that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomodated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Bailiffe and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presented the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailiffe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and Ecclesiasticall discipline in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid do by these deputies ratifie confirme and approve thereof And farther we out of our Princely power and regall authority do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royall Signet for us our heirs and successors will with our royall hand and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall unlesse the same or some part or parts thereof upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being the Governour Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle and of the Dean and Ministers and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being representing the body of our said Isle and by the royall authority of us our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton that he do forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopall seal as Ordinary of the place give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established as followeth Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall treated agreed on and established for the Isle of Jarsey CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy and of the Church Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth it is first ordained That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls shall to the utmost of their power knowledge and learning purely and sincerely without any backwardnesse or dissimulation teach publish and declare as often as they may and as occasion shall present it self that all strange usurped and forain power for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God is wholly as for just and good causes taken away and abolished and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions is due unto any such forain power but that the Kings power within his Realms of England Scotland and Ireland and all other his Dominions and Countries is the highest power under God to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops Bishops and Deans affirming it to be Antichristian shall be ipso facto Excommunicated and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court after his repentance and publick recantation of his errour CHAP. II. Of Divine Service Article I. 1. IT is injoyned unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England And for as much as concerns the Ministers that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration and that they fuâ—ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer and the hearing of Gods word Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word kneeling on their knees during the Prayers and standing up at the Belief and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen And further during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person either in the Church or Church-yard III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning by reading the Common prayers IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate to the end that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance CHAP. III. Of Baptism THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be
The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome was about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their followers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers petty Councels the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had done in France whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcâ—patus beneficia they are Platinas own words per cupiditatem Simonaâ—cam committat aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Ruâ—us the controversie being whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recovered it and his successors kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crosiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilandi rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of December 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in confession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Diocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quod qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pigâ—inus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their
in person and if that See be void by the most reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury in person II. 2. All Appeales shall be exhibited within fifteen dayes after notice taken of the sentence and the party shall be constrained to take or write out the whole proces at it is upon the Register or Rols of Court which Acts of the said Court shall be delivered to him in forme and time convenient under the seal of the office and the Appellant shall pursue the action within a year and a day aut sententiae latae stare compellitur III. 3. It shall not be lawfull to appeal untill after the definitive sentence unlesse in these two cases viz. either when the Interlocutory is such as puts an end unto the businesse or else when the said interlocutory being obeyed brings such irreparable damage to the party that he cannot help himself by his Appeal A Table of the Fees appertaining to the Dean and his Officers in all causes Ecclesiasticall FOr the proving of a Will where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of five pound To the Dean o. To the Register for writing and recording it 6 d. For the approving of a Will above the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register or Notary 1 s. For a Letter of administration where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of 5 l. de elaro To the Dean o. To the Register for writing it 6 d. For a Letter of administration above that value To the Dean 1 s. To the Register 1 s. For the registring an Inventory of the goods of minors where the said inventory exceedeth not the value of 5 l. To the Dean o. To the Register 4 d. For the registring of Inventories exceeding the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register 1 s. For an authentick copy of the said Wils Inventories or Letters of administration To the Dean for his seal 6 d. To the Register 6 d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage To the Dean 3 s. For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations To the Dean 2 d. ob To the Notary 1 d. d. To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. d. For absolution from the minor excommunication To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d ob To the Apparitor 2 d. â—b For absolution from the major excommunication To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob To the Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers and for the authentick writing To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors of the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors nor any of his officers either directly or indirectly shall demand exact or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle any other fees or duties then such as are specified in the table above written And it is further ordained that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle on any causes and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be forthwith abrogated to the end that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean or any of his successors in the times to come contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate Given as before said under our signet at our Court at Greenwich on the last day of June in the year of our Reign of England France and Ireland the one and twentieth and of Scotland the six and fiftieth CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration My scope and project to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attained to with his Majesty in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it formerly was guided and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England Before I enter on with argument I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Majesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island not in both and being resolved to try his forces on the one only why he should rather sort out Jarsey A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared For had his Majesty attempted both at once the Ministers of both Islands had then communicated counsels banded themselves in a league and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire Divide impera and well noted by the State-historian that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger Ita dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur And on the other side his Majesty soresaw for certain that if one Island once were taken off the other might with greater ease be perswaded to conforme Being resolved then to attempt them single there was good reason why he should
the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers p. 104. CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. p. 113. La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St Croix Câ—nâ—ing an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joan the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that university Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our return to Paris p. 152. PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie The office of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feasted within it and the error of that action the Town how built-seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provost The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise
and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216. CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lebu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Dooms day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventuals 8 The condition of theâ—e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Wâ—nton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 Nâ—place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3
Their love to Parity as well in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hand of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets case 8 The brothren superstitious in giving names to children 9 Ambling Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a third note of the Church 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of Bels. 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal usurp upon the civil Courts 15 The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates p. 364. CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirms the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarsey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They refer themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germany what it was 13 The Interim of Jarsey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons 378. CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same p. 390. CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Propesals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England p. 412. ERRATA Besides the errors of the Copy the Reader is of course to look for some from the Presse which the hast made for preventing the false impressions bath more increased then any negligence of the Workman which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main p. 5. l. 23. r. locorum p. 7 l. 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Henry p. 11. l. 17. del in p. 13. l. 18. r. pace ibid. l. 35. 〈…〉 yred p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth p. 39. l. 25. p. 108. l. 9 r. interview p. 49. l. 3. r. then ibid l. 4. r. as at ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye p. 60 l. 28. r. En lar ibid. l. 35 r. Troyes p. 69 l. 26. del now p. 95. l. 17. r born p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished p. 99. l. 20. r. Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres p. 123 l 1 r. as much hugged ibid. l. 26. r. I shall hereafter shew you p. 125. l. 27. r. Beu p. 127. l. 14. r. Angerville p. 132. l. 12. r. Angiers p. 138 l. 9. r. his p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times ibid. l. 20. r quam disfumigamibus p. 140. l. 22. r. Belbâ—s p. 147. l. 2. r. meriâ— p. 150. l. 27. r. many p. 153. l. 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme p. 158 l. 9 r. trumped p. 162. l. 12. r. Les D guieres p. 163. l. 20 r. Bevie ibid. l. â—3 r. Troyes p. 167. l. 27. r. Ancre p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo ibid. l. 19. r. fidei p. 175. l. 9. r. mossing p. 185 l. 27. del do ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my ibid. l. 33. r. Bookes p. 199. l. 20. r. horrour p. 206. l. 8. r Franâ— p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del each 〈◊〉 p. 213 l 8. to these words abeady mentioned add and Madam Gabriele the most breed of all p. 220 l. ult r. Aix p. 222. l. 38. r. no other p. 223. l 7. l. 32. r. investi 〈…〉 ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio ibid. l. 23. r. 〈…〉 e. p. 230. l 19. r. fair p. 231 l. 1. r. to come ibid. l. 6 r. greatest action p. 235. l. 〈◊〉 del into p. 242. l 4 r. Le Chastres p. 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall p 248. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 p. 261. l. 24 del foâ— p. 271. l. 13. r. birudo p 272. l. ult r. Vitrâ—y p. 274. l. r. 〈…〉 tal p. 288 l. 28. r. Peitor p. 298. l. 5. 302. l. 16. r. Armie p. 304 l. 33 r. Summa 〈…〉 p. 306 l. 20. r. manner p. 312. l. 8 del a Crosse engraled O. p. 314. l. 5 r. Viconte p. 320. l 8. r. painset ibid. l. 2. r. honor p. 323. l. 34. r. once p 325. l. 7. r. fact p. 330. l. 36. r. Birtilier p. 337. l. 11. r titulary ibid. l 17 r. Painset p. 354. l ult 〈◊〉 them they p. 368 l 35. r. propounded p. 374 l 10 r. tactum p. 381. l. 14. r. va 〈…〉 p. 384. l. 3 l. 3â— p. 386 l. 15. Misseâ—vâ— p 385. l. 17 r. Olivier ibid. l. 34. r. St. Martins p 387. l 32. r. interea p. 393 l. 9. r. cure p 401. l. ult r. rols p. 417 l. 11. del hath p 415 l. 3. r. ceremoniall ibid. l. 25. r. besaid unto him ibid. l. 38. r. Bishop p. 417. l 8. r clamors p. 422. l. 13. r. change p. 423. l 3. r. sic ibid. l. 24. r. pool THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces and chief Cities of it The Temper Humors and Affections of the people generally And an exact account of the Publick Government in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State By PET. HEYLYN London Printed 1656. A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE NORMANDY OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance The beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England ON Tuesday the 28 of June just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France and the French had seen the choise beauties of England we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover The Port we aimed at Dieppe in Normandy The hour three in the afternoon The winde faire and high able had it continued in that point to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings Two hours before night it came about to the Westward and the tide also not befriending us our passage became tedious and troublesome
homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisme in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to sentence Ilfut par Arrestdela dite cour saith Du Chesne condamnè pour atteint convaincu da crime de parricide de felonie Parric de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassall and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—â—rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu' il aveit parde la demoureroient aquâ—ses confisquces a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more finister a tryall The Erglish thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the swoÌ„rd it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. July the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyse on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are made by the Seine and the Marne a river of Campagne which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called by the name of the Isle of France and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles the waters winding up and down as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces This Isle this portion of Gaul properly and limitedly sty led France was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither and hath still continued so The rest of Gallia is in effect rather subdued by the French then inhabited their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule we shall finde the other Nations of it to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios as Mariana relateth it Certain it it that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French the Normans Britons Biscaines or Gascons the Gothes of Languedoc and Provence Burgundians and the ancient Gaules of Poictou retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces But it is the custome shall I say or fate of lesser and weaker Nations to lose their names unto the stronger as wives do to their husbands and the smaller rivers to the greater Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni Mazovii and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia whereof it is but a little parcell and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchie Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation as the laws of the victor The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia and masters of the rest possessors not of their Cities only but their conditions A double victory it seemeth they enjoyed over that people and took from them at once both their qualities and their Countries Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar de bello Gallico he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Prophet yea he will rather make himself believe that he hath prophecied the character of the present French then delivered one of the antient Gaule And indeed it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation that the old Gaules being in a manner all worne out should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men which now inhabit that region being of so many severall Countries and originals If we dive into naturall causes we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the heavens for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall do work upon all sublunary bodies in the generall by light influence and motion so have they a particular operation on particulars An operation there is wrought by them in a man as borne at such and such a minute and again as borne under such and such a Climate The one derived from the setting of the Houses and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity the other from that constellation which governeth as it were the Province of his birth and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci Hinc illa
