if they die without Baptisme dare not pronounce of them as the Romanists do 7 They deny confirmation extream vnction to be sacraments 8 Touching the Eucharist they consecrate ordinarily in leauened bread but on Maundy Thursday in vnleavened bread and in wine or the juice of raisons moistened in water and so pressed out They minister the Communion in both kinds to all both Clergie men and Lay-men The priest ministereth the bread and the Deacon the wine in a spoone They giue this Sacrment to infants when they are baptized in this sort The priest dippeth his finger into the consecrated wine and putteth it into the mouth of the child They haue neither eleuation nor reservation nor circumgestation as the Roman Church hath They all Communicate twice every weeke but the Sacrament is neuer ministred in private houses no not to the Patriarch or Emperour him selfe 9 Touching purgatorie they beleeue that soules after death are detained in a certaine place named in their tongue Mecan aaraft id est locus alleviationis that is a place of refreshing in which the soules of such as die not hauing repented of their former sinnes in such full and perfect sort as was sitting are detained and so whether the soules of good men doe enioy the vision of God before the resurrection they resolue not 10 They say no masses for the dead they bury them with crosses and prayers but specially they vse the beginning of St Iohns Gospell The day following they giue almes and so a certaine number of dayes and make feasts also 11 They grant no indulgences 12 They haue no cases reserued 13 They beleeue that the Saints do intercede for vs they pray vnto them they haue painted images but none molten or carued they much esteeme them in respect of those holy ones they represent and make sweete perfumes before them 14 Their Priests receiue no tithes but they haue lands on which they liue 15 Their Bishops and Priests are married but may not marry a second wife and continue in those degrees and orders vnlesse the Patriarch dispence with them 16 They thinke it vnlawfull to fast on Saturdaie or Sundaie and vrge to that purpose the Canon of the Apostles 17 They keepe Saturday holy as well as Sunday following the Auncient Custome of the East Church they eate flesh on that day throughout the whole yeare except only in Lent and in some Provinces they eate flesh on that day euen in the Lent also 18 They fast Wednesdaies and Saturdaies till the Sunne setting and celebrate not on those dayes till the euening 19 Betweene Easter and Whitsontide they eate flesh freely on those daies 20 They abstaine from things strangled and blood observing the Canon of the Apostles in so doing as they suppose and besides forbeare to eate of such kinds of meate as were forbidden by Moses Law 21 The Emperour hath a supreame authority in all causes aswell Ecclesiasticall as Civill though the Patriarch also exercise a spirituall iurisdiction 22 They deny the supremacy of the Roman Bish. But they yeeld a primacie vnto him acknowledging him to be the first amongst Bishops Hauing spoken of the Grecians Assyrians and supposed Monophysites it remaineth that wee come in the last place to treate of the Maronites Touching the name ◠Baronius sheweth that it was not from any heretick named Maron but that there was a holy man so named and that in honour of him a certaine monastery was founded which was named the monastery of St Maron that all the monkes of that monastery were named Maronites These in time as it may be thought ioyned them selues to the Monophysites formerly described though happily not without some litle difference And hence all the Christians that professed to beleeue so as these did were named Maronites They haue a Patriarch of their own who claimeth to be Patriarch of Antioch He resideth in a monasterie some 25 miles from Tripolis in Syria He hath vnder him some 8 or 9 suffragan Bishops These Maronites inhabit mount Libanus and some of them in Damascus Aleppo and some parts of Cyprus Mount Libanus is of such extent that it is in compasse 7 hundred miles It hath no cities but villages which are neither few nor small Within this compasse none inhabite but Christians though vnder the Turke For they redeeme it at a high rate and pay an intollerable tribute to liue without mixture of Mahumetans The particulars of their Religion are these First they beleeue that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely 2 They blesse consecrate the water so often as any are to be baptized And not as in the Roman Church on the Saturday before Easter only for the whole yeare The reason of which observation is for that at Easter and at Whitsontide onely in the Primitiue Church they ministred Baptisme which they did because in baptisme men are mortified to sin quickned in the life of grace by vertue of Christs death resurrection and giuing of the spirit All which things were cōmemorated in these solemnities 3 They neuer baptize males and females together lest they should contract a kind of affinity 4 None baptizeth with them in what necessity soeuer but a Priest or Deacon 5 They require not the intention of the Minister but thinke the faith of the Church sufficeth 6 They baptize not a male till the 40th day nor a female till the 80th in respect of the impurity of the mother which they thinke continueth so long 7 They seeke no confirmation from the Bishop nor haue any other anointing then that which is vsed in baptisme 8 They consecrat the Eucharist in vnleauened bread in a massie loafe out of which they giue a peece to euery cōmunicant 9 They giue the Sacraments to Lay men in both kinds 10 They celebrat but once in one day vpon one the same altar 11 They think the Person of the Holy Ghost to be in the holy oile in such sort as the Person of Christ is in the Eucharist 12 They thinke that the Eucharist receiued into the mouth goeth not into the stomack but presently diffuseth it selfe through all the members of the body 13 On fasting-dayes they celebrate not till the euening which custome Tho à Iesu saith is not to be altered affirming that it was most auncient in the Church of God the Councell of Cabilon related in the decrees prescribing that they should celebrate the Sacrament in the Ember fasts in the euening on the saturday before Easter in the beginning of the night And although saith he the Church yeelding to our infirmity permit the Latines to doe otherwise yet where the old custome may be kept it is not only not to be takē away but much to be cōmended that men when they fast may put it off as long as may be before they eat any thing In former times they did not eat in Lent till the euening as appeareth by the Councell formerly mentioned Which custom continued till
earnest and promised confidently to pacifie Ambrose he bade him goe with speede and himselfe followed after in hope of reconciliation trusting vpon the promises of Ruffinus But when Ambrose saw Ruffinus he sayd vnto him O Ruffinus thou doest imitate the impudencie of shamelesse dogges for hauing beene the aduiser and counsellor to so vile murthers thou hast hardned thy forehead and hauing cast away all shame blushest not after the committing of so great and horrible outrages against men made after the image of God And when he was importunate with him and told him the Emperour was comming full of fierie zeale he brake forth into these words I tell thee Ruffinus I will not suffer him to passe the thresholds of Gods house and if of an Emperour he become a tyrant I will ioyfully suffer death Whereupon Ruffinus caused one to runne to the Emperour to desire him to stay within the Court But the Emperour being on the way when the messenger met him resolued to come forward and to endure the reproof of the Bishop So hee came to the sacred railes but entred not into the Temple and comming to the Bishoppe besought him to vnloose him from the bands wherewith hee was bound The Bishop somewhat offended with his comming told him the manner of his comming was tyrant-like and that being mad against God he trampled vnder his feete the lawes of God Not so said the Emperour I presse not hither in despite of order neither doe I vniustly striue to enter into the house of God But I beseech thee to vnloose me to remember the mercifull disposition of our common Lord and not to shut the doore against me that hee would haue opened to all that repent What repentance therefore saith the Bishoppe hast thou shewed after so grieuous an offence what medicines hast thou applied to cure thy