saith it is altogether false but corrects this afterward saying nisi fortasse in Tyrannidem declinet unless he happen to become a Tyrant of which this Jesuit allows the People to be Judge He might as well have agreed with his Fellows By giving one a Conquest over the other God gives a Conquest Judicially a Psal. Lxxxii I. I. By way of Judgment a Psal. Lxxv. 8. On Kings a King James's Works pag. 531. Every King in a setled Kingdom is bound to observe the Paction made to his People by his Laws in framing his Government agreeable thereunto Ib. A King governing in a setled Kingdom leaves to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to govern according to his Laws in which Case the King's Conscience may speak to him as the poor Widow said to Philip of Macedon either govern according to your Law Aut ne Rex sis b King James's Works pag. 553. I was sworn to maintain the Law of the Land and therefore I had been perjured if I had altered it Ib. pag. 531. All Kings that are not Tyrants or perjured will be glad to bind themselves within the Limits of their Laws And they that persuade them the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Commonwealth c Pufendorf de Leg. Nat. Gent. VII 6. 10. If he promiseth at his Coronation to govern according to Laws and breaks his Promise he is forsworn and yet that doth not dissolve his Government King James's Works pag. 531. Though no Christian ought to allow any Rebellion of People against their Prince yet doth God never leave Kings unpunisht when they transgress these Limits For Neglect of Government For oppressing the People a Esay X. 7. This is Just and Necessary b Rom. Xiii 2. a Rom. XIII 4. b Rom. XIII 3. c Esay VII 17. a Psal. Lvii. 11. b When Don Pedro King of Castile by his Tyranny had so lost himself at home and gained so many Enemies abroad that his Bastard Brother being set up against him by some of the Neighbouring Kings had driven him out of his Kingdome without Blood he came to our Black Prince who was then at Bourdeaux and desir'd him to bring him back into his Kingdom The Prince called a Council upon it where some of his Friends advised him to forbear telling him the great Evils that this King had done and adding this in the Conclusion All that he hath now to suffer is but the Rod of God sent to chastise him and to give Example to other Christian Kings and Princes of the Earth that they may not do like him Froissart Hist. l. 231. 2 God does this by way of Justice 1 War is an Appeal to God a 1 Chron. Xxix. 11. b Judg. XI 27. 2 It is proper to Kings a Rom. Xiii 6. b 1 Pet. II. 13 14. a Bishop Bramhall's Works p. 834. Private Right and private Justice is between particular Men. Publick Right and publick Justice is between Common-wealths as in a Foreign War b See Pufendorf de Jure Nat. Gent. II. 3. 21. Hooker Eccles. Pol. I. Saith of the Law of Nations that it can be no more prejudiced by the Laws of any Kingdom than these can be by the Resolutions of private Men. c See Grot. de Jure Belli Pacis i. 2. 1. ad 5. d Rom. Xiii 3 4. Mat. xxvi 52. Dudley Digs of the unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms London 1675. § 3. p. 75. Equals if injur'd they require Satisfaction and upon denial of it attempt to compass it by force they are esteem'd by the Law of Reason and Nations Just Enemies whereas Subjects if they make War upon their Sovereign tho' when wrong'd are worthily accounted Rebels See Albericus Gentilis de jure Belli B. fol. 1. from Pomponius c. 118. tituli Digest de verb. Signif Ulpian c. 24. tit de Captivis See Grot. de Jure Belli Pacis l. 3. 5. Zouch p. 30 de jure inter Gentes l. 6. 3. When they have Just Cause e Justinian Instit. l. 2. As in fear of great Danger f Lord Bacon's Works London 1670 p. 2. in his Considerations on the War with Spain The second of his three Just Grounds for that War was a just Fear of Subverting our Civil Estate And thereupon he says That Wars preventive upon just Fears are true Defensives as well as upon an actual Invasion In his Works London 1638. among his Sermones Fideles p. 189. he goes further in saying justus metus imminentis periculi etsi violentia aliqua non praecessit proculdubio Belli causa est competens legitima A just Fear of imminent Danger tho there has not been any Violence used is but of all Doubt a sufficient and lawful Cause of War g See Grot. de Jure Belli Pacis II. 20 39. And Pufendorf de Jure Naturae Gentium VIII 6. 