side it lieth lowest of all things in the world and by occasion thereof resteth unmooveable hauing no cause why it should encline more to one part than to another but yet some places of her because of their raritie do jogge and shake EPICURUS keepeth his old tune saying it may well be that the earth being shogged and as it were rocked and beaten by the aire underneath which is grosse and of the nature of water therefore mooveth and quaketh As also it may be quoth he that being holow and full of holes in the parts below it is forced to tremble and shake by the aire that is gotten within the caves and concavities and there enclosed CHAP. XVI Of the Sea how it was made and commeth to be bitter ANAXIMANDER affirmeth that the Sea is a residue remaining of the primitive humidity whereof the Sunne hauing burnt up and consumed a great part the rest behind he altered and turned from the naturall kind by his excessive ardent heat ANAXAGORAS is of opinion that the said first humiditie being diffused and spred abroad in manner of a poole or great meere was burnt by the motion of the sunne about it and when the oileous substance thereof was exhaled and consumed the rest setled below and turned into a brackish and bitter-saltnesse which is the Sea EMPEDOCLES saith that the Sea is the sweat of the earth enchafed by the sunne being bathed and washed all over aloft ANTISTON thinketh it to be the sweat of heat the moisture whereof which was within being by much seething and boiling sent out becommeth salt a thing ordinary in all sweats METRODORUS supposeth the Sea to be that moisture which running thorough the earth reteined some part of the densitie thereof like as that which passeth through ashes The disciples of PLATO imagine that so much of the elementarie water which is congealed of the aire by refrigeration is sweet and fresh but whatsoever did evaporate by burning and inflammation became salt CHAP. XVII Of the Tides to wit the ebbing and flowing of the sea what is the cause thereof ARISTOTLE and HERACLITUS affirme that it is the sunne which doth it as who stirreth raiseth and carieth about with him the most part of the windes which comming to blow upon the Ocean cause the Atlanticke sea to swell and so make the flux or high water but when the same are allaied and cleane downe the sea falleth low and so causeth a reflux and ebbe or low water PYTHEAS of Marseils referreth the cause of Flowing to the full moone and of Ebbing to the moone in the wane PLATO attributeth all to a certeine rising of the waters saying There is such an elevation that through the mouth of a cave carieth the Ebbe and Flow to and fro by the meanes whereof the seas doe rise and flow contrarily TIMAEUS alledgeth the cause hereof to be the rivers which falling from the mountaines in Gaule enter into the Atlantique sea which by their violent corruptions driving before them the water of the sea cause the Flow and by their ceasing and returne backe by times the Ebbe SELEUCUS the Mathematician who affirmed also that the earth mooved saith that the motion thereof is opposit and contrary to that of the moone also that the winde being driven to and fro by these two contrary revolutions bloweth and beateth upon the Atlanticke ocean troubleth the sea also and no marvell according as it is disquieted it selfe CHAP. XVIII Of the round circle called Halo THis Halo is made after this manner betweene the body of the moone or any other starre and our eie-sight there gathereth a grosse and mistie aire by which aire anon our sight commeth to be reflected and diffused and afterwards the same incurreth upon the said starre according to the exterior circumference thereof and thereupon appeereth a circle round about the starre which being there seene is called Halo for that it seemeth that the apparent impression is close unto that upon which our sight so enlarged as is before said doth fall THE FOURTH BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving runne through the generall parts of the world I will now passe unto the particulars CHAP. I. Of the rising and inundation of Nilus THALES thinketh that the anniversarie windes called Etcsiae blowing directly against Aegypt cause the water of Nilus to swell for that the sea being driven by these windes entreth within the mouth of the said river and hindereth it that it cannot discharge it selfe freely into the sea but is repulsed backward EUTHYMENES of Marseils supposeth that this river is filled with the water of the ocean and the great sea lying without the continent which he imagineth to be fresh and sweet ANAXAGORAS saith that this hapneth by the snowe in Aethiopia which melteth in summer and is congealed and frozen in winter DEMOCRITUS is of opinion that it is long of the snowe in the north parts which about the aestival solstice and returne of the sunne being dissolved and dilated breedeth vapors and of them be engendred clouds which being driven by the Etesian windes into Aethiopia and Aegypt toward the south cause great and violent raines wherewith both lakes and the river also Nilus be filled HERODOTUS the Historian writeth that this river hath as much water from his sources and springs in winter as in summer but to us it seemeth lesse in winter because the sunne being then neerer unto Aegypt causeth the said water to evaporate EPHORUS the Historiographer reporteth that all Aegypt doth resolve and runne at it were wholly into swet in summer time whereunto Arabia and Libya doe conferre and contribute also their waters for that the earth there is light and sandy EUDOXUS saith that the priests of Aegypt assigne the cause hereof to the great raines and the Antiperistasis or contrarie occurse of seasons for that when it is Summer with us who inhabit within the Zone toward the Summer Tropicke it is Winter with those who dwell in the opposit Zone under the Winter Tropicke whereupon saith he proceedeth this great inundation of waters breaking downe unto the river Nilus CHAP. II. Of the Soule THALES was the first that defined the Soule to be a nature moving alwaies or having motion of it selfe PYTHAGORAS saith it is a certeine number moving it selfe and this number he taketh for intelligence or understanding PLATO supposeth it to be an intellectuall substance mooving it selfe and that according to harmonicall number ARISTOTLE is of opinion that it is the first Entelechia or primitive act of a naturall and organicall bodie having life potentially DICEARCHUS thinketh it to be the harmonie and concordance of the foure elements ASCLEPIADES the Physician defineth it to be an exercise in common of all the senses together CHAP. III. Whether the Soule be a body and what is the substance of it ALl these Philsosophers before rehearsed suppose that the Soule is incorporall that of the owne nature it mooveth and is a spirituall substance and the action of a
am advertised quoth he that thou against the lawes of military discipline usest many times to lie out of the campe and I understand likewise ful well that setting that fault aside thou art a souldier good enough well in regard of thy good services I am content to pardon all that is past but from hencefoorth thou shalt abide and tarie with me for I have a good pawne and suretie within that thou shalt not start and with that he caused the woman to come forth and appeare and so he gave her into his hands to be his wedded wife Anniball held all the citie of Tarentum with a strong garrison saving onely the castle but Marcellus by a wile and subtile stratageme trained him as farre as he could from thence and then returning with all expedition was master of the whole towne and sacked it in the execution of which service his scribe or chancellour asked him what should be done with the sacred images of the gods among the rest of the pillage Mary let us leave quoth he unto the Tarentines their gods being thus angred as they are with them When M. Livius who had the keeping of the castle vanted and boasted that by his meanes the citie was woonne all the rest who heard him laughed and mocked him but Fabius answered Thou saiest trueth indeed for if thou hadst not lost it once I had never recovered it againe After he was stepped farre in yeeres his sonne was chosen consull and as he was giving audience in open place and dispatching certaine publike affaires in the presence of many Fabius his father being mounted on horsebacke came toward him but the sonne sent one of his lictors or hushers before to command him to alight from his horse whereat all the rest there present were abashed and thought it a great shame and unseemly sight but the olde man dismounting quickely from his horse came toward his sonne as fast as his yeeres would give him leaue imbraced him and said Thou hast well done my sonne to know whom thou doest governe and to shew that thou art not ignorant what the greatnesse is of that charge which thou hast undertaken SCIPIO the elder whensoever he was at any leasure and repose either from military affaires or politike government emploied all that time in his private study at his booke whereupon he was woont to say That when he was alone he had most companie and when hee was at leasure he had greatest businesse After hee had woonne by assault the city of New Carthage in Spaine some of his souldiers brought a most beautifull damosell taken prisoner and her they offered unto him I would receive her willingly quoth he if I were a private person but being as I am a captaine generall I will none of her Lying at siege before a certeine citie situated in a low place and over which might be seene the temple of Venus he gave order unto them that by vertue of writs were to make appearance in court that they should come and plead before him within the said temple where they should have audience the third day after which hee made good for before that day hee had forced the citie When one demaunded of him being in Sicilie ready to embarke and passe over to Africke upon what confidence hee presumed so much to crosse the seas with his armada against Carthage See you not heere quoth he 300. men how they disport and exercise them selves armed all in militarie feats of armes along an high tower situate upon the sea side I tell you there is not one of all this number but if I bidde him will runne