the King that under colour of these crimes she might cause that inheritance to return which could not be otherwise done And therefore as Kings are Gods Deputies and Vicegerents to us in representation of his power so are they to be acknowledged his Deputies amongst us in respect of his undoubted and unquestionable propriety even by their receit of such proportions back from their subjects out of those their proprieties by their laws made as those Ministers of God attending continually upon this very thing shall see fit either for advancement of Gods the great owners service or the good of himself or others in order thereunto Which portions in the New Testament are usually included under the general names of custome and tribute because amongst the Romans to whom these taxes and contributions were given they were the usual appellations for publike leavies And this precept of Saint Paul for acknowledging the Prince his paramount propriety under the notion of paying tribute is answerable to another of our Saviours including Caesars propriety in all things under the proper notion of money For in deciding that question of the lawfulness of paying tribute he takes a sure way towards making our proprieties to be Caesars In that calling the piece of money Caesars because it had Caesars image upon it he concludes him to have the same right to all money as to that peice for that all money had his image upon it He doth not say give unto Caesar of your money but give him his own Or give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars concluding that Gods immediate propriety being for the present entrusted and delegated to these in his stead we were now to acknowledge them so far as by our readiness in yeilding of tribute to whom tribute custome to whom custome c. we should thereby amidst our common duties of giving to all their dues give to God his due also And by our readiness in yeilding to his Ministers to this end appointed testifie our proportionable readiness to have done the like to himself in case he had demanded it And demand it no doubt he doth aswel from Christians now as from the Jews formerly nor hath he lost his true right although he be not so immediate in his claim For then because the law was instituted in the time when God himself was King that is had no such direct Officer under him amongst the Jews the acknowledgement of his propriety as under the notion of tenths and offerings was claimed in his own name and God having thereupon disposed of it takes the wrong done in Tythes and offerings as robberies of himself But although these tenths and offerings as Gods gift to them instituted by that Law which was still to continue were to remain to the Priests and Levites unalterably without the impeachment of those Kings that succeeded inasmuch as they had their taxes besides yet now amongst Christians whom that Law binds not as positive but as natural those Tythes where they are collected are or should be paid to Princes in the first place as Gods next Ministers And although Princes do upon just grounds appropriate them to the Clergies maintenance yet in acknowledgement of his headship and propriety above them also he hath tenths fifteens c. reserved from them again And this is done to each King under the Gospel even as King that is as Christs Deputy after the example of Abraham Who on the behalf of the Levites paid Tythes of all he had For as Melchisedeck the King of righteousness and of peace was a Type of our Saviour unto whom all kingdoms do belong so do the tenths and tributes as Gods and Christs right belong to Kings their Deputies now unto whose Office that of High Priest is subordinately annexed Whereupon as Kings are Tenants to God for their whole territories be they greater or less so are the people again Tenants to him according to their several allotments and trusts Upon which ground we may observe that as every Prince hath the whole power and propriety of all within
superiors Whereupon we may farther say that justice and â—quity so far as it concerns a Commonwealth is to be that way and course which is most advantageous to publike utility and that Law is the rule set down by those that have chief Authority and trust therein And therefore is that maxim avowed as the ground of Law and Equity in a popular State Salus populi suprema lex For the directest course to that end is the greatest Equity and those that have the charge of the end have also the charge of the means in assigning that which is most just and fit And therefore in this case we must reckon the society as it is united for common good as one person So that then as Nature teacheth all men to benefit themselves so doth polity direct the publike But then again as each man in wronging another doth wrong himself so societies when they practice injustice oppression c. do in regard of Gods punishments feared to follow thereupon wrong themselves also and do as we before observed of particular men prefer a less and momentany benefit to a more high and lasting one Upon which ground there is another maxim avowed in Monarchy that the King can do no wrong Not denying he may do himself and others harm but so long as we do according to our duties submit to that he doth command he can do no wrong For he can of himself have no private respect but must judge all alike as out of common regard except where and when some persons or order of the people taking on them his Office of judging equity and in partiality to themselves thinking and seeking more then is already allotted make it a wrong to the other side by having the cause decided by a private and partial judgement for take away Justice in the fountain you may vainly seek it in the streams And thereupon Solomon prays to God to give him an understanding heart to judge the people and to discern between good and bad And such as are not openly denying supreme Authority to be obeyed and would yet by consequent overthrow it by allowing inferiors a liberty to judg and act beyond or otherwise then is enjoyned let them consider the answer that God gives to his chief Magistrate that would undertake to know the way and means of honoring and serving God better then himself and would make that solemn established Law of Sacrifice defeat his present command which was but extemporary namely that Obedience is better then sacrifice and to hearken better then the fat of Rams For I verily believe that no subordinate Magistrate or subject can have a fairer plea for disobeying his King commanding in Gods stead then Saul might have had here for refusing Samuel For if it had been at all lawful for inferiors to judge of fitness and morality or to set a former command or Law against a latter what more just and reasonable then first to preserve innocent creatures whose destruction on one hand could have been a benefit to none when as on the other side they being thus imployed should have so expresly advanced Gods way of service constituted so solemnly already And we might thereunto add that which some would make of highest value in judging good and bad that the importunity and request of the people ran that way also And as our prying into the reason of Gods Laws and not obeying his direct Precepts was our Original fault and a sin in the government of nature as shewing a mistrust of Gods wisdom or care of us so in obedience to civil Laws to seek out another equity then they import is not to be subject to Law but to controle it And as God said to Adam Who told thee that thou wast naked hast thou eaten the fruit I commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat So Princes may say to subjects that without authority undertake to judge of publike good and bad Justice and injustice how come you to know these things except you have transgressed the bounds I set you Have you not proper stations of your own to walk in Why meddle you with mine For if thou judge the law thou art not a doer of the law but a Judge So that then all obedience to Laws must be implicite that is to Gods Laws as his and Civil Laws as the Princes For if in either sort I obey but what upon examination I finde reasonable I take the Law-makers part upon me and obey not him but my self For Law and Justice being the instruments whereby Governors Act upon the Governed they must be at the choice and guidance of the workman and agent and not of the work or patient as heretofore noted Law then is Councel imposed Justice is equity executed In Laws the Subjects are to act in Justice the Prince or Magistrate for him In Laws he shews how much of his Will Subjects shall do in Justice how much he will do himself So that Law may be called Equity taught and Justice Equity practised and is when the Judges own Councels are acted by himself whether in pursuance of Law or not For Justice and Equity may be without standing Law as in the less government of a family but not Law without them that is the Authority of the Prince Now for Justice it self it proceeding from Equity as being the sentence of the Judge upon the judged it may be blinde as to execution because that part concerns Ministerial Officers but cannot as to the sentence and Judge for taking seeing for understanding his eyes must be only open as to stating of Equity Disinterest nor equal interest alone cannot make men competent Judges because they may be so qualified and yet strangers and unknowing of the cause And therefore Judges must besides knowledge have Concern equal Concern and whole Concern and the like we must say of Power For if all the matter and persons contending be not at his dispose to what purpose his sentence Nay if his propriety be not the highest and his power highest he will in judgement proceed but faintly for want of compleat interest and courage For though the Concern and Power of the Judge may be equal in and over both or all the subject persons yet if be not supreme he must so far want the perfection of a Judge as he wants interest to make him concerned to judge at all and power to execute his sentence And more persons then one or not having authority from one cannot be competent Judges over others for they must have unequal concern through unequal passions and interests and must through unequal power also as being of different strength or courage proceed differently and partially in their sentence For whilst the same Plea or Cause is estimated by divers ballances according to that divers judgement and interest abiding in those divers persons in the seat of Justice their sentence can never be uniform to the interest of the persons and the cause they