3. h Albericus Gentilis de Jure Belli I. fol. C. 3. saith it is Defensio Utilis quando verendum ne petamur And Defensio Honesta quando alios tuemur He brings both these together in the Case of Queen Elizabeth's defending the Dutch against the King of Spain Ib. fol. D. he saith She might justly do it for if the Government of the Netherlands should be changed and the King of Spain become Absolute she her self would be in Danger of him He saith this is ipsa Ratio Imperiorum See Grot. de Jure B. P. II. 25. 8. And Pufendorf de Jur. Nat. Gent. VIII 6. 14. ending See Grotius de Jure Belli Pacis II. 20. 40. Especially when also Religion is concern'd Justinian Coll. VI. 7. 4. It is for this Cause that woâ—â—â— have made so many Wars in Africk and Italy namely for Orthodoxy in Religion and for the Liberty of our Subjects Bishop Bilson of the true difference between Subjection and Rebellion Oxford 1625. p. 381. in the Margin has this Position Princes who bear the Sword may lawfully wage War for Religion i Grot. de Jure Belli Pacis II. 20. 48. k See Concil Lateran IV. Canon 4. that it is every Prince's duty to persecute and that in Case he neglect it he thereby forfeits his Dominions See the Oath that every Popish Bishop takes in the Pontisicale Romanum It has these words in it I will persecute all Hereticks and Schismaticks Rebells to our Lord the Pope and will fight against them to the utmost of my Power Suarez de Legibus III. 5. 8. ending Saith Heathen Kings cannot be deprived of their Power by War unless they abuse it to the injury of Christian Religion or the destruction of the Faithful that are under them as is the constant Opinion of Divines Meaning of them in the Roman Church Again III. 10. 6. If Insidels have the Faithful for their Subjects and would turn them from the Faith or Obedience of the Church then the Church has just Cause of War against them But for Heretick Princes he says there that the Church has direct Power over them and may deprive them in punishment of their Infidelity or Heresie Ib. Q. when Religion suffers
expose not only themselves to be ruin'd but also their Friends and Allies to perish with them in that Case Saevitia est voluisse mori it is a sort of bloody Peaceableness it is cruelty to Mankind to go to that degree of suffering Injuries § 37. But especially when the Cause of God is concern'd to whom we owe all things and ought to venture all for his sake Surely 't is his Cause when it touches Religion which is all that is dear to him in this World And tho' Religion it Self teaches us if it be possible as much as in us lyes to live peaceably with all Men yet as 't is there suppos'd there may be Cause to break the Peace so it adds infinitely to that Cause when it comes to concern our Religion I do not say that Religion is to be propagated with the Sword No nor that Princes may force it on their own Subjects much less upon other Princes or their Kingdoms These are things we justly abhor among those inhumane Doctrins and Practices by which Popery has distinguisht it Self from all other Religions We have the more Cause to abhor it for the sake of a Prince that is the very Scandal of Popery that hath not only exceeded all Heathen Cruelty in the persecuting of his own Protestant Subjects but even forc'd a neighbour Prince to give him Game in his Dominions His butchering the poor Vaudois was barbarity beyond all Example We have reason to believe he would have hunted here next His Dogs had been upon us ' ere this time if God had not wonderfully preserved us God preserve us still from Kings that have that way of propagating Religion § 38. Yet it may be a Question whether such Tyrannies being used on the account of Religion give a just Cause of War to other Princes of the same Religion I speak now of Persecution in such Countries where their Religion is not established by Law It is certainly true which the Apostle says We are all Members of one and the same Body and it is the duty of Members to have the same Care of one another and whether one Member suffer all the Members suffer with it or one Member be honoured all the Members rejoyce with it It is true that Christian Princes especially