wounds It pertaineth to thee sayth the Emperour to prepare the medicines that should heale mee and to cure my wounds and to me to vse that thou prescribest Then sayd Ambrose seeing thou makest thy displeasure iudge and it is not reason that giueth sentence when thou sittest vpon the throne to doe right but thy furious proceedings make a law that when sentence of death and confiscation of goods shall bee passed there may passe thirty dayes before the execution of the same that so if within that space it be found vniust it may be reuersed or otherwise it may proceede This law the Emperour most willingly consented to make and thereupon Ambrose vnloosed him from his bands and he entred into the Temple and prayed vnto God not standing nor kneeling but prostrate vpon the earth and passionately vttering these words of Dauid My soule cleaueth to the pauement Lord quicken me according to thy word Here we see an excellent patterne of a good Bishoppe and a good Emperour and it is hard to say whether Ambrose were more to be commended for his zeale magnanimous resolution and constancie or the Emperour for his willing and submissiue obedience But of deposing Princes here is nothing Ambrose being so farre from any thought of lifting vp his hand against the Emperour that he resolued to subiect himselfe vnto him euen to the suffering of martyrdome if neede should require But saith Bellarmine Ambrose exercised ciuill authority in that hee tooke notice of this murther of the Emperour beeing a criminall cause and forced him to make a ciuill law for the preuenting of furious and bloodie proceedings in iudgment This surely is a weake collection for the Church hath power by vertue of her Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to take notice of such horrible crimes as murther to punish them with spirituall punishments Neither was the inducing of Theodosius to make a ciuill law for the preuenting of such like euils as he was now censured for before he would reconcile him to the Church an act of ciuill authoritie But such testimonies as this is they that haue no better must be forced to vse That which followeth of Gregories confirming the priviledges graunted to the Abbey of Saint Medardus in such sort that whatsoeuer Kings Iudges or secular persons should go about to violate them should be depriued of their honour proueth not the thing in question For it is evident that the confirmation of these priviledges was passed not by S. Gregory alone but by a whole Councell and more specially by Theodoricus the King and Brunichildis the Queene who might binde their successours and other inferiour secular Rulers vnder paine of deprivation though neither Gregory of himselfe nor yet a councell of Bishops could doe any such thing by their authoritie alone Wherefore let vs proceede to the next example Gregory the second saith Bellarmine excommunicated the Emperour Leo the third who was an enemy to Images he forbade any tribute to be payde him out of Italy and consequently depriued him of part of his Empire Surely if Greg. the second of himself alone had had such power as to forbid all Italy vpon his dislike to pay any more tribute to the Emperour there were some good shew of proofe in this allegation But if wee examine the stories we shall finde the case to haue beene farre otherwise then Bellarmine would beare vs in hand it was For first Gregory did not excommunicate Leo of himselfe but called a Synode to doe it Secondly he did not forbid the paying of tribute out of Italy to the Emperour but the circumstances of the History are these Leo seeking to win the Bishop of Rome and the people of Italy to the casting downe of Images in the West as he had done in the East Gregory the Bishop did not onely refuse to obey him but admonished all other to take heed they did no such thing for feare of any Edict of the Emperour By which exhortation the people of Italy already mis-conceited of the Emperours governement were so animated that they were likely to haue proceeded to the election of a new Emperour and Nauclerus sheweth that the decrees of the Bishop of Rome disswading the people of the West from obeying the Emperour in casting downe of Images were of so great authoritie that the people and souldiers of Ravenna first and then of Venice beganne to make shew of rebellion against the Emperour and his Exarche or Lieutenant and to inforce the Bishop of Rome and the other people of Italy to disclaime the Emperour of Constantinople and to chuse another in Italy And that this rebellion proceeded so farre that euery city putting downe the Magistrates of the Exarch set vp Magistrates of their owne whō they named Dukes but that the Bishop of Rome at that time pacified thē and by his perswasions stayed them from chusing any new Emperour in hope that he would amend So that we see the Bishop of Rome with his Bishops by their authority did nothing but stay the people from obeying the Emperours vnlawfull Decrees as they iudged them but no way went about to depose the
alleaged by Cusanus and greatly approued yea the same Cusanus complaining of the abuses of the Court of Rome in that thinges are carried thither that should bee determined in the Prouinces where they beginne in that the Pope intermedleth in giuing Benefices before they be voide to the preiudice of the originall Patrons by reason whereof young men run to Rome and spend their best time there carrying gold with them and bringing backe nothing but paper and many like confusions which the Canons forbid and neede reformation addeth that the common saying that the secular power may not restraine or alter these courses brought in by Papall authority should not moue any man for that though the power of temporall Princes ought not to change any thing established canonically for the honour of GOD and good of such as attend his seruice yet it may and ought to prouide for the common good and see that the auncient canons be obserued Neither ought any one to say that the auncient christian Emperours did erre that made so many sacred constitutions or that they ought not so to haue done For saith he I read that Popes haue desired them for the common good to make lawes for the punishment of offences committed by those of the cleargie And if any one shall say that the force of all these constitutions depended vpon Papall or Synodall approbation I will not insist vpon it though I haue read and collected foure score and sixe chiefe heads of Ecclesiasticall rules and lawes made by old Emperours and many other made by Charles the Great and his successours in which order is taken not onely concerning others but euen concerning the Bishoppe of Rome himselfe and other Patriarches what they shall take of the Bishoppes they ordaine and many like things and yet did I neuer finde that the Pope was desired to approue them or that they haue no binding force but by vertue of his approbation But I know right well that some Popes haue professed their due regarde of those Imperiall and Princely constitutions But though it were graunted that those constitutions had no further force then they receiued from the canons wherein the same thinges were formerly ordered or from Synodall approbation yet might the Emperor now reforme things amisse by vertue of old canons and Princes constitutions grounded on them Yea if hee should with good aduice considering the decay of piety and diuine worshippe the ouerflowing of all wickednes and the causes and occasions thereof recall the old canons and the auncient and most holy obseruation of the Elders and reiect whatsoever priuiledges exemptions or new deuices contrary therevnto by vertue whereof suites complaintes and controuersies the gifts and donations of benefices the like thinges are vnjustly brought to Rome to the great prejudice of the whole Christian Church I thinke no man could justly blame him for so doing Yea he saith the Emperour Sigismund had an intention so to doe and exhorteth him by no fained allegations of men fauouring present disorders to bee discouraged for that there is no way to preserue the peace of the Church whatsoeuer some pretend to the contrary vnlesse such lewde and wicked courses proceeding from ambition pride and couetousnesse be stopped and the old canons reuiued From that which hath beene obserued touching the proceeding of Christian Kings and Emperours in former times in calling Councels in being present at them and in making lawes for persons and causes Ecclesiasticall it is easie to gather what