whereupon those commands are grounded or else it will be to be really superior and to be under but in shew onely For if the Prince like an ordinary Subject must submit his Will to the guidance of a superior understanding he is himself a Subject and if you take away his negative voice you take away his Soveraignty Which thing you also do when you deprive him of his rightful power either to chose publick Councellors or to admit of things Councelable and to limit proceedings in debates For as no man can command in what he is not himself free or with Justice demand Obedience from another to what he hath not yet approved as just in himself so ought Princes to have their Understandings and Consciences satisfied and free in themselves before they should impose on their subjects Therefore I should think that those which meet in Parliaments to represent the desires of such and such particular places and people can neither of right assemble without leave from the Prince whose Authority can onely make them a publike and lawful Convention nor Debate or Councel remedies further then they have leave and direction from him too or else they shall become both Parties and Judges Because in these expedients the whole Kingdom or a greater part then themselves and those they stand for coming many times to be involved their private interest and judgement must in reason and duty submit to that which is impartial and common Nay if the Prince should give them leave to Debate and Vote and they by joyning many private interests should by a kinde of confederacy make a joint claim to the effecting any thing to the ruine of a few all were yet free for the Prince out of his common and impartial relation to them all to approve or deny as shall stand most valuable by generality or neerness of concern according to the rules before spoken of But when persons representing particular places shall so far be suffered to proceed in Debates of remedies as to come to Vote conclude and councel what is to be done and have for their so doing no Authority but what was issuing from themselves there can be nothing more destructive to the good government of a Kingdom then it for it quite subverts the whole frame of Monarchy and runs that nation into the mischiefs of Anarchy whose absurdities have been formerly spoken off And this is none other then if a single induction or else some single appetite or affection should of it self and by its own presure upon us prevail to the determination or execution of any thing we do without taking notice of that general appetite and affection in us called Will which by reason it hath been founded upon the continual experience of the different concerns and issues of these lesser appetites can be onely able to say which and how far any of them should prevail For subjects are to be taken onely as competent Judges of pleasant and unpleasant but it is the Prince his Prerogative from God to judge of good and bad And again although a negative voice of Soveraignty should be allowed to restrain execution in these debates yet the inconvenience of the subjects discontent will necessarily follow Inasmuch as they shall finde their desires now ackowledged fit in the resolutions of so many and onely crossed by one which shall never fail to be construed out of some private interest of his own or of some neer about him Therefore as these Assemblies of Parliaments are necessary that thereby the wants and grievances of subjects may be known so do some Kingdoms wisely order to have many of them that is in every Province or Shire one by which means the peoples desires might be more particularly and distinctly known and accordingly represented to the Prince in a more general Councel to be considered of Whereupon these Assemblies of several Provinces meeting in several places cannot at the same time joyn in the same Vote as out of plot in their desires and remedies but their several requests and opinions being referred to a superior common censure and determination each one will conclude that their private desires were denyed or delayed out of publike regard And then the Prince truely knowing the general desire and grievance of his subjects may accordingly provide for them without endangering publike discontent which is like to fall out when people shall be puâ— in minde of any new suit by knowledge of their Representatives Votes which they will be always thinking the most equal and just rule to follow especially while they are consonant to their own desires And yet in truth nothing more unreasonable For suppose the major number wise and unprejudiced yet when the number of dissenters are taken out of them the over number can be onely taken as concluding that way who cannot avail in credit against the Prince the representative whole And therefore he for that very cause and for that general account and trust sake he is put into he ought in all reason to have his Conscience and judgement left free and to be first satisfied whether these proposals are correspondent to the Laws of God and Nature and truely conducent to publike benefit But partiality and interest doth so commonly cloud and byass subjects in these kinde of determinations that we may observe that in those places and those very men that do most enveigh against this negative voice in the King as leaving too arbitrary a power in him that is to rule are all that while assuming to themselves that should be ruled an indisputable power of suspention or refusal in any Law or Precept of his in case they in their judgements finde them contrary to the rules of Religion or publike Justice And since all the reason which private persons can give for this their denyal is but for some particular danger and hazard to themselves they must thereupon grant that he that is to answer for the welfare and safeties of others ought much more to have this liberty allowed him But certainly had not Scripture and Antiquity acknowledged the Prince to have an indisputable right unto a Negative voice and to be himself so supreme in all Councels and Debates as that their chief value and reputation should depend on him and not on them I see not how the frequent threats of giving Children Babes and Women to be Kings and Princes could be taken as a true woe or malediction but rather otherwise For that in such places where their Kings were restrained from personal medling by such disability it must follow that the Councellors proceeding with greater freedom in the deliberations and conclusions they shall proportionably also cause the happiness of that State or Kingdom to encrease by that encrease of uncontrolable Authority they shall by this means have By all which we may finde that it is so far from being Tyranny or Oppression that it is true prudence and duty in Princes as to admit of no Councels or Councellors
whom it is naturally apparently and presently due to give it to such as were now but equals in Soveraignty and so being not able for the present to command it as a duty what is to them herein done can carry no other interpretation then as acts of love friendship respect or the like and not of loyalty and subjection Which duty obliging us to actual performance the Question is not who should be but who is in the feat of Authority He foresaw that under colour of setling obedience by evidence of Right and Title friendship and interest were still put into the scale in the preferment of one person before another to the perpetual disturbance of the Subjects by their disagreements herein Whereas if right to possession had still followed possession all Civil war should be avoided because being then guided by a thing so apparent to each ones sense there could be none found to oppose or disturb him whom all did obey Wheras those that withdrew their obedience from him that was actually possessed under colour of that right which any other had to possess as they must thereby confess it due in respect of that office he hath right unto so if they should separate themselves from their own interests and passions they must acknowledge it by the same rule to be for the present due to this present possessor Else by a strange and unnatural contradiction he that is actually possessed as King should be at the same time actually dispossessed and no King by this absurd diversion and application of obedience unto a power which is not in being Sense and experience of his own former condition had rightly told him that as this belief or opinion of the right of him that is dispossessed can during that his private condition claim from his former Subjects a willingness propension only to perform actual subjection when he shall be again possessed and restored to a capacity of actual command so in the mean time the actual possession of this other must by the same rule claim actual subjection and obedience unto him from all that live under his obedience and jurisdiction unless as we said we should make that Precept for subjection to the higher power vainly given when such as should be subject should have a liberty hereby left them whether they will at any time be so or no by making some pretence or other that it is not rightly due to him that hath now onely power to command it And therefore although this Prince like others did wisely cause such of his Subjects as were eminent or to be suspected to take oaths of Allegeance and Fidelity to himself and posterity yet by that truely self-denying Ordinance before mentioned he may well be thought more considerative of that future establishment of publike peace and benefit then so peevishly respective to the setling his race alone as upon any turn to involve all men in the hazard of guilt and blood by making that oath which was made to preserve and encourage loyalty a continual snare and punishment to all that had been so and to such onely who in Conscience and friendship stand enclined to his side But now for conclusion of this Discourse we shall say something in answer to such scruples as may arise concerning those that are cast into that unhappy condition as to be under any of these Polarchies because else it might be supposed from what hath hitherto been spoken or may hereafter that I did conclude that no man could live honestly or Conscienciously but under a Monarch It is therefore to be considered as we have formerly hinted that as all these Polarchies have been formerly Monarchies so are their Laws and Constitutions for the most part onely such as have been before setled and Authorized by a Monarch In which case it will fall out that the Subject living in any imployment and Calling allowed by the former Laws is to be concluded lawfully authorized in his deportments as obeying and submitting to the Ancient and right Authority still But in all new Constitutions and Commands on him imposed by these unauthorized Guides by which he shall be put to act any thing that may have relation beyond himself he is in that case for want of warrant from Christs direct Deputy to secure his innocence the best he may by assuming to himself the power of judging of Morality and to act no farther then the Conscientious rule of Do as thou wouldest be done unto shall give leave And in that condition is he to make use of that distiction of obedience into Active and Passive and of obeying God rather then man So that by his Patience and Willingness to suffer in his own person rather then wrong another he shall acquit himself of the guilt of that suffering he might bring on another through want of a justly derived power For when it shall be any mans unhappiness not to have Christ by his proper Deputy outwardly directing him how to love his neighbour as himself as well as by his Spirit and Gospel inwardly fitting him thereunto he is then by his Consciencious abstenance from all appearance of evil and by his readiness to be assisting unto him in all that shall be in his power and which according to his wants shall be justly or reasonably demanded of him to make up that measure of bounden good to his neighbour which he cannot actively undertake and perform In this last Chapter I have again raised up and united the former Fabrick of Monarchy which in all those precedent seemed to be buried in the rubbish of popular mistake and confusion And as in the first Book the foundation thereof was laid on that stock of discourse which Divine Edict and the Rules of humane Nature or reason would afford here I have again added to the strengthening and establishing of the Work such farther supply as the presidents of other meer naturall agents would readily contribute although men like them should be supposed put into the world at randome and without other direction or law then what their owne senses could frame It seems now therefore seasonable that for confimation of all we should have our recourse to Religion so called because it is the tye of all politie and commerce to see how all these things stand therein warranted and are both allowed and commanded by that great Guide and preserver of Man kinde all which by divine assistance the following Book shall declare THE THIRD BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Of the Obedience thereunto due according to Arguments more particularly drawn from SCRIPTURE The Introduction HOw long since or who it was that first made that distinction of the Decalogue into two Tables as now received I know not but sure I am that that common liberty every day taken of dividing mens duties and obedience into religious and civil hath been the cause of much distraction and division amongst men For whilst some are ranking under the classis of Gods particular service