as they have the charge of that part of Christ's Body that is in their own Dominions so they ought to extend their Care and Compassion to their Fellow-Members elsewhere But whether they ought to concern themselves for them so far as to make War on their account against their Kings by whom they are persecuted nay whether they may lawfully do this is a doubt that may deserve some farther Consideration The Christian Emperors seem to have made no doubt of this For they made War sometimes for no other Cause but that of Religion against such Kings as persecuted the Christians in Their own Dominions Sometimes when they had other Causes of War they preferr'd this before all the rest which certainly they would not have done if it had not weighed much in their Opinion Of them of the Roman Communion there hath been enough already said to shew their Opinion of this Cause They that are for propagating Religion by the Sword cannot but think it a just Cause of War against any Prince that he persecutes those of their Religion We have a notable Instance of this in Cardinal Pool who was one of the moderatest Papists of his age and yet writ a Book wherein he prest it most earnestly upon the Emperor Charles V. as his Duty to give over his War with the Turk and to turn his Arms against King Henry VIII for oppressing the Catholicks in his Dominions Pope Pius V. whom they have lately made a Saint was as earnest with the Emperor Maximilian and with the Kings of Spain France and Portugal He would have them all make War against Queen Elizabeth for persecuting his Catholicks though she never touch'd one of them till that Pope had forc'd her to it by stirring them up to Rebellion against her with his famous Bull of Deprivation § 39. For the Opinion of Protestants in this matter we have it sufficiently declared in the Reign of that excellent Queen who made War first or last against all the Popish Princes in her neighborhood for persecuting the Protestants in their Kingdoms And herein she was not only justified by the Pens of our greatest Lawyers and Divines but she had also the approbation and assistance of our Parliaments and Convocations It appears she was the rather inclin'd to do this by a Jealousy of State for which there was an evident Cause in those Popish Doctrins before-mentioned For she knew that those Kings accounted her and her People to be Hereticks as well as they did their own Subjects whom they used so very ill for no other Cause but because they were of her Religion And therefore she had Reason to fear that when they had done their Work in the destroying of that Religion at home in their own Kingdoms the same blind Zeal acted by the same Principles would bring them hither at last for the finishing of their Work or as some have worded it since for the rooting out of the Northern Heresie This was such a danger that if she had suffer'd it to grow upon her it had been a betraying of her Trust which she could not have answer'd to God And yet there being no way to prevent it but by making War upon them in their own Kingdoms this ought to be accounted a Defensive War and that made upon very just Cause as hath been already shewn We have Reason to hope that all Popish Princes are not under the Power of those Principles But yet when any of them persecutes his Subjects that are of another Religion beyond the standing Laws of his Kingdom they cannot expect that other Princes which are of that Suffering Religion can be so confident of this as to stand idle and look on and not rather when they see the danger comes towards them to defend themselves from it if they can by beginning a War in that Prince's Dominions § 40. There is yet a greater Cause for this when the Suffering Religion is that which is establisht by the Laws of that Kingdom and yet the King that is sworn to those Laws and therefore bound to support that Religion is manifestly practising against it and endeavours to supplant and oppress and extinguish it What should other Princes or States that profess the same Religion do in this Case They see that such a King is set upon the destroying of their Religion He hath declar'd a hostile mind towards the Professors of it in judging them not capable of enjoying their Temporal Rights If he deals thus with his own People what are Forreigners to expect at his hands Can they think themselves secure because they are at Peace with