it the ornamentall parts and trappings of it being yet not added When it is absolutely consummate if it hold proportion with the other sides both within and without it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politenesse of the Fabrick not fellowed in Europe A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward For when upon the death of her great Privado the Marquesse D'Ancre she was removed to Blois those of the opposite taction in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King that not without great struglings by those of her party and the hazard of two civill wars she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty She may see by this what to trust to should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions Likely therefore it is that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited further then on occasions for a Banquet then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatnesse This house is called Luxembourg Palace as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde to whom it was given by the Queen Mother in the first year of her Regency The Town of Paris is that part of it which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie What was spoken before in the generall hath its reference to this particular whether it concern the sweetnesse of the streets the manner of the building the furniture of the artificer or the like It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches viz. St. German de l'Auxerre 2 St. Eustace 3 Les Saints Innocents 4 St. Savueur 4 St. Nicolas des champs 6 Lâ— Sepulore 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie 8 St. Josse 9 St. Mercy 10 St. Jean 11 St. Gervase and St. Protasse 12 St. Paul and 13 St. Jean le tonde It also hath in it 7 Gates sc 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall 2 Porte du Temple 3 St. Martim 4 St. Denis 5 Mont martre 6 St. Honorè and 7 Porte Neufue so called because it was built since the others which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries the Garden of the Louure The principall Governour of Paris as also of the whole Isle of France is the Duke of Monbazon who hath held this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines but he little medleth with the City The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts the one called Le Provost du Paris the other Le Provost des Merchands The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen whether they be criminall or civill The office is for term of life the place of judgement the Grand Chastelet The present Provost is called Mr. Seguier and is by birth of the Nobility as all which are honoured with this office must be He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants the Lieutenant criminall which judgeth in matters of life and death the Lieutenant civill which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party and the Lieutenant particular who supplyeth their severall places in their absence There are also necessarily required to this Court the Procureur and the Advocate or the Kings Sollicitour and Attorney 12 Counsellours and of under-officers more then enough This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great In matters criminall there is appeal admitted from hence to the Tournelle In matters civill if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres to the great Chamber or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament The Provost of the Merchants and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City to have an eye over the sales of Wine Corn Wood Cole c. and to impose taxes on them to keep the keyes of the Gates to give watch word in time of war to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town and the like There are also four other Officers joyned unto him Escbevins they call them who also carry a great sway in the City There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings the Kings Sollicitour or Procureur and 24 Counsellours To compare this Corporation with that of London the Provost is as the Maior the Eschevins as the Sheriffs the 24 Counsellours as the Aldermen and the Procureur as the Recorder I omit the under-officers whereof there is no scarcity The place of their meetings is called L' hostel de ville or the Guilde-hall The present Provost Mr. de Grieux his habit as also that of the Eschevins and Counsellours half red half skie coloured the City livery with a hood of the same This Provost is as much above the other in power as men which are loved commonly are above those which are feared This Provost the people willingly yea sometimes factiously obey as the conservator of their liberties the other they only dread as the Judge of their lives and the tyrants over their Estates To shew the power of this Provost both for and with the people against their Princes you may please to take notice of two instances For the people against Philip de Valois anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns upon all wares sold in Paris for the better managing of his Wars against the English could obtain it but for one year only and that not without speciall letters reversall that it should no way incommodate their priviledges With the people anno 1357 when King John was Prisoner in England and Charles the Daulphin afterwards the fift of that name laboured his ransome amongst the Parisians For then Stephen Marcell the Provost attended by the Vulgar Citizens not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber but flew John de Confâ—ans and Robert of Clermount two Marschals of France before his face Nay to add yet further insolencies to this he took his party-coloured hood off his head putting it on the Daulphins and all that day wore the Daulphins hat being a brown black Pour signal de sa dictature as the token of his Dictatorship And which is more then all this he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Hoâ—d of the City livery and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above named as done by his commandement Horrible insolencies Quam miserum est cum haec impune facere potuisse as Tully of Marcus Antonius The Armes of this Town as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins are Guleâ— a Ship Argent a Chief powdred with flower de
more unpardonable then the greatest sin of the Universities But I wrong a good cause with an unnecessary patronage Yet such is the peccant humour of some that they know not how to expiate the follies of one but with the calumnie and dispraise of all An unmanly weaknesse and yet many possessed with it I know it unpossible that in a place of youth and liberty some should not give occasion of offence The Ark wherein there were eight persons only was not without one Cham and of the twelve which Christ had chosen one was a Devill It were then above a miracle if amongst so full a cohort of young souldiers none should forsake the Ensign of his Generall he notwithstanding that should give the imputation of cowardize to the whole army cannot but be accounted malitious or peevish But let all such as have evill will at Sion live unregarded and die unremembred for want of some Scholar to write their Epitaph Certainly a man not wedded to envie and a spitefull vexation of spirit upon a due examination of the civility of our Lycaea and a comparison of them with those abroad cannot but say and that justly Non habent Academiae Anglicanae pares nisi seipsas The principal cause of the rudeness and disorders in Paris have been chiefly occasioned by the great priviledges wherewith the Kings of France intended the furtherance and security of learning Having thus let them get the bridle in their own hands no marvel if they grow sick with an uncontrolled licenciousnesse Of these priviledges some are that no Scholars goods can be seized upon for the payment of his debts that none of them should be liable to any taxes or impositions a royall immunity to such as are acquainted with France that they might carry and recarry their utensils without the least molestation that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the keeper and defender of their liberties who is therefore stiled Le conservateur des privileges royaux de l' Universite de Paris c. One greater priviledge they have yet then all these which is their soon taking of degrees Two years seeth them Novices in the Arts and Masters of them So that enjoying by their degrees an absolute freedome before the follies and violences of youth are broke in them they become so unruly and insolent as I have told you These degrees are conferred on them by the Chancellor who seldome examineth further of them then his sees Those payed he presenteth them to the Rector and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the University Seal which is the main part of the creation He also setteth the Seal to the Authenticall Letters for so they term them of such whom the Sorbonnists have passed for Doctors The present Chancellor is named Petrus de Pierre vive Doctor of Divinity and Canon of the Church of Nostre Dame as also are all they which enjoy that office He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris and taketh place of any under that dignity But of this ill-managed University enough if not too much CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander's injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre dame The Holy-water there The original making and vertue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Ancients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parliament THE Isle of Paris commonly called L'Isle du Palais seated between the University and the Town is that part of the whole which is called La Cite the City the epitome and abstract of all France It is the sweetest and best ordered part of all Paris and certainly if Paris may be thought to be the eye of the Realm this Island may be equally judged to be the apple of that eye It is by much the lesser part and by as much the richer by as much the decenter and affordeth more variety of objects then both the other It containeth an equall number of Parish Churches with the Town and double the number of the University For it hath in it 13 Churches parochial viz. la Magdalene 2 St. Geniveue des ardents 3 St. Christopher 4 St. Pierre aux Boeufs 5 St. Marine 6 St. Lander 7 St. Symphorian 8 St. Denis de la charite 9 St. Bartellemie 10 St. Pierâ—â— des Assis 11 St. Croix 12 St. Marciall 13 St. German de vieux Seated it is in the middle of the Seine and in that place where stood the old Lutetia Labienus cum quatuor legionibus saith Jul. Caesar 70 Comment Lutetiam proficiscitur id est opidum Parisiorum positum in medio fluminis Sequanae It is joyned to the main land and the other parts of this French Metropolis by six Bridges two of wood and four of stone the stone Bridges are 1 Le petit pont a Bridge which certainly deserveth that name 2 Le pont de Nostre dame which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses and those adorned with portly and antick imagery 3 Le pont St. Michell so called because it leadeth towards the Gate of St. Michell hath also on each side a beautifull row of houses all of the same fashion so exactly that but by their severall doors you would scarce think them to be several houses they are all new as being built in the reign of this present King whose armes is engraven over every door of them The fourth and largest Bridge is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Louure and covereth the waters now united again into one stream It was begun to be built by Katharine of Medices the Queen-Mother anno 1578. her Son King Henry the 3. laying the first stone of it The finishing of it was reserved unto Henry 4. who as soon as he had setled his affairs in this Town presently set the workmen about it In the end of it where it joyneth to the Town there is a water-house which by artificiall engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring rising from under the river done at the charge of this King also In the midst of it is the Statua of the said Henry 4. all in brasse mounted on his barbed Steed of the same mettle They are both of them very unproportionable unto those which they represent and would shew them big enough were they placed on the top of Nostre dame Church What minded King Lewis to make his father of so gigantive a stature I cannot tell Alexander at his return from his Indian expedition scattered Armours Swords and Horsebits far bigger then were serviceable to make future ages admire his greatnesse Yet some have hence collected that
by their blind and infatuated people what would they have said or rather what would they not have said Questionlesse the least they could do were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins the Papists reckon him for an Heretick saying Quid necesse est tanto honore non solum honorare sed etiam adorare illud nescio quid quod in vasculo transferendo colis Presently without the Chappell is the Burse La Gallerie des Merchands a rank of shops in shew but not in substance like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament and is the common through-fare between them On the bottome of the staires and round about the severall houses consecrated to the execution of Justice are sundry shops of the same nature meanly furnished if compared with ours yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place Daulphin and the little Chastelet this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants and it deserveth no other imployment It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars whose rudenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better bridled Omnes eos qui nomen ipsum Academiae vel serio vel joco nominossent haeereticos pronunciavit saith Platina of Pope Paul the II. I dare say it of this wildernesse that whosoever will account it as an Academy is an Heretick to Learning and Civility The Place Daulphin is a beautifull heap of building situate nigh unto the new Bridge It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and entituled according to the title of his Son The houses are all of brick high built uniforme and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description were not the Parliament now ready to sit and my self sommoned to make my appearance CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisted The dignity and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and over the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemaine at such time as he was Maire of the Palace unto the lasse and rechlesse Kings of France In the beginnings of the French Empire their Kings did justice to their people in person afterwards banishing themselves from all the affaires of State that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maiors an office much of a nature with the Pâ—aefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire When this office was bestowed upon the said Charles Martell he partly weary of the trouble partly intent about a businesse of an higher nature which was the estating the Crown in his own posterity but principally to endeer himself to the common people ordained this Court of Parliament anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of 12 Peers the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion together with some of the principallest of the Kings houshold Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an addition of place as of Paris at Roven c. this only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Parliament It handled as well causes of estate as those of private persons For hither did the Ambassadors of neighbour Princes repaire to have their audience and dispatch and hither were the Articles agreed on in the nationall Synods of France sent to be confirmed and verified here did the subjects tender in their homages and Oaths of fidelity to the King and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites at that time the Governours and Judges in their severall Counties Being furnished thus with the prime and choycest Nobles of the Land it grew into great estimation abroad in the world insomuch that the Kings of Sicilie Cyprus Scotland Bohemia Portugall and Navarre have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it and which is more when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IV. he submitted himself and the rightnesse of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament At the first institution of this Court it had no setled place of residence being sometimes kept at Tholoza sometimes at Aix la Chappelle sometimes in other places according as the Kings pleasure and ease of the people did require During its time of peregrination it was called Ambulatoire following for the most part the Kings Court as the lower sphaeres do the motion of the primum mobile but Philip le bel he began his reign anno 1286 being to take a journey into Flanders and to stay there a long space of time for the setling of his affaires in that Countrey took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris where ever since it hath continued Now began it to be called Sedentaire or setled and also peua peu by little and little to lose much of its lustre For the chief Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue not able to live out of the aire of the Court withdrew themselves from the troubles of it by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe as they term them both Bishops and Lawyers In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdome only the Bishop of Paris and Abbot of St. Denis being permitted their place in it since which time the Professors of the civill law have had all the sway in it Et cedunt arma togae as Tully The place in which this Sedentarie Court of Parliament is now kept is called the Palace being built by Philip le bel and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house He began it in the first year of his reign anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament it being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Lewis XII In this