same performed But these things seem naturally to fall upon us for as every man doth submit to Government in general out of consideration of his own private good to be therein enjoyed and not out of care advance the publike otherwise then in order thereunto so must it again fall out that in all deliberations for the manner or measure of exercise thereof that form of administration should be still chosen that in each parties judgement affords to himself most full and free enjoyment placing his first respect to his own particular and regarding the publike but in order thereuto from whence such difference of judgement in forms of Government do arise And from hence also it comes to pass that the Subjects in Polarchies are always upon experience more complaining and desirous to return under Monarchy again then they were at first to abandon it even because they now finde themselves deluded and defeated of that share and degree of Power and Government which they upon their princes removal did before vainly expect By all which it will appear that intention of good according to our own light cannot estate any guiltless for then all would be so but publike good must arise by joynt submission unto one Judge of common good Else it will prove that this strong desire to do good will be the continual cause of harm For malice it self being but in order to envy and revenge if men are no farther enclined to such like prosecution as before noted then as being hindered in their own way of doing good it must then follow that to do good disorderly is the ready way to be malicious For though the will to good must always reside in private and separate persons yet the understanding and direction thereof must be conform to such as are in Authority and the judgement of such as are under subjection is to be imployed in knowing what but not why to obey By which means we shall preserve and maintain undenyably that which is tâ—e most general and highest step to Providence and general benefit namely publike peace Whereas pursuing our neighbors benefit according to rules and ways of our own framing the truth of our private speculations towards beneficence can be but as contingent if not more then that of Authority and must by the distraction of mine own and others obedience through exemplar encouragement for each one to follow his own judgement in ways and acts of benoficence unavoidably defeat all publike good and Charity in defeating the bond of peace that unity of direction that should have led thereunto For upon the same warrant I follow mine own or others private judgement against publike command now I may do so again as often as I pretend or really conceive my neighbors good to be thereby encreased And the same liberty being taken by others also what can follow but that men differently acting and obeying according to different Consciences and Interests they must force difference to arise amongst themselves in their services one towards another to the final overthrow of Charity and publike good As for example I that am unknowing or heedless of the good and benefit of strangers and such as are more remote in comparison of those neer me and such as I converse with and which must again make such difference between those which are of my neighborhood in respect of that different affection I shall cast towards them as they have in particular friendships and kindnesses deserved at my hands or do in affections or interests simpathize and comply with me cannot thereupon but out of this my unequal regard dispense so unequally of my Charity that those I know not shall have no share or provision at all and of those I do know either through contrariety of humor or thwarting of designs some will come to be esteemed and prosecuted as enemies even for that they stood contrary in affection or act to that way or course I had resolved on or put in practice for the advancement of the good of those which I esteemed more as being my particular kindred or friends Whereupon another again that held greater relation or friendship to those I slighted or disesteemed was thereupon induced from the height of my more fierce and private love towards the promoting the good of these above others whom he loved better to labor on the contrary the hindrance and harm of them above others By which means it shall come to pass that each subject in particular shall be truely wanting of his due measure of Charity and beneficence in execution and enjoyment whilst through private design and power the same is onely measured and practised even to the overthrow of all true Charity and publike peace also The which considerations well weighed might methinks perswade any to the obedience of Christ in his deputed Minister for direction of their Charity Namely to consider that since love and propension to acts of beneficence were placed in us for publike good sake and for that of others more then of their own it is therefore reason we should submit to be therein guided by the publike direction of others also Whom obeying according to Christs Precept given to that very end of doing all things without murmuring and disputing why should we doubt of being blameless and harmless the sons of God and having really loved others as our selves and so performed the moral Law since we have submitted to act according thereunto Wherefore the summe of all is That God made man upright but he sought out many inventions And that therefore publick good acted by private direction onely is always evil and the more intently and confidently so done the more evil That private equity is publike iniquity That that natural former inclination to beneficence which leant on the principles of our dark fleshly wisdom ayming at and so corrupted through original pride and presumption of our own managery is to be now abandoned and we renewed in the spirit of our mindes through love and its fruits Meekness Gentleness Patience c. Which inward root of love as it comes from God onely so is it at his onely dispose being made perfect by obedience to him or Officers holding direct Authority from and under him By which means we may perceive how Nature comes to be perfected by Grace and how that natural and original intention to beneficence that through our fall was defeated by pride comes to be made useful by the Gospel light and directions of Obedience Humility Long-suffering Patience Meekness Gentleness c. this inward root of love being always ready to bridle us against envy hatred malice and all uncharitable actings against others even so far as according to the light of our own Conscience not otherwise authorized we are to abstain from all appearance of evil By which means God that could never act contrary to to himself or to the defeating of his own work or end which could never be but perfect and
corruption of manners or the deceivableness of unrighteousness as well as Heresie of Doctrine or belief of a lye do follow as a necessary train this sin of insubjection to Christs Authority and so make the Antichrist deservedly to be stiled the man of sin and son of perdition And this may be the reason why the name of Antichrist is not by Saint Paul given to this great one even because he should appear in the latter age of the world wherein the consequences of heresie and corruption of manners should be more notorious in him then was their first main cause the sin of stubbornness and rebellion which by that time should through possession and blinde devotion have gained to it self a shew of right It faring no otherwise in this respect with the application of this Gospel term of Rebellion then it formerly did under the Law with that other proper name of Rebels viz. sons of Belial For as that in after times came from the experience of that concomitant degree of lewdness vileness which always attended disobedient and ungovernable persons to be applyed to persons notoriously wicked as well as to such as were formally Rebels even so in this latter age it is no wonder if the notion of Antichristianism be otherwise used also then in the strict sense of insubjection Like as the vertue and grace of obedience upon a contrary reason is in usual speech made comprehensive of all or any other commendation unto that person unto whom it is given And that he was called Antichrist in opposition to Unction and Monarchical Government may undeniably appear by that which hindred him from taking upon him publikely this power namely the Roman Emperor For had his Antichristianism consisted in such Doctrines as had concerned Christian Faith onely why should the Emperor be at that time a let therein liking them one no better then another But because the Apostle saw such Doctrines set on foot as would overthrow Christs Regency in his Deputies afterwards he calls it the mystery of iniquity already working and concludes the onely let to keep it from being actually in the person of the Antichrist was the Emperors present possession And this was the reason why the actual Session of the Pope in this Authority is called Antichrist revealed even as the broaching of the Doctrines tending thereto was called the mystery of iniquity or Antichrist working aim and possession of jurisdiction making him properly Antichrist in both and not Heresie in Doctrine Having thus far shewed in brief how Antichristianism consists in opposing Christ that is in regard of his Regency it must farther follow that since this opposition cannot be to him now in Heaven otherwise then as done against such as are anointed under him here which are to act in his name and Authority that thereupon Antichristianism is to oppose Christian Monarchs who onely now are anointed as proper immediate Officers under him and who are holding their Office in the Christian Church according to prophetick designation of what should befal her in her flourishing condition namely to have sons whom she should set as Princes in all Lands And this farther appears according to that model of the Christian Church in the eight last Chapters of Ezekiel where the Priesthood also being designed the chief of them is put under such a Name and Notion as may minde them continually of their duty of loyalty and submission to Princes since from a King their predecessor Zadock was first preferred to that Office as heretofore noted And to take off Presbyterial parity from this Antichristian hope of Regency Ezekiel in the 34 Chapter reproving and setting forth the mischiefs arising from their Anarchical rule prophesies that God will set up one shepherd over them and he shall feed them even his servant David Which as it was to be understood first in Christ himself as coming of Davids natural loyns so to be executed by his adopted sons of oyle in the several Territories of his Church We shall finde this future condition of Monarchy prophesied plainly by Jeremy to accompany also the flourishing estate of the Church saying their Nobles shall be of themselves and their Governor should proceed from the midst of them that is shall be my servants also And I will cause him to draw neer and he shall approach unto me that is as I have the hearts of Kings in my power so will I guide his for who is this or who else is this that engaged his heart to approach unto me saith the Lord. Where noting Governor He and His to be set down in the singular number we may infer Monarchy to be meant And then follows Gods more remarkable owning his Church when his Kingdom shall be thus come amongst us and ye shall be my people and I will be your God The like we may observe done largely by Isaiah in the 49 Chapter both to express the increase and flourishing estate of Christs Church to arise and recover by degrees from its former distress and also that this should come to pass in the time of Christs adopted sons and through that glorious addition of kingship following the Gentile Princes entertainment of the Gospel and acknowledgement of their fealties unto him The Children which thou shalt have after thou hast lost the other shall say again in thine ears the place is too straight for me give place to me that I may dwell Then shalt thou say in thine heart who hath begotten me these seeing I have lost my Children and am desolate a captive and removing to and fro and who hath brought up these Behold I was left alone these where had they been Thus saith the Lord God Behold I will lift up mine hand to the Gentiles and set up my Standard to the people and they shall bring thy sons in their arms and thy daughters shall be carryed upon their shoulders And Kings shall be thy nursing Fathers and their Queens thy nursing mothers they shall bow down to thee with their face towards the earth and lick up the dust of thy feet and thou shalt know that I am the Lord for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me The like we shall finde in the 60 Chapter the Gentiles shall come to thy light and Kings to the brightness of thy rising And again the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls and Kings shall minister unto thee For in my wrath I smote thee but in my favor have I had mercy on thee Therefore shall thy gates be open continually they shall not be shut day nor night that men may bring unto thee the wealth of the Gentiles and that their Kings may be brought c. Which and many more places shewing the glory and increase of the Church under Kingship must be understood to be compleated in Christs adopted sons since in his own person he had while he lived neither form nor comliness and as to