A DISCOURSE of God's ways of DISPOSING OF KINGDOMS By the Bishop of S. ASAPH Lord Almoner to THEIR MAJESTIES A DISCOURSE of God's ways of DISPOSING OF KINGDOMS PART I. By the Bishop of S. ASAPH Lord Almoner to THEIR MAJESTIES King Charles I. Works p. 711. in his Letter to his Son With God I would have you begin and end who is King of Kings the Soverain disposer of the Kingdoms of the World who putteth down one and setteth up another Publish'd by Authority LONDON Printed by H. Hills for Thomas Jones at the White-Horse without Temple-Bar 1691. TO THE READER HAVING had the honor to preach before their Majesties on the fift day of November last and afterward to be commanded by Them to print my Sermon which contain'd many things concerning the late Revolution I humbly crav'd leave to put my thoughts into another form wherein I might not only say those things more at large but also prove what I had said in that Sermon knowing I could do it by such Authorities as would be sufficient to clear me from that charge of Singularity or Novelty which hath been too liberally thrown upon others that have preach'd or written on that subject I know I am not better then my Brethren that have been thus us'd and therefore I expect to be treated no better then they have been But I think I have taken a Course to prevent the bringing of any charge against me on that head It will appear that I have deliver'd no other Doctrin then that which has been receiv'd and past for current in the Church of England ever since the Reformation And I hope it will be some service to that excellent Church to shew that what some have reported of her Doctrins hath had no other ground but the mistakes of some of her Sons who tho excellent men and such as our Church may justly glory of upon other accounts yet I must needs say have judg'd too hastily of this matter and seem to be too jealous of themselves for fear some wordly consideration should strike in with those second thoughts that would make them judge otherwise We are not to answer for the private Opinions of all that are or have been of our Communion But God be prais'd we may safely stand by the Doctrins of our Church and the most approv'd Writers thereof They are those that I have endeavour'd to set forth in this following Discourse While we adhere to them it will be for the honor of our Church that as it hath been always accounted the Bulwark of the Protestant Religion and prov'd it self to be so most eminently in the last Reign so it will appear to be the only unshaken strength of this Monarchy especially by the encouragment it hath now under their Majesties Government which I beseech God long to continue to his Glory and the peace and prosperity of these Kingdoms THE CONTENTS OF CHAPTER I. 1. THE Occasion of Psalm LXXV pag. 1. 2. The Scope of the Words vers 6 7. 1. 3. I. That Power is from God 2. 4. II. That he gives it Judicially 3. 5. The Heads of the following Discourse 4. 6. Of the Institution of Government 5. 7. Of the several sorts of it 6. I. Of God's Conferring it on Persons 1st Immediately 8. I. In the Patriarchical times 7. 9. 2. In the Jewish Theocracy 9. 10. 3. In their hereditary Kingdom 9. 11. 2dly Mediately by the Peoples consent 10. 12. 1st On Account of Merit 11. Thus especially on Founders of Nations 11. 13. On first Planters 12. 14. On Restorers and Deliverers 12. 15. 2dly On Account of Favour 14. 16. In the first Elections of Kings pag. 14. 21. In the hereditary Successions from them 15. 22. In Elective Kingdoms 16. 23. In Free States 16. 24. II. Of God's Transferring it from one to another 17. 25. That this is the Act of God 18. 26. By giving one a Conquest over the other 19. 27. That God doth this Judicially 21. 28. I. By way of Judgment on King or People 21. 29. Particularly on Kings 23. 29. For neglect of Government 23. 30. For Oppressing their People 24. 31. This is Just and necessary 25. 32. II. By way of Justice for 27. 33. 1. War is an Appeal to God 28. 34. 2. It is proper to Kings 29. 35. 3. 'T is lawful when they have Just Cause 33. 36. Great danger makes it Necessary 34. 37. Especially when also Religion is concern'd 37. 38. When Religion is opprest in another Kingdom 39. 