cannot blame him for it it was worthy but little thanks to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens who for his Holinesse satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans I believe that upon the same termes the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome Without this room this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure is the house of Burbon an old decayed fabrick in which nothing was observable but the Omen for being built by Lewis of Burbon the third Duke of that branch he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door signifying his hope that from his loins should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families and it is accordingly hapned For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being before the foundation of the House and the Garden the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language I was not so happy as to see and will not be indebted to any for the relation The End of the Second Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journy towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients The French Musick HAving abundantly stifled our spirits in the stink of Paris on Tuesday being the 12 of July we took our leave of it and prepared our selves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud save that they began to gather together about noon in the nature of a curtain to defend us from the injury of the Sun The wind rather sufficient to fan the air then to disturb it by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey and he that did not put it to that use mis-spent it having therefore put our selves into our wagon we took a short farewell of Paris exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of the fields again and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normandy only that the corn grounds were larger and more even On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes and the Castle of Bisestre and about some two miles beyond them we had a sight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sillery Chancellor of the Kingdome a pretty house it promised to be having two base Courts on the hither side of it and beyond it a park an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant Four leagues from Paris is the the Town of Montliberrie now old and ruinous and hath nothing in it to commend it but the carkasse of a Castle without it it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain on which was fought that memorable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie Duke of Burgogne a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army the field being in a manner emptied of all the forces and yet neither of the Princes victorious Hic spe celer ille salute some ran out of fear to die and some out of hope to live that it was hard to say which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat This notwithstanding the King esteemed himself the conquerour not that he overcame but because not vanquisht He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory It was Antonies case in his war against the Parthians a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him Crassus before him had been taken by that people but Antonius made a retreat though with losse Hanc itaque fugam suam quia vivus exierat victoriam vocabat as Paterculus one that loved him not saith of him Yet was King Lewis is so puffed up with this conceit of victory that he ever after slighted his enemies and at last ruined them and their cause with them The war which they undertook against him they had entituled the war of the Weal publick because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty of their Countrey and people both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed True it is they had also their particular purposes but this was the main and failing in the expected event of it all that they did was to confirm the bondage of the Realm by their own overthrow These Princes once disbanded and severally broken none durst ever afterwards enter into the action for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France Hors pupillage out of their ward-ship a speech of more brag then truth The people I confesse he brought into such terms of slavery that they no longer merited the name of subjects but yet for all his great boast the Nobles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians I have already shewn you much of their potency By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery as our Lawyers call it Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes he had then been perfectly his words-master and till that be done I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people The battail foughten by this Town the common people impute to the English and so do they also many others which they had no hand in For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation and of their many fields which we gained of them they no sooner hear of a pitched field but presently as the nature of men in a fright is they attribute it to the English good simple souls Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint sed onerare alienis as Tully in his Philippicks An humour just like unto that of little children who being once frighted with the tales
brain if not well qualified for which cause it is said that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers who may therefore say with Martiall Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali This Town called Genabum by Caesar was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour anno 276. and called by his name Aurelianum which it still retaineth amongst the Latines It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University and its seat of justice this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux Now these Seiges Presidiaux Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Cities of the Realm for the ease of the people anno 1551 or thereabouts In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livres in money or 10 livres in rents are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal If the sum exceed those proportions the appeal holdeth good and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction they are This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion of 12 Counsellors two Lieutenants one civil and the other criminal and a publick notary When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province cometh into their Court he giveth precedency to the Bailly in other places he receiveth it This institution of these Presidentiall Courts was at first a very profitable ordinance and much eased the people but now it is grown burthensome the reason is that the offices are made salable and purchased by them with a great deal of money which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it the sale of justice a mischief which is spread so far that there is not the poorest under-officer in all the Realm who may not safely say with the Captain in the 22. of the Acts and the 28. vers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a great sum of money obtained I this freedome Twenty years purchase is said to be no extraordinary rate and I have read that only by the sale of offices one of the Kings had raised in 20 years 139 millions which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly or thereabouts of all waies to thrift and treasure the most unkingly In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolising of the sales of this market but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the mischief for he desired in lieu of it to have a greater imposition laid upon Salt and on the Aides which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater and so the corruption remaineth unaltered This Town as it is sweetly seated in respect of the air so is it finely convenienced with walks of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate having the wall on one hand and a rank of palm-trees on the other the second that near unto the Bridge having the water pleasingly running on both sides and a third which is indeed the principal on the east side of the City It is called the Palle Malle from an exercise of that name much used in this Kingdome a very Gentleman-like sport not over violent and such as affordeth good opportunity of discourse as they walk from one mark to the other Into this walk which is of a wonderful length and beauty you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town the aged people borrowing legs to carry them and the younger armes to guide them If any young Dame or Monsieur walk thither single they will quickly finde some or other to link with them though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle not minding the shutting in of the day till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing At all hours of the night be it warm and dry you shall be sure to finde them there thus coupled and if at the years end there be found more children then fathers in the Town this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L' Estapp a walk principally frequented by Merchants who here meet to conserre of their occasions It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix of the building of which Church I could never yet hear or read of any thing but that which is meerly fabulous for the Citizens report that long since time out of minde there appeared a vision to an holy Monk which lived thereabouts and bad him dig deep in such a place where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buried upon this warning the Church was founded but at whose charges they could not enform me so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie The Superstition is apparent in their worshipping of such rotten sticks as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse their calling of it holy and dedicating of this Church unto it Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy daies one in May and the other in September and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high-waies with these words Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera Horrible blasphemy and never heard but under Antichrist Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas being the lesson of the Ancients As for the miracle I account it as others of the same stamp equally false and ridiculous This Church in the year 1562. was defaced and ruined by the Hugonots who had entred the Town under the conduct of the Prince of Conde An action little savouring of humanity and lesse of Religion the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches of those Towns which they had taken But in this action the Hugonots consulted only with rashnesse and a zealous fury thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scourge of Papists and the overthrowers of Popish Churches Quid facerent hostes capla crudelius urbe The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more have exercised their malice on the vanquished and this I perswade my self had been the fate of most of our Churches if that faction had got the upper hand of us But
these actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatnesse though I can hardly believe that he durst be ambitious of the Crown for being a fellow of a low birth his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope and having no party amongst the Nobility and being lesse gracious with the people he was altogether destitute of means to compasse it I therefore am of an opinion that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire upon the French dominion which the crosse marriages whereof he was the contriver and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France may seem to demonstrate And again at that time when he had put the Realm into his third combustion the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy and another in the Countries of Cleve and Juliers which had not the timely fall of this Monster and the peace ensuing prevented it might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France But this only conjecturall CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feasted within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called Bretâ—aul where we were harboured being from Clermont 6 French leagues and from Paris 20. Our entertainment there such as in other places as sluttish as inconvenient The next day being the 29 about ten of the clock we had a sight of the goodly City of Amiens A City of some four English miles circuit within the wals which is all the greatnesse of it for without the wals it hath houses few or none A City very capacious and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the persons and trains of many great Princes besides that once it entertained almost an whole Army of the English For King Lewis the 11. having made an advantagious peace with our Edward 4. and perceiving how ungratefull it was amongst the military men he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction He sent therefore unto them 300 carts loaden with the best Wines and seeing how acceptable a present that had proved he intended also to feast them in Amiens within half a league of which their Camp was lodged This entertainment lasted four daies each street having in it two long tables and each table being furnished with very plentiful provision Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns and Victualling houses or therein stinted either in meats or drinks whatsoever was called for being defrayed by King Lewis An action wherein if mine opinion might carry it there was little of the politician For there were permitted to enter into the Town so many at once of the English men that had they been but so minded they might easily have made themselves Masters both of the place and of the Kings person Nine thousand are reckoned by Cumines to have been within it together and most of them armed so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates and let in the rest of the Army Those of the French Kings Counsell much feared it and therefore enformed both Princes of the danger the one of his Town the other of his Honour But this jealousie was but a French distrust and might well have been spared the English being of that Generals minde who scorned to steal a victory and of that generous disposition that they would not betray their credits Nunquam illis adei ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio quam damno pensarent fides as the Historian of Tiberius If this City then escaped a sack or a surprisal it cannot be imputed to the wisdome of the French but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English But this was not the only soloecism in point of state committed by that great politick of his time King Lewis there never being man so famed for his brain that more grosly over-reached himself then that Prince though perhaps more frequently The buildings of this Town are of diverse materials some built of stone others of wood and some again of both The streets very sweet and clean and the air not giving place to any for a lively pureness Of their buildings the principal are their Churches whereof there are twelve only in number Churches I mean parochial and besides those belonging to Religious houses Next unto them the work of most especial note is a great and large Hospital in method and the disposing of the beds much like unto the Hostel Dieu in Paris but in number much inferiour Et me tamen rapuerant and yet the decency of them did much delight me The sweetnesse and neatnesse of the Town proceeded partly as I said from the air and partly from the conveniency of the River of Some on which it is seated For the river running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town is there divided into six channels which almost at an equall distance run through the several parts of it Those channels thus divided receive into them all the ordure and filth with which the Town otherwise might be pester'd and affordeth the people a plentifull measure of water wherewith to purge the lanes and bie corners of it as often as them listeth But this is not all the benefit of these Channels they bestow upon the City matter also of commodity which is the infinite number of Grist-mils that are built upon them At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream both those places as well of the division as of the union of the Channels being exceeding well fortified with chains and piles and also with bulwarks and out-works Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthned at those passages only the other parts of it having enough of strength to inable them to a long resistance The ditch round about it save where it meeteth with the Citadell is exceeding deep and steepie the wals of a good height broad and composed of earth and stone equally the one making up the outside of them and the other the inside The Gates are very large and strong as well in the finewie composition of themselves as in the addition of the Draw-bridge Suburbs this City hath none because a Town of war nor any liberal circuit of territory because a frontier Yet the people are indifferently wealthy and have amongst them good trading besides the benefit of the Garrison and the Cathedral The Garrison consisteth of 250 men 500 in all they should be who are continually in pay to guard the Citadel their pay
to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the next morning we took boat for England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon his servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commodities much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to require as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France again that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill State The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse â—aqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France and having seen in them the temper humors and conditions of the people of it We will next take a generall view of the Governors and Government thereof with reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State First for the Court we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King without whose influence and presence the Court is but a dead â—arkasse void of life and Majesty For person he is of the middle stature and rather well proportioned then large his face knoweth little yet of a beard but that which is black and swarty his complexion also much of the same hew carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of so that one can hardly say of him without a spite of Courtship which Paterculus did of Tiberius Quod visus praetulerit principem that his countenance proclaimed him a King But questionlesse his greatest defect is want of utterance which is very unpleasing by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September which was his birth day an age which he beareth not very plaufible want of beard and the swarthinesse of his complexion making him seem older At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain by whom as yec he hath no children It is thought by many and covertly spoken by divers in France that the principall cause of the Queens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain that people being loath to fall under the French obedience which may very well happen she being the eldest Sister of the King For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage there is a clause that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her to the King shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation under her own hand-writing as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old which was accordingly performed But this being not sufficient to secure their fears it is thought that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces A great crime I confesse if true yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius Novum Crimen Caje Caear ante hoc tempus inauditum Iaqueline Countesse of Holland was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy her fruitfulnesse would have debarred him from those Estates of Holland Zâ—aland and West Friezland therefore though she had three husbands there was order taken she should never have child with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants the Dukes Physitians gave him such a potion that she might have as well marryed an Euâ—uch upon this injury the poor Lady dyed and the Duke succeeded in those Countries which by his Grand-childe Mary were conveyed over into the house of Austria together with the rest of his estates I dare not say that that Family hath inherited his practises with his Lands and yet I have heard that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch Duke Albertus A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell and before of whom Octavius complaineth Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant paricidium faciunt antequam pariunt Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains I mean his eldest Sister Madam Elizabeth marryed to the King of Spain now living as being or having been the mother of two children His second Sister Madam Christian is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy to whom as yet she hath born no issue The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb Et pulcrâ— faciat te prole parentem