the power of Princes is in this kinde and that they are indeede supreame Gouernours ouer all persons and in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Ciuill which is that wee attribute to our Kings Queenes and the Papistes so much stumble at as if some new and strange opinion were broached by vs. Wherefore for the satisfaction of all such as are not maliciously obstinate refusing to heare what may be said I will endeauour in this place vpon so fitte an occasion to cleare whatsoeuer may bee questionable in this point will first intreat of the power and right that Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall then of that they haue ouer persons Ecclesiastical jn treating of causes Ecclesiasticall I will first distinguish the diversities of them the power of medling with them Causes Ecclesiasticall therefore are of two sorts for some are originally and naturally such and some onely in that by fauor of Princes out of due consideration they are referred to the Cognisance of Ecclesiasticall persons as fittest Iudges as the probations of the Testaments of them that are dead the disposition of the goods of them that dye intestat and if there be any other like Causes Ecclesiasticall of the first sort are either meerely and onely Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall or mixt Meerely Ecclesiasticall are of three sorts First matters of Faith and Doctrine Secondly matters of Sacraments and the due administration of them Thirdly the orders degrees ordination of such as attend the Ministery of the word Sacraments Mixtly Ecclesiasticall are of two sorts either such as in one respect belong to one kinde of cognisance and in another to another as marriages which are subiect to ciuill disposition in that they are politicall contracts and to spirituall in that they are ordered by the diuine law or such as are equally censurable by Ciuill Ecclesiasticall authority as murthers adulteries blasphemies the like All which in the time when there is no Christian Magistrate or when there is ouer-great negligence in the ciuill Magistrate are to bee punished by the spirituall guides of the Church Whereupon wee shall finde that the auncient Councels prescribed penance to offenders in all these kindes But when there is a Christian Magistrate doing his duty they are to bee referred specially either to the one or the other of these and accordingly to bee censured by the one or the other as wee see the punishment of adultery vsury and things of that nature is referred to Ecclesiasticall persons the punishment of murther theft the like to the ciuill Magistrate This distinction of causes Ecclesiasticall premised it is easie to see what authority Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall For first touching those causes that are Ecclesiastical onely in that they are put ouer to the cognisance of spiritual persons there is no question but that the Prince hath a supreame power and that no man may meddle with them any otherwise then as he is pleased to allow And likewise touching those things which in one respect pertaine to ciuill jurisdictiō in another to spiritual or which are equally censurable by both there is no question but that the Prince hath supreame power in that they pertaine to ciuill jurisdiction So that the onely question is touching things naturally and meerely spiritual The power in these is of two sorts of Order of Iurisdiction The power of Order is the authority to preach the Word minister the Sacraments to ordaine Ministers
in appointing some selected men for the visitation of the rest Fourthly in joyning temporall menincommission with the spirituall guides of the church to take view of and to censure the actions of men of Ecclesiasticall order because they are directed not onely by Canons but lawes Imperiall Fifthly when matters of fact are obiected for which the canons and lawes Imperiall judge men depriueable the Prince when hee seeth cause and when the state of things require it either in person if he please or by such other as hee thinketh fitte to appoint may heare and examine the proofes of the same and either ratifie that others did or voyd it as wee see in the case of Caecilianus to whom it was objected that hee was a Traditor and Faelix Antumnitanus that ordayned him was so likewise and that therefore his ordination was voyd For first the enemies of Caecilianus disliking his ordination made complaintes against him to Constantine and hee appointed Melchiades and some other Bishoppes to sitte and heare the matter From their judgement there was a new appeale made to Constantine Whereupon hee sent to the Proconsull to examine the proofes that might bee produced But from his iudgmēt the complainants appealed the third time to Constantine who appointed a Synode at Arle All this hee did to giue satisfaction if it were possible to these men and so to procure the peace of the Church And though he excused himselfe for medling in these businesses and asked pardon for the same for that regularly hee was to haue left these iudge ments to Ecclesiasticall persons yet it no way appeareth that hee did ill in interposing himselfe in such sort as hee did the state of things being such as it was nor that the Bishoppes did ill that yeelded to him in these courses and therefore in cases of like nature Princes may doe whatsoeuer hee did and Bishops may appeare before them and submit themselues to their iudgement though in another case Ambrose refused to present himselfe before Valentinian the Emperour for tryall of an Ecclesiasticall cause Neither is it strange in our state that Kinges should intermedle in causes Ecclesiasticall For Matthew Paris sheweth that the ancient lawes of England prouided that in appeales men should proceed from the Arch-deacon to the Bishoppe from the Bishop to the Arch-bishop and that if the Arch-bishop should faile in doing iustice the matter should be made knowne to the King that by vertue of his commandement it might receiue an end in the Arch-bishops Court that there might be no further proceeding in appeales without the Kings consent From the power which Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall let vs proceed to the power they haue ouer persons Ecclesiasticall and see whether they be supreame ouer all persons or whether men of the Church bee exempt from their iurisdiction That they are not exempted by GODS law wee haue the cleare confession of Cardinall Bellarmine and others who not onely yeeld so farre vnto the trueth forced so to doe by the cleare euidence thereof but proue the same by Scripture and Fathers The Cardinals wordes are these Exceptio Clericorum in rebus politicis tam quoad personas quam quoad bona iure humano introducta est non diuino that is The exemption of Cleargy-men in things ciuill as well in respect of their persons as their goods was introduced brought in by mans law and not by the law of God Which thing is proued first out of the precept of the Apostle to the Romanes Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers and addeth Therefore pay yee tribute For when the Apostle saith Let euery soule be subiect hee includeth Cleargy-men as Chrysostome witnesseth and therefore when hee addeth for this cause pay yee tribute he speaketh of Cleargy-men also Whence it will follow that Cleargy-men are bound to pay tribute vnlesse they be exempted by the fauour and priviledge of Princes freeing them from so doing which thing Thomas Aquinas also affirmeth writing vpon the same place Secondly the same is proued out of the Ancient For Vrbanus saith The tribute money was therefore found in the mouth of the fish taken by Saint Peter because the Church payeth tribute out of her outward and earthly possessions And Saint Ambrose saith if tribute bee demaunded it is not denyed the Church-Land payeth tribute Now if Vrbanus Bishoppe of Rome and worthy Ambrose Bishop of Millaine then whom there was neuer any Bishoppe found more resolute in the defence of the right of the Church say that tribute is not to bee denyed but payed vnto Princes by men of the Church and in respect of Church-land I thinke it is evident there is no exemption by any Law of GOD that freeth the goods of Church-men from yeelding tribute to Princes For touching that text where our Sauiour sayth vnto Peter What thinkest thou Simon of whom doe the Kings of the Gentiles receiue tribute of their owne children or of strangers And Peter answereth of strangers Whence CHRIST inferreth that the children are free