39. Example of this in Queen Elizabeth's time 42. 40. Especially where it is settl'd by Law 45. 41. 4. Such a Cause makes a Just Conquest 49. 42. And that Conquest gives Right 50. 43. Doubted when the Cause is certainly unjust 55. 44. No doubt when the Cause is certainly Just. 58. 45. A doubtful Cause is enough for the Prince in Possession 59. 46. The People◠ought to be satisfi'd with this 61. 47. But much more when they see a certain Just Cause 33. 48. When the Cause is for their sake it is to them not a Conquest but a Deliverance 66. A DISCOURSE of God's ways of DISPOSING OF KINGDOMS Psalm LXXV verses 6 7. For Promotion cometh neither from the East nor from the West nor from the South But God is the Judge He putteth down one and setteth up another § 1. THIS Psalm was compos'd by David as I take it considering the State of Affairs that was immediatly after Saul's death When as it is here ver 3. the Land and the Inhabiters thereof were dissolv'd and even ready to fall but that David bore up the Pillars of it § 2. Then being in the nearest prospect of the Kingdom he called to remembrance what he had formerly said what warnings he had given to those Fools and wicked men that laid about them in Saul's time as if there would be no end of it I said to the fools deal not so foolishly and to the wicked lift not up your horn Do not bear your selves so high as it seems they did on that unhappy King's Favor Do not boast your selves of the power you have to do mischief That 's the common use of Power when it comes in the hands of Fools and wicked men § 3. To teach them better David shews whence it is that Power comes into Mens hands and upon what terms they are to hold it These two things the Psalmist shews in the words of this Text. First for the true Original of Power This in David's time all men took to be from Heaven but from whom there many knew not The Eastern Nations who were generally given to Astrology took it to come from their Stars and especially from the Sun which was the chief Object of their Worship The Psalmist tells them No. Promotion cometh not that way Neither from the Planet's rising nor setting nor from its exaltation in mid-Heaven That 's the meaning of the words from the East nor from the West
in another Kingdom 1 Cor. Xii 25 26. Justinian Coll. VI. 7. 4. It is for this Cause that we have made so many Wars in Africk and Italy viz. for Orthodoxy in Religion and for the liberty of our Subjects See Girolamo Catena's Life of that Pope And from him Camden's Annals A. D. 1572. Example in Q. Elizabeths time a Camdeni Annales A. D. 1559. In the Queen's Consultation concerning the demands of Succor for the Protestants of Scotland against the French faction in that Kingdom saith Pessimi Exempli videbatur Principem patrocinium praestare tumultuantibus Principis alterius Subditis At Impietatis ejusdem Religionis cultoribus deesse It seem'd a thing of very ill Example for one Prince to Patronize another Prince's Subjects in Commotion But it seem'd an Impious thing to be wanting to them of the same Religion Whereupon the Resolution was taken Ejusdem Religionis Professoribus Subveniendum Gallos a Scotia exturbandos That the Professors of the same Religion must be helpt and that the French must be driven out of Scotland Ib. A. D. 1562. When she sent the Earl of Warwick with an Army into France she declared she could not but do it unless she would let the Guises do their pleasure with that young King and his Protestant Subjects Quodque Maximum ne suam Religionem Securitatem Salutem ignave prodere videretur And which was chiefly to be considered least she should seem basely to betray her own Religion Security and Safety Ib. A. D. 1585. After Deliberation whether she should take upon her the Protection of the States against the King of Spain this was her Resolution Statuit Christianae Pietatis esse afflictis Belgis ejusdem Religionis Cultoribus subvenire Prudentiae exitiosas hostium Machinationes praevertendo populi sibi commissi incolumitati consulere Hinc Bâ—lgarum patrocinium palam suscepit She did Resolve that it was a duty of Christian Piety to help the Afflicted Dutch being Professors of the same Religion and that it was a point of Prudence by preventing the destructive designs of their Enemies to provide for the Safety of her