up to the top of this tower and cast himselfe downe from thence with the head forward Being passed over sea and soone after master of the field when hee had burnt the campes of his enimies the Carthaginians sent immediately unto him an embassage to treat of peace in which treatie it was concluded that they should quit all their vessels at sea abandon their elephants and besides pay a good grosse summe of money But so soone as Annibal was retired out of Italy into Africke they repented themselves of these capitulations and conditions for the trust which they had in the forces and person of Anniball whereof Scipio being advertised said unto them That although they would performe the articles of the foresaid agreement yet the accord should not stand for good unlesse over and above they paid 5000. talents because they had sent for Anniball to come over Now after that the Carthaginians had beene vanquished by him in open battell they sent new embassadors for to treat of peace againe but hee commaunded them presently to depart for that he would never give them audience unlesse they brought backe unto him lord Terentius a knight of Rome and a man of woorth and honor who by the fortune of warre was taken prisoner and fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians now when they had brought Terentius he caused him to sit close by his side in the counsell and then gave he audience to the foresaide embassadors and graunted them peace Afterwards when he entred Rome in triumph for this victorie the said Terentius followed hard after his triumphant chariot wearing a cap of libertie on his head like an affranchised slave and avowing that he held his freedome by him and when Scipio was dead unto all those who accompanied his corps when it was caried foorth to sepulture Terentius allowed to drinke a certeine kinde of mede made of wine and honie and for all other complements belonging to an honorable funerall he tooke order with great diligence but this was performed afterwards Moreover when king Antiochus saw that the Romanes were passed over into Asia with a puissant armie to make warre upon him he sent his embassadors to Scipio for to enter into a treatie of peace unto whom he answered This you should have done before and not at this present now that your king and master hath already received the bit of the bridle in his mouth and the saddle with the rider upon his backe The Senat had graunted out a commission unto him that he should take foorth certeine money out of the publick chest and chamber of the citie but when the treasurers would not suffer him that day to open the treasury for to be furnished from thence he said He would be so bold as open it himselfe Which quoth he I may well doe considering that by my meanes it was kept fast shut and locked first for the great quantitie of gold and silver which I have caused to be brought into it Petilius and Quintus two Tribunes of the commons accused him before the people and laid many grievous matters to his charge but he in stead of pleading his owne cause and justifying himselfe said thus My masters of Rome upon such a day as this I defaited in battell the Carthaginians and Annibal and therefore will I goe my selfe directly from hence with a chaplet
upon the land which had remained a long time among them and had passed by descent from father to sonne and by their forefathers had beene first brought unto them from Brauron unto the isle Lemnos and which they caried with them from thence into all places wheresoever they came after this sudden fright and tumult was passed as they sailed in the open sea they missed the said image and withall Pollis also was advertised that a flouke of an anker was wanting and lost for that when they came to weigh anker by great force as commonly it hapneth in such places where it taketh hold of the ground among rocks it brake and was left behinde in the bottome of the sea whereupon he said that the oracles were now fulfilled which foretold them of these signes and therewith gave signall to the whole fleete for to retire backe and so he entred upon that region to his owne use and after he had in many skirmishes vanquished those who were up in armes against him he lodged at length in the citie Lyctus and wan many more to it Thus you see how at this day they call themselves the kinsfolke of the Athenians by the mothers side but indeed by the father they are a colonie drawne from Lacedaemon THE LYCIAN WOMEN THat which is reported to have beene done in Lycia as a meere fable and tale devised of pleasure yet neverthelesse testified by a constant same that runneth verie currant For Amisodarus as they say whom the Lycians name Isarus came from about the marches of Zelea a colonie of the Lycians with a great fleet of rovers and men of warre whose captaine or admirall was one Chimaerus a famous arch-pirate a warlike man but exceeding cruell savage and inhumane who had for the badges and ensignes of his owne ship in the prow a lion and at the poope a dragon much hurt hee did upon all the coasts of Lycia insomuch as it was not possible either to saile upon the sea or to inhabit the maritime cities and townes neere unto the sea side for him This man of warre or arch-rover Bellerophontes had slaine who followed him hard in chase with his swift pinnace Pegasus as he fled untill he had overtaken him and withall had chased the Amazones out of Lycia yet for all this he not onely received no worthy recompence for his good service at the hands of Iobates king of Lycia but also which was woorse sustained much wrong by him by occasion whereof Bellerophontes taking it as a great indignitie went to sea againe where he praied against him unto Neptune that he would cause his land to be barraine and unfruitfull which done hee returned backe againe but behold a strange and fearfull spectacle for the sea swelled overflowed all the countrey following him everie where as he went and covering after him the face of the earth and for that the men of those parts who did what possibly they could to entreat him for to stay this inundation of the sea could not obtaine so much at his hands the women tooke up their petticots before went to meet him shewed their nakednes wherupon for very shame he returned back the sea likewise by report retired with him into the former place But some there be who more civilly avciding the fabulosity of this tale say That it was not by praiers imprecations that he drew after him the sea but because that part of Lycia which was most sertill being low and flat lay under the levell of the sea there was a banke raised along the sea side which kept it in and Bellerophon cut a breach thorow it and so it came to passe that the sea with great violence entred that way and drowned the flat part of the countrey whereupon the men did what they could by way of praiers and intrearie with him in hope to appease his mood but could not prevaile howbeit the women environing him round about by great troups companies pressed him so on all sides that he could not for verie shame deny them so in favour of them said downe his anger Others affirme that Chimaera was an high mountaine directly opposite to the sunne at noon-tide which caused great reflections and reverberations of the sunne beames and by consequence ardent heats in manner of a fire in the said mountaine which comming to be spread and dispersed over the champion ground caused all the fruits of the earth to dry fade and wither away whereof Bellerophontes a man of great reach and deepe conceit knowing the cause in nature caused in many places the superfice of the said rocke or mountaine to be cloven and cut in two which before was most smooth even and by that reason consequently did send back the beames of the sun cansed the excessive heat in the countrey adjoining now for that he was not well considered and regarded by the inhabitants according to his demerit in despite he meant to be revenged of the Lycians but the women wrought him so that they allaied his fury But surely that cause which Nymphus alleageth in his fourth booke as touching Heraclea is not fabulous nor devised to delight the Reader for he saith That this Bellerophontes having killed a wilde bore that destroied all the fruits of the earth all other beasts within the Xanthiens countrey had no recompense therefore whereupon when he had powred out grievous imprecations against those unthankfull Xanthiens unto Neptune hee brought salt-water all over the land which marred all and made all become bitter untill such time as he being wonne by the praiers and supplications of the women besought Neptune to let fal his wrath Loe whereupon the custome arose and continueth still in the Xanthiens countrey That men in all their affaires negotiate not in the name of their fathers but of their mothers and called after their names THE WOMEN OF SALMATICA ANnnibal of the house of Barca before that he went into Italic to make warre with the Romaines laid siege unto a great citie in Spaine named Salmatica the besieged were at the first affraid and promised to do whatsoever Annibal would commaund them yea and to pay him three hundred talents of silver for securitie of which capitulation to be performed they put into his hands three hundred hostages but so soone as Anmbal had raised his siege they repented of this agreement which they had concluded with him and would do nothing according to the conditions of the accord whereupon hee returned againe for to besiege them afresh and to encourage his souldiers the better to give the assault he said That hee would give unto them the saccage and pillage of the towne whereupon the citizens within were wonderfully affraid and yeelded themselves to his devotion upon this condition That the Barbarians would permit as many as were of free condition to goe foorth every man in his single garment leaving behind them their armes goods money slaves and the citie Now the dames