millions of Arpens a measure somewhat bigger then our Acre they have allotted to the Church for its temporall revenue 47 of them In particular of the Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Parish Priests they of Aux Alby Cluniac and St. Estiennes in Paris are said to be the wealthyest the Archbishoprick of Aux in Gascoine is valued at 400000 Livres or 40000 l. English yearly The Bishop of Alby in Lanquedoc is prized at 10000 Florens which is a fourth part of it a great part of this revenue rising out of Saffron The Abbot of Cluniac in the Dutchie of Burgundy is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine Archbishop of Rheimes and Abbot of St. Dennis The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes is judged to receive yearly no sewer then 8000 Crowns a good Intrado As for the vulgar Clergy they have little Titâ—e and lesse Glebe most part of the revenue being appropriated unto Abbeys and other Religious houses the greatest part of their means is the Baisse-maine which is the Church-offerings of the people at Christnings Marriages Burials Dirges Indulgences and the like which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporall estate of the Church an income able to maintain them in good abundance were it not for the greatnesse of their number for reckoning that there are as we have said in France 130000 Perish Priests and that there are only 27400 Parishes it must of necessity be that every Parishone with another must have more then four Priests too many to be rich But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French thrift and would little hinder them from rising if it were not that the goodliest of their preferments were before their faces given unto boyes and children An affront which not only despoileth them of the honors due unto their calling but disheartneth them in their studies and by consequence draweth them unto debauched and sâ—anderous courses Quis enim virtutem exquireret ips 〈…〉 Premiâ— si tâ—llas The Clergy therefore 〈◊〉 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Fryers in Paris as every two years they use to do being to take their leaves of the King elected the Bishop of Aire to be their spokesman and to certifie his Majesty of their grievances In performing which businesse the principall thing of which he spake was to this purpose That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them fathers he gave them children that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father and the function of a Bishop is full of fatherly authority that France notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots which are yet in their Nurses armes or else under their Regents in Colledges nay more that the abuse goeth before their being Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks and Abbaâ—ies before they were born He made also another complaint that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church To these complaints he gave them indeed a very gracious hearing but it was no further then an hearing being never followed by redresse The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility by the speedy preferring of their children and so the clergie departed with a great deal of envy and a little satisfaction Like enough it were that the Pope would in part redresse this injury especially in the point of jurisdiction if he were able But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Countrey neither can be fly at all but as far as they please to suffer him For his temporall power they never could be induced to acknowledge it as we see in their stories anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of theiâ—s tendred to the Queen Mother affirmed the supremacie of the Pope to be an Erroneous Doctrine and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings Anno 1517. when the Councell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs Dated the 12 of March the same year Les decimus saith the Apology in quodame 〈…〉 non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato contra fide 〈…〉 Catholicam c. Sacrum Bisiliense cotholicam da 〈…〉 vit In which councell of Basil the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned Neither did the Kings of France forget to maintain their own authority And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII had in a peremptory Letter written to Philip le Bell King of France styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus alicui non subesse c. The like answer though in modester termes was sent to another of the Popes by St. Lewis a man of a most milde and sweet disposition yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance though more in shew for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy the French Church would never receive it By this means the Bishops keep in their hands their own full authority whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them It was truely said by St. Gregory and they well knew it Lib. 7. Epist 70. Si unus universalis est restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis Further the University of Paris in their Declaration anno 1610 above mentioned plainly affirme that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris alwayes maintained that the Pope hath the power of a Monarch in the spirituall government of the Church To look upon higher times when the Councell of Constance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell John Gerson Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis as one calleth him defended that decree and intituleth them â—erniciosos admodum esse adulatores qui tyrannidem istam in Ecclesiam invexere quasi nullis legum teneatur vinculis quasi neque parere debeat concilio Pontifex nec ab eo judicari queat The Kings themselves also befriend their Clergy in this cause and therefore not only protested against the Councell of Trent wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction But Henry II also would not acknowledge them to be a Councell calling them by another name then Conventus Tridentinus An indignity which the Fathers took very offensively But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy is the collation of Benefices and Bishopricks and the Annats and first fruits thence arising
Esau said in his heart The days of mourning for my father are at band then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloudy resolution was that Jacob was â—ain to relinquish all that he had and flie unto his Uncle This last part of the story expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them This hatred moved them to a war by which they hoped to root them out altogether and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns their strong holds and all their possessions and to flie to their friends wheresoever they could finde them And indeed the present estate of the Protestants is not much better then that of Jacob in Mesopotâ—â—ia nor much different The blessing which they expect lyeth more in the seed then the harvest For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God and secondly in their obedience to their Kings Within these two fortresses if they can keep themselves they need fear none ill because they shall deserve none The only outward strengths they have left them are the two Towns of Montaban and Rochell the one deemed invincible the other threatned a speedy destruction The Duke of Espernon at my being there lay round about it and it was said that the Town was in very bad terms all the neighbouring Towns to whose opposition they much trusted having yeelded at the first fight of the Canon Rochell it is thought cannot be forced by assault nor compelled by a famine Some Protestants are glad of and hope to see the French Church restored to its former powerfulnesse by the resistance of that Town meerly I rather think that the perverse and stubborn condition of it will at last drive the young King into a fury and incite him to revenge their contradiction on their innocent friends now disarmed and disabled Then will they see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions and begin to believe that the Heathen Historian was of the two the better Christian when he gave us this note Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas neque 〈…〉 lli â—inhoneste etiam submitti quem fortuna super omnes exâ—ulisset This weaknesse and misery which hath now befallen the Protestants was anâ— effect I confesse of the ill-will which the other party bare them but that they bare them ill will was a fruit of their own graffing In this circumstance they were nothing like Jacob who in the hatred which his brother Esau had to him was simply passive they being active also in the birth of it And indeed that lamentable and bloudy war which sell upon them they not only endevoured not to avoid but invited during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII who could not molest them they had made themselves masters of 99. Towns well fortifyed and enabled for a 〈◊〉 a strength too great for any one faction to keep together under a King which desires to be himself and rule his people In the opinion of this their potency they call Assemblies Parliaments as it were when and as often as they pleased There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion made new Laws of government removed and rechanged their generall officers the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded Had they only been guilty of too much power that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them it not standing with the safety and honour of a King not to be the absolute commander of his own Subjects But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies they abused their power into a neglect and not dissolving them at his Majesties commandment they increased their neglect into into a disobedience The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine was that of Rochell called by the Protestants presently upon the Kings journey into Bearn This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts declaring all them to be guilty of treason which notwithstanding they would not â—earken to but very undutifully went on in their purposes It was said by a Gentleman of their party and one that had been imployed in many of their affairs That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences had thrust them into those desperate courses and I believe him Tantum relligio potuit suâ—dere malorum Being assembled they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances to which the Duke Lesdiguiers in a Letter to them written gave them a very fair and plausible answer wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict and break up the Assembly Upon the receipt of this Letter those of the Assembly published a Declaration wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull and their purpose not to dismisse themselves till their desires were granted This affront done to the King made him gather together his Forces yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request he allowed them 24 dayes of respite before his Armies should march towards them he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions such also as their Deputies had solicited but far better then those which they were glad to accept when all their Towns were taken from them Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mutare constituit ejus corrumpit consilia It held very rightly in this people who turned a deaf eare to all good advice and were resolved it seemeth Not to hear the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so sweetly In their Assemblie therefore they make Lawes and Orders to regulate their disobedience as That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation about paying of Souldiers wages for the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Clergy and the like They also there divided France into seven circles or parts assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight ground his Regall authority was neglected his especiall Edicts violated his gracious profers slighted and his Revenues forbidden him and his 〈…〉 m divided before his face and allotted unto officers not of his own election Had the prosecution of his action been as fair as the cause was just and legall the Protestants had only deserved the infamy but hinc illae lachrymae The King so behaved himself in it that he suffered the sword to walk at randome as if his main design had been not to correct his people but to ruine them I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepâ—â—isse a Town of Quereu wherein indeed the Souldiers shewed the very rigour of severity which either a barbarous victor could inflict or a vanquished people suffer Nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genus
his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there partly sleeping and partly stroaking of their beards enact laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e 〈…〉 sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of conferring places of charge and even of the severest censure of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensible articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Vt ad opus relictum festinasse videatur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very learned in their studies and exceeding painfull in their calling By the first they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy by the second their lazinesse And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be for living in a Countrey full of opposition they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the cause and being continually as it were beset with spies they do the oftner frequent the Pulpits to hold up their credits The maintenance which is allotted to them scarce amounteth to a competency though by that name they please to call it With receiving of tithes they never meddle and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity they do hardly allow of the paying of them Some of them hold that they were Jewish and abrogated with the Law Others think them to be meerly jure humano and yet that they may lawfully be accepted where they are tendred It is well known yet that there are some amongst them which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly or a little more Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but 80 l. a year and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension when he Preached at Charenton These stipends are partly payed by the King and partly raised by way of Collection So the Ministers of these Churches are much of the nature with the English Lecturers As for the Tithes they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due and they I 'le warrant you according to the little learning which they have will maintain them to be jure divino The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun little in them of the Fathers and lesse of humane learning it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits They consist much of Exhortation and Use and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections but withal to starve the understanding For the education of them being children they have private Schools when they are better grown they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies besides the new University of Saumur which is wholly theirs and is the chiefe place of their study CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons HAving thus spoken of the Churches I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth Religion is as the soul of a State Policy as the body we can hardly discourse of the one without a relation to the other if we do we commit a wilfull murder in thus destroying a republick The Common-wealth without the Church is but a carkasse a thing inanimate The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body and therefore as they are in nature so in my relation Connutio jungâ—m stabili Moreover such a secret sympathy there is between them such a necessary dependance of one upon the other that we may say of them what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato Eodem tempore â—orum morbus gravescit eodem levaiur They grow sick and well at the same time and commonly run out their races at the same instant There is besides the general respect of each to other a more particular band betwixt them here in France which is a likenesse and resemblance In the Church of France