brought by some to proue the supposed immunity of Cleargy-men to bee from GODS owne graunt Bellarmine sufficiently cleareth the matter For first hee sheweth that CHRIST speaketh of himselfe onely making this argument Kings sonnes are free from tribute as beeing neither to pay to their owne fathers seeing their goods are common nor to strangers to whom they are not subiect therefore himselfe being the Sonne of the great King of Kings oweth no Tribute to any mortall man So that when hee saide the children are free hee meant not to signifie that any other are free but onely that himselfe was free Secondly he rightly obserueth that this place would proue that all Christians are free from Tribute if it proued any other then CHRIST to bee so for all Christians are the sonnes of GOD by adoption and grace And Hierome writing vpon this place hath these words Our Lord was the Kings son both according to the flesh and according to the spirit descending of the stocke of Dauid and being the Word of the Almighty Father and therefore as being the Sonne of the Kingdome owed no tribute but because hee assumed the humility of flesh it behooued him to fulfill all righteousnesse but vnhappy men that wee are we are called after the name of Christ doe nothing worthy so great an honour He for the great loue he bare towards vs sustained the crosse for vs and payde tribute but we for his honour pay no tribute and as Kings sons are free from tribute These words are brought by some to proue the imagined freedome we speake of but first they are so far from prouing any such thing that Erasmus thinketh Hierome reprehended it and disliked it as a thing sauouring of arrogancy that cleargymen should refuse to pay tribute which hee saith is contrary to the conceit of men in our time who thinke it the height of all piety to maintaine
commissions they authorized others to preach the Gospell administer Sacraments to binde and loose and to performe other like pastorall duties sanctifying and ordayning them to this worke by the imposition of hands These they honoured with the glorious title of Presbyters that is fatherly guides of Gods Church and people and knowing the weight of the burden they layd on their shoulders added vnto them as assistantes other of an inferiour degree and rancke whom they named Deacons or Ministers Amongst these fatherly guides of Gods Church and people for the preuenting of dissention the avoyding of confusion and the more orderly managing of the important affaires of Almighty God they established a most excellent diuine and heavenly order giuing vnto one amongst the Presbyters of each Church an eminent fatherly power so that the rest might doe nothing without him whom for distinctions sake and to expresse the honour of his degree and place afore and aboue other wee name a Bishoppe And farther by a most wise disposition provided that amongst Bishoppes all should not challenge all things vnto themselues but that there should be in seuerall provinces seuerall Bishops who should be first and chiefe amongst the brethren and againe constituted and placed certaine other in greater cities who might take care of more then the former The former of these were named Metropolitanes the later were knowen by the name of Patriarchs or chiefe Fathers who also in order and honour were one before and after another By meanes of this order established by the Apostles of Christ among the guides of Gods people and receiued and allowed by the first and Primitiue Christians vnity was preserued the parts of the Church holden fast together in a band of concordant agreement questions determined doubtes cleared differences composed and causes aduisedly deliberately heard with all indifferencie and equity Fow how could there bee any breach in the Christian Churches when none were ordained Presbyters in any Church but by the Bishop the rest of the Presbyters imposing their hands on them together with him None admitted to the degree and order of a Bishop but by the Metropolitane and other Bishops of the Prouince sufficiently approuing that they did to the people ouer which they set him None receiued as a Metropolitane vnlesse being ordained by the Bishops of the Province vpon notice giuen of their orderly proceeding the sincerity of his faith and profession he were confirmed by the Patriarch Nor none taken for a Patriarch though ordained by many neighbour Bishops till making knowne the soundnesse of his profession and the lawfulnesse of his election and ordination to the rest of the Patriarches hee were allowed receiued by them as one of their ranke and order Or what feare could there be of any wrong injustice or sinister proceedings in the hearing of causes and determining of controversies vnlesse there were in a sort a generall failing When if there grew a diffence betweene a Bishop and his Presbyters or if either Presbyter Deacon or inferiour Cleargy-man disliked the proceedings of his Bishop there lay an appeale to the Metropolitane who had power to re-examine the matter in a Synode and to see they were not wronged And if either Clearke or Bishop had ought against the Metropolitane it was lawfull for them to appeale to the Primate or Patriarch who in a greater and more honourable Synode was to heare the matter and to make a finall end When if any variance rose between any of the Patriarchs and their Bishops or amongst themselues it was lawfull for the Patriarchs that were aboue and before them in order and honour to interpose themselues and with their Synods to judge of such differences and in such cases as could not so be ended or that cōcerned the faith the state of the whole vniuersall Church there remained the judgment and resolution of a generall Councell wherein the Bishop of the first See was to sit as President and Moderatour and the other Bishops of the Christian world as his fellow Iudges and in the same commission with him This order continued in the Church from the Apostles times and wrought excellent effects till the Bishop of Constantinople first sought and after him the Bishop of Rome obtained to be not only in order and honour before the rest as anciently he had beene but to haue an absolute and vniuersall commaunding power ouer all that either by fraud or violence he could bring into subjection Whence followed horrible confusion in the Christian Church and almost the vtter ruine and desolation of the same For after that this childe of pride had in this Lucifer-like sort advanced himselfe aboue his brethren hee thrust his sickle into other mens haruests hee encroached vpon their bounds and limits hee pretended a right to confer all dignities whether electiue or presentatiue to receiue appeales of all sorts of men out of all parts of the world nay without appeale or complaint immediatly to take notice of all causes in the Diocesses of all other Bishops so ouerthrowing their jurisdiction and seizing it in his owne hands Hee exempted Presbyters from the jurisdiction of their Bishops Bishops of their Metropolitans and Metropolitanes of their Primates and Patriarches and leauing vnto the rest nothing but a naked and empty title tooke vpon him to determine all doubts and questions of himselfe alone as out of the infallibility of his judgment to excommunicate degrade depose againe to absolue reconcile and restore to heare and judge of all causes as out of the fulnesse of his power Neither did he there stay but hauing subjected vnto him as much as in him lay all the members of Christs body and trampled vnderneath his feete the honour dignity of all his brethren and collegues hee went forward and challenged a right to dispose of all the kingdomes of the world as being Lord of Lords and King of Kings To this height he raised himselfe by innumerable sleights and cunning devices taking the advantage of the ignorance superstition negligence and base disposition which hee found to be in many of the guides of the Church in those dayes and by their helpe and concurrence preuailing against the rest that were of another spirit Neither did he demeane himselfe any better after he had attained to this his desired greatnesse for such was his pride insolencie and tyrannie and such soe many and vnsupportable were the burthens he layd on the shoulders of them that were noe way able to beare them that the voyces of complaint and murmuring were euery where heard and the mindes of all men filled with discontentment and desire of alteration which after many longing desires of our ancestours hath beene effected in our time God at the last hearing the cryes of his people and stirring vp the heroicall spirits of his chosen seruants to worke our deliuerance to take the burthens from our shoulders the yoake from our necke and to bring vs out of that Babylon wherein
