they assail me in my Strength and shall find my Deeds as ready and confident Justifications as my Words But it is not my Faith or Aspiring they here would bring in doubt they have a further Strain For as before they made my Name a Fume to disquiet the Head now they make it a Poyson to carry Infection into the Body For What is the Parliament but the Body of the Kingdom And why do they stain it with the hateful Name of Puritan but to make it odious to the King Indeed such Names help the Jesuits in Disputes of Religion when they are driven from all real Defences and would they practice this deploâ—able Art in the Matters of State if they were not in his Case that called Christ Galilean when he was vanquished by his Power For who knoweth not the Upper House of Parliament consisteth of all the Preâ—ates and Peers and the Nether House of near 500 Knights and Burgesses Elected and sent out of all Parts of â—he Kingdom And are all these Puâ—itans Do my Plots receive better Enâ—ertainment amongst them than with â—he Council of State And doth this reâ—roachful Comparison honour or disâ—onour those Able and Wise Men who are here presented to be well â—ffected to their Cause but their end â—as no Man's Honour It was to break â—he Parliament by setting Faction aâ—ongst the Members of both Houâ—es as well as with the Head and their â—and is most evident in misrepresenting the Case For where they say that almost every one of the Council both liked and allowed of the Propositions of the Catholick King and found therein no Cause to dissolve the Treaty They conceal that the Proposition was then made for the Palatinate alone supposing the Treaty of the Marriage should proceed And in that Case it mighâ— seem reasonable to very Wise Menâ— that the other Treaty should not bâ— broken off But in Parliament where both Parties come in Question together not one of those Able and Wise Men for they were all Memberâ— of the one House or the other dissented from the Council of dissolving them both The Altars of Provocation may then be objected to Worshippers of Saints or to them that appeal to their Idol at Rome and noâ— to Us who acknowledge no Sovereign upon Earth but our King to whom both Council of State and Parliament yield Odedience in all things How then may it be said thaâ— the Parliament is now above the King Or how can they hope that such shameless and impious Suggestions can make a prudent and good King jealous and doubtful of a most obsequious and dutiful People Especially at this time when it may truly be said That the Spirit of Wisdom in the Heart of the King hath wrought the Spirit of Unity in the Hearts of his Subjects which made the Success more happy than former Parliaments have had And this indeed is the matter which the Devil and they storm at For who can doubt that they and their Faction cannot endure without much trouble of Mind as they confess to see the weightiest Affairs and of greatest Moment to be now referred to the Censure of the Parliament when their fair Promises and Pretences can no longer prevail Yet let them tell us what greater and more Honourable Senate they have seen in Spain or elsewhere Besides Do not the very Writs for the Summons of Parliament express That is for the great and weighty Affairs of the Kingdom And have not our greatest and wisest Kings heretofore referred Treaties of Leagues of Marriages of Peace and War and of Religion it self to the Consultations of their Parliaments Those then that take upon them to undervalue this High Court do but expose their own Judgments to Censure and Contempt not knowing that Parliaments as they are the Honour and Support so they are the Hand-maids and Creatures of our Kings inspired formed and governed by their Power And if Charles the Fifth oâ— France by his Parliament of Paris recovered a great part of that Kingdom from this Crown and if Succeeding Kings there by the Assistance of that Court redeemed the Church from the Tyranny of the Pope We have no cause to doubt that our King by the Faithful Advice Assistance and Service of his Parliament shall be able both to recover the Palatinate which they here make so difficult and to protect our Neighbours and Allies and either to settle such a Peace as we really desire or to execute such Vengeance as God's Justice and their Sins shall for their Ambition assuredly draw upon them But they proceed and tell the King that it is said I have propounded many things to the Parliament in his Name without his Advice or Consent nay contrary to his Will And is not this to abuse the Ears and patience of a Prince to tell him many things are said and yet neither specifie the Matters nor the Men Or is not this to dally with my Name by Hear-says when with a harsh and