own People Thereupon she took upon her publickly the Protection of the Dutch b Albericus Gentilis her Professor of Law in the University of Oxford de jure Belli D. Speaking of her War with Spain saith Age age obsiste Principum fortissima nam obsistis Justissime c Bishop Jewell's Defence of the Apology p. 16. c. and Bilson of the Difference between Subjection and Rebellion ubi supra d The Acts of Parliament and Convocation that prove this see at the end of this first Chapter a § 36. Especially where it is the Religion setled by Law An Answer to the Paper delivered by 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of London p 16 17 18 19. Of Licinius he tells us how designing War against his Brother in Law Constantine but not thinking fit yet to declare it first he fell upon the Christians in his own part of the Empire Euseb. Hist. X. 8. Edit Vales. p. 396. B. He began first with the Bishops not suffering them to meet in Synods Vit. Constant. l. 51. Then he turned all Christians out of their places at Court Eufeb Hist. X. 8. Vit. Constant. l. 52. Then he turned all Christians out of the Army and out of Offices Euseb. Hist. Ib. Vit. Constant. l. 54. Then he seiz'd their Estates Ib. Ib. At last he fell on the Bishops Euseb. Hist. X. 8. p. 397. B. At first secretly and cunningly not by himself for fear of Constantine but by his Governors Ib. He killed some Bishops for Praying for Constantine Vit. Constant. II. 2. Then Constantine began to stir thinking it Holy and Pious to remove one and save a Multitude Vit. Constant. II. 3. The Joy of Christians upon his Victory see Eus. X. 9. p. 399. C D. Vit. Constant. II. 19. p. 452. C. Then it makes a Just Conquest a See §. 26. b See §. 35. And Conquest giveth Right Judges XI 24. Dan. II. 21. Jos. Antiq. X. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14. Selden de Jure Nat. Gent. VI 17. p. 789. Argent 1665. Ita non solum armis Alexandri se ex Jure quod ei competiit bellico subdidere sed imperio ejus dilatando stipendiarios se libenter tune praebuere nec interea de belli causâ aut Religione dispari soliciti So they not only submitted themselves to Alexander's Arms on the account of that Right which he had gotten by War but then they willingly offered themselves to serve under him for the farther Enlargement of his Empire not troubling themselves the mean while about the cause of the War or the Difference of Religion a Thus David Psal. I. X. 8. CVIII 9. Thus Constantine the Great stiled himself TRIUMPHATOR and Stamp'd his Coin with the words VICTORIA GOTHICA SARMATIA DEVICTA c. DEBELLAIORI GENTIUM BARBARARUM Thus likewise the following Christian Emperors b Justinian Coll. II. 2. 10. We have recovered all Afric and subdued the Vandals and hope to receive of God many yet greater things than these Id. Coll. V. 15. 1. We ordain these Laws to be observed in all Nations under our Government Some whereof God gave us at first others he hath added since and we hope he will still increase a Deut. XVII 15. b Jer. XXI 8 9. c Convocation Book I. 28. c. Doubted when the Cause is certainly unjust a Pufend. de Jur. Nat. Gent. VII 8 9. b Ib. VII 8. 10. Sanderson Obl. Consc. V. 17 c. No doubt when the Cause is certainly Just. a Horn. de Civ II. 9. 2. as quoted by Pufend. Jur. Nat. Gent. VII 7. 3. If one Prince overcomes another that unjustly provokes him and hath deserv'd it by other Injuries he hath forthwith a Lawful Power against him whom he hath so overcome and is not to stay for the Consent of the People whom he hath brought under his Dominion Pufendorf there says that where there was a Just Cause of Invasion there the getting of a Country into Possession makes for the obtaining of the Dominion thereof and is confirm'd by the Consent of the Subjects and their following Covenant But that till this is had the State of War continues and there is no Obligation nor Faith and so no Dominion Dudley Digs of the Unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms c. §. 4. p. 132. Puts an Objection That if the Conqueror comes in by Force he may be turn'd out by the same Title In Answer to it he saith de Jure he cannot For though Conquest be a name of greater Strength only and be not it self a Right yet it is the Mother of it because when the People are in his Power they pass their Consent