though it might be called the evil as being the occasion of so much evil By which evil we may know he means Antichristianism by saying he that doth it hath not seen God that is hath not God or the fear of God by not having or receiving us and the doctrine of Christ namely that Christ is come or present in the flesh And so denying the Son he hath not the Father because he and his Father are one for whosoever transgresseth and abideth not in the doctrine of Christ hath not God c. It is farther highly observable towards the clearing Antichristianism to consist in the breach of Charity or Love even by defeating the fruit thereof through disobedience that these two fore-alledged Writers that do most speak of this crime in direct terms are themselves the most plentiful of any in pressing and commending this duty of Charity or Love The latter of them Saint Iohn the beloved Disciple making it the chief argument of his whole Epistles and is by occasion hereof found to be more often stating and discoursing of Antichrist then the other Who yet by reason of his more frequent conversation amongst the Gentiles and those subjected unto the Roman Emperor had occasion most to speak of and discover that great man of sin the Antichrist that should hereafter in the Churches splendor axalt himself above her glorious heads called gods even as S. John again being more confined in his charge had more occasion to speak of those lesser Antichrists that for the present opposed himself and his fellow Heads whom by reason of their smaller eminence in power he writes unto under the notion of little children as shall be shewed anon But although we have not in S. Jude the name of Antichrist yet almost his whole Epistle sets forth his description and particularly by that mark of separation wherein he doth also refer back to these and like former admonitions herein given from the Apostles Remember saith he the words that were spoken before by the Apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ how that they told you there should be mockers in the last time who should walk after their own ungodly lusts these be they that separate themselves sensual having not the spirit Where by the note of Separaters to come in the last time we may well account his Mockers to be S. Johns Antichrists And farther to make the same mockers to be like and coming on to S. Pauls Antichrist he saith These filthy dreamers defile the flesh despise dominion and speak evil of dignities the which is like unto seating themselves as gods above all that is called God Yet Michael thi Arch-angel saith he when contending with the Devil disputed about the body of Moses durst not bring against him a railing accusation but said the Lord rebuke thee And if the Devil himself in so clear a case must not be reviled but left to God what pretences can subjects have to justifie themselves by that will strike Princes for equity unless they can prove them worse then he By the expression of defilers of the flâ—sh he comes plainly home to S. Iohns dâ—niers of Christ come in the flesh and so he makes it plain he means the same Antichrists that this his brother Apostle had told should come into the world and were already entred For how else should we conceive that defiling of the flesh should be thus put properly to accompany dispising dominion dignity c. if it were not that through Christs manifestation in power in these our Masters of the flesh our dispising them came to be dispising of him The which their Antichristian humour of dispising dominion is also hinted to grow from the same root of insubjection we formerly noted in Isaiah that is as men would be there tasting the strong drink of Morality and Divine Precept upon Precept they should in the end be found of no farther assurance then such as dream of meat and behold he is empty c. So these that through temptations of fleshly Pride and Lust should despise Dominion in hope to gain thereby power to act without control should be found silthy dreamers also And as lust and concupiscence is the usual parent of stubborness and rebellion so is that a parent to these again as heretofore noted in the mysterie of iniquity And to euince so much and clear these places or S. Iude to intend the crime of Antichristianism he in his first description of these defilers of the flesh makes it the same with S. Iohns other description of Antichrist which we shall speak of anon where they are noted to have been such people as did profess the same faith with others and that were not manifested to be against Christ but by deserting Apostolical Communion or Authority So here S. Iude writing of the common salvation and desiring Christians to conttnd for faith once delivered to the Saints that is the faith that is accompanied with patience humility c. he tells them that certain men are crept in unawares that is they are such as professing the same common salvation or the same Jesus do thereupon creep into our Communion unespied Although their Antichristian departure or separation be not here set down as by S. Iohn yet because we cannot think them blamable for being of their Communion it is to be necessarily supposed as the cause for which these ungodly men were of old ordained to this condemnation and then the reason of their Antichristianism is plainly set down Turning the grace of God into lasciviousness that is using Christian liberty as a cloak to maliciousness they shall proceed to the fact of Antichristianism denying the only Lord God and our Lord Iesus Christ which is the same with he is Antichrist that denieth the father and the son By the title of Lord added to God and Christ we may also gather that their denyal of them was in regard of power And the two instances following of the stubborn Jews and revolting Angels do farther manifest that Christian insubjection was the fault which S. Jude did here forewarn and reprove And the disobeent Angels being set out to us as such as kept not their first estate but left their habitation he gives us a farther paralel of S. Iohns Antichrists they went out from us that is they left that first estate or habitation they had under Christs Government as Angels left that they had under God Then S. Iude proceeds But these despisers of Authorities speak evil of those things which they know not that is they know not or at least will not consider what is the end or good of humane society and how the same is preserved by subjection and obedience but what they know naturally as bruit beasts in those things they corrupt themselves Wo unto them for they have gone in the way of Cain and run greedily after the error of Baalim for reward and perished in the gain
Author whose power is more rationally to be concluded the prime and sole cause of all things as standing in that supreme order he now doth then if he should be acting beneath and of but one thing at once And as he is more admirable in his own Throne of power ordering all things by his sole word and command then if he should descend to be personally doing of every thing so could we rightly consider it any one thing is in it self as miraculously and powerfully wrought in that kinde of efficiency which we call ordinary as when done in an extraordinary way So for example if wood should have been by God endued with power to draw Iron or one Iron to draw another as now the Load stone doth would not the ordinary effect that way have made the Load-stones attraction as great a miracle as it seemeth for wood to do it now And if none can give reason why other things should not have as great attractive force as these why should it not be a greater proof of Deity to be constantly powerful in all and every operation then to be so but now and then which is all the proof that miracles have And therefore as men of riper judgement and experience would much laugh at the folly and weakness of such as beholding the Mariners compass do ascribe the effect of the Needle to some hidden quality or secret property residing in it self and as again the ascribing and occult quality unto those operations of the Load-stone without farther knowledge or derivation of its cause is but a shift of ignorance as the setting down of all other hidden causes are each thing having a cause beyond it self so is there none but fools that say in their hearts or really think there is no God because they cannot discern his efficacy through and beyond intermediate causes And they are at most but middle witted men for that albeit they can from a little farther experience tell of Causes above the lowest degree of men yet are they not wise enough to search farther So that Athiesm is always bordering on folly and narrowness of comprehension being nothing else but a stubborn relyance on present sense as from the certainty of effects in things we ordinarily behold concluding those Causes within reach of our observation to be the most supreme And farther thinking that if a voluntary Agent were in those things universal Cause and Author he would as fancying his inclination by our own be more personally appearing for his greater credit-sake amongst us and make his present operation serve to direct our acknowledgements unto him Not duly considering that it would be so far from encreasing the worth as it would redound to the actors disesteem as arguing decay of the Vertue of Agency if the supreme and higher Cause should for want of strength otherwise be forced immediately to work on a lower effect for that hereby again the supreme Cause ceasing by becoming an intermediate one it must follow that as Causes were fewer Effects and Creatures must be fewer also And when all is done that supreme Cause that is now intermediate in operation would by its constancy in so doing be as far from discovering a Deity as the other was before unless they could imagine that for their onely satisfaction sake causes of things should not have been constant and uniform but on purpose various to have drawn on their notice Again if God Almighty should have been disabled to the degree of an humane Artificer and have been ineffectual farther then where his own hand hath been express as is the workmans in making the Watch then it must next follow that either Creatures must have been so few and perishable as Watches made by one hand or else they must have supposed this Agents power advanced to such degree that as a Monarch can manage a Kingdom by his Laws so as the same needed not to be afterwards guided by him but by instruments obedient to him or as the Artificer can frame and contrive a Watch to go for as long time as he pleaseth so as the same can now go without his appearance in like manner there should be also such procession of the first cause of operation and motion in these things as they shall be infinitely continued If this course could have gone on this first Cause would have been a God because his operation and existence must have been eternal But on it could not go to any degree of eternity inasmuch as all progressive operations and motions must be finite and determinate in regard that that end and rest which caused motion through desire of approach must cease it having now attained it And therefore to make things continue there must be a circulation of Causes and Effects allowed whereby each individual thing having attained that proper end for which its last Cause or next Agents produced it in Nature must return into its first matter through corruption and alteration of its last specifick forms and be ready to obey