we have found an head and a body this body again divided into two parts the Catholick and the Protestant the head is in his own opinion and the minds of many others of a power unlimited yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it And of the two parts of the body we see the Papists flourishing and in triumph whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction Thus is it also in the body Politick The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent is yet affronted by his Nobles which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage For the government of the King is meerly indeed regal or to give it the true name despoticall though the Countrey be his wife and all the people are his children yet doth he neither govern as an husband or a father he accounteth of them all as of his servants and therefore commandeth them as a Master In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth about he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects nor the approbation of his Councell but concludeth all of them in this forme Car tell est nostre plaisir Sic volo sic jubeo A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other two good formes of regiment being subject also to the same frailty Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie to have been frequently corrupted into an Oligarchie and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Common-wealth properly so called into a Democratie For as in the body naturall the purest complexions are lesse lasting but easily broken and subject to alteration so is it in the body Civill the pure and unmixt formes of Government though perfect and absolute in their kinds are yet of little continuance and very subject to change into its opposite They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title without prejudice to the populacie In these there is referred to the King absolute Majesty to the Nobles convenient authority to the People an incorrupted liberty all in a just and equall proportion Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome as it was moderated by Nerva Qui res olâ—m dissociabiles miscuerat principatum libertatem wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristole in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is that but a meer formality It is the cartelâ—â—est nostre plaifir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Justinian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiscita Senatusconsulta Predentum Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaeuerit legis â—abet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerfulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Moâ—â—pesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' escu to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolics So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monseiur neither are his gifts lessened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth
the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompâ—aned by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites foveo Coelestia dona Innccuae pacis prospera scepâ—â—a gerenâ— From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad asinos and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants out of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings care is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot withall but affirme that the Princes and Nobles of France do for as much as concerneth themselves upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined let the poor Tenant starve or eat the bread of carefulnesse it matters not so they may have their pleasure and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty And certainly this is the issue of it the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions An equality little answering to the old plat-formes of Republicks Aristotle Genius ille naturae as a learned man calleth him in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion In that Chapter his project is to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City that neither the one might be over rich nor the other too miserably poor They saith he which are too happy strong or rich or greatly favoured and the like can not nor will not obey with which evill they are infected from their infancy The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base so that the one cannot but command nor the other but serve And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government Ubi veneratur protentem humilis non timet antecedit non contemnit humiliorem potens as Velleius But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable their Lords being Kings and their Commons Villains And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are the Princes of this Countrey are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty to any King abroad and by consequence little respective in matter of obedience to their own King at home Upon the least discontent they withdraw themselves from the Court or put themselves into armes and of all other comforts are ever sure of this that they shall never want partizans Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully and at distance but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration and think the King much indebted to them if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement they will please to put themselves again into his obedience Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaunted and uncontroulable a spirit as ever any of his predecessors and one that loved to be obeyed yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets and at the last dyed in an affront The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady began to grow jealous of him for which reason he retired unto Bruxells the King offended at his retreat sent after him and commanded him home The Prince returned answer that he was the Kings most humble Subject and servant but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence A stomachfull resolution and misbecoming a Subject yet in this opposition he persisted his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted But these tricks are ordinary here otherwise a man might have construed this action by the term of Rebellion The chief means whereby these Princes become so head strong are an immunity given them by their Kings and a liberty which they have taken to themselves By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all Tributes Tolles Taxes Customes Impositions and Subsidies By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces with a power of haute and main Justice as the Lawyers term it passed over to them the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them To this they have added much for their strength and security by the insconcing and fortifying of their houses which both often moveth and afterwards inableth them to contemn his Majesty An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville which in the long Civill wars endured a siege of 5000 shot and yet was not taken A very impolitick course in my conceit
his Crown as ever any was in France gathering but one and a half only But as you reckon the flood so also if you may reckon the ebb ofhis Treasures you will finde much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers it being generally known that the fees of officers pensions garrisons and the men of armes draw from him yearly no fewer then 6 of his 15 millions True it is that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat and that most frequently when he cometh to take an accompt of his Treasurers and other Officers A Nation so abominably full of base and unmanly villaines in their severall charges that the Publicans of Old-Rome were milke and white-broath to them For so miserably do they abuse the poor Paisant that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols it shall go hard but he will extort from him five of them Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirundo He is just of the nature of the Horse-leech when he hath once gotten hold of you he will never let you go till he be filled And which is most strange he thinks it a greater clemency that he hath lest the poor man some of his money then the injury was in wresting from him the rest Nay they will brag of it when they have taken but five of the eight Sols that they have given him three and expect thanks for it A kindnesse of a very theevish nature it being the condition of Robbers as Tully hath observed Ut commemorent iis se dedisse vitam quibus non ademerint Were the people but so happy as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries it could not but be a greater â—ase to them and would well defend them from the tyrany of these Theeves But which is not the least part of their wretchednesse their Taxings and Assessements are left arbitrary and are exacted accordingly as these Publicans will give out of the Kings necessities so that the Countryman hath no other remedy then to give Cerberus a crust as the saying is to kisse his rod and hug his punishment By this means the Questors thrive abundantly it being commonly said of them Heri bouvier aviourdhui chevalier to day a Swine-heard to morrow a Gentleman and certainly they grow into great riches Mr. Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers Mr. De Vilroy who slew the Marquesse D' Ancre marryed his only Daughter having raked unto himself by the villanous abuse of his place no lesse then 22 millions of Livres as it was commonly reported But he is not like to carry it to his grave the King having seized upon a good part of it and himself being condemned to the gallowes by the grand Chambre of Parliament though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder And this hath been the end of many of them since the reign of this present King whom it may be for this cause they call Lewis the just This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation Carolus the son of Pepin was by them surnamed Le Magne Lewis his son Debonaire and so of the rest Since the time of Charles VI. who was by them surnamed the Beloved it was discontinued and now revived again in the persons of King Henry IV. and his son King Lewis But this by the way It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice for I wink at his cruell and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty that he may make himself worthy of that attribute Vere imperator sui nominis As one said of Severus Let us add one more misery to the State and commonalty of France and that is the base and corrupt money in it For besides the Sol which is made of Tinne they have the Double made of Brasse whereof six make a Sol and the Denier whereof two make a Double a coyne so vile and small of value that 120 of them go to an English shilling These are the common coynes of the Countrey silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holydayes As for their silver it is most of it of their own coyning but all exceeding clipt and shaven their gold being most of it Spanish In my little being in the Countrey though I casually saw much gold I could only see two pieces of French stampe the rest coming all from Spain as Pistolets Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets Neither is France alone furnished thus with Castilian coyn it is the happinesse also of other Countries as Italy Barbary Brabant and elsewhere and indeed it is kindly done of him that being the sole Monopolist of the mines he will yet let other nations have a share in the mettle Were the King as Catholick as his money I think I should be in some fear of him till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King and bestow it upon his pictures The Soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced and more 〈◊〉 acknowledged in most parts of Christendome then that of him which stampt it To this he which entituleth himself Catholick is but a prisoner and never saw half those Provinces in which this more powerfull Monarch hath been heartily welcomed Yet if he will needs be King let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen and confesse that his gold doth royally deserve his imbraces whom before the extent of his dominion the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia True it is that by the figure and shape of this Emperesse you would little think her to be lovely and lesse worthy of your imbracement The stones which little boyes break into Quoits are a great deal better proportioned if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it I think it would quite put him besides his Euclide neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it then a French Cheese for it is neither long nor square nor round nor thin nor thick nor any one of these but yet all and yet none of them No question but it was the Kings desires by this unsightly dressing of his Lady to make men out of love with her that so he might keep her to himself But in this his hopes have conusâ—â—â—d him for as in other Cuckoldries so in this some men will be bold to keep his wife from him be it only in spight These circumstances thus laid together and considered we may the clearer and the better see our own felicities which to expresse generally and in a word is to say only this That the English Subject is in no circumstance a French-man Here have we our money made of the best and purest that only excepted which a charitable consideration hath coyned into â—arthings Here have we our Kings royally and to the envie of the world magnificently provided
with greater patience to the rest of the story of this Island which in brief is this That after the death of Queen Many Religion was again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it but not without some alteration in the circumstance and forme of Government For whereas notwithstanding the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Constance during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII and Edward the VI. yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabeth upon some reasons of State to annex them unto that of Winton The first motive of it was because that Bishop refused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope challengeth in Kingdomes as other of the English Prelates did but this displeasure held not long For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown they were again permitted to his jurisdiction At the last and if I well remember about the 12 year of that excellent Ladies Reign at the perswasion of Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governours they were for ever united unto Winchester The pretences that so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion to which that Bishop was an enemy and that the secrets of the State might not be carryed over into France by reason of that entercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers The truth is they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the ground-work of that building Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruine of the Deanries with the spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments Matters not possible to be effected had he of Constance continued in his place and power But of this more in the next Chapter CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion I come next in the course of my designe unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline For the more happy dispatch of which businesse I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change then the introduction of it into those little Islands So doing I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivers of the Discipline To begin then with the first originall and commencement of it so it is that it took the first beginning at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards called Geneva and by that name mentioned in the first of Cesars Commentaries A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy but in the profits and possession to their Bishop and homager of that Dukedome To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane but a jurisdiction also temporall as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane saith he jus gladii alias civilis jurisdictionis partes but as he conceived I know not on what grounds Magistratui ereptas fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne after a publick disputation held had made an alteration in Religion At that time Viret and Farellus men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop they dealt with those of the lower rank amongst whom they had gotten most credit and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus and that he only had approved of their proceedings Sed quia quae a Vireto Farello facta essent suffragio meo comprobavi c. as he there hath it Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church but changed also the Government of the Town disclaiming all alleagiance either to their Bishop or their Duke and standing on their own liberty as a free City And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Fareâ—â—us For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum hic nuper esset frater noster Farellus cui se totos debent c. and anone after Sed deploranda est senatus nostri caecitas quod libertatis suae patrem c. speaking of their ingratitude to this Farellus The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people and all things left at liberty and randome it could not be expected that there should any discipline be observed or good order in the Church The Common-councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction did hâ—p to be committed it was punished by order from that Councell No censures Ecclesiasticall no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time either here at Geneva or in any other of the popular Churches Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers
and then closeth with him thus Compendium hoc satis putavi fore ex quo formam aliquam conciperes quam praescribere non debut Tu quod putabis utile istic fore c. In this he doth sufficiently expresse his desire to have his project entertained in that which followeth he doth signifie his joy that the world had made it welcome An epistle written to a certain Quidam of Polonia dated the year 1561. Wherein he doth congratulate the admission of the Gospell as he cals it in that Kingdom And then Haec etiam non poenitenda gaudii accessio cum audio disciplinam cum Evangelii professione conjunctam c. thus he But Eeza his successour goeth more plainly to the businesse and will not commend this project to the Churches but impose it on them This it was that made him with such violence cry down the Hierarchie of the Church the plague of Bishops as he cals it Hanc pestem caveant qui Ecclisiam salvam cupiunt c. Et ne illam quaeso unquam admittas he speaketh it unto Cnoxe quantumvis unitatis retinendae specie c. blandiatur This was it which made him reckon it as a note essentiall of the Church without which it was not possible to subsist a point so necessary Ut ab ea recedere non magis quam ab religionis ipsius placitis liceat Epist 83. that it was as dangerous to depart from this as from the weightiest mysteries of Religion This in a word was it which made him countenance those turbulent spirits who had so dangerously embroyled our Churches and prepared it unto ruine but of them and their proceedings more anone And certainly it was a matter of no small grief and discontent unto them both that when so many Churches had applauded their invention the Church of England only should be found untractable Hereupon it was that Calvin tels the English Church in Franckford in his Epistle to them anno 1555 how he had noted in their publick Liturgy Multas tolerabiles ineptias many tolerable vanities faecis Papisticae reliquias the relicks of the filth of Popery and that there was not in it ea puritas quae optanda foret such piety as was expected Hereupon it was that Beza being demanded by the brethren what he conceived of some chief matters then in question returned a Non probamus to them all The particulars are too many to be now recited and easie to be seen in the 12 of his Epistles the Epistle dated from Geneva anno 1567. and superscribed Ad quosdam Anglicarum ecclesiarum fratres super nonnullis in Ecclesiastica politâ—ia controversis Yet at the last they got some footing though not in England in these Islands which are members of it and as it were the Suburbs of that City The means by which it entred the resort hither of such French Ministers as came hither for support in the times of persecution and the Civill wars anno 1561. and 62. Before their coming that forme of prayer was here in use which was allowed with us in England But being as all others are desirous of change and being also well encouraged by the Governors who by this means hoped to have the spoyle of the poor Deanries both Islands joyned together in alliance or consederacy to petition the Queens Majesty for an approbation of this Discipline anno 1563. The next year following the Seignieur de St. Oen and Nich. de Soulmont were delegated to the Court to solicite this affaire and there they found such favour that their desire received a gracious answer and full of hope they returned unto their homes In the mean time the Queen being strongly perswaded that this design would much advance the Reformation in those Islands was contented to give way unto it in the Towns of St. Peters-port and of St. Hilaries but no further To which purpose there were Letters Decretory from the Councell directed to the Bailiff the Jurates and others of each Island the tenor whereof was as followeth AFter our very hearty commendations unto you Where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth that the Isles of Guernzey and Jarsey have antienly depended on the Diocese of Constance and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocese well reformed agreeably throughout in Doctrine as is set forth in this Realm knowing therewith that they have a Minister which ever since his arrivall in Jarsey hath used the like order of Preaching and administration as in the said Reformed Churches or as it is used in the French Church at London her Majesty for divers respects and considerations moving her Highnesse is well pleased to admit the same order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Heliers as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister Provided always that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle shall diligently put apart all superstitions used in the said Diocese and so continue there the order of Service ordained and set forth within this Realm with the injunctions necessary for that purpose wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aides and assistance as best may serve for the advancement of Gods glory And so fare you well From Richmond the 7 day of August Anno 1565. Subscribed N. Bacon Will. Northamp R. Leoâ—ster Gul. Clynton R. Rogers Fr. Knols William Cecil Where note that the same Letter the names only of the places being changed and subscribed by the same men was sent also unto those of Guernzey for the permission of the said Discipline in the haven of St. Peters And thus fortified by authority they held their first Synod according to the constitutions of that platforme on the 22. of September and at St. Peters-porte in Guernzey anno 1567. By this means by this improvident assent if I may so call it to this new discipline in these Islands her Majesty did infinitely prejudice her own affaires and opened that gap unto the Brethren by which they had almost made entrance unto meer confusion in this state and Kingdome For whereaâ— during the Empire of Queen Mary Goodman Whittingham Gilbie and divers others of our Nation hâ—d betook themselves unto Geneva and there been taught the Consistorian practises they yet retained themselves within the bounds of peace and duty But no sooner had the Queen made known by this assent that she might possibly be drawn to like the Platforme of Geneva but presently the Brethren set themselves on work to impose those new inventions on our Churches By Genebrard we learn in his Chronologie ortos Puritanos anno 1566. and that their first Belweather was called Samson a puissant Champion doubâ—lesse in the cause of Israel By our own Antiquary in his Annals it is referred ad Annum 68 and their Leaders were Collman Buttan Bellingham and Benson By both it doth appear that the brethren stirred 〈◊〉 there till the approbation of their Discipline in those Islands or till
shall be proposed unto the people and if they meet not any opposition they shall be admitted to their charge within fifteen dayes after VIII 8. Before the nomination and admission of such as are called unto employment in the Church they shall be first admonished of their duty as well that which concerneth them in particular as to be exemplary unto the people the better to induce them to live justly and religiously before God and man IX 9. Although it appertain to all in generall to provide that due honour and obedience be done unto the Queens most excellent Majesty to the Governours to their Lieutenants and to all the officers of Justice yet notwithstanding they which bear office in the Church ought chiefly to bestir themselves in that behalf as an example unto others X. 10. Those that bear office in the Church shall not forsake their charge without the privity and knowledge of the Consistory and that they shall not be dismissed but by the same order by which they were admitted XI 11. Those that bear office in the Church shall employ themselves in visiting the sick and such as are in prison to administer a word of comfort to them as also to all such as have need of consolation XII 12. They shall not publish that which hath been treated in the Consistory Colloquies or Synods either unto the parties whom it may concern or to any others unlesse they be commanded so to do XIII 13. They which beare office in the Church if they abstain from the Lords Supper and refuse to be reconciled having been admonished of it and persisting in their error shall be deposed and the causes of their deposition manifested to the people CHAP. IV. Of the Ministers Article I. 1. THose which aspire unto the Ministery shall not be admitted to propose the word of God unlesse they be indued with learning and have attained unto the knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew tongues if it be possible II. 2. The Ministers shall censure the proponents having first diligently examined them in the principal points of learning requisite unto a Minister And having heard them handle the holy Scriptures as much as they think necessary if they be thought fit for the Ministery they shall be sent unto the Churches then being void to propose the Word of God three or four times and that bare-headed And if the Churches approve them and desire them for their Pastors the Colloquie shall depute a Minister to give them institution by the imposition of Hands III. 3. The Ministers sent hither or resorting for refuge to these Isles and bringing with them a good testimony from the places whence they came shall be employed in those Churches which have most need of them giving and receiving the hand of association IV. 4. They which are elected and admitted into the Ministery shall continue in it all their lives unlesse they be deposed for some fault by them committed And as for those which shall be hindred from the encreasing of their Ministery either by sicknesse or by age the honour and respect due unto it notwithstanding shall be theirs V. 5. The Ministers which flie hither as for refuge and are employed in any Parish during the persecution shall not depart from hence untill six moneths after leave demanded to the end the Church be not unprovided of a Pastor VI. 6. The Ministers shall visite every houshold of their flockes once in the year at the least but this at their discretion VII 7. The Ministers shall propose the Word of God every one in his rank and that once every moneth in such a place and on such a day as shall be judged most convenient VIII 8. If there be any which is offended at the Preaching of any Minister he shall repair unto the said Minister within four and twenty houres for satisfaction And if he cannot receive it from the Ministers he shall addresse himselfe within eight dayes to the Consistory in default whereof his information shall not be admitted If any difference arise the Ministers shall determine of it at their next conference CHAP. V. Of Doctors and of School-masters Article I. 1. THe office of a Doctor in the Church is next unto the Pastors His charge is to expound the Scripture in his Lectures without applying it by way of Exhortation They are to be elected by the Colloquie II. 2. The School-masters shall be first nominated by them to whom the right of nomination doth belong and shall be afterwards examined by the Ministers who taking examination of their learning shall also informe themselves of their behaviour as viz. whether they be modest and not debauched to the end that may be an example to their Scholars and that they by their ill Doctrine they bring not any Sect into the Church After which examination if they are found fit for the institution of youth they shall be presented to the people III. 3. They shall instruct their Scholars in the fear of God and in good learning in modesty and civility that so their Schooles may bring forth able men both for the Church and Common-wealth IV. 4. They shall instruct them in Grammar Rhetorick and Logick and of Classicke authors in the most pure both for learning and language for fear lest children reading lascivious and immodest writings should be infected with their venom V. 5. If they perceive any of their Scholars to betowardly and of good hope they shall advise their Parents to bring them up to the attainment of good learning or else shall obtain for them of the Governours and Magistrates that they maintain them at the publick charge VI. 6. They shall cause their Scholars to come to Sermons and to Catechismes there to answer to the Minister and they shall take their places neer the chaire to be seen of all that so they may demean themselves orderly in the Church of God VII 7. The Ministers shall oversee the School-masters to the end that the youth be well instructed and for this cause shall hold their Visitations twice a year the better to understand how they profit If it be thought expedient they may take with them some one or two of the neighbour Ministers CHAP. VI. Of the Elders Article I. 1. THe Elders ought to preserve the Church in good order together with the Ministers and shall take care especially that the Church be not destitute of Pastors of whom the care shall appertain to them to see that they be honestly provided for They shall watch also over all the flock especially over that part of it committed to them by the Consistory diligently employing themselves to admonish and reprehend such as are faulty to confirme the good and reconcile such as are at difference II. 2. They shall certifie all scandals to the Consistory III. 3. They shall visit as much as in them 〈◊〉 all the housholds in their division before every communion and once yearly with the Minister to know the better how they behave themselves
If any be accused before the Justice to have committed any crime he shall be admonished to forbear the Supper untill he be acquitted VI. 6. The Minister shall not receive any of another Parish without a testimony from the Pastor or if there be no Pastor from one of the Elders VII 7. They which refuse to be reconciled shall be debarred the Communion VIII 8. The people shall have warning fifteen dayes at the least before the Communion to the end they may be prepared for it IX 9. Besides the first examination which they undergoe before they are partakers of the Lords Supper every one shall again be Catechized at the least once a year at the best conveniency of the Minister and of his people CHAP. XI Of Fasts and Thanksgiving Article I. 1. THe publick Fasts shall be celebrated in the Church when the Colloquie or the Synod think it most expedient as a day of rest in which there shall be a Sermon both in the morning and the afternoon accompanyed with Prayers reading of the Scripture and singing of Psalmes all this to be disposed according to the occasions and causes of the Fast and by the authority of the Magistrate II. 2. Solemn Thanksgiving also shall be celebrated after the same manner as the Fast the whole exercise being sutable to the occasion of the same CHAP. XII Of Marriage Article I. 1. ALL contracts of Marriage shall be made in the presence of Parents Friends Guardians or the Masters of the parties and with their consent as also in the presence of the Minister or of an Elder or a Deacon before whom the contract shall be made with invocation on the name of God without which it is no contract And as for those which are sui juris the presence of the Minister or of the Elders or of the Deacons shall be also necessary for good orders sake And from a promise thus made there shall be no departing II. 2. Children and such as are in Wardship shall not make any promise of Marriage wthout the consent of their Fathers and Mothers or of their Gardians in whose power they are III. 3. If the Parents are so unreasonable as not to agree unto a thing so holy the Consistory shall give them such advice as is expedient to which advice if they not hearken they shall have recourse unto the Magistrate IV. 4. They also which have been Married shall owe so much respect unto their Parents as not to marry again without their leave in default whereof they shall incut the censures of the Church V. 5. No stranger shall be affianced without licence from the Governours or their Lieutenants VI. 6. The degrees of consanguinity and of affinity prohibited in the word of God shall be carefully looked into by such as purpose to be marryed VII 7. Those which are affianced shall promise and their Parents with them that they will be marryed within 3 moneths after the contract or within 6 moneths in case either of them have occasion of a Journey if they obey not they shall incur the censures of the Church VIII 8. The Banes shall be asked successively three Sundayes in the Church where the parties do inhabit and if they marry in another Parish they shall carry with them a testimony from the Minister by whom their Banes were published without which they shall not marry IX 9. For the avoiding of the abuse and profanation of the Lords-day and the manifest prejudice done unto the Word of God on those dayâ—â— wherein Marriage hath been solemnized it is foâ—â—d expedient that it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday but upon some Lecture days which happen in the week only X. 10. If any purpose to forbid the Banes he shall first addresse himself â—â—to the Minister or two of the Elders by whom he shall be appointed to appear in the next Consistory there to alleadge the reasons of his so doing whereof the Consistory shall be judge If he appeal from thence the cause shall be referred unto the next Colloquie XI 11. Those which have too familiarly conversed together before their espousals shall not be permitted to marry before they have made confession of their fault if the crime be notoriously publick before the whole congregation if lesse known the Consistory shall determine of it XII 12. Widowes which are minded to re-marry shall not be permitted to contract themselves untill six moneths after the decease of their dead husbands as well for honesties sake and their own good report as to avoid divers inconveniences And as for men they also shall be admonished to attend some certain time but without constraint CHAP. XIII Of the Visitation of the sick Article I. 1. THose which are afflicted with sicknesse shall in due time advertise them which bear office in the Church to the end that by they them may be visited and comforted II. 2. Those which are sick shall in due time be admonished to make their Wils while as yet they be in perfect memory and that in the presence of their Minister or Overseer or other honest and sufficient persons which shall witnesse to the said Wils or Testaments that so they may be approved and stand in force CHAP. XIV Of Buriall Article I. 1. THe Corps shall not be carryed nor interred within the Church but in the Church-yard only appointed for the buryall of the faithfull II. 2. The Parents Friends and Neighbours of the deceased and all such whom the Parents shall intreat as also the Ministers if they may conveniently as members of the Church and Brethren but not in relation to their charge no more then the Elders and the Deacons shall accompany the body in good fashion unto the grave In which action there shall neither be a Sermon nor Prayers nor sound of Bell nor any other ceremony whatsoever III. 3. The bodies of the dead shall not be interred without notice given unto the Minister IV. 4. The bodies of those which die excommunicate shall not be interred among the faithfull without the appointment of the Magistrate CHAP. XV. Of the Church censures Article I. 1. ALL those which are of the Church shall be subject unto the censures of the same as well they which bear office in it as they which have none II. 2. The sentence of Abstention from the Lords Supper shall be published only in case of Heresie Schisme or other such notorious crime whereof the Consistory shall be judge III. 3. Those which receive not the Admonitions and Reprebensions made unto them in the word of God which continue hardned without hope of returning into the right way after many exhortations if otherwise they may not be reclaimed shall be excommunicate wherein the proceeding shall be for three Sundayes together after this ensuing manner IV. 4. The first Sunday the people shall be exhorted to pray for the offender without naming the person or the crime V. 5. The second Sunday the person shall be named but not the crime The third