other and not to these contrary to the example of S. Augustine that put ouer to Eradius the hearing of causes and the performing of things pertaining to Iurisdiction himselfe onely directing and ouerseeing him but held still himselfe that which is most properly Episcopall Such Bishoppes Melchior Canus entreating of Councels and the persons whereof Councels consist sayth are so farre from hauing any place or voyce in the Councels that they neither haue nor ought to haue any place in the Church at all But whatsoeuer wee thinke of these the Bishops in former times for the better governing of their Churches chose out certaine of their Presbyters to assist them in the supervision and direction of the rest whom they first named Arch-presbyters and afterwardes Deanes The name of Decanus or Deane being first vsed to note out such a Prefect or Governour of Monkes as had the rule of tenne Monkes liuing together in common And in this sense the name of a Deane is found in S. Augustine The Arch-presbyters which Bishops anciently appointed to assist them were of 2 sorts Vrbaâ—…i Vicani that is such as liued in the great Church in the City and such as liued abroad in the country were therevpon named Rurall Arch-presbyters or Rurall Deanes Touching the former who liued in the great church in the citie because the Bishop alone either in respect of absence or employments could not execute all things that pertained to the service belonging to his place nor giue particular direction to every other what he should doe they were chosen out of the whole number of Presbyters partly to execute and performe what the Bishoppe in his owne person should haue done and partly to prescribe to others what they should doe The Rurall Arch-presbyters had the ouersight and direction of the Presbyters that were placed in the lesser Titles or meaner churches abroad in the countrey Concerning these wee finde it thus decreed Vt singulae plebes Archipresbyterum habeant qui non solùm imperiti vulgi sollicitudinem gerat sed etiam Presbyterorum qui per minores Titulos habitant vitam iugi circumspectione custodiat quâ quisque industriâ diuinum opus exerceat Episcopo enunciet nec contendat Episcopus non egere plebem Archipresbytero quasi ipse eam gubernare valeat quia etsi valde idoneus sit decet tamen vt sua onera partiatur vt sicut ipse matrici Ecclesiae praeest ita Archipresbyteri praesint plebibus vt in nullo titubet Ecclesiastica sollicitudo cunctatamen referant ad Episcopum nec aliquid contra eius decretum ordinare praesumant that is That each division of the people of God in their seuerall limits haue their Arch-presbyter who may not only take care of the rude and ignorant multitude but may also with continuall circumspection obserue looke vnto the life conuersation of the Presbyters which dwell in the lesser Titles and shew vnto the Bishop with what diligence each of them performeth the worke of God Neither let the Bishoppe contend and say that the people committed to his charge need no Arch-presbyter as if he himselfe were able sufficiently to gouerne the same because though he be exceeding worthy yet it is fit hee should deuide his burthens that as he is ouer the Mother church so the Arch-presbyters may bee ouer the people abroad that the Ecclesiasticall care stagger not or be not two weake in any thing Yet notwithstanding let them referre all things to the Bishop neitâ—…r let them presume to order any thing against his liking decree These rurall Arch-presbyters were to be chosen by the clergie confirmed by the Bishop and being so placed might not be remoued without the consent of the clergie Archipresbyterum saith the second Councell of Turone sine omnium Presbyterorum consensu de loco deiicere Episcopus non praesumat quem autem negligentia eijcit cum omnium Presbyterorum consilio refutetur that is Let not the Bishop presume to remoue or put an Arch-presbyter froÌ„ his place without the consent of all the Presbyters but when the negligence of any one of these maketh him worthy to be eiected put out let him be reiected with the counsell and aduice of all the Presbyters Touching the power authority of these Arch-presbyters first they were to admonish such as they saw to liue scandalously or any way to offend as well Lay-men as clergie-men and the Councell of Antisiodorum decreeth that if any lay or secular man shall contemne and despise the information admonition of the Arch-presbyter he shall be kept from entring or setting his feete within the thresholds of the holy church till hee shall submit himselfe to the wholesome information admonition Secondly they were twise in the yeare to visite all the churches within the limits subiect to them to see what was there amisse defectiue or weake that so they might either reforme supplie or strengthen confirme the same Thirdly they were to receiue warrants from the Bishop or his substitute and by vertue thereof to cite all such to make their appearance before the chiefe Pastour or Bishop as were vpon any occasion to be conuented before him and this their citation of such parties to be conuented vnder the seale of their office they were to certifie the Bishop of Fourthly they were to hold Chapiters in a set course foure times in the yeare and at other times as often as vrgent occasions should require and all parish Ministers within a yeare after their being possessed of their liuings were to sweare to the Deane and so to be admitted as brethren to sit in Chapiter with him to be bound to come to the yearely Chapiters and otherwise also when as vpon vrgent cause the Deane should call a Chapiter and to beare part of the charge This oath which the Ministers were to take before they were admitted to sit in Chapiter was not simple but with this limitation Saluis juribus Capituli that is No way to prejudice the rights of the Chapiter In these Chapiters the Arch-presbyters were to publish the decrees of prouinciall and Episcopall Synodes excluding Lay-men at such times as they published things precisely concerning the Clergie which otherwise might bee present at the publication of things generally concerning all Neither were they onely to publish such decrees in their Chapiter but to vrge the execution of the same to take notice of all places of ministery void vpon what occasion and by whose fault they continued voyd of all intrusion into places of ministery and of the inuestiture of all such as newly entred into the charge of ministery and the authority by which substitutes supply the places of other men And besides they were to admonish such as either by their visitation or other information they found to be faulty And if by other good meanes they could not win them to suspend Lay-men from the Sacraments
the Bishops vsed for the gouerning and ouer-seeing of certaine parts of their Diocese allotted to them with such limitations as they pleased for counsell aduise in managing of their weightiest affaires and the Arch-deacons which they vsed as spies in all places and trusted with the dispatch of what they thought fit they had for their direction in cases of doubt and for their ease in the multiplicitie of their employments certaine of their cleargie skilfull in the canons and Lawes of the Church whom they vsed as Officials to heare all manner of causes and matters of instance betweene party party but suffered them not to meddle in the censuring and punishing of criminall things or in any matter of office but in case of absence or sicknesse they had Vicars generall that might doe any thing almost that pertaineth to the Bishops Iurisdiction The former are not onely named Officials but Chauncellours though the name of Chauncellour bee not in this sense so auncient as the former Cancellarius originally and properly signifieth a Notarie or Secretarie because these for the preseruing of their writings and notes of remembrance were wont to sit and write Intra cancellos that is Within certaine places inclosing them made in the manner of Checquer-worke But from hence in time it came to be vsed for any one that is employed for the giuing of answere vnto sutors for keeping of Records and notes of remembrance and generally for the performance of some principall duties pertayning to him whose