so say namely the occupation or taking up of the middle place wherein it standeth because it is in the mids for if it were thought otherwise to be founded it were altogether necessarie that some corruption should take holde of it And againe a little after for even so in some sort hath that essence bene ordeined from all eternity to occupie the middle region being presently at the very first such as if not by another maner yet by attaining this place it is eternall and subject to no corruption These words conteine one manifest repugnance and visible contrariety considering that in them he admitteth and alloweth in that which is infinit a middle place But there is a second also which as it is more darke and obscure so it implieth also a more monstrous absurditie than the other for supposing that the world can not continue incorruptible if it were seated and founded in any other place of the infinitie than in the mids it appeareth manifestly that he feared if the parts of the substance did not moove and tend toward the mids there would ensue a dissolution corruption of the world But this would he never have feared if he had not thought that bodies naturally from all sides tend to the middes not of the substance but of the place that conteineth the substance where of he had spoken in many places that it was a thing impossible and against nature for that within voidnesse there is no difference by which bodies can be said to move more one way than another and that the construction of the world is cause of the motion to the center as also that all things from every side do bend to the mids But to see this more plainly it may suffice to alledge the very text in his second booke of Motion for when he had delivered thus much That the world is a perfect body and the parts of the world not perfect because they are respective to the whole and not of themselves Having also discoursed as touching the motion thereof for that it was apt and fitted by nature to moove it selfe in all parts for to conteine and preserve and not to breake dissolve and burne it selfe he saith afterwards But the universall world tending and mooving to the same point and the parts thereof having the same motion from the nature of the body like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all bodies namely to encline toward the mids of the world considering that the world mooveth so in regard of it selfe and the parts likewise in that they be the parts of the whole How now my goodfriend may some one say what accident is befallen unto you that you should forget to pronounce these words withall That the world in case it had not fortuned for to settle in the mids must needs have bene subject to corruption and dissolution For if it be proper and naturall to the world to tend alwaies to the same middle as also to addresse the parts thereof from all sides thereto into what place soever of the voidnesse it be carried and transported certes thus 〈◊〉 and embracing as it were it selfe as it doth it must needs continue incorruptible immortall and past all danger of fracture or dissolution for to such things as be broken bruised dissipated and dissolved this is incident by the division and dissolution of their parts when ech one runneth and retireth into their proper and naturall place out of that which is against their owne nature But you sir supposing that if the world were seated in any other place of voidnesse but in the mids there would follow a totall ruine and corruption thereof giving out also as much and therefore imagining a middle in that where naturally there can be none to wit in that which is infinit have verily quit cleane and fled from these tensions cohaerences and inclinations as having in them no assured meanes for to mainteine and holde the world together and attributed all the cause of the eternall maintenance and preservation thereof unto the occupation of a place And yet as if you tooke pleasure to argue and convince yourselfe you adjoine to the premisses thus much In what sort every severall part moveth as it is cohaerent to the rest of the body it stands with good reason that after the same maner it should moove by it selfe alone yea if for disputation sake we imagine and suppose it to be in some void part of this world and like as being kept in and enclosed on every side it would move toward the mids so it would continue in this same motion although by way of disputation we should admit that all on a sudden there should appeare some vacuity and void place round about it And is it so indeed that every part what ever it be compassed about with voidnesse forgoeth not her naturall inclination to move tend to the mids and should the world it selfe unlesse some fortune blind chance had not prepared for it a place in the mids have lost that vigor power which conteineth and holdeth all together so some parts of the substance of it moove one way and some another Now surely heerein there be many other maine contrarieties repugnant even to natural reason but this particularly among the rest encountreth the doctrine of God divine providence to wit that in attributing unto them the least and smallest causes that be he taketh from them the most principall and greatest of all other For what greater power can there be than the maintenance and preservation of this universall world or to cause the substance united together in all parts to cohaere unto it selfe But this according to the opinion of Chrysippus hapneth by meere hazzard and chance for if the occupation of a place is the cause of worlds incorruption and eternity and the same chanced by fortune we must inferre there upon that the safety of all things dependeth upon hazzard and adventure and not upon fatall destiny and divine providence As for his doctrine disputation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of things possible which Chrysippus hath delivered directly agaisnt that of fatall destiny how can it chuse but be repugnant to it selfe for if that be not possible according to the opiniō of Diodorus which either is or shall be true but whatsoever is susceptible naturally of a power to be although the same never come into act or esse is to be counted possible there will be a number of things possible which never shal have being by destiny invincible inexpugnable surmoūting al things And therefore either this doctrine overthroweth al the force and puissance of destiny or if it be admitted as Chrysippus would have it that which potentially may be wil fal out oftentimes to be impossible whatsoever is true shall be also necessary as being comprised contained by the greatest and most powerfull necessity of all others and whatsoever is false impossible as
some wicked and ungodly speech without any answere adjoyned thereto for to refell the same presently what then is to be done Surely we must confute it by opposing contrarie sentences of the same author in other places niether are we to be angrie or offended with the Poët in this case but rather thinke they be words either merily spoken or only to represent the nature of some person with him only to be displeased Moreover against these fictions in Homer when he reporteth how the gods fall together by the eares and throw one another downe or that they be wounded in some battell by the hands of mortall men also that they beat variance and debate you may if you will by and by oppose that which he himselfe speaketh in another place and so beat him with his owne rod saying thus unto him You know sir if you list ywis To tell us better tales than this And verily you both utter better wordes and thinke of better matters otherwise in these places The Gods in heaven do live at ease They know no trouble nor disease Also Whereas the Gods in blisse and joy Do ever live without annoy Likewise The Gods themselves are void of care Sadnesse and sorrow mens lots they are For these are the true and safe conceptions which we ought to have as touching the Gods And for all other fabulous fictions and attributes given unto them they have beene devised only to give contentment to the readers or to moove their affections In like case whereas Euripides saith Gods over men having power andmasterie Abuse and decceive them with wiles and sophistrie It were not amisse to alledge and inferre that which he writeth better and more truely in another place If Gods do harme or what doth not beseeme No Gods in truth we are them for to deeme Also when Pindarus speaketh verie bitterly and eagerly in one place tending altogether to revenge All meanes and plots we may addresse To worke and compasse our foes distresse We may come upon him againe and answer thus But you good Sir elsewhere affirme That The joy we gaine by fraud and trecherte Turnes in the end to woe and miserie Moreover when we heare Sophocles in this song Lucre alwaies full pleasant is and sweete Although it come by false meanes and unmeere Reply we ought and say thus We have heard you sing in another tune Deceitfull lies and false language Bring forth no fruit that will beare age Furthermore to encounter these speeches which are delivered as touching riches Powr-full is riches to win forts steepe and high As well as places most plaine and accessible Whereas those pleasures which redy be and nigh To hold and enjoy for poore is impossible And why a toong that smooth and filed is Will cause aman foule and unpersonable Of no regard whose parts be all amis Faire for to seeme full wise and commendable The Reader may alleage many opposite sentences of Sophocles and these among the rest I see no cause but men in povertie May be advaunc'd to place of dignitie Also A man is not the woorse for his povertie In case he have both wisedome and bone stie Likewise What joy what grace can some of wordly pelse If first by shifts a man to it attaine And then with restlesse cares torment himselfe And take bad courses the same to maintaine And Menander verily in one place hath highly praised and extolled sensuall lust and concupiscence whereby he set them forward who are of an hot nature and of themselves prone to voluptuousnes namely in these and such like amatorious words What creatures soever do live and see The sunlight joy that common treasure Are all have beene and ever shall be Subject and thral to fleshly pleasure Howbeit in another the same Poët hath turned us about and forcibly drawen us unto honestie repressing and bridling the insolent furie of a loose and luxurious life saying in this wise A filthie life though pleasant for the while With shame at last doth all delights defile These sayings are in some fort contrarie to the former but far better and more