the more general Causes in Nature and the Laws of that matter which is most homogenius unto it in correspondence to the next more proper and powerful Agent Even as in the affairs and atchievements in kingdoms although the hands of the lowest sort of individual Officers is most immediate in the work yet these having their power from the next general Officer and so he again from next above him till these Officers growing higher and fewer do at last terminate in the King as Fountain of all their power so any of those next perishable individual Officers deceasing that formal power that made them such returns to the hands of those next Officers above him who constitutes others and those more or fewer in these places as they finde the exigence of that Kingdoms affairs call for in relation thereunto no otherwise then as with us a Constable dying the Justices as the more general Officers do by vertue of their Commissions and derived power constitute new in the place In which course as the affairs of the Kingdom is ordinarily managed without the Prince his appearance or again the spring can move the several wheels of the Watch without particular touch of any but that next him why may there not nay why must there not be a Deity to be the first mover in things of this universe Who according to his good pleasure ordering that the appointed continuance of this world should be maintained by perishable individuals hath in his providence to that end ordered that the corruption of one thing should be still progressive to the generation of another Why may he not again in the doing thereof be yet as far or more removed from our notice in ordinary operations as the cause of Government or the motion of Watches or the like is hid and unknown to the weaker sort of people and to other Creatures below us and are of them thought to proceed from no farther cause then what present sense can discover
For should the King be as much hidden from our bodily sence as God is and should we again know no more of the Commissions and powers granted to Justices in each Kingdom then we do of the Laws of matter and internal forms in Nature it would be as hard to apprehend any prime Agent above those Justices in the Kingdom as to conceive the power and existence of Deity in the world A supposition that may be well made good if consideration be had of those strange conceits of the form and figure of Kings which are entertained by some ignorant people that as yet never saw any nor heard them described And the reason is the same for our ignorance in appearance of Gods operation in Creation Providence and natural Causes as is for the ignorance of these before mentioned in the knowledge of the Causes of political or artificial productions with us unless we shall impiously as well as arrogantly conclude that we should have knowledge in this life in such perfection as to see him intuitively as Angels do now or as our selves shall do hereafter Of the reason of the present course of Gods proceeding in many particulars both of Creation and Providence we did speak in the beginning and other parts of this work in which we declared the divers sympathies and natural propensities wherewith Vegetatives and Inanimates are indued all of them tending to specifical and mutual preservation and Providence We also shewed how Sensitives were provoked by the affection of pleasure naturally implanted in them and accompanying things beneficial to be continually active in pursuance of what was to themselves and others behoof-ful We also manifested how rational Creatures by the affection of love and desire of beneficence and by the thirst of honor accompanying them as their reward were provoked also unto the like continual endeavors towards mutual good and preservation All of them infallibly concluding that there must be an Author or prime Agent of such universal concern and such continual care in constituting and ordering these things as to be their original Cause and perpetual guide and support according to the method of his own good pleasure For should there not be these natural propensions to love and pitty nay to acts of justice and of submission therein to others as to honor Parents and the like it would come to pass that through that too great thirst of self-seeking heretofore spoken of and through anger and envy of being crossed therein no one man would now be left alive inasmuch as there is no man but is by one or other so much hated as to cause his death to be heartily desired were not manifold hinderances by divine Providence and appointment put in to keep off execution And in this regard was may also collect another strong proof for Deity and Providence from that awful and reverential respect which is by each one born towards Authority For experience every day tells us that those very persons that are come to that height of daring as to challenge and enter the field for a lye an abuse to their Mistress or the like where besides the equal hazard of their lives in present they must have a certain expectation to suffer according to Law in case they do out-live the other are yet so kept in order by that divine and providential terror by God impressed on his Image of Authority here on earth as not to have courage to withstand the Attachment of a publike Officer Whereupon our Discourse formerly and ordinary reason it self always testifying that these his works and the way of Government of them are such as cannot be bettered why should we think Change and Alteration any ways convenient For if it be an act proper to goodness wisdom power c. to make things well and good and afterwards to dispose them so will not constancy herein be as commendable to the same goodness wisdom and power in their continuance in that order as it was for creating and thus stating them And so if God had not made and ordered all things so as cannot be bettered he could not have been God and if he should not keep them in the same order whilst they remain the same things he should not be God neither wisdom in designation requiring constancy in prosecution and irresistible power being the necessary attendant of both And having thus far spoken in defence of the constancy of the course of Nature and Providence against such as would not believe a God because since the Fathers fell asleep all things are alike till now so also for conviction of such as from inconstancy and irregularity of the actions in voluntary Agents and Gods permission of sin and oppression would conclude against Deity too according to that divine Aphorism because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil we shall now farther speak In this saying of the wise man we may apprehend the two usual grounds that make men lean to Atheism The first is in thinking all the acts and works of men evil which they cannot apprehend as good not being many times able to look through the mistaken or present particular suffering of some few unto that real and more lasting good thereby procured to many The other in thinking that the acts permitted unto and proceeding from humane Judgement and Will as it is seated in divers persons for the guidance of their own affairs should be alike constant to those of God in the Government of the world and course of his Providence who hath an uniform end to cause steadiness of his actions therein Unto which an answer may be also made out of the same consideration before spoken of namely the sufficiency of the one above the other And if they wil allow any Creature to be so perfect as to have Will and Understanding separate they must in order to their specifical freedom of Will allow them variety of actions also especially since their private ends must differ as before noted And therefore as we must conclude Gods works must be uniform and constant in reference to his Unity of Will and end to design and all-sufficiency of power to atchieve so we must allow to things submitted to the power of inferior voluntary Agents if at all you will grant them voluntary freedom unto variety of productions and execution and that in bad as well as in good Unless we shall at once and against sense conclude all men are alike good wise or powerful and that from such plurality and disparity of Judgement Interest and Will we should think that constant procession could be expected From which liberty and freedom of action in good or bad guided according to the true light or corruption of humane judgement and Will it must also follow that the evidences and directions given for mens guidance should not be in such continuing and pressing manner repeated to each single
is to be laid aside as we do in any case aim at the honor and glory of God whereas if they had but ability or Patience enough to consider it they might finde how both of them do still meet in that very point of humane content and preservation as heretofore declared And so again such as have reflected upon the many self-respects and designes by some Princes practised after they attained unto their great pitch of power and that without due regard to Gods glory whose servants they are or to the good or welfare of their subjects one main end of their greatness they think that they have then arrived at no small height or reputation when they have so far abased that worth and respect which is due to him in comparison of what it due to God of men shall in a manner be brought to judge them as enemies and contrary to one another and to conceive there is no duty or respect due to them at all Not duly weighing how these things do-again meet and conspire in the same end and how it is not the honor or good of Princes personally and separately considered of men which is hereby aimed at But that it is to be given him in reference to that representation of power he hath from God himself and in respect of that preservation and good of man-kinde by this means brought to pass which is Gods end as well as ours And having so far proceeded in giving proofs and reasons to confirm those Propositions we have delivered our next work shall be to shew those grounds whereby many shall come to receive prejudice against them and think them otherwise which we shall do in that which follows THE FOURTH BOOK OF GOVERNMENT and OBEDIENCE AS They stand grounded on and relating to each ones natural inclination and affection The Introduction AS that general good to arise by publike Peace and Agreement was the end of this whole undertaking so were those many and sad examples of Civil disturbance every day set on foot upon the score of Religion the cause also why in the passed Book I made such particular discourses on that subject that upon a short view of Religion as in it self and a more strict enquiry into such Texts as did look most directly that way it might be found whether these Wars and Fightings could be rightly attributed to that faith which we profess or were not rather to be imputed to our lusts which war in our members By the which suffering our selves to be too impetuously swayed it doth thereupon come to pass that when Authority doth oppose us in any thing of our desired enjoyments we do presently cast about how our cause may be made Gods that so under colour of more near relation and subjection unto him we may shake off all that our bounden duty which by the Laws we owe to our Prince his Vice-gerent That Pride and Interest and not desire of any Self-Reformation is the usual cause of mens extraordinary search of the Scriptures may appear from the manner of choice therein made even for that no places are so much quoted and insisted upon as those that are Prophetique and most Mysterious such as are those texts of the Revelation a Book the most controverted of any other as being the greatest stranger to the Apostles times which some would seem wholly to relic upon and having in it least instructions of any how to steer our selves in the course of our lives But because the understanding hereof is generally acknowledged most difficult and because again by reason of this mysteriousness no good agreement can be yet found where justly and precisely to fix those descriptions of the Beast The Whore of Babylon Antichrist and the like therefore as well for renown and glory sake in the discovery as for anger and revenge against those they most hate shall we find some so