incoherent Transition they suddenly fall upon â—he Prince who is the next true Mark their Malice shooteth at And when Malice it self cannot but acknowledge his Ingenuity and great Gifts and that in all things he shewâ—th himself an obedient and good â—on yet these Attributes they will â—eeds qualifie with a Nevertheless which cannot charge me as with a â—ault that I am confident in his Favour Or that I therefore despise all men to which Vice of all other my Nature is least inclin'd but indeed taxeth the Prince at least with participation of my ill Intentions by suffering me to make those persons subject to my Will which are most conformable to His. Whom they mean I know not but pray God that those Men they thus recommend to his Highness's neareâ— Trust prove not more dangerous to his Person than I have hitherto been refractory to his Will But having shot this Bolt they come back again to me as to their Stalking-horse to chuse a new Mark. And first for a preparative to the Prince Attention they wish that my Action were directed to his Good Then tâ— give at least some Varnish to theiâ— Work they tell him that good me believe meaning such as believe theâ— with an implicite Faith that I whâ— have imbroiled the Match with Spain will not be less able to break any other his Highness should affect iâ— which Speech if a Man will dive tâ— the Bottom of their Malice he must descend into Hell But for the Match with Spain can any man believe that his Majesty sent his Son that he went in Person that he both trusted Spain so far and did that Kingdom so much Honour and yielded to such Conditions or that I underwent that Hazard and Charge and pressed their King importuned his Favorite and Council and subjected my self to so many Indignities or that so great a Fleet even into their own Ports with Minds to interrupt or embroil or not rather to remove all Impediments to â—asten the Marriage and to bring â—ome
under Gods favour we shall comfortably enjoy the same to us and our posterity for ever Next to Religion and peace with God we will Remember that Universal peace of State both at home and abroade which under your Christian and prudent Government we enjoy whereof we have the less reason to doubt any interruption when we behold the Greatness and reputation of your Majesties power and the goodness and Excellency of your Royal disposition whereof the latter is not like â—o give the cause or occasion and the â—ormer is likely to abate the Courage â—nd forces of any hostile attempts And â—astly we cannot but with unspeakable â—oy of heart consider of that blessing which having respect to later times in â—his state is rare and unwonted which â—s the blessed fruit and Royal Issue of â—ingular towardness and comfort which God hath given your Majesty with â—reat hope of many the like these being â—ndeed as arrows in the hand of the Mighty able to dant your Enemies â—nd to assure your loving subjects and â—o safe-guard your Royal person and to sheild and protect each other and to be a pledge to us and our posterity of future and perdurable felicity The benefits and blessings dread Soveraign amongst many others as we gladly acknowledge to your Majesties great honour and our great comfort So nevertheless having upon mature advice concluded to present to your Majesty a gift in proportion and speed of payment exceeding all former presidents of Parliament and the times of Peace considered we do further think fit to add and express those reasons special and extraordinary which have moved us hereunto lest the same our doing may be drawn into President to the prejudice of the State of our Countrey and our posterity A first and principal reason is thaâ— late and monstrous attempt of that cursed crew of desperate Papists to have destroyed your Excellent Majesty the Queen and your Royal Progeny together with the Reverend Prelates Nobility and Commons of this Land â—ssembled in Parliament to the great confusion if not subversion of this Kingdom the barbarous malice in â—ome unnatural subjects we have â—hought fit to check and encounter with the certain demonstration of the â—niversal and undoubted Love of your Loyal and Faithful Subjects not only for the present to breed in your Maâ—esty a more confident assurance of our uttermost aides in proceeding with a princely resolution to repress them and to furnish your Majesty against hostile attempts both by Sea and Land out also for the future times to give â—heir Patrons and partakers to understand that your Majesty can never want in this Kingdom meanes of defence of your rights revenge of your wrongs and support of your estate A second reason is that memorable benefice wherewith it hath pleased the Divine providence in great grace and favour to bless this Nation in your Majesties person by addition of another Kingdom whereby both ancient hostilities are quite extinguished and all footing and approaches of any For rainer in this Island are excluded and your Majesties other Dominions the more secured which happy event was nevertheless attended with sundry rare and necessary circumstances of charge now at your Majesties first entrance and setling such as the like hath not been in former times nor is like to be in suceeding ages A third and most urgent reason is the great and excessive charge which the unnatural Wars of Ireland newly finished before our late Renowned Queens decease did necessarily impose upon your Majesty by drawing with it a long traine of after expences even in your Majesties time till the peace thereof were throughly setled and assured which Kingdom is now since your Majesties time become in the vastest Province thereof capable of the plantation of Religion Justice Civilty and Population and may in longer time arise to be a most profitable and opulent member of your Imperial Crown A fourth reason ariseth from the great contentment and joye which we have in the remembrance of your Majestiâ— most gracious disposition to the good of your people testified as well at your first entrance into this Kingdom by your Princely care you took out of your own Royal mind to free them by your Proclamation from any burdens of Monopolies and other unlawful things which then remained in use as also of late your comfortable messages sent unto us dureing this Session of Parliament purporting the continuance of like gracious intention towards them where just occasion of grief should appear which joye of ours hath bred a desire in us to express in more then ordinary manner our extraordinary and humble thankes unto your Majesty for the same and to make it appear on our parts that we will at no time omit any Testimonies of Love and Duty toward your Majesty that may procure or deserve the perfecting and accomplishing of so Princely a work so well begun of Grace and favor towards us it being far from our dispositions to entertain any such unthankfulness into our hearts as not chearfully to assist with our goods and substance and all other duties of Subjects such a Soveraign by whom we find our selves so tenderly regarded Thus Gracious Soveraign out of those extraordinary Reasons and considerations as also out of our great Love and affection towards your Majesties person vertues and felicities we do with all humble and chearful affections present to your Majesty three subsidies and six Fifteenths and Tenths and we do most humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted by Authority of this present Parliament in manner and form following Anno. Dom. 1605. An. Reg. Jac. 3. The Declarations of the opinions of the Non-conformists as it was delivered to King James himself on their behalf in the third year of his Reign 1. WE hold and maintain the same Authority and Supremacy in all causes and over all persons Civil or Ecclesiastical granted by Statute to Queen Elizabeth and expressed and declared in the Book of Advertisements and Injunctions and in Mr. Bilson against the Jesuites to be due in full and ample manner without any Limitation or Qualification to the King and his Heirs and Successors for ever neither is there to our knowledge any one of us but is and ever hath been most willing to subcribe and Swear unto the same according to form of Statute And desire that those that shall refuse the same may bear their own iniquitie That 2. We are so far from Judging the said Supremacy to be unlawful that we are perswaded that the King should sin highly against God if he should not assume the same unto himself and that the Churches within his Dominions should sin damnably if they should deny to yield the same unto him yea though the Statutes of the Kingdom should deny it unto him 3. We hold it plain Anti-Christianism for any Church or Church-Officers whatsoever either to arrogate or assume unto themselves any part or parcel thereof and utterly unlawful for the King to give away or
Palatinate which before â—ad been assumed as a divided Article â—ight now go hand in hand and to that effect he left the power of Desponâ—atories with the Ambassadors which was afterwards restrained and renewed and finally revoked as the confident or cold Answers out of Spain did require And this is the substance of that Negotiation The other particulars delivered in Parliament how they said and unsaid promised and denied remembred and forgot and plaid fast and loose at their pleasures and what indignities they put upon us I take no more pleasure to repeat than I did to suffer It sufficeth that by this which is said the Questions propounded by the Informers are answered First who they were that gave the first cause of distaste Secondly whether the Complaints against the King of Spain be true Thirdly whether thâ— King of Spain did desiâ—e to give satisfaction to the Prince And Fourthly whether he did faithfully endeavour the Marriage And if in any of these points any scruple doth remain for thâ— perfect discovery of their intentions anâ— proceedings the Letters produced by the Conde D'Olivares and read in Parliament will justifie my Report being as it were a Manifest from that King and his Councel that they never intended the Match nor held it lawfuâ— or convenient for that State and the King therein requiring some other way to be found to give without the Match contentment to the Prince whereby I make as little doubt of that Kings own Royal disposition and affection towards the Prince for all personal respects as I do of the insincerity of his Ministers in all their proceedings In the rest of my Indictments the Interrogatories which followed concerâ— for the most part my Behaviour toward the Prince whereunto I will not answer by Recrimination tho' I have a â—ge field nor by way of Defence â—d for these Reasons First in Persons â—hich they now I then did instance â—e reflexion of our faults upon the hoâ—ur of our Masters maketh the pubâ—â—hing as offensive as the Facts Seâ—ndly by giving Answer unto them â—at Charge but by Reports I shall â—eak my Duty to the Prince who â—est knoweth the Truth in these things â—ey object and if there had been cause â—ould have called me to an account â—nd Thirdly my purpose is not as I â—id to Apologize further than may â—ncern the interest of that Cause which â—rough my sides they have laboured â— wound For my self I know well â—at I shall stand or fall in the opiniâ—ns of wise men neither by the slanâ—ers of any be they never so great or by my verbal Justifications be they ever so confident but rather by the â—ctions and Carriage of my Life my â—irth Breeding and Fortune which â—ay happily raise me above base Imâ—utations and also give hopes of Aâ—endment if in ought I have done amiss As for the Conde D'Olivarâ— when he chargeth me with breach â— Faith towards him I will make hiâ— such Answer as may give him just coâ—tent And for revealing the Secreâ— Treaty for Holland I did it not witâ— out leave from the Prince nor till might appear that it was entertaine on our parts but for the Discovery â— the advantages they sought And this is all the Answer I wiâ— make to these unworthy Reproache raked out of the Channel to be caâ— in my Face only to Disfigure mâ— and then serve their turns with me iâ— what shape they please And so having used me as I said for theiâ— Stalking-horse from under my Shadow to shoot at other Games theâ— tell me they wish me well and turâ— me off to Grass yet in requital of theiâ— favour I will give them this Advicâ— before I go That the best way foâ— them and me to do the Christian worlâ— good which they seem to desire is tâ— persuade our Masters to moderatioâ— and peace and not to busie our selveâ— â—ith malitious aspersions upon the Aâ—ions of Princes or Parliaments or â—overnments wherein we have no skill â—or which fault of theirs I presume their â—ommission giveth no warrant And â—o ' my Master should think it punishâ—ent enough for them thus to dishoâ—our themselves and justifie mens comâ—aints against their unthankfulness â—alice where they have found so much â—espect yet let them take heed lest â—â—me occasion may not fall out to move â—heir own Masters to question them â—r this scandalous example which â—annot but reflect upon his own Goâ—ernment and State as having no preâ—edent in any former time Transcribed from the Original written with Sir Edward Coke Lord Chief Justice his own hand FINIS Books newly Printed for W. Crook at the Green Dragon withouâ— Temple-Barr THE Moors Baffled being a Diâ—course concerning Tangier especially when it was under the Earl â— Teviot by which you may find whaâ— Methods and Government is fitest tâ— secure that place against the Moorâ— Written by a Learned person long râ—sident in that place 40 6d Thomae Hobbes Angli Malmsburiensâ— Vita being an exact account of Mâ— Hobbes of the Books he wrote and thâ— Times and Occasion of their writing Of the Books against him and the Authors Of his Conversation and Aâ—quaintance being a full Account â— his whole Life part wrote by him seâ— in Latine the rest by Dr. N. B. in 8 price 5 s. The Institution of General History Oâ— The History of the World In two Vâ—lumes in Folio By Dr. W. Howell Chaâ—cellor of Lincoln Historical Collections of the Four laâ— Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth Bâ— Haywood Townsend Esq