profitable every way And therefore the setting together and consideration of such contradictorie sentences will bring foorth one of these two effects for either it will draw yoong men to the better way or at leastwise derogate the credit of the woorst But if peradventure it come to passe that the Poëts themselves do not solve and salve those strange and absurd sayings which they seeme to set abroad it were not amisse to oppose against them the contrarie sentences of other famous authors and when wee have weighed and compared them in balance to make proofe thereby which are the better As for example if haply Alexis the Poët hath prevailed with some by these verses of his If men be wise above all they will chuse By all meanes their pleasures to compasse and use Whereof there be three most powrfull and rise Which wholy possesse and accomplish our life To eat to drinke to follow venerie As for therest I hold accessarie We must call to minde and remember that the sage Socrates was of another opinion and spake the contrarie for he was woont to say that the wicked lived for to eate and drinke but the vertuous did both eat and drinke to live Semblably to meete with this verse of the Poët who ever it was that wrote thus To make thy part good with aperson lewd Fight with like lewdnes and be thou as shrewd Bidding us in some sort to accommodate and frame our selves like to the lewd and wicked we may be readie with that notable Apophthegme of Diogenes who being asked how a man might be revenged best of his enemie answered thus If quoth he thou shew thy selfe a good and honest man The wisedome also of the said Diogenes we must set against the Poët Sophocles who troubled the minds and consciences of many thousands with distrust and dispaire by writing these verses as touching the religion and confraternity in the Mysteries of Ceres How happie men and thrice happy are they Whose fortune it is the secrets to see Of Mysteries so sacred and streight way Downe into hell for to descend with glee For they alone in blisse shall live for ay The rest in bale must suffer paine alway How now quoth Diogenes when he heard such verses read Saist thou so indeed And shall Pataecian the notorious theese be in better state after this life when he is once departed only because he was entred and professed in the orders of this confraternitie than good Epiminondas As for Timotheus when upon a time in the audience of a full Theatre he chaunted a Poeme which he had compiled in the honor of Diana wherein he stiled her with the Attributes and Epithets of Menas Thyas Phoebas and Lyssas which signifie Furious Enraged Possessed and starke Mad Cinnesias presently cried presently aloud unto him I would thou haddest a daughter of thine owne with such qualities The
services and sacrifices be acceptable which a woman will seeme to celebrate by stealth and without the knowledge and privitie of her husband 18 Plato writeth that the citie is blessed and happie wherein a man shall never heare these words This is mine and This is not mine for that the inhabitants thereof have all things there especially if they be of any woorth and importance as neere as possibly they can common among them but these words ought rather to be banished out of the state of matrimonie unlesse it be as the Physicians holde that the blowes or woundes which are given on the left side of the body are felt on the right even so a wife ought to have a fellow-feeling by way of sympathie and compassion of her husbands calamities and the husband of his wives much more to the end that like as those knots are much more fast and strong when the ends of the cords are knit and interlaced one within another even so the bond of marriage is more firme and sure when both parties the one aswell as the other bring with them a mutuall affection and reciprocall benevolence whereby the fellowship and communion betweene them is mainteined jointly by them both for nature herselfe hath made a mixture of us of two bodies to the end that by taking part of one and part of another and mixing all together she might make that which commeth thereof common to both in such sort as neither of the twaine can discerne and distinguish what is proper to the one or peculiar to the other This communion of goods especially ought principally to be among those who are linked in wedlocke for that they should put in common and have all their havorie incorporate into one substance in such wise as they repute not this part proper to one and that part peculiar to another but the whole proper to themselves and nothing to another and like as in one cuppe where there is more water than wine yet we say neverthelesse that the whole is wine even so the goods and the house ought to beare the name of the husband although peradventure the wife brought with her the bigger portion 19 Helene was covetous and Paris lascivious contrariwise Ulysses was reputed wise and Penelope chaste and therefore the mariage of these last named was blessed happie and beloved but the conjunction of those two before infortunate bringing upon the Greeks and Barbarians both a whole Iliad that is to say an infinite masse of miseries and calamities 20 A gentleman of Rome who espoused an honest rich faire and yoong ladie put her away and was divorced from her whereupon being reprooved and sharply rebuked by all his friends he put forth his foot unto them and shewed them his shoo What finde you quoth he in this shoo of mine amisse new it is and faire to see to howbeit there is not one of you all knoweth where it wringeth me but I wot well where the fault is and feele the inconvenience thereof A wife therefore is not to stand so much upon her goods and the dowrie shee brings nor in the nobilitie of her race and parentage ne yet in her beautie as in those points which touch her husband most and come neerest to his heart namely her conversation and fellowship her maners her carrage demeanor in all respects so disposed that they be all not harsh nor troublesome from day to day unto her husband but pleasant lovely obsequious and agreeable to his humor for like as Physicians feare those feavers which are engendred of secret and hidden causes within the bodie gathering in long continuance of time by little and little more than such as proceed from evident and apparent causes without even so there fall out otherwhiles petie jarres daily and continuall quarels betweene man and wife which they see and know full little that be abroad and these they be which breed separation and cause them to part sooner than any thing els these marre the pleasure of their cohabitation more than any other cause whatsoever 21 King Philip was enamoured upon a certaine Thessalian woman who was supposed and charged by her sorceries and charmes to have enchanted him to love her whereupon queene Olympias his wife wrought so that she got the woman into her hands now when she had well viewed her person and considered her beautifull visage her amiable favour her comely grace and how her speech shewed well that she was a woman of some noble house and had good bringing up Out upon these standerous surmises quoth she and false imputations for I see well that the charmes and sorceries which thou usest are in thy selfe In like maner we must thinke that an espoused and legitimate wife is as one would say a fort inexpugnable namely such an one as in her selfe reposing and placing all these things to wit her dowrie nobilitie charmes and love-drinks yea and the very tissue or girdle of Venus by her study and endevour by her gentle behavior her good grace and vertue is able to win the affectionate love of her husband for ever 22 Another time the same queene Olympias hearing that a certaine yoong gentleman of the Court had married a ladie who though she were faire and well-favoured yet had not altogether the best name This man quoth shee hath no wit at all in his head for otherwise hee would never have married according to the counsell and appetite of his eies only And in trueth we ought not to goe about for to contract marriage by the eie or the fingers as some doe who count with their fingers how much money or what goods a wife bringeth with her never casting and making computation of her demeanour and conditions whether she be so well qualified as that they may have a good life with her 23 Socrates was woont to counsell yoong men who used to see their faces and looke upon themselves in mirrours if they were foule or ill-favoured to correct that deformitie by vertue if they were faire not to soile and staine their beautie with vice semblably it were very well that the mistresse of an house having in her hand a looking glasse should say thus unto her selfe if she be foule and deformed What a one should I be if I nought or leawd withall if faire and well-favoured How highly shall I be esteemed if I be honest and wise besides for if an hard-favoured woman be loved for her faire and gentle conditions she hath more honor thereby than if she wan love by beautie onely 24 The tyrant of Sicily Dionysius sent upon a time unto the daughters of Lysander certeine rich robes costly wreathes and precious jewels as presents but Lysander would not receive these gifts saying These presents would bring more shame than honour to my daughters And the Poet Sophocles before Lysanders time wrote to the like effect in these verses This will ô wretch to thee none honour bring But may be thought a foule and shamefull