Colloquie of Guernzey but for that one time it may be such as shall most stand with their convenience IV. 4. The Colloquie shall make choice of those which are to go unto the Synod and shall give unto them Letters of credence CHAP. XX. Of the Synod Article I. 1. THe Synod is an Assembly of Ministers and Elders delegated from the Colloquies of both Islands II. 2. The Synod shall be assembled from two years to two years in Jarsey and Guâ—rnzey by turnes if there be no necessity to exact them oftner in which case those of that Isle where the Synod is thought necessary shall set forwards the businesse by the advice of both Colloquies III. 3. There shall be chosen in every Synod a Minister to moderate in the Assembly and a Clerk to register the acts IV. 4. The Minister of the place where the Assembly shall be holden shall conceive a prayer in the beginning of the first Session V. 5. The Colloquies shall in convenient time mutually advertise each other in generall of those things which they have to motion in the Synod to the end that every one may consider of them more advisedly Which said advertisement shall be given before the Colloquie which precedeth the Synod in as much as possible it may And as for matters of the lesser consequence they shall be imparted on the first day of the Session The Conclusion Those Articles which concern the Discipline are so established that for as much as they are founded upon the word of God they are adjudged immutable And as for those which are meerly Ecclesiasticall i. e. framed and confirmed for the commodity of the Church according to the circumstance of persons time and place they may be altered by the same authority by which they were contrived and ratifyed THE END CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 No place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3 Their love to Parity as well in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hands of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets case 8 The brethren superstitious in giving names to children 9 Ambling Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a a third note of the Church 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of Bels. 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal usurp upon the civil Courts 15 The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates SIc nata Romana superstitio quorum ritus si percensâ—s ridenda quam multa multa etiam miseranda sunt as in an equal case Minutius This is that Helena which lately had almost occasioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put all the cities of our Greece into combustion This that Lemanian Idol before which all the Churches of the world were commanded to fall down and worship this that so holy Discipline so essential to the constitution of a Church that without it Faith and the Sacraments were to be judged unprofitable Egregiam vero laudem spolia ampla How infinitely are we obliged to those most excellent contrivers that first exhibited unto the world so neat a model of Church Government with what praises must we celebrate the memory of those which with such violent industry endevoured to impose upon the world these trim inventions But this I leave unto your Lordship to determine proceeding to some scattered Annnotations on the precedent text wherein I shall not censure their devices but expound them Cap. 1. 3. As bearing chief stroke in the Civil Government For in the Government Ecclesiastical they decline his judgement as incompetent An excellent instance whereof we have in the particular of David Blacke a Minister of Scotland who having in a Sermon traduced the person and government of the King was by the King commanded to appear before him But on the other side the Church revoked the cause unto their tribunal jussit eum judicium illud declinare saith mine Author True it is that in the next chapter they afford him power to correct Blasphemers Atheists and Idolaters but this only as the executioners of their decrees and in the punishment of such whom their assemblies have condemned On the other side they take unto themselves the designation of all those which bear publick office in the Church Chap. 3 7. The appointing and proclaiming all publick fasts Chap. 11. 1. The presidency in their Assemblies Chap. 16. 1. The calling of their Councels Chap. 19. 20. Matters in which consists the life of Soveraignty No marvell then if that party so much dislike the Supremacy of Princes in causes Ecclesiastical as being ex diametro opposed to the Consistorian Monarchy A lesson taught them by their first Patriarch in his Commentaries on the 7. chapter of the Prophet Amos vers 13. in these words and in this particular Qui tantopere extulerunt Henricum Angliae understand the 8. of the name certe fuerunt homines inconsiderati dederunt enim illi summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me graviter sâ—mper vulneravit Afterwards he is content to permit them so much power as is granted them in the 2. chapter of this Book of Discipline but yet will not have then deal too much in spiritualities Hoc saith he summopere requiritur a regibus ut gladio quo praediti sunt utantur ad cultum dei asserendum Sed interea sunt homines inconsiderati qui facâ—unt eos nimis spirituales So he and so his followers since Chap. 3. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions And in the chapt 1. 2. No one Church shall pretend c. And this indeed this parity is that which all their projects did so mainly drive at these men conceiving of Religion as Philosophers of friendship cum amicitia semper pares aut inveniat aut faciat as in Minutius A parity by those of this party so earnestly affected in the Church the better to introduce it also into the State This was it which principally occasioned G. Buchanan in the Epistle before his libellous Book De jure regnâ— to reckon those common titles of Majesty and Highnesse usually attributed unto Princes inter barbarismos Aulicos amongst the solecisms and absurdities of Courtship This was it which taught Paraeus and the rest that there was a power in the inferiour Magistrates to restrain the person of the Prince and in some cases to depose him This was it which often moved the Scottish Ministery to put the sword into the hands of the multitude and I am verily perswaded that there is no one thing which maketh the brethren so affected to our Parliaments as this that it is a body wherein the Commons have so much sway Chap. 3. 6. Shall first subscribe to the confession of the Faith
his part having been 13 years a Minister he never used it Totos ego tredecem annos quibus functus sum Ministerio sive in Sacramentis iis quae extant in agenda nunquam usus sum and this he speaks as he conceives it to his commendation Where by the way Agenda it is a word of the latter times is to be understood for a set form in the performance of those ministerial duties quae statis temporibus agenda sunt as mine Author hath it In the Capitular of Charles the great we have mention of this word Agenda in divers places once for all let that suffice in the 6 book Can. 234. viz. Si quiis Presbyter in consultâ— Episcopo Agendam in quolibet loco voluerint celebrare ipse honori suo contrarius extitit Chap. 8. 5. The Churches shall be locked immediately after Sermon The pretence is as it followeth in the next words to avoid superstition but having nothing in their Churches to provoke superstition the caution is unnecessary So destitute are they all both of ornament and beauty The true cause is that those of that party are offended with the antient custome of stepping aside into the Temples and their powring out the soul in private prayer unto God because for sooth it may imply that there is some secret vertue in those places more then in rooms of ordinary use which they are peremptory not to give them Chap. 9. 1. After the preaching of the word And there are two reasons why the Sacrament of Baptism should be long delayed the one because they falsly think that without the preaching of the word there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other to take away the opinion of the necessity of holy Baptism and the administration of it in private houses in case of such necessity In this strictnesse very resolute and not to be bended with perswasions scarce with power As our being in the Isle of Gueâ—â—ay the Ministers presented unto his Lordship a catalogue of grievances against the civill Magistrate And this among the rest that they had entermedled with the administration of the Sacraments This certainly was novum orimen O. Caesar ante hoc tempâ—â— inauditum but upon examination it proved only to be thus A poor man of the Vale had a childe born unto him weak and â—ickly not like to live till the publick exercise whereupon he defires Millet the Incumbent there that he would Baptize it but after two or three denials made the poor man complained unto the Bailiffe by whom the Minister was commanded to do his duty This was all crimine ab unâ— disce omnes Chap. 9. 5. Names used in Paganism Nor mean they here such names as occur in Poets as Hector Hercules c. though names of this sort occurre frequently in S. Pauls Epistles but even such names as formerly have been in use amongst our ancestors as Richard Edmund William and the like But concerning this behold a story wherein our great contriver Snape was a chief party as I finde in the book called Dangerous positions c. verified upon the oath of one of the brotherhood Hodkinson of Northampton having a childe to be baptized repaired to Snape to do it for him and he consented to the motion but with promise that he should give it some name allowed in Scripture The childe being brought and that holy action so far forwards that they were come to the naming of the childe they named it Richard which was the name of the Infants Grandfather by the Mothers side Upon this a stop was made nor would he be perswaded to baptize the childe unlesse the name of it were altered which when the Godfather refused to do he forsook the place and the childe was carried back unchristned To this purpose but not in the same words the whole history But if the name of Richard be so Paganish what then shall we conceive of these The Lord is near More-tryall Joy-again Free-gift From-above and others of that stamp are they also extant in the Scripture Chap. 10. 2. And that sitting c. or standing c In this our Synodists more moderate then those of the Netherlands who have licensed it to be administred unto men even when they are walking For thus Angelocrator in his Epitome of the Dutch Synods cap. 13. art 8. viz. Liberum est stando sedendo vel eundo coenam celebrare non autem geniculando and the reason questionlesse the same in both ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum for fear of bread-worship I had before heard sometimes of ambling Communions but till I met with that Epitome I could not slumble on the meaning A strange and stubborn generation and stiffer in the hams then any Elephant such as will neither bow the knee to the Name of Jesus nor kneel to him in his Sacraments Chap. 10. 4. which will not promise to submit himself unto the Discipline A thing before injoyned in the subscription to it upon all such as take upon them any publick office in the Church but here exacted in the submission to it of all such as desire to be Communicants The reason is because about that time it seemed good unto the brethren to make the holy Discipline as essential to the being of a Church as the preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments and so essential that no Church could possibly subsist without it For thus Beza in his Epistle unto Cixxe Anno 1572 Magnum est Dei munus quod unam religionem puâ—am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrinae viz retinendae vinculum in Scotiam intulistis Sicobsecro obtestor haec duo simul retinete ut uno amisso alterum diu permanere non posse semper memineritis So he Epist 79. According unto which Doctrine Mr. Dela-Marshe in his new Catechism which lately by the authority of the Colloquie he imposed upon the Churches in the Isle of Guâ—inzy hath joyned this holy Discipline as a chief note together with the others Chap. 12. 9. That it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday Wherein so scarcely did the same Spirit rule them both the Dutch Synodists have shewed themselves more moderate then these contrivers they having licensed marriage on all daies equally except such as are destinate to the Lords Supper and to solemn fasts Quovis die matrimonia confermari celebrari poterunt modo concio ad populum habeatur exceptis c 〈…〉 diebus jejunio sacratis Cap. ult art 8. By both of them it is agreed that marriage be celebrated on such daies only on which there is a Sermon and if the Sermon be any thing to the purpose I am content they should expect it Only I needs must note with what little reason these men and their abettors have so often quarrelled our Church for the restraint of marriage at some certain seasons whereas they think it fit at some times to restrain it in their own Well fare therefore our
neighbours of the Church of Scotland men very indifferent both for the time and for the place For the time Nuâ—â—um tempus tam sacrum quod ejus celebratione polluatur and â—or the place immo in praetorâ—o vel quovis loco publico c. extra sacra publicum conventum totius ecclesiae So they that made the Altare Damascenum p. 872. 865. 866. Chap. 14. 1. The Corps shall not be carried â—r interred within the Church Which prohibition whether it hath more in it of the Jew or of the Gentile is not easie to determine Amongst the Jewes it was not lawful for the Priest to be present at a Funeral or for the dead corps to be interred within the camp and on the other side it was by law in Athens and in Rome forbidden either to burn their dead or to bury them within their Cities In urbe nesipelito neve uâ—ito saith the Law of the 12 Tables nor do I see for what cause this generation should prohibit the dead bodies entrance into the Church and to permit it in the Church-yards If for the avoiding of superstition it is well known that not the Church only but the Church-yards are also consecrated The reason why they will not bury in the Church is only their desire and love of parity the Church will hardly be capacious enough to bury all and since by death and nature all are equall why should that honour be vouchsafed unto the rich and not unto the poor Out of this love of parity it is that in the next article they have forbidden Funeral Sermons wherein the Dutch Synods and those men most perfectly concur as appeareth in that collection cap. 11. 5. For if such Sermons be permitted the common people will be forsooth aggrieved and think themselves neglected Ditiores enim hoc officio cobonestabuntur neglect is pauperibus Chap. 14. 2. Nor any prayers nor sound of bell The last for love of parity but this for fear of superstition For prayers at the burial of the dead may possibly be mistook for prayers for the dead and so the world may dream perhaps of Purgatory Thesilencing of bels is somewhat juster because that musick hath been superstitiously and foolishly imployed in former times and in this very case at Funerals It is well known with what variety of ceremonies they were baptized and consecrated as in the Church of Rome they still are by the Bishops Whereby the people did conceive a power inherent in them not only for the scattering of tempests in which cases they are also rung amongst them but for the repulsing of the Devil and his Ministers Blessings which are intreared of the Lord for them as appeareth by one of those many prayers prescribed in that form of consecration by the Roman Pontifical viz. ut per factum illorum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici fragor grandinum procella turbinum c. Whilest therefore the people was superstitious in the use of bels the restraint of them was allowable but being now a matter only of solemnity it argueth no little superstition to restrain them Chap. 16. 6. Without encroaching on the civil jurisdiction And well indeed it were if this clause were intended to be observed for in the 17. chap. and 8. art it is decreed that the correction of crimes and scandals appertaineth unto the Consistory What store of grist the word Crime will bring unto their mils I leave unto your Lordship to interpret sure I am that by this of seandal they draw almost all causes within their cognizance A matter testified by his late most excellent Majesty in a Remonstrance to the Parliament viz. that the Puritan Ministers in Scotland had brought all causes within their jurisdiction saying that it was the Churches office to judge of scandal and there could be no kinde of fault or crime committed but there was a scandal in it either against God the King or their neighbour Two instances of this that counterfeit Eusebius Philadelphus in his late Pamphlet against my Lord of St. Andrewes doth freely give us Earl Huntley upon a private quarrel had inhumanely killed the Earl of Murray For this offence his Majesty upon a great suit was content to grant his-pardon Ecclesiae tamen Huntileum jussit sub dirorum poenis ecclesiae satisfacere but yet the Church in relation to the scandall commanded him under the pain of Excommunication to do penance Not long after the said Earl Huntly and others of the Romish faction had enterprised against the peace and safety of the Kingdome The King resolved to pardon them for this also Ecclesia autem excommunication is censura pronuntiavit but the Church pronounced against them the dreadful sentence of Anathema so little use is there of the civil Magistrate when once the Church pretends a scandal Chap. 17. 9. And shall adjure the parties in the Name of God And shall adjure i. e. They shall provoke them or induce them to confession by using or interposing of the Name of God for thus adjuration is defined to us by Aquinas Secunda secundae qu. 9. in Axiom Adjurare nihil aliud est saith he nisi creaturam aliquam divini nominis out alterius cujuspiam sacrae rei interpositione ad agendum aliquid impellere the parties and those not such as give in the informations for that is done in private by the Elders but such of whose ill same intelligence is given unto the Consistory If so then would I fain demand of the contrivers with what reason they so much exclaim against the oath ex officio judicis used by our Prelates in their Chancellaries since they themselves allow it in their Consistories But thus of old as it is in Horace de Arte. Cacilio Plautoq dedit Romanus ademptum Virgiâ—o Varioque Conclus They are adjudged to be immutable And no marvail if as the brethren and their Beza think it be so essential to the Church that no Church can possibly subsist without it if so essential that we may as warrantably deny the written Word as these inventions But certainly what ever these think of it the founder of this plat-form thought not so when thus he was perswaded that the ordering of the Church of God for as much as concernes the form of it was leâ—t to the discretion of the Ministers For thus himself in his Epistle ad Neocomenâ—es dated 1544. viz. Substantiam disciplinae ecclesiae exprimit disertis verbis Scriptura forma autem ejus exercendae quoniam a Domino praescripta non est a ministris constitui debet pro aedificatione Thus he and how dâ—re they controll him Will they also dare to teach their Master Thus have I brought to end those Annotations which I counted most convenient for to expresse their meaning in some few passages of this new plat-form and to exemplifie their proceedings A larger Commentary on this Text had been unnecessary considering both of what I write and unto whom Only I