Chauncellour he is said to be CHAP. 30. Of the forme of the gouernment of the Church and the institution and authority of Metropolitanes and Patriarches THis being the forme of gouernment of each Diocese and particular Church let vs consider what dependance or subordination such particular Churches haue For it cannot nor may not be imagined that each Diocese or particular church is absolutely supreme and subiect to no higher authority The Papists are of opinion that Christ constituted and appointed one chiefe Pastour with vniuersality of power as his Vicegerent generall vpon earth placed him in the chiefe City of the world and set him ouer all the other both Bishops and Churches But the auncient Fathers are of another opinion For Hierome pronounceth that all Bishops are equall in order office and ministery whether of Rome Eugubium Tanais or Constantinople howsoeuer riches and magnificence of Churches and cities may make one seeme to be greater then another and Cyprian speaketh to the same purpose saying Let no Bishop make himselfe a Iudge of other euery one hauing receiued his authority from Christ and therefore being accountant to him onely And this he speaketh vpon occasion of a difference betweene him and the Romane Bishops of that time about rebaptization Wherefore let vs examine these contrary opinions and see which of them is most agreeable vnto truth and reason For the confirmation of the former of these two opinions the Romanists alledge many things to proue that the best forme of Regiment and gouernment is a Monarchie and consequently that Christ who vndoubtedly established the best forme appointed one supreme Monarch in his Church To this allegation Ockam most excellently and learnedly answereth in his Dialogues shewing and prouing at large that though the gouernment of one or a Monarchie be the best forme of Regiment in one citty or country as Aristotle rightly teacheth yet it is not the best forme of policie and gouernment in respect of the whole world and all the parts of it so farre distant remote one from another because the whole world and the infinite different countreyes and regions of it regularly may be better gouerned by many whereof no one is superiour to other then by one alone neither is the same forme of gouernment alwayes most expedient for the whole and for each part for greater circuits and for straighter or narrower bounds seeing one man may susteine the burthen of hearing determining and dispatching the greater causes more important matters in one kingdome or countrey but no one can so manage the weightiest businesses of the whole world And that in like sort though it be expedient that there should bee one Bishop ouer some part of the Church and people of God yet there is not the same reason that there should bee one ouer the whole seeing no one canne dispatch the greater businesses and manage the weightier affaires of the whole Christian world Besides he saith it would bee most dangerous that there should be any such one supreme ruler of the whole Church for that if he should fall into errour or heresie all the whole world would bee in great danger to bee seduced the members for the most part conforming themselues to their head and the inferiours to their rulers and superiours That which Ockam saith may be confirmed by the authority of Saint Augustine who thinketh a Monarchie or the gouernment of one supreme ruler most fit for the seuerall countries and parts of the world but not for the whole His words are Feliciores essentres humanae si omnia Regnaessent parua concordi vicinitate laetantia that is The state of worldly things would bee much more happy if the whole world were diuided out into small kingdomes joyfully conspiring together in a friendly neighbourhood then if all should be swayed by one supreme commander Thus then wee deny not but that amongst all the simple and single formes of government a Monatchie is the best for each country and people neither doth Caluine contradict vs herein as Bellarmine seemeth to report for hee doth not simply say that amongst all the simple formes of gouernment Aristocratie is best and to bee preferred but onely in the respect of often declinings and swaruings of absolute Kings hardly moderating themselues so in so free and absolute a liberty of commaunding all as that their wils should neuer swarue from that which is right and good But Bellarmine himselfe thinketh that the mixt formes of gouernment are to bee preferred before any of those simple formes of Monarchy Aristocratie and Democratie as having in them the best that is found in every of those single and simple formes And such is the gouernment of the Church of God Christ vndoubtedly establishing the best forme of gouernment in the same For the gouernment of each Diocese particular Church resteth principally in one who hath an eminent peerelesse power without whom nothing may be attempted or done yet are there others joyned with him as assistants without whose counsell aduice and consent he may doe nothing of moment and consequence whom hee cannot at his pleasure displace and remoue from their standings or depriue them of their honour or any way hardly censure them of himselfe alone but in the case of a Deacon hee must haue two other Bishops to concurre with him and in the case of a Presbyter fiue without which concurrence he may not proceed against
generall state of the Church or of the principall most eminent highest parts members of the same none of which things might bee proceeded in without the Bishop of Rome and his Colleagues but otherwise he was not to intermeddle with inferiour persons and causes within the Iurisdiction of other Patriarches neither immediatly nor vpon appeale and complaint The 7 t◠Roman Bishop brought to testifie for the absolute supreme power of Popes is Gelasius out of whom two things are alledged The first is that he saith the See of Peter hath power to loose that which the Bishops of other Churches haue bound The second that it hath power to judge of euery Church that no Church may judge of the judgment of it For answer to this testimony of Gelasius first we say that the Church of Rome may not meddle with reviewing re-examining or reversing the acts of other Churches proceeding against Lay-men or inferiour Cleargy-men Secondly that in the case of a Bishop complaining of wrong by the authority of the Councell of Sardica she might interpose her selfe not so as to bring the matter to Rome there to be heard but so farre forth onely as to commaund and appoint a review to be taken by the Bishops of the next bordering Province or at the most to send some Cōmissioners to sit with such second Iudges Thirdly that in cases which concerned the principall Patriarches whether they were differences between them their Bishops or between themselues the chiefe See as the principall part of the whole Church might interpose it self Neither was this proper to the See of Rome for other Patriarchs likewise of the higher thrones might interpose thēselues in matters concerning the Patriarchs of inferiour thrones whence it is that Basil writing to Athanasius Bishop of the second See telleth him that the ordering of the Church of Antioch which was the 3d See did pertain to him that he was to see to the setling of things there though the quieting of the whole East required the helpe of the Occidentall Bishops Cyril in the case of Nestorius not yet fully established in the right of a Patriarch intermedled proceeded so far as to reject him his adherents frō the cōmunion of the churches of Egypt Lybia Pentapolis But the B. of the inferior thrones might not judge the superior therfore Iohn of Antioch of the 3d See is reprehended reproued for judging Cyril Bishop of the 2d See Dioscorus Bishop of the 2d See is condemned in the councel of Chalcedon as for other things so for this amōg other that he presumed to judge the first See So that this is it which Gelasius saith that the See of Rome that is the Bishop of Rome and the Bishops of the West may iudge and examine the differences betweene Patriarches or between Patriarches and their Bishops but neither so peremptorily nor finally but that such iudgement may be reuiewed and reexamined in a generall Councell and that no other particular Church or See may iudge the Church of Rome seeing euery other See is inferiour to it no way denying but that a generall Councell may review reēxamine and reuerse the acts iudgements of the Romane See as being greater and of more ample authority