resolute and peremptory in their expositions as if they would have us believe that these Prophesies were but respective to their interests not only to bring them honor by interpretation but thereby prove themsâ—lves the Saints and People of God there spoken of In these following Discourses I shall therefore let men see how our natural and proper constitutions educations customs c. nay our own interests also do inter-weave themselves in all we do and that as wâ—ll our Opinions and Tenets in Religion as those in Polity and Government do take tincture from these So that as in my second Book I took that Political body again into pieces which I had reared up in the first to handle and examine its grounds according to such notions and parcels of policy as were vulgarly entertained and insisted upon so now in further proof of this third Book I shall take man himself into pieces and search him in his very first principles and the natural rise and cause of both his appetites and affections and of his dislike aversions to the end that each one discerning how these things come to be framed in us and how all along they receive such influence from our breeding and manner of life aâ— easily to pre-occupate and mislead us he may be the sooner induced to an ingenuous review of his own opinions and before he grow too magistral in any thing be careful he is not overtaken by any of these prejudices But then as in this Tract I bring in these more Philosophical Speculations but by way of illustration and farther proof of what was formerly handled in the dâ—scourses of Religion and Polity so is it not to be expected that I should here deliver any thing of this kind as in an entire Treatise or make any such long stay as generally to accommodate them with a proper method or demonstration or with definition of terms since they are now only to be Probationers and Remonstrants themselves and in that kinde to be attendant on that which all this while hath been our main Argument BOOK IV. Of the Causes of LIKE and DISLIKE OF CONTENT DISCONTENT AND Whether it be possible to frame a Government in it self pleasing and durable without Force and Constraint IN many of the Discourses hitherto Government hath been treated of as having its rise and also its efficacy and support from constraint and force that is from the exercise of the power of the Governor upon the Governed which being the occasion of that continual reluctance and resistance in the Subjects and consequently the author of all Civil broils it will not be amiss to enquire what remedy may be herein found or whether any may be found or no It may therefore be doubted since as before shewed the love of our selves was only purely natural how those forraign affections come to havâ— their rise and being Whereupon we must again consider that as Gods praise and glory was the end of all things and accordingly as heretofore shewed the reason why things naturally done should be pleasurable also to wit that the Creature thereby
power from the people did generally take encrease so came the lower house to be the upper house afterwards the sole house of Parliament as being thought the peoples only true Representors So that at last a King beset with all these limitations did look like a Duck in a Garden brought to eat up the Snailes and Worms and then tied up by the leg for fear of trampling over the flowers or meuting in the Walks But the examples of inconveniences arising from Kings exorbitant use of Power by their strong and fresh impression making me on the sudden heedless how by bridling his Power to do ill I did also take away the power of doing good and then also there having been no president in stories of a perpetual or unlimitted Parliament and consequently of any evil thence arising I came to be so taken up with the apprehension of the good they might do according to that power they had anciently practised that I did not then consider withal I mean for a great while I did not that if one man that did acknowledge himself subject to Law could by his power do so much mischief what then might be feared where a multitude shall joyn in a mischief who shall say they are above Law But it fareth with men in entertaining those narrow Schems for comprehension of any thing as it doth in making knots and plats for Gardens or Building which each one at the time of doing will think done after the best manner because done according to advisement of workmen or the like and according to that stock of materials he then knew of or stood furnished with But when he shall make observation farther and find both other materials and other methods more fit and capable of their receit he will then alter his own method of adjudication also For it is to be conceived that in this course of methodising our fancy carrieth the form of a Pyramid wherein the particulars observable in nature make the Basis which lessens towards the top as the particulars unite and agree in such generals as we may call notions But then as these notions come to be imployed and to receive approbation from experience they are again for ready ease and use collected into other totals called affections which having obtained settlement from the harmony of experiments come to guide us in what we do without reference back to particulars more then he that can now read should be put to make use of spelling For so Beauty Honor c. have place in my desire but the particulars out of which I did at first come to the general liking of them are out of my memory nor indeed could their variety and repetition be remembred being the observation of my whole life of the common rate and esteem of these things by others which could never serve us for use and proficience in knowledge unless we did proceed to this way of abreviation For particulars whilst they are remarkable are the objects of memory but after they are made familiar by instances of the like kind they are amassed altogether and pass into notions and affections Unto the constitution of which notions as each sense carrieth his part so are they soveraigns in their own order that is where they are not in particular objects dependent upon one another there their inductions pass as peremptorily and uncontroulably into affections one as another Even as we formerly noted in Religion and the Opinions and Doctrines thence derived which having not Charity for their object but depending on the ear only come through often repetition and commendation to prevail and pass into affections and sciences upon the same grounds that by sight this or that Figure Fashion or Face comes to please And so it is in the particular smells and tastes we are accustomed unto wherein former repetitions growing too numerous for memory of particulars custom is then uncontrolable and begets affections and science in inductions proceeding from them as observations from sight breed affections in things objected unto it In this way of discovering causes by various coincidence of effects and of common causes to them again according to their concurrence until we come to the prime cause of all things Gods glory we seem to reintegrate our knowledge and comprehension as if received from the fountain by intuition For hereby if rightly proceeded in we are able to judge of all things within the verge of humane sense even as taught by themselves And as we learn upwards so we judge and discourse downwards that is from general notions to particulars We will for better instance and application in these things look more nearly into our learning it self and the labour therein used We that read now having forgot the difficulties that attended us in our learning thereof do wonder at the backwardness of others First in distinguishing letters one from another then in knowing and distinguishing their several values and pronounciations then having understood their agreements and disagreements amongst themselves how to collect apply and place them in syllables Then how in like manner to make of these syllables words and of these words again to frame sentences or notions And lastly how to apply and judge of these sentences as they shall seem consonant and proper to those several artificial methods by me entertained already which we call Affections which having good for their object do accordingly relish and transmit things to the common affection the will to determine how it stands in interest with other affections and also to have the approbation of the understanding whether it be attainable or no For will disputes not whether the affections propound what is good that is to say pleasant or no but whether this pleasure be so continuing and attainable as to make it good But it is to be considered that the fancy doth differently imploy itself in the methodising of particulars towards the constitution of affections and passions over it doth in methodising and retaining such other particulars which are to be imployed by way of Discourse and Reason In the first way particulars are amassed according to their genus and so from a broad foot or basis as we said do agree and point in streight lines towards the constitution of some affection in us The which affection being that which provokes us to delight and action doth as the end by degrees instigate the fancy and fit it self therein with a proper method of comprehension how amongst all the other observations made and collected things may be so chosen and so ordered and placed as to be instrumental and serviceable to the furtherance of this end So far as impressions are topically figurately and particularly retained they have still reference to the objects and do penetrate the brain only being used but as instruments and servants to the attaining of that which each affection doth prompt to the enjoyment of For each affection and appetite hath its proper method of judication and
which in them cannot be as also they must want observation of the signs themselves and motives unto them both for want of time and for want of that affection that should spur thereunto Nor can these signs be of much force again on men or creatures very ancient where want of spirits in the brain must leave the appetite and affection to these very dull and almost delete and leave also the nerves and organs of the body so empty and hollow that they represent not with any steadiness or strength as also the experience of danger to arise must make them slow in new undertakings But to return to enquiry after the rise of knowledge and reason from instance in reading and learning At first every letter must by its often admission through the vissual nerve receive an answerable impression and figure in the brain before any difference can be estimated and valued between it and another letter by comparison for else could there be no difference put between any thing but what the eyâ— could see at once And this comprehension cannot be well made at first sight but according to appliableness of the organ and intention of mind in the learner and therefore in teaching of Birds and Beasts we use watchings corrections and rewards to make them attend In children that have their brain of a more tender substance and less distorted by former figures and have also according to their bigness more store of it then men we find how easie it s to teach them to read over older folks notwithstanding they have not usually the like desire and intention of mind So that the first step to knowledge is to feel and see well and to have good senses the next is to compare and make differences Younglings coming first to see look upon every thing with like amazement but because the light is the most usual thing they behold for the various session thereof makes colours they therefore after they have by custom past over its first dislike caused through strangeness first like the brightest and such colours as shew it most lively And hence they come to be pleased with glasses candles c. before shapes and figures and Babies come to be but after-plays to toys of shew for they see nothing without light but many shapes and figures besides those of men and women which shape again as being oftenest notified in comparison of all others comes to be most familiar pleasing And upon like reason come yonglings to like of that particular party that is most present to