needs must note that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper which by no other means can come into the world then by the death and ruine of his mother Yet so it is I know not whether by destiny or some other means I would not think but so it is that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us and may in time make entrance to the rest Their Lecturers permitted in so many places what are they but the Doctors of Geneva save only that they are more factious and sustain a party And what the purpose and design of this but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors as I have seen it oft in London to collect the bounty of the hearers but only by some of their appointments who finde that duty or the like prescribed here unto the Deacons cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts how much they are neglected every where and no Fast now approved of but the solemn Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us in the practise at the least that now no common businesse must begin without it Too many such as these I fear I could point out unto your Lordship did I not think that these already noted were too many A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie that as you suffer not these new inventions to usurp upon our Churches by violence so that they neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly professed that howsoever he lived among Puritans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them he was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops faith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring their antient place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient
as I conjecture propound it farther to him then by way of due respect as little hoping that he should bend himself for their relief whom they so often had accused to be the cause of all this trouble At last they are resolved to cast themselves upon the grace and savour of the King and for that cause addressed themselves and their desires unto the Earl of Salisbury a man at that time of special credit with the King being also Lord High Treasurer and chief Secretary This their addresse as he took in special good regard so did he also seem to advise them for the best his counsel that they should joyn unto them those of Guernzey in the perusing of their Discipline and the correcting of such things most stomacked by the Civil Magistrates and after both together to refer themselves unto his Majesty A counsel not to be despised in the appearance but yet as certainly he was of a fine and subtil wit of exceeding cunning For by this means the businesse not yet ripe and the King scarce master of his purposes in Scotland he gains time farther to consider of the main and by ingaging those of Guernzey in the cause they also had been subject to the same conclusion But subtil as he was he found no art to protract the fatal and inevitable blow of death for whilest his Clients busily pursued this project in reviewing of their platform he yeelded up himself unto the grave March 24. anno 1612. upon report whereof they layed by the prosecution of that businesse referring of it to the mercy of some better times This comfort yet they found in their addresse unto the Court that things at home were carried on in a more fair and quiet course but long they would not suffer themselves to enjoy that happinesse The Parish of S. Peters being void Messerny was presented to it by the Governour one that had spent his time in Oxenford and had received the Orders of the Priesthood from the Right Reverend Doctor Bridges then Bishop of that Diocesse A matter so infinitely stomacked by the Colloquie that they would by no means yeeld to his admission not so much because of his presentation from the Governor as of his ordination from the Bishop For now they thought Annibalem ad portas that Popery began again to creep upon them and therefore they resolved to fight it out tanquam de summa rerum as if the whole cause of Religion were in danger Messerny howsoever enjoyed the profits of the living and a new complaint was made against them to the Councel In which complaint there also was intelligence given unto their Lordships that the inhabitants generally of the Isle were discontented with the Disciplineâ— and guidance of the Church and that the most of them would easily admit the form of English Government that some of them did desire it The matter thus grown ready for an issue and his Majesty desirous to bring all things to the most peaceable and quiet end both parties were commanded to attend at Court the Governor and secular states to prosecute their suit and make good their intelligence the Ministers to answer the complaints and tender their proposals Hereupon the Governor and those of the laity delegated to the Court Marret the Attorney and Messervy the new Parson of St. Peters by whom the people sent a formal Petition to his Majesty signed by many of their hands and to this purpose viz. that he would be pleased to establish in their Island the book of Common-prayers and to settle there among them some Ecclesiastical Officer with Episcopal jurisdiction On the other side there were deputed for the Ministers Mr. Bandinell the now Dean Oliveis the now Subâ—dean Effart the Curate of St. Saviours and De la place then Curate of St. Maries To whom this also was specially given in charge that with all industry they should oppose whatsoever innovation as they called it might be proposed unto them and resolutely bear up for the present Discipline Immediately upon their appearance at the Court both parties by his Majesty were referred to the Councel and by them again to my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Lord Zouche and Sir John Herbert then principal Secretary Before them the cause was privately argued by the Deputies of both parties and the desires of the Governor and of the people constantly impugned by the Ministers But as it alwaies hapneth that there is no confederacy so well joyned but one member of it may be severed from the rest and thereby the whole practise overthrown so was it also in this businesse For those which there sollicited some private businesse of the Governors had finely wrought upon the weaknesse or ambition of De la place bearing him in hand that if the Government of the Church were altered and the office of the Dean restored he was for certain resolved upon to be the man Being fashioned into this hope he speedily betrayed the counsels of his fellowes and furnished their opponents at all their enterviews with such intelligence as might make most for their advantage At last the Ministers not well agreeing in their own demands and having little to say in the defence of their proper cause whereto their answers were not provided beforehand my Lord of Canterbury at the Councel-table thus declared unto them the pleasure of the King and Councell viz. that for the speedy redresse of their disorders it was reputed most convenient to establish among them the authority and office of the Dean that the book of Common-prayer being again printed in the French should be received into their Churches but the Ministers not tyed to the strict observance of it in all particulars that Messerny should be admitted to his benefice and that so they might return unto their charges This said they were commanded to depart and to signifie to those from whom the came they full scope of his Majesties resolution and so they did But being somewhat backward in obeying this decree the Councel intimated to them by Sir Phil. de Carteret their Agent for the Estates of the Island that the Ministers from among themselves should make choice of three learned and grave persons whose names they should return unto the board out of which his Majesty would resolve on one to be their Dean A proposition which found among them little entertainment Not so much out of dislike unto the dignity for they were most of them well contented with the change but because every one of them conceived hopefully of himself to be the man and all of them could not be elected they were not willing to prejudice their own hopes by the naming of another In the mean time Mr. David Bandâ—â—ell then Curate of St. Maries either having or pretending some businesse unto London was recommended by the Governor as a man most fit to sustain that place and dignity And being also approved by my Lord of Canterbury aâ— certainly he is a man of good
advise A further plaudite then this I do not seek for then that you will vouchsafe to excuse my boldnesse though not allow it the rather because a zeal unto the beauteous uniformity of the Church did prompt me to it But this and this discourse such as it is I consecrate unto your Lordship for whose honour next under Gods I have principally pursued this argument For my self it will be unto me sufficient glory that I had any though the least hand in such a pious work and shall be happy if in this or in any other your Lordships counsels for the Churches peace I may be worthy of imployment Nor need your Lordship fear that in the prosecution of this project you may be charged with an innovation To pursue this purpose is not to introduce a novelty but to restore a Discipline to revive the perfect service of God which so long hath been to say the best of it in a Lethargy and to make the Jerusalem of the English Empire like a City which is at unity within it self Sic nova dum condis revocas vir summe priord Debentur quae sunt quaeque fuere tibi Si priscis servatur honos te Praeside templis Et casa tam culto sub Jove numen habet It is now time to acquaint your Lordship with the successe and safety of our return all things being done and fully setled for the peace and security of those Islands which was the only cause of our voyage thither Concerning which your Lordship may be pleased to know in a word that the crossnesse of the winds and roughnesse of the water detained us some dayes longer in Castle Cornet then we had intended but at the last on Thursday Aprill 2. being Maundy Thursday anno 1629. we went aboard our Ships and hoised sail for England It was full noon before we were under sail and yet we made such good way that at my waking the next morning we were come neer the Town of Peal and landed safely the same day in the Bay of Teichfeild where we first took Ship his Lordship being desirous to repose himself with the said Mr. Bromfeild till the Feast of Easter being passed over might render him more capable to pursue his Journey And now I am safely come into my Countrey where according to the custome of the Antients I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the waters and testifie before his Altars the gratefull acknowledgement of a safe voyage and a prosperous return blessings which I never merited Me tabula sacer Votiva paries indicat uvida Suspendisse potenti Vestimenta maris Deo The End of the Last Book and the Second Journey P. 4. l. 27. P. 5. l. 10. Ibid. l. 17. P. 7. l. 26. P. 8. l. 17. P. 34 l. 2. P. 125 l. 25. P. 164. l. 1. P. 207. l. 38. P. 243. l. 1. Hard was his heart as brasse which first did venture In a weak ship on the rough Seas to enter He that doth only kisse and doth no more Deserves to lose the kisses given before Leaving their native soil they sought through Gaul A place to build a City and a wall And call'd themselves Parisians which in Greek Doth note a prompt audacity to speak And since the Fens and clammy soil did make Their City dirty for that reasons sake The Town the name Lutetia did take Too facile souls which think such hainous matters Can be aboliz'd by the river waters As Ovid. The Archer god who ere that present tide Nere us'd those armes but against the Roes and Deer With thousand shafts the earth made to be died With Serpents bloud his quiver emptied cleer Unhair'd pale-fac'd her eyes sunk in her head Lips hoary-white and teeth most rustie-red Through her course skin her guts you might espie In what estate and posture they did lie Belly she had none only there was seen The place whereas her belly should have been And with her hips her body did agree As if 't was fastned by Geometrie They on the table set Minerva's fruit The double-colour'd Olive Endive-root Radish and Cheese and to the board there came A dish of Egges rear-roasted by the flame Next they had Nuts course Dates and Lenten-figs And Apples from a basket made of twigs And Plums and Graps cut newly from the tree All serv'd in earthen dishes Housewifely Which I finde thus Englished by G. Sandi◠As when the Hare the speedy Gray-hound spies His feet for prey she hers for safety plies Now beares he up now now he hopes to fetch her And with his snowt extended strains to catch her Not knowing whether caught or no she slips Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips 1 The City and Diocesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The black book of Constance 5 That of Dooms-day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priors dative how they differed from Conventuals 8 The condition of these Churches after that suppression 9 The Diagram * St. Pierreporte †St. Pierre du boys 10 What is meant by Deserts French Querrui and by Champart 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persect tion here in the dayes of Q. Mary 3 The Islands annexed for ever unto the Diocese of Wint 〈…〉 and for what Reasons 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Religion and 〈◊〉 in Polity 4 The estate of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 The Birth and 7 Growth of the new Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-Elders 9 The different proceeding of Calvin 10 Beza in the propagation of that cause * V. cap. 5. n 11 Both of these enemies to the Church of England 12 The first entrance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen c. 14 The Letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the Brethren Thus Reverend Lord to you Churches both old and new Do owe themselves since by your pious care New ones are built and old ones in repaire Thus by your carefull zeal Unto the Churches weal As the old Temples do preserve their glories So private houses have their Oratories My Votive Table on the Sacred wall Doth plainly testifie to all That I those gratefull vowes have paid Which in the tumults of the deep I made To him that doth the Seas command And holds the waters in his hand
and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presen 〈…〉 Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur as we know who said and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me which having signified to the Reader for the detecting of this imposture and mine own discharge I recommend the following work to his favourable censure and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge Lacies Court in Abingdon April 17. 1656. Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's ad Aulam c. never till now published Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions the 4 Edition in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of West minster School John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing by spelling Characters in 8. the 14 Edition together with the School master to the said Art SYLLABUS CAPITUM OR The Contents of the Chapters NORMANDIE OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance THe beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall the Name and bounds of it The condition of the Antient Normans and of the present Ortelius character of them examined In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk The commodities of it and the Government pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City how seated and built the strength of is St. Katharines mount The Church of Nostre dame c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne The House of Parliament The precedency of the President and the Governor The Legend of St. Romain and the priviledge thence arising The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses or people of Roven p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke p. 26. FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bouuds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women their persons prating and conditions The immodesty of the French Ladies Kissing not in use among them and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancy of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies p. 41. CHAP. III. France described The valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it Mont-martre Burials in former times not permitted within the wals The pros cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall intermitted for a time The Iown and Church of St. Denis The Legend of him and his head Of Dagobert and the Leper The reliques to be seen there Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine ' s time The Sepulchres of the French Kings and the treasury there The Kings house of Madrit The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall and fine devices in it St. Germains en lay another of the Kings houses The curious painting in it Gorramburie Window the Garden belonging to it and the excellency of the Water-works Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes and the Castle called Bisester p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris the names and antiquity of it The situation and greatnesse The chief strength and Fortifications about it The streets and buildings King James his laudable care in beautyfying London King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town Why not actuated The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts Of the Fauxburgs in generall Of the Pest-house The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Germain The Queen Mothers house there Her purpose never to reside in it The Provost of Merchants and his authority The Armes of the Town The Town-house The Grand Chastellet The Arcenall The place Royall c. The Vicounty of Paris And the Provosts seven daughters p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular that and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency the disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. p. 80. CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander ' s injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame The Holy water there The original making and virtue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Antients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parlament p. 90. CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisteth The digniiy and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and ever