of this man but Antiochus presently answered him That he would doe whatsoever pleased the Romans then Popilius faluted him most lovingly and embraced him LUCULLUS in Armenia went with ten thousand footmen and one thousand horse to meet with king Tigranes who was an hundred and fistie thousand strong for to give him battell the sixt day it was of October and the very day of the moneth upon which before time the Romane armie under the conduct of one of the Scipioes had beene defeated by the Cimbrians and when one said unto him That the Romans feare that day exceedingly as being dismal and infortunate Why quoth he even therefore ought we this very day to fight couragiously and valiantly to the end that we may make this day to be joyfull and happie which the Romans hold as cursed and unhappie Now when the Romans did most dread the men at armes of Armenia seeing them in their complet harneis armed at al pieces mounted on bard horses he had them be of good cheere and not to feare For saith he you shall finde more adoe to dispoile and disarme them than you shall have in killing them himselfe mounting first up to the top of a certaine little hill after he had well viewed and considered the Barbarians how they moved and waved too and fro he cried out with a loud voice unto his soldiers My good friends and companions the day is ours and in very truth they were put to flight all at once of their owne selves without any onset or charge given them and in such sort Lucullus followed the chase that he killed in the verie rout aboue one hundred thousand and lost not of his owne but five men onely CNEUS POMPEIUS surnamed Magnus i. the Great was as well beloved of the Romans as his father before him was hated who being yet very yoong he sided to the faction of Sylla and notwithstanding that he had no office of State nor was so much as one of the Senate yet he leived a mightie power of armed men from all parts of Italy now when Sylla called him unto him he said That he would not make shew of his soldiers unto his soveraigne and generall before they had made some spoile and drawne bloud of their enemies and in very deed he came not unto him with his power before that hee had defaited in manie battel 's sundrie captaines of his enemies Afterwards being sent by Sylla with commission of a commander into Sicilie understanding that his souldiours as they marched brake out of order and ranke and would goe foorth to rob and spoile and commit many riots by the way he put to death all such as without licence departed from their colours and went running up downe the countrey and as for such as he sent abroad with warrant about any commission or businesse of his he sealed up their swords within the scabberds with his owne signet He was at the verie point to have put all the Mamertines to the sword for that they banded against Sylla but Sthenis one of the inhabitants an oratour and a man that could doe much with the people and leade them with his perswasive orations said unto him That it were not well that for one mans fault he should cause so many innocents to die for I quoth he am the onely man culpable and the cause of all this mischiefe having by my perswasions induced my friends with threats forced mine enemies to take part with Marius and follow his standerd Pompeius woondering at this resolute remonstrance of his said That he was content to pardon the Mamertines who suffered themselves to be ledde and perswaded by such a personage as held the safetie of his owne countrey more deare than his owne life and so he forgave the whole city and Sthenis himselfe After this being passed over sea into Africa against Domitius and having woonne the field in a great battell when his souldiers saluted him by the name of Emperour or Sovereigne captaine generall he said unto them That he would not accept of that honourable title so long as the rampar about his enemies campe stood he had no sooner said the word but they ranne all at once to this service notwithstanding it was a great showre of raine plucked downe the pallaisada mounted over the rampar entred the campe and sacked it At his returne home Sylla made exceeding much of him otherwise and did him great honour but among many other he was the first man that stiled him with the surname of Magnus howbeit when he minded to enter triumphant into Rome Sylla would have hindered him alledging for his reason That he was not as yet admitted and sworne a Senatour whereat Pompeius turning to those that were present It seemeth quoth he that Sylla is ignorant how there be more men that worship the sun rising than setting which words when Sylla heard he cried out with a loud voice Let him triumph a Gods name for I see well he wil have it and yet for all that Servilius a man of the senators degree withstood his triumph tooke great indignation against him yea many of his own souldiers set themselves against him and dasht it quite if they might not have certeine gifts and rewards which they pretended were due unto them but Pompey said with a clere audible voice That he would sooner leave triumph and all than to be so base minded as to flatter and make court unto his souldiers at which words Servilius said unto him By this now I see well ô Pompeius that thou art truely named Magnus i. Great worthy indeed to triumph There was a custome at Rome that the knights or gentlemen after they had served in the warres the complete time set downe and limited by the lawes should present their horses in the market place before the two reformers of maners called Censours and there openly recount and relate unto them in what warres or battels they had fought and the captaines under whom they had borne armes to the end that according to their demerits they might receive condigne praise or blame It so fell out that Pompeius being consull himselfe led his owne horse of service by the bridle and presented him before Gellius and Lentulus censors for the time being and when they according to the order and maner in that behalfe demanded of him whether he had served in the warres so many yeeres as the law required Even all quoth he fully and that under my selfe the sovereigne commander at all times Being in Spaine he light upon certeine papers and writings of Sertorius wherein were many letters missive sent from the principall Senatours of Rome and namely such as sollicited and called Sertorius to Rome for to raise some innovations and make a change in the State these letters he flung all into the fire giving them occasion and opportunitie by this meanes who intended mischiefe and were ill bent to change their minds repent and amend Phraates king
himselfe had begotten a sonne and I heare say that these letters remaine there to be seene even at this day Now if it chaunce that a dunghill cocke tread another cocke when there is no henne at hand he is burnt quicke for that some wizard soothsaier or interpreter of such straunge prodigies will pronounce that it is omenous and presageth some evill lucke Thus you see how men themselves are forced to confesse that beasts are more continent than they that to satisfie fulfil their lusts they never violate nor abuse nature whereas in you it is otherwise for nature albeit she have the helpe and aide of the law is not able to keepe your intemperance within the limits and bounds of reason but like unto a violent streame which runneth forcibly often times and in many places it worketh much outrage causing great disorder scandall and confusion against nature in this point of carnall love and fleshly lust for there have bene men who attempted to meddle and deale with shee goats with sowes and mares as also women who have bene as wood and raging mad after certeine beasts of the male kinde and verily of such copulations as these are come your Minotaures and Aegipanes yea and as I verily thinke those Sphinxes and Centaures in time past have bene bred by the same meanes True it is I confesse that otherwhiles upon necessity and extreame famine a dogge hath bene knowen to have devoured a man or a woman yea and some fowle hath tasted of their flesh and begun to eat it but there was never found yet any brute beast to have lusted after man or woman to engender with them whereas men both in this lust and in many other pleasures have often times perpetrated outrage upon beasts Now if they be so unbridled so disordinate and incontinent in these appetites much more dissolute they are knowen to be than beasts in other desires and lusts that be necessarie to wit in meats and drinks whereof we never take pleasure but it is with some profit but you seeking after the tickling pleasure and delight in drinking and eating rather than the needfull nourishment to content and satisfie nature are afterwards well punished for it by many grievous and long maladies which proceed all from one source to wit surfeit and repleation namely when you stuffe and fill your bodies with all sorts of flatulent humors ventosities which hardly are purged excluded forth for first formost ech sort of beasts hath a severall food and peculiar kinde of nourishment some feed upon grasse others upon roots and some there be againe which live by fruits as for those that devoure flesh they never touch any other kinde of pasture neither come they to take from the weaker and more feeble kind their proper nouriture but suffer them to grase feed quietly Thus we see that the lion permitteth the stag and hinde to grase and the wolfe likewise the sheepe according to natures ordinance and appointment but man being through his disordinate appetite of pleasures and by his gluttonie provoked to all things tasting and assaying whatsoever he can meet with or heare of as knowing indeed no proper and naturall food of his owne is of all creatures living he alone that enteth and devoureth all things for first he feedeth upon flesh without any need or necessitie enforcing him thereto considering that he may alwaies gather presse cut and reape from plants vines and seeds all sort of fruits one after another in due and convenient seasons untill he be weary againe for the great quantity thereof and yet for to content his delicate tooth and upon a lothsome fulnesse of necessarie sustenance he secketh after other victuals neither needfull nor meet for him ne yet pure and cleane in killing living creatures much more cruelly than those savage beasts that live of ravin for bloud and carnage of murdered carcases is the proper and familiar food for a kite a wolfe or a dragon but unto man it serveth in stead of his daintie dish and more than so man in the use of all sorts of beasts doth not like other creatures that live of prey which absteine from the most part and warre with some small nūber even for very necessity of food for there is neither fowle flying in the aire nor in maner any fish swimming in the sea nor to speake inone word any beast feeding upon the face of the earth that can escape those tables of yours which you call gentle kinde and hospitall But you will say that all this standeth in stead of sauce to season your food be it so why then doe you kill the same for that purpose and for to