their sense it being much encreased by experience of indemnity So Ducks will follow the Hen that hatched them and so children that Nurse or other body that is most conversant familiar and kind unto them and they like and dislike others of the same kind as they resemble or differ most from these The pleasure of motion which young ones have in being rocked or in playing one with another seems to affect from that accustomed tumbling they had in the womb for feeling is the first of senses coming with life it self if not the same But then as the brain and animal spirit of each creature stands chiefly imployed in the womb in the motion and sense of feeling of the limbs and outward parts and doth thereupon prompt to exercise and delight in like agitation and motion afterwards yet when objects from the senses do afterwards come to imploy the brain and spirits inwardly and when sense from the inward parts do draw the fancy and intention that way then by degrees doth the exercise and delight in the motion of the limbs cease and men become not only sedentary and studious as in relation to figures entertained in the brain but also to be strongly affected with the pleasures of eating and drinking and such other enjoyments as may be performed with least shaking and dislocation of the stomack and other inward parts Those loud and harsher noises that prevail in quieting of children that cannot please from custom do take their effect from diversion that is by recalling their imagination from the sense of some other suffering to attend this strange noise now in their ears and not from pleasure of the noise it self which can please but by comparison of a less affliction to a greater But all our delights while very young are most corporal and have like to other Sensitives reference to our own sensible Customs But when we come to observe what rate the sense and custom of others put upon things persons or actions we then according to our own particular sense of the ability of the persons so rating them judge and conclude of their worth or otherwise which we call honour and dishonor And hence it comes that bigger Childrens most eager sports are usually made in imitation of what they see men do and the end of them to aim at victory and pre-excellence one above another And as we come to be in liking of persons and then of actions so children at first are imitating the actions of such they most converse with and take notice of so that sometimes they are washing sweeping making fires or the like from their converse and familiarity amongst servants but when they come abroad into the world persons of greatest honor come through the observation of the respect by others given that way to be most observed by them and consequently those actions that are performed by and to them to please above other actions For these having uniformity as being regulated by Law and Custom must affect above the lose incoherent and disorderly actions of others as handsome faces and good hands do above those that are common For it is not the persons but the dignity we affect And all actions and things that refer not to sensible good refer to honor and things come to have esteem as attendants and causes of honor For as honorable actions draw on our observation and esteem so self-respect leads us to affect and pursue the causes of them But unto the observation of the causes of honor children seldom reach for the effect must first so highly please as to provoke to ambition And therefore with them and the more ordinary sort of people flattery is apprehended to be the same with honor And for want of observatoin and intelligence wherein true honor doth consist they take all kind of praises and commendations to be the same with it And upon this score they may well indeed conclude that honor is in the honoring first and not in the honored for that there being no true cause or reason in the party this way honored why this praise or honor should be given but the cause and design of it taking issue from the flatterer it must thence follow that as honor is in the honored first so flattery in the flattered first From the custom of feeling before spoken of it is that very young infants or creatures finding nothing under them for support as they had in the
assistance in all things we are then to proceed according to the rules of Christian Faith and love in all deportments and actions not otherwise directed by our superiors who also are in this case to be looked upon as the authorized interpreters of the Scriptures as heretofore noted Else it will fall out that each one undertaking to examine and interpret them according to his own wilde fancy and weak and ungrounded method of comprehension and being also strongly through education or interest forestalled in his judgement there will arise to be as many Religions and Opinions as men and interests And that which is yet worse mens natural pride and vainglory will prompt to such presumption of extraordinary revelation that even things blasphemous and destructive of humane society shall in despite of the Church Reason or Authority be set on foot Whereas in truth in things of most private and separate concern the sense of the Church and the Analogy of Faith is to be venerably regarded even as the supreme Christian Magistrate is also in all things of publike concern For in this case we are again fallen within the limits of moral care and consideration And therefore as each mans reason is in him the best guide of what to do in the course of his own affairs so publike Reason in that which hath publike respect to the end that from the knowledge of what is there done there may be a fit and a constant way left for attaining moral prudence and obedience and that according to a well grounded experience and observation of moral and political directions and Edicts Whereby each Subject may from the constancy of the measure and manner of application used by his Prince in rewards and punishments come to frame to himself political methods and schemes of comprehension and knowledge of his duty and benefit in civil deportments as well as he may learn Philosophy by observation of that constancy which is kept up in the course of Nature For she being preserved and governed by uniform rules and laws the same Causes must ever produce the same effects if the Agent and Patient be in themselves and circumstances alike vertuous and the same the which wisdom must discover from a well grounded observation of constancy in her observations for should not natures course be constant species and individual things could not have any steady provision for existence and benefit but causes being indeterminable effects would be so also For it was from the constant observation of one thing following another in all respects alike considered that I come to know any thing even as by continually observing heat to accompany fire I know fire to be the cause of heat And from this constancy in Nature it comes also to pass that what is most naturally done is most uniformly done and so most handsomly and delightfully done Which coming to be imitated by us will be also most vertuously and wisely done but what is not done in natural imitation as following no rule is vitious and ill favoured For folly being a short and false observation in the course of things it concludes to act upon half premises Whereupon the irregular processions and effects thereof come through inequality to be inequity For as truth can be but one but errors divers even so as we noted formerly of beauty and handsom faces vertuous actions have more likeness to one another then vitious For all virtuous actions are done by certain rules and copies and as they agree to these measures their goodness is known and as they differ therefrom they do differ from themselves also and approach to vice Things being thus stated it will follow that more reason knowledge and understanding is but more observation and that an uncontradicted observation is taken for a supreme reason in it self For so for example the motion of gravity because it is observed to accompany all things none or few search the reason of it for there is not a more general or uniform rule in nature to examine it by all proof going from things more generally observed and known to such as are less Whereas to believe the Antipodes and that men upon the same reason of motion of gravity should tend in the same line towards us as we do towards them this seems as difficult for belief as it is different from the usual tendency of things as to our appearance which we call upwards and downwards Nor can it be conceivable to any that will not take pains to get it comprehended from observation elsewhere In which case if men have made and methodized observations aright it may appear that the sum and superiour bodies move in spheres even because the time they are absent and unseen is equal to that they compleat in compassing that half of the sphere which is seen from whence and the observation of eccilpses the earth must be supposed to be spherical also And if this be farther enquired into we shall find that this motion of heavy things downwards is but part of a more general motion and to be so concluded from that more general observation of union And is but the appetite thereof made more observable through this more apparent motion toward union after separation For the common knowledge and observance of boldness as they are unite and keeping close together as by so much more general then the motion of gravity as rest it self is more general then local motion for indeed what is usually called motion and rest are but these two but it is not so observable as the other because rest or union already made hath no variety to cause intent observance as variety of motion doth in the other And therefore it is onely discoverable to such as can un-ravel nature in their contemplation until they come to the bottom and first ground-work thereof For then they shall find both this constant practise of union or adhesion of bodies and also the cause thereof to be the general cause of all causes that is the will and law of God in order to his providence And although inanimates have a kind of specification amongst themselves whereby defire of proper union hath some force as may be seen in that active part of earth the Loadstone in his variation yet they follow in their whole mass the general law of matter in the common and general thirst of union For should there not be a common centre of gravity whereby all earthly things as they stood differenced in weight by dense and rare might have and keep the proper places assigned them Chaos and confusion would follow And therefore this motion of heavy things to the earth being both necessary and natural both for affording a place of receipt and production of creatures and for leaving all without so rare and transparent that the influences of superiour bodies might approach them we must conclude that as the whole earth is more then a part so hath it this attractive force of union greater also in
vertue or goodness And hence it comes that we not onely stand liking and disliking others as they are friends or enemies to our prime favorite but because love and hatred do arise and encrease by comparison it may be also observed how that in the same family that greater affection which one brother or servant carrieth towards another above the rest doth by consequence draw him into as great hatred and dis-esteem of others in the same relation upon that onely consideration Insomuch as we shall find anger and revenge no where so implacably prosecuted as by one brother against another No otherwise then as subjects in the same Kingdom are ready to break into factions and sidings through those diversities of sects and opinions amongst themselves whereby we see it come to pass that by reason of that continual exasperation which must arise from the daily sight and discourses of such things wherein they stand contrary this repeated difference doth more strongly engage them to mutual discontent and deadly hatred then it doth against strangers and such as do more differ from them Insomuch as there are more Christians slain by one another upon the score of Religion then are by them upon others or those of all other Religions upon them upon the like ground nay we too truly find it that even in the sub-divisions and sects of Christianity those that have lesser differences will yet by reason of vicinity be drawn into more and more dangerous quarrels against one another then against that sect which differs most from them both In which case if the publike rule and judgement for determination be not regarded it will fare with them as it doth with men falling out about a mistaken word gesture look or the like even that for want of a sit means of reconciliation the discontent and hatred will daily encrease until it come to be determined in the field The names of Sympathy and Antipathy are usually given to the affections of both sorts as well to those strong likings and aversions introduced at the nostrils as those at the eyes but if we respect more occult naturalness herein then those of the first sort may be onely called natural because they take their impression so inwardly and by such insensible degrees as seldom to admit controulment by other senses or the impressions drawn from them Whereas the other that hath its rise from more artificial collections as loving or liking other things according to their conformity to these Figures or Ideas of perfection which in each kind are raised in mens fancies may in both respects be brought to be controuled and examined by other Figures and Methods as they shall be called up and judged by the Spirits and Humors which in the other case cannot be because these Spirits themselves do in the affections that way brought in become tainted in their own nature and substance Those kinds of aversions which proceed from sight as from difference and abhorrence of figure may be easily reconciled and made familar by an ingenious patience nor is it dangerous to give them of that food to eat Whereas those things that have contrariety to the particular humors or temperament of the stomach are not in that kinde to be jested with for that although outward smell or taste should not be perceptive of difference which many times it wonderfully is in that case yet it is not to be questioned but the vitiated stomack of the party will quickly nauseat and disgust it and therefore we find that these sorts of longings or aversions are incident to the weaker and more sickly constitutions Here and in other places we have been the more copious for setting down the more concealed causes of those operations which use to pass under the rank of natural instincts that by placing every wheel of providence in its due order and motion the real existence wisdom and power of God might be more readily seen and acknowledged The usual ground that leads men to Atheism and doubt whether there be any God at all being many times scandal taken at the vulgar and ordinary assignation of effects unto God himself as if they were by him immediately done when as they coming to find the same like other things to have their own natural cause of production also they thereby come to think that men are mistaken in the one as well as the other When as by help of a through insight and sufficiency of their own to discover how noâ—hing is by chance done but that the greatest and most important things being by divine wisdom and order brought to pass by those things which to us do appear most weak and contemptible they may thereby and by means of that obseavable gradation of causes come to discern a God at the top of all From whom as they did at first take their source and original as being in their whole mass but rays of divine bounty so do they in all their variations amongst themselves still make some expressions and demonstrations of that perfection and simplicity which at first gave them their being Thus the natural desire of union induced through custom is by providence directed towards variety and multiplication as before declared In which again as the individuals do through their natural pursuit of pleasure attain to their several perfections they do then again as in pursuit of the highest of these natural provocations aim at a new union and coition also By successive repetitions whereof as each man and each sensitive seems to reintegrate it self into that first Parent of their kind so doth the submission of them in their several kinds to the same common Laws of Adam or first matter bring on a confession also that there is a common Parent and cause of union for them all In which course custom and variety are affections semblably made use of for the sustentation of Sensitives as motion and rest are for prrservation of Naturals Whereby it comes to pass that as matter doth naturally affect closeness and settlement which is answerable to union and rest so doth it by customary degrees observed in motion release it self in and of that tendency to separation which its own sublimed part by means of heat had forced upon it All things cheerfully dancing those rounds which are by Divine Rule and Providence appointed unto them As we are thus prevailed upon by custom to cast a different choice and liking towards things and persons as they are in their naturals so come we through custom and constancy in company and conversation to stand diversly affected towards them also as in relation to their morals there being a gracefulness and winning insinuation taken from behaviour as well as from person And this especially towards years when as time sufficient hath passed for making observation of difference herein and naturalizing our fancies to those garbs and habits which cohabitation brings within our notice at which time the other affections induced from personal beauty c. do
if any such thing could have averted their punishment but rather aggravated their offences by adding this rebellion against their Prince to their former against God and so breaking more of his Laws For suppose the people never so innocent as in some of the alledged cases may appear or suppose as all of us are ready to flatter our own hypocrisies that neither we nor our Fathers have sinned as to those punishments but that the Will of God might be made manifest Oh let us not resist that Will who owns all the evils that befalls each City that is to say publike evils lest while we will not be punished as he appoints by a King in his anger he by suffering him to be taken away should by Anarchy plague us in his wrath In tender sense of publick Peace and Charity and the blessed condition of the Peace makers themselves and those that are promoters and assistants in it I shall now appeal to the Consciences and Judgements of all such as are wont to gild over their own Covetousness and Ambition with the shews of Justice and Religion and are so forward to kill all that will not submit and joyn in opinion with them you that will undertake to controle Heaven in its dispensations and under colour of Tyranny or Usurpation of wrong rule or wrong entry will at your pleasure be withdrawing your own and others obedience from your present Prince give me leave to summon your thoughts to a serious consideration of all those sad consequents that must attend it that by calling your self to an accompt before the time of that general accomptcom you may be both eased in your own reckoning then and have your Conscience here eased of those sins and miseries which your stubbornness must produce Suppose then that you with all those fair declamations of Law and Justice or of Religion and Zeal which you in your popular Oratory are so copious and ready in shall be able to seduce and draw to your party such a considerable number of your fellow Subjects as to form the same into a Civil war wherein thousands must lose their lives as well on one side as the other suppose I say these several parties through thy perswasion slain by each other in the height of uncharitableness should now present themselves before thee with their wounded and macerated bodies and all besmeared with gore and blood and with grim and ghastly visages stare thee in the face as the horrid spectacles of thy confusion and amazement But this is not all seest thou that throng of desolate Widdows and Orphans and of disconsolate Parents who as in sacrifice of thy ambition or avarice are by the death of each other bereft of comforts and left to a necessity of dying while they live and so the never dying monuments of thy cruelty and Rebellion Let the shrikes and yellings of defloured and ravished Virging and Matrons the groans the tears the sighs of such as are in every corner after the manner of civil war murthered plundered imprisoned or otherwise dispoyled of life or livelihood let all those arise to thy remose If not nor the thought of that Forrest-face which thy native country must now put on in respect of that destruction which must be introduced on its goodly Edifices Corn and Cattel can move thee as in Honor or Charity yet let Piety Piety I say if thou hast any the sense of the Honor of that God thou seemest to worship let this move thee to think how in these Civil wars those publike Oratories and publike places of worship dedicated to his name must be alway in danger of ruine and sacriledge also and how then canst thou persist in a course that must at once destroy all bonds of Love Loyalty and Religion that must at once and that with so high hand offer such violence the utmost violencence in thy power to thy neighbour to thy Prince to thy God Doth not thy heart yet feel remorse Heark the Trumpet calls thee to the Judgement-seat of that great God himself whose Honor and Authority on earth thou hast so often slighted and offended Now for a Mountain now for a Rock to cover thee from the face of the all-incenced Deity Dost thou not now finde that the common Cause of condemnation against Christians is made for living and dying in hatred and malice and how many are there now eying thee as the Author of and ring-leader in those Civil disturbances where Christian against Christian have by thousands killed each other in the height and heat of uncharitableness And seest thou not again how the sentence of blessed runs to the meek to the patient to the peace-makers while thou art setting forward thy trembling limbs and stepping in with an Apology for thy Rebellion how hath new confusion seized thee at the sight of that King and Prophet who did so often flye from his persecuting Prince and had his heart smiting him but for cutting off but the hemn of his Garment what seest thou now where are thy Texts of Scripture thy Pretexts of Law See if thou canst make thy warrant and call unto publike Authority and Command in any degree apparent and equal to his or canst make thy sufferings equal to all that other therefore glorified company of Martyrs and Confâ—ssors who amids all those dismal persecutions even for the most righteous cause of all and plainly so durst not lift up against him that was but a heathenish Prince but chose to follow both the Precept and Example of him who is now in the highest Throne of Honor as a reward of his Patience Oh horror of horrors what is thy Judge become a party too a Mountain a Mountain a Mountain No sooner hath thy all-dispairing soul caused thine all confounded eys to sink and settle on objects below but oh torment of torments Who is this that is now to be thy Prince and under whose Dominion thou must now for ever live Thou shalt not need here to study pretensions of Tyranny and Oppression against thy Prince nor invectives and standers against his Officers and Ministers What is it which thou truly feelest now Oh If this be the expectation as without Repentance it can be none other of all that are promoters of civil disturbance how necessary then is it that we should timously thinking of bridling our covetous and unruly appetites and learn patiently to submit unto that Regiment and condition of life wherein Providence hath places us When discontent of any sort assaults us to impatience think we then this is not our rest No happiness to be here expected all things in this life comes to us mingled as well to manifest and draw down our acknowledgement of Deity and Providence for the receipt of what is good as to wean and withdraw our affections from this world to a better in such sort that those very things wherein our greatest temporal preservation and good doth consist are attended and accompanied with such as are