Neither truely can there be any better proofe against the pretended supremacie of the Popes then this Epistle the circumstances whereof are these Acatius Bishop of Constantinople for communicating with certaine Eutichian Heretickes was by the See of Rome condemned some disliked his proceeding against him because a Synode was not specially summoned for the purpose especially seeing he was Bishop of the Princely citty Gelasius standeth not vpon the claime of vniuersall power thereby to iustifie his proceeding but aunswereth First that Eutiches being condemned in the Councell of Chalcedon all such were accursed likewise as should either by defence of such errour or communicating with men so erring fall into the fellowship of the same heresie and that therefore there needed no Synode but the See Apostolique might execute that was there decreed Secondly that the Catholicke Bishops in the East being deposed and Heretickes thrust into their places there was no reason why hee should haue consulted with them Thirdly that hee did nothing of himselfe but with a Synode of the Westerne Bishops The next foure Bishops produced by the Cardinall are Iohn the second Anastasius the second Felix the fourth and Pelagius the second out of whom hee alleageth nothing but this that the See of Peter holdeth the chiefty assigned of the Lord in the vniuersall Church and that the church of Rome is the head of all churches Wherevnto wee briefly answere that the See of Peter euer held the chiefty that the church of Rome was euer the head of all churches not in vniuersality of absolute supreme power commanding authority but in order honour in sort before expressed that by the See of Peter and church of Rome is meant the whole West church not precisely the Diocese of Rome as likewise we haue noted before and therefore these allegations to proue the Popes supremacie ouer all Bishops are nothing to the purpose The last of the twelue Bishops brought by Bellarmine is Gregorie the first out of whom foure things are alledged the first is that he required the Africanes to permit appeales to Rome from the Councell of Numidia and blamed the Bishops of Africa for that after letters written vnto them they had degraded Honoratus the Arch-deacon The second that he sent a Pall to the Bishop of Corinth The third that he saith Eusebius Bishop of Constantinople acknowledged the Church of Constantinople to be subiect to the See Apostolique The fourth that the Bishop of Constantinople professeth his subiection to the See Apostolique To these obiections we answer First that it is contrary to the resolution of the ancient Councels of Carthage Mileuis that the Bishop of Rome should admit appeales of inferiour Clergy-men out of Africa that therefore by some positiue constitution or later agreement Gregory might bee permitted to heare the complaints of an Arch-deacon appealing vnto him out of Africa yet from the beginning it was not so though some parts of Africa were euer within the compasse of the Patriarchship of Rome Secondly that he sent the Pall to the Bishop of Corinth because hee was within his Patriarchship all Patriarches being to confirme their Metropolitanes by imposition of hands or by sending the Pall. 3◠That there was no such Eusebius Bishop of Constantinople in Gregories time as is mentioned in the Epistle alledged and that they that were as Iohn Cyriacus stroue and contended with Gregory to be aboue him and to haue the first place in the Church that not without the help furtherance of the Emperour so that it may be doubted whether Gregory wrot this or not it being so contrary to that wee know to
though the times would be such as that many swords would not suffice to defend them yet that these two were enough because he meant to vse none at all but to suffer all that the malice of his enemies could doe vnto him This Maldonatus deliuereth to be the literall sense of Christs wordes sheweth a mysticall sense of them also out of Beda much more apt then that of Bonifacius Duo gladii saith Beda sufficiunt ad testimonium sponte passi Salvatoris Vnus qui Apostolis audaciam pro Domino certandi evulsà ictu eius auriculâ Domino etiam morituro pietatem virtutemque doceret inesse medicandi Alter quinequaquam vaginâ exemptus ostenderet eos nec totum quod potuere pro eius defensione facere permissos that is Two swords are sufficient to giue testimony vnto our Sauiour that he suffered willingly The one of which might shew that the Apostles wanted no courage to fight for their Master and by the eare that was cut off by the stroke thereof and healed againe by the Lord that he wanted neither piety to compassionate the miserable nor vertue and power to make him whole that was hurt though now hee were ready to dye And the other which neuer was drawne out of the sheath might shew that they were not permitted to doe all that they could haue done in his defence It is not to be denyed but that S. Bernard mystically expounding the words of Christ saith the Church hath two swords of authority But he thinketh it hath them in very different sort For it hath the vse of the one and the benefite of the other The one is to bee drawne by it the other for it So that this is all that hee saith that the sword of ciuill authority is to be vsed by the Souldiers hand at the commaund of the Emperour by the direction and at the suite of the Church From Bonifacius they passe to Innocentius the third who in the vacancy of the Empire willed those that were wronged in their rightfull causes to haue recourse either to some Bishop or to himselfe And Clemens the fifth who professeth to intermeddle with certaine secular businesses affaires and to determine certaine ciuill causes vpon three seuerall grounds Whereof the first is his greatnesse making him superiour to the Emperour The second his being in steed of the Emperour in the vacancy of the Empire And the third the fulnesse of power which Christ the King of Kings and Lord of Lords gaue vnto Peter and in him to his successours Whatsoeuer wee thinke of the former of these two Popes who seemeth to ground his intermedling in ciuill affaires vpon some law of the Empire and concession of ciuill Princes accordingly as we reade of Theodosius that he permitted any Lay-men hauing ciuill differences among themselues to referre the same to Ecclesiasticall Iudges if they listed Which concession proceeding ex pietate not ex debito that is out of piety and not out of any right or necessity that it must bee soe is long since growne out of vse the state of Church-men beeing much changed from that it was when hee granted them that priuiledge as Duarenus sheweth Yet Pope Clemens can by no meanes be excused from hereticall impiety affirming that which is most vntrue as may appeare by the many fold reasons brought before to proue the contrary nor from Antichristian pride in seeking to tread vnderneath his feete the crownes and dignities of Kings and Princes and to lift himselfe vp aboue all that is called God CHAP. 45. Of the Popes vnjust claime to intermeddle with the affaires of Princes and their states if not as soueraigne Lord ouer all yet at least in Ordine ad spiritualia and in case of Princes failing to do their duties THAT Christ was no earthly King that he left no Kingly power to Peter and that the Pope hath no meere temporall power in that he is Christs Vicar or Peters successor it is most euident out of the former discourse and the Cardinall Iesuite confesseth so much and yet he thinketh the Pope hath a supreme power to dispose of all temporall states and things in ordine ad bonum spirituale that is in a kinde of reference to the procuring and setting forward of the spirituall good But this fancy is most easily refuted by vnanswerable reasons presupposing his former concession For first no man can take away limit or restraine any power or the excercise of it but he in whom it is in eminent sort and from whom it was receiued But the ciuill power that is in Princes is not in the Pope neither did it proceede and come originally from him therefore it cannot be restrained limited or taken away by him The maior proposition is euident the assumption is proued because ciuill power is in heathen infidels who no way hold of the Pope Secondly because it is agreed by all Diuines of worth and learning that the ciuill power in the first originall of it is immediately from God or if not immediately by his owne deliuery thereof yet by no other mediation then that of the law of nature and nations The Emperours know saith Tertullian who gaue them the Empire they know that it was euen the same God who gaue vnto them to be men and to haue humane soules They well perceiue that he onely is God in whose onely power they are à quo sunt secundi post quem primi ante omnes super omnes Deos that is After whom they are in order the second but among all other the first before and aboue all Gods And againe Inde est Imperator vnde homo antequam Imperator inde potest as illi vnde spiritus that is From thence is the chiefe ruler and Emperor whence he was a man before hee was an Emperour from thence hath hee his power from whence he receiued the spirit of life The Author of the answer to the reports of a great and worthy Iudge among vs who hath lately written in the defence of the Popes ouerspreading greatnesse seemeth in part to agree with Tertullian and telleth vs that ciuill power is receiued from God not immediately by his owne deliuery thereof but mediately rather by the mediation of the law of nature and nations For by the law of nature God hath ordained that there should be politicke gouernment which the law of nations assuming hath transferred that gouernment to one or more according to the diuers formes thereof And Occam proueth at large that Imperiall power is not from the Pope and that it is hereticall to say that all lawfull ciuil power is from the Pope Our second reason is this Absolute soueraigne ciuill Princes while they were infidels had true dominion rule and authority holding it as immediatly from God not depending on any ruler of the church as hath beene shewed before But when they become Christians they still remaine in the
the Kings Iustices for murther vsed vile and contemptuous speeches against them which though it were proued against him before the Arch-bishoppe yet hee was only depriued of the benefit of his Prebend and driuen out of the Realme for the space of two yeares for so horrible and bloudy a crime This was one of those sixteene Articles concerning the ancient customes of the Realme whereunto Becket and the rest of the Bishoppes did sweare and whereof hee so soone repented againe namely that Cleargy-men accused of any crime should at the summons of the Kings Iustices appeare in the Kings Court to answere to such things as to that Court should be thought to appertaine and in the Ecclesiasticall what pertained thereunto and that the Kings Iustices should send to see what was there done and that if they should bee conuicted of any enormous cryme or confesse the same the Bishoppe should not protect thē then which course nothing could be deuised more reasonable Neyther is it absurd for sheepe to judge their Pastors in these cases as Bellarmine fondly affirmeth That the Councell of Chalcedon and Toledo forbid Cleargy-men to leaue the Eccesiasticall Iudges and to prosecute their quarrels one against another before Temporall Magistrates and the Councells of Carthage and Agatha condemne them that chuse rather to bee tryed in Ciuill Courts then Ecclesiasticall when they haue power to chuse or that begin suites there without the permission of their Bishoppe no way contrarieth any thing that I haue sayd for howsoeuer some things are to bee handled in the Ecclesiasticall Courts as properly pertaining to them either naturally and originally or by graunt of Princes and other thinges concerning Church-men not to bee brought into Ciuill Courts but in due sort and with respect had to their places and rankes yet neuer had they any such absolute exemption and immunity but that in criminall causes such as theft murther and the like and in tryall of the title oflands and inheritances and the right of aduocation of Churches they were to bee tryed in ciuill Courtes and no other whether the differences grewe betweene Lay-men and Cleargy-men or Cleargy-men among themselues As likewise they were to do homage and sweare fealty for such lands honours and Baronryes as they held of Princes Thus wee see how fauorable Princes haue beene in graunting priuiledges concerning the persons of such as attend the seruice of God Neyther were they lesse carefull to free such lands and possessions as they indowed the Church with from such burdens taxes and impositions as other temporall possessions are subject to So that howsoeuer in the Apostles times and long after euen till the time of Ambrose as it appeareth by his writtings the Church-lands payd tribute yet afterward by Iustinian and other Christian Emperours they were freed from those impositions Neither is it to be maruailed at that Christian Princes out of their deuout and religious dispositions were thus fauourable to the Church seing euen the Heathen Princes did as much for the Idolatrous Priestes of their false-Gods for we read in the booke of Genesis that in the time of that great famine that was in the dayes of Ioseph when the people of Egypt were constrained after all their money and cattell were spent to sell their land to Ioseph the Steward of Pharaoh in whose hands all the prouision of Corne was to buy them bread so that all the land of Egypt became Pharaohs yet the Priests were not forced to sell their lands for they had an ordinary from Pharaoh and they did eate their ordinary which Pharaoh gaue them And when as afterwardes Ioseph let the people enjoy their land again which he had bought for Pharaoh yet so that onely foure parts of the increase thereof should bee to themselues for the seed of their fieldes for their meate and for them of their householdes and their children to eate and the fifth part should be Pharaohs whose now the land was the land of the Priests was free from this rent and charge as not being Pharaohs Yet were not the priuiledges and immunities which Christian Princes gran◅ed to Ecclesiasticall persons to prejudice other men nor to lay too heauy a burden on them and therefore it was lawfull for Princes when they saw any inconveniences in that too much of their land by passing into the right and possession of Church-men was freed from seruices and charges to stop the passing of any more into such dead hands as would yeeld them no helpe and cleargy-men were bound in conscience voluntarily to contribute to all publike necessities when need required though the Temporall Magistrates might not impose any thing vpon them as we find it ordered in the third councell of Lateran and in the fourth vnder Innocentius the third yea if they should contemptuously and presumptuously refuse to beare part of the common burdens notwithstanding any pretended priviledges the supreame Prince might force them to put too their helping hand rather then the whole state of the cōmon-wealth should bee shaken and indangered or other parts and members of it too heauily burdened as Duarenus learnedly and excellently sheweth This may suffice touching the exemption of Cleargy-men either in respect of their persons or goods the right by which they inioy the same And thus haue we runne through all the different Degrees Orders of Ecclesiasticall Ministers and shewed what their power office and authority is both seuerally and assembled in councels and what power Princes haue to commaund ouer them or to intermeddle with the businesses and affaires more specially belonging to them CHAP. 54. Of the calling of Ministers the persons to whom it pertaineth to elect ordaine them NOw it remaineth that we first treate of the calling of Ministers for No man taketh this honour vpon him but he that is called as was Aaron◅ Secondly of the things required in them and thirdly of their maintenance Touching the first which is the calling of Ecclesiasticall Ministers Saint Hierome noteth that there are 4 sorts of such men as are imployed in the businesses affaires of Almighty God The first are such as are sent neither of men nor by men but by Iesus Christ as the Prophets in olde time and since the comming of Christ those Twelue designed immediatly to the Worke of the Ministery by Christs owne voyce specially called Apostles The second such as are sent of God but by man as Bishops and Ministers which succeede the Apostles and deriue their commission from them The third are such as are sent of men and not of GOD who are they that are ordained by fauour of men not judging rightly of the quality of them that are to serue in this calling who yet are not simply denyed to bee sent of God as if they had no commission from him but therefore onely because if the Ordainers had done their duties they should haue made a better choyce and sent other