furnish those your milde and courteous tables But the wisedome of beasts farre different for it giveth place to no arte whatsoever that is vaine and needlesse and as for those that be necessarie it enterteineth them not as comming from others nor as taught by mercenarie masters for hire and money neither is it required that it should have any exercise to glue as it were and joine after a slender maner ech rule principle and proposition one to another but all at once of it selfe it yeeldeth them all as native and inbred therewith We heare say that all the Aegyptians be Physicians but surely every beast hath in it selfe not onely the art and skill to cure and heale it selfe when it is sicke but also is sufficiently instructed how to feed and nourish it selfe how to use her owne strength how to fight how to hunt how to stand at defence yea and in very musicke they are skilfull ech one in that measure as is requisit and befitting the owne nature for of whom have we learned finding our selves ill at ease to goe into the rivers for to seeke for crabbes and craifishes who hath taught the tortoises when they have eaten a viper to seeke out the herbe Organ for to feed upon who hath shewed unto the goats of Candie when they be shot into the bodie with arrowes to finde out the herbe Dictamnus for to feed on it and thereby to cause the arrow head to come forth and fall from them For if you say as the trueth is that nature is the schoole-mistresse teaching them all this you referre and reduce the wisedome and intelligence of dumbe beasts unto the sagest and most perfect cause or principle that is which if you thinke you may not call reason nor prudence ye ought then to seeke out some other name for it that is better and more honourable and to say a trueth by effects shee sheweth her puissance to be greater and more admirable as being neither ignorant nor ill taught but having learned rather of it self not by imbecilitie and feeblenesse of nature but contrariwise through the force and perfection of naturall vertue letting go and nothing at all esteeming that beggerly prudence which is gotten from other by way of apprentissage Neverthelesse all those things which men either for
thicke and grosse Furthermore needfull it is for them that love to bathe thus in colde water to fall into the subjection of that over-straight and exquisit diet which we would avoid having evermore an eie upon this not to breake the same in any point whatsoever for that the least fault and smallest errour in the world is presently sore chasticed and costeth full deere whereas contrariwise to enter into the baine and wash in hote water pardoneth us and holdeth us excused sor many things for it doth not so much diminish the strength and force of the bodie as it bringeth profit another way for the health thereof framing and applying most gently and kindly the humors to concoction and in case there be some which can not well and perfitly be digested so they be not altogether cruide and raw nor float aloft in the mouth of the stomacke it causeth them to dissolve and exhale without any sense of paine yea and withall it doth mitigate and cause to vanish and passe away the secret lassitudes of the musculous members And yet as good as banes be if we perceive the bodie to be in the naturall state and disposition firme and strong enough better it were to intermit and for-let the use of baths and in stead thereof I holde it holsomer to anoint and rub the bodie before a good fire namely if it have need to be chafed and set in an heat for by this meanes there is dispersed into it as much heat as is requisit and no more which cannot be against the sunne for of his heat a man can not take more or lesse at his owne discretion but according as he affecteth or tempereth the aire so he affourdeth his use And thus much may serve for the exercise of students To come now unto their food and nouriture if the reasons and instructions before delivered by which we learne to restraine represse and mitigate our appetites have done any good time it were to proceed forward to other advertisements but in case they be so violent so unruly and untamed as if they were newly broken out of prison that it is an hard piece of worke to range them within the compasse of reason and if it be a difficult piece of worke to wrestle with the bellie which as Cato was wont to say hath no eares we must worke another feat and device with it namely by observing the quality of the viands to make the quantity more light and lesse offensive and if they be such as be solid and nourish much as for example grosse flesh meats cheese drie figges and hard egges they must feed of them as little as they can for to refuse and forbeare them altogether were very hard but they may be more bold to eate heartily of those that be thinne and light such as are the most part of worts or pot-herbes birdes and fishes that be not fatte oileous for in eating of such meats a man may at once both gratifie his appetite and also never overcharge his bodie but above all take heed they must of crudities and surfeits proceeding from liberall eating of flesh-meats for besides that they lode the stomacke presently as they are taken there remaine afterwards behind naughtie reliques and therefore it were verie well that they accustomed their bodies never to call for flesh considering that the earth it selfe bringeth foorth other kinds of food sufficiently not onely for the necessitie of nourishment but also for pleasure and the contentment of the appetite for some of them are ready to be eaten without any dressing or the helpe of mans hand others be mingled and compounded after divers sorts to make them more savorie and toothsome But for asmuch as custome after a sort is a second nature or at leastwise not contrarie to nature we must not accustome our selves to feed on flesh for to fulfill our appetites after the maner of wolves lions but use it onely as the foundation and ground of other viands which being once laid we are to make our principall nourishment of other cares and dishes which as they are more appropriate to our bodies and sutable to nature so they doe incrassate and dull lesse the vigor and subtilitie of the spirit and the discoursing reasonable part of the soule which is kindled mainteined and set to burne cleere by a more delicate and light matter As touching liquid things they must use milke not as an ordinarie drinke but as a strong meat that nourisheth exceeding much but for wine we are to say to it as Euripides did to Venus Welcome to me in measure and in meane Too much is naught yet doe not leave me cleane for of all drinks it is most profitable of medicines most pleasant and of daintie viands most harmelesse provided alwaies that it be well delaied and tempered with opportunity of the time rather than with water And verily water not that onely wherewith wine is mingled but also which is drunke betweene whiles apart by it selfe causeth the wine tempered therewith to doe the lesse harme in regard whereof a student ought to use himselfe to drinke twice or 〈◊〉 every day a draught of sheere water for that it will enfeeble the headinesse of the wine make the usuall drinking of pure water more familiar to the stomacke and this I would have to be done to this end that if they be driven perforce to drinke faire water they might not thinke it strange nor be ready to refuse it For many there be who oftentimes have recourse to wine when iwis they had more need to runne to the water and namely when they be over-heat with the sunne yea and contrariwise when they be stiffe frozen with cold or have streined themselves to speake much or studied and sitten hard at their booke and generally after that they have travelled sore till they be wearie or have performed some vehement exploit or violent exercise then I say they thinke that they ought to drinke wine as if nature herselfe required and called for some contentment and refreshing of the bodie and some change and alteration after travels but nature verily is not desirous to have any good done to her in this sort if you call such pleasure a doing of good but she demaundeth onely a reducement to a meane betweene labour and rest and therefore such persons as these are to be cut short and abridged of their victuals and either to be debarred quite of all wine or else enjoined to drinke it well delaied with water for wine being of it selfe of a violent and stirring nature augmenteth and maketh more unquiet the stormie perturbations arising within the body it doth irritate and distemper more and more the parts therein already offended and troubled the which had much more need to be appeased and dulced to which purpose water serveth passing well for if we otherwise being not a thirst drinke hot water after we have laboured or done some painfull exercise in the exceeding heats of
birth taking himselfe immediately with the maner But why say I so for we quoth he are come of no better seeds made the party and all the company to laugh heartily Semblably there was a minstrell or professed musician who kindly and with a very good grace repressed the presumptuous curiositie and unskilfulnesse of king Philip who forgat himselfe so much that hee would needs reade a lecture as it were unto the said minstrell how he should finger and strike finding fault with him in certeine accords of musicke Ah God forbid quoth he my good leege lord that it should go so heard with your grace as to be more skiful in this art than my selfe for thus whiles he seemed to mocke himselfe he told the king of his fault without offence and this seemeth to be a device that comicall poets otherwhiles practise to allay the bitter gall of their quips taunts namely to scoffe at themselves as Aristophanes used to make sport with his own bald pate and Cratinus noted himselfe that he loved wine so well in that comedie which he intituled Pytine that is to say a bottle or flagon of wine but above all this regard and consideration would be had that all such scoffes and merrie jestes come from a man extempore and readily either by way of answer to a present demaund or occasioned upon some other sudden scoffe and in no wise to seeme farre fetcht as a thing premeditate studied on before for like as men beare and endure with more patience the anger and debates among themselves arising now and then at the table whiles they be in the middes of their cups but if another stranger should come in place and offer abuse to any of the guests and so trouble the company hee should be reputed an enemie and for very hatred they would thrust him out of the dores by head shoulders even so we can find in our harts easily to pardon a scoffe a frump or broad jest if it proceed from some matter at the present deliverie or seeme to come naturally unforced and without all art but in case it be not occasioned presently nor respective to the purpose but drawen as one would say violently by the haire of the head from elswhere then it resembleth some ambush fore-laied afarre off for to wrong and do injurie to one person or other like to that jest of Timagenes which he discharged upon the husband of a woman who was wont ordinarily to cast up her gorge in this maner With musicke bad you doe begin Thus vomiting to bring her in As also the demand proposed unto the philosopher Athenodorus whether the love of parents to their children be musicall For surely such unseasonable cuts and taunts as these not accommodate to time and place nor fitted to the present occasion doe bewray a malicious minde and a deliberate purpose to offer wrong and abuse and therefore such persons as delight in these biting girds many times for a word which is the lightest thing in the world as Plato saith have paied a most heavie and grievous price whereas contrariwise they that know how to place their words in due time in meet place and aptly to the purpose do verifie the testimonie of the same Plato who saith That it is an assured signe of a mans good bringing up and the point of liberall nurture and instruction to know how to jest with a decent grace and without the offence of any person THE SECOND QUESTION Why men be more hungrie and eat better in Autumne than in any other quarter of the yeere IN the borough Eleusine after the ceremonies of sacred mysteries were performed whē as the solemnitie celebrated with so frequent concourse of people was at the highest we were feasted by Glaucias the oratour in his house where when others had made an end of supper Xenocles his brother began after his maner to cavill and scoffe at my brother Lamprias twitting him with his large feeding and indeed hitting in his teeth and reproching him with the voracitie of the Boeotians who are taken to be good trencher-men whereupon I in the defence of my brother and to be revenged of Xenocles tooke occasion out of the doctrine of Epicurus and said unto him What good fir all men do not define and determine the utmost point and perfection of pleasure to be indolence or the privation of paine as your good master Epicurus doth and besides my brother Lamprias who honoureth and esteemeth more the walking galleries of the Peripateticks and the schoole of the Stoicks called Lyceum than he doth the garden of Epicurus must of necessitie and in effect beare witnesse to Aristotle who affirmeth That there is no man but he eateth more in Autumne than in any other season of the yeere and a reason he giveth thereof although it be now out of my head So much the better quoth Glaucias for we our selves will see if we can finde it out after supper is done Now when the tables were taken away Glaucias and Xenocles both imputed the cause thereof to the sundry fruits of that season and that after a divers sort For one said that new fruits do make the bellie soluble and so by evacuation of the bodie engender alwaies fresh appetites to meat The other to wit Xenocles affirmed that these fruits for the most part carrie with them a certeine piercing and mordicant quallitie yet pleasant withall whereby they provoke and quicken the stomacke to appetite more than any viands or sauces whatsoever insomuch as those who be sickly and have lost their stomacks recover the same many times by eating some of those fruits new gathered But Lamprias alledged that our familiar and naturall heat by which we are nourished in Summer time is dispersed and becommeth more feeble and resolved but contrariwise upon the entrance of Autumne it gathereth it selfe together inwardly againe and is fortified by the meanes of the colde ambient aire which knitteth constreineth and closeth up the pores of the bodie Then I because it should not be thought that I would be one to participate in this conference without contributing somewhat of mine owne when my course came to speake declard that in Summer time by reason of the excessive heat of the weather we are more thirstie and in regard of the same heat and drought take in more moisture and liquid nourishment Now therefore nature quoth I by reason of the change of the aire and the season seeking as her maner is for the contrary causeth us to be more hungry in Autumne than at other times and for the temperature of the bodie tendereth unto it as much drie food as it had taken moisture in Summer time and yet a man can not well say that the cause of this effect dependeth nothing at all of the viands which we eat consisting much of new and fresh fruits not onely thicke gruels and pottage but also of pulset wheat-bread and flesh reared the same yeere which being
thorow the waves which yeeld and give way willingly unto it all the while it is cleane and void of filth but after once by being long drenched and soaked in the water it hath gotten about the keele a deale of mosse reits kilpe and tangle wherewith it is overgrowen and furred then the wood of the said keele or bottome becommeth more dull and not able to cut the waves so easily and the water beating upon the mosse and filth there engendred resteth there still and passeth not so easily away The mariners therefore seeing this use to cleanse the sides of the ship and to scrape off this mosse reits and such like baggage from the planks and ribbes thereof unto which it is like that the said fish willingly cleaveth as being a matter soft and tender so that we may very well thinke that by reason of it as the principall cause the ship is staied and that it is not a consequent or accessorie of that which causeth the slownesse thereof THE EIGHTH QUESTION What is the cause that the horses named Lycospades be more couragious and fuller of slomacke than others SOme are of opinion that these horses Lycospades tooke their denomination of certeine rough and hard bits called in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by meanes whereof being so stomakefull otherwise and hard to be ruled they were woont to be tamed and restrained but my father who was not a man so prompt and ready of speech as others be and given to speake rashly and without advisement howbeit one who had not the least skill in horsemanship and loved alwaies to keepe the best horses that might be come by said That those horses which being but colts were set upon and assaulted by wolves and yet were rescued escaped the danger of them proved good mettall and swift of pace and there upon were named Lycospades And for that many approoved this reason of his and gave testimonie with him that he spake a trueth occasion was ministred thereby to search into the cause thereof and namely how and by what reason such an accident as this might make horses more generous and better spirited and verily the most part of the company there present were of opinion that the said occurrent bred cowardise in horses rather than stomacke and generositie and so by reason that they became timorous thereby and apt to be frighted upon every occasion therefore their motions were more quicke and lively like as other wild beasts also when they chance to be entangled within net and toile but I my selfe inferred and said That it would be well and thorowly considered whether it were not cleane contrary to that which appeared at the first sight and which they opined for colts become not more swift and fleet of foot for avoiding the perill of being worried and devoured by wolves that set upon them but rather if they had not bene nimble and full of courage before naturally they could never have gotten away cleere as they did from the wolfe no more than Ulysses proved a wise man because he avoided the danger of that giant Cyclops Polyphemus but for that he was by nature prudent and wise he found meanes to save himselfe THE NINTH QUESTION What is the cause that the flesh of those sheepe which have beene wolfe-bitten is tenderer but their wooll more subject to breedlice and vermin than others VPon the former discourse of horses inferred there was a speech also concerning sheepe that had bene bitten by the wolfe for that it is a received opinion that this biting of theirs maketh their flesh more delicate in the eating but their wooll apt to ingender lice As for the reason that my sonne in law Patrocles yeelded as touching the sweetnesse of their flesh it seemed to be true for thus he argued That this beast by meanes of his biting caused the flesh to eat more short and tender for that his breath is so ardent and fierie-hot that it is able to resolve and digest within his stomacke the hardest bones that be which is the reason quoth he that such flesh as the wolfe hath bitten is sooner mortified and doth putrifie more quickly than others mary for the wooll we were not so well resolved as supposing that the same did not breed lice but rather draw them forth and let them out to be seene by a certeine incisive or abstersive facultie that it hath as also through the heat thereof whereby it openeth the pores of the skinne which propertie is infused into the wooll of a sheepe by meanes of the tooth and breath of the wolfe which altereth not onely the flesh but even the very wooll and shag-haire of the beast which he hath worried and killed And this reason is confirmed by experience and example for it is well knowen unto us all that hunters butchers and cooks sometimes with one blow knocke downe their beasts and lay them along soone dead and breathlesse in a moment others againe hardly and with much ado are able to kill them after many a stroake and that which yet is more woonderfull than so some of them infuse together with the axe or knife of iron wherewith with the beast is slaine such a qualitie that the same putrifieth presently and will not last sweet one day to an end others againe though they be not longer about the killing of a beast than the other yet the flesh of beasts so slaine doth not so soone corrupt but continueth sound and sweet a good while after And that true it is that the varietie alteration occasioned by the sundry sorts of death and killing of beasts passeth and extendeth as farre as to their very skin their haire nailes houses and clees Homer himselfe doth testifie who of their hides and skinnes is wont thus expresly to write The hide it was of stur dyox Sticked with knife or brain'd by knocks For the skinne of those beasts which die not for age nor of long maladie but are killed violently is more sirme fast and tough and true it is that of those tame-living creatures which have beene bitten by wilde beasts the houfes clees and nailes turne blacke the haire sheadeth and the skinnes become riveled soone teare and fall a pieces THE TENTH QUESTION Whether our auncestors did better who when they were at supper fedde every man by himselfe and knew his owne part than we in these daies who eat our victuals all together and feed in common THat yeere wherein I was head magistrate in my countrey and bare that provostship whereof the yeere tooke name most of the suppers were private repasts of sacrifices where every man had his part and portion set out where with some were woonderfully well pleased but others blamed the manner thereof as uncivill unsociable and illiberall saying That so soone as the garland or coronet of the beast sacrificed was taken off his head and laid down we ought to reduce our tables to the auncient order and old accustomed fashion againe For it is not I
this measure or proportion Epitritos may fit some grave and wise senatours sitting in parliament or the Archoures in the counsell chamber Prytaneum for to dispatch waightie affaires of great consequence and it may beseeme well enough some logicians that pull up their browes when they are busie in reducing unfolding and altering their Syllogismes for surely it is a mixture or temperature sober and weake enough as for the other twaine that medley which carieth the proportion of two for one bringeth in that turbulent tone of the Acrothoraces before said to wit of such as are somewhat cup-shotten and halfe drunke Which stirs the strings and cords of secret hart That mooved should not be but rest apart For it neither suffereth a man to bee fully sober nor yet to drench himselfe so deepe in wine that hee bee altogether witlesse and past his sense but the other standing upon the proportion of two to three is of all others the most musicall accord causing a man to sleepe peaceablie and to forget all cares resembling that good and fertile corne-field which Hesiodus speaketh of That doth from man all eares and curses drive And children cause to rest to feed and thrive It appeaseth and stilleth all proud violent and disordred passions within our heart inducing in the stead of them a peaceable calme and tranquillitie These speeches of Ariston no man there would crosse or contradict for that it was well knowen he spake merily but I willed him to take the cup in hand and as if he held the harpe or lute to tune and set the same to that accord and consonance which he so highly praised and thought so good Then came a boy close unto him and powred out strong wine which he refused saying and that with a laughter That his musicke consisted in reason and speculation and not in the practise of the instrument But my father added thus much to that which had beene said That as hee thought the auncient poets also had to great reason feigned that whereas Jupiter had two nurses to wit Ida and Adrastia Juno one namely Euboea Apollo likewise twaine that is to say Alethia and Corythalia Bacchus had many more for that he was suckled and nursed by many nymphes because this god forsooth had need of more measures of water signified by the nymphs to make him more tame gentle wittie and wise THE TENTH QUESTION What is the reason that any killed flesh will be naught and corrupt sooner under the raies of the moone than in the sunne Enthydemus of Sunium feasted us upon a time at his house and set before us a wilde bore of such bignesse that all wee at the table woondred thereat but he told us that there was another brought unto him farre greater mary naught it was and corrupted in the cariage by the beames of the moone-shine whereof he made great doubt and question how it should come to passe for that he could not conceive nor see any reason but that the sunne should rather corrupt flesh being as it was farre hotter than the moone Then Satyrus This is not the thing quoth he whereat a man should marvell much in this case but rather at that which hunters practise for when they have strucken downe either a wilde bore or a stagge and are to send it farre into the citie they use to drive a spike or great naile of brasse into the body as a preservative against putrefaction Now when supper was done Enthydemus calling to minde his former question was in hand withall againe and set it now on foot And then Moschion the physician shewed unto them that the putrefaction of flesh was a kinde of eliquation and running all to moisture for that corruption bringeth it unto a certeine humiditie so as whatsoever is sappie corrupted becommeth more moist than it was before Now it is well knowen quoth he that all heat which is mild and gentle doth stirre dilate and spred the humours in the flesh but contrariwise if the same be ardent fierie and burning it doth attenuate and restreine them by which appeereth evidently the cause of that which is in question for the moone gently warming bodies doth by consequence moisten the same whereas the sunne by his extreme heat catcheth up and consumeth rather that humiditie which was in them unto which Archilocus the poet alludeth like a naturall philosopher when he said I hope the dogge starre Sirius In firie heat so furious With raies most ardent will them smite And numbers of them dry up quite And Homer more plainly spake of Hector over whose body lying along dead Apollo quoth he displaied and spred a darke and shadowy cloud For feare lest that the scorching beames of sunne aloft in skie Should on his corps have power the flesh andnerves to parch and dry Contrariwise that the moone casteth weaker and more feebler raies the poet 〈◊〉 sheweth saying The grapes doe finde no helpe by thee to ripen on the vine And never change their colour blacke that they might make good wine These words thus passed And then all the rest quoth I is very well said I approove thereof but that al the matter should lie in the quantity of heat more or lesse cōsidering the season I see not how it should stand for this we find that the sunne doth heat lesse in winter corrupteth more in summer whereas we should see contrary effects if putrefactions were occasioned by the imbecillity of heat but now it is far otherwise for the more that the suns heat is augmented the sooner doth it putrifie corrupt any flesh killed and therefore we may as wel inferre that it is not for default of heat nor by any imbecillitie thereof that the moone causeth dead bodies to putrifie but we are to referre that effect to some secret propertie of the influence proceeding from her for that all kinds of heat have but one qualitie and the same differing onely in degree according to more or lesse that the very fire also hath many divers faculties and those not resembling one another appeareth by daily ordinary experiences for gold-smiths melt and worke their gold with the flame of light straw and chaffe physicians doe gently warme as it were in Balneo those drougues and medicines which they are to boile together most all with a fire made of vine cuttings for the melting working blowing and forming of glasse it seemeth that a fire made of Tamarix is more meet than of any other matter whatsoever the heat caused by olive-tree wood serveth well in drie stouphs or hot houses and disposeth mens bodies to sweat but the same is most hurtfull to baines and baths for if it bee burned under a furnace it hurteth the boord-floores and seelings it marreth also the verie foundations and ground-workes whereupon it commeth that Aediles for the State such as have any skill and understanding when they let to ferme the publicke baines unto Publicans and Fermers except ordinarily olive-tree wood forbidding expresly
reason to induce us thereunto for men are wont to attribute a kinde of divinty unto things which are passing common and the commoditie whereof reacheth farre as for example to water light the seasons of the yeere as for the earth her above the rest they repute not onely divine but also to be a goddesse there is none of all these things rehearsed that salt giveth place unto one jot in regard of use and profit being as it is a fortification to our meats within the bodie and that which commendeth them unto our appetite but yet consider moreover if this be not a divine propertie that it hath namely to preserve and keepe dead bodies free from putrifaction a long while and by that meanes to resist death in some sort for that it suffereth not a mortall bodie wholly to perish and come to nothing but like as the soule being the most divine part of us is that which mainteineth all the rest alive and suffereth not the masse and substance of the bodie to be dissolved and suffer colliquation even so the nature of salt taking hold of dead bodies and imitating heerein the action of the soule preserveth the same holding and staying them that they runne not headlong to corruption giving unto all the parts an amitie accord agreement one with the other and therefore it was elegantly said by some of the Stoicks That the flesh of an hogge was even from the beginning no better than a dead carion but that life being diffused within it as if salt were strewed throughout kept it sweet and so preserved it for to last long Moreover you see that wee esteeme lightning or the fire that commeth by thunder celestiall and divine for that those bodies which have beene smitten therewith are observed by us to continue a great while unputrified and without corruption What marvell is it then if our auncients have esteemed salt divine having the same vertue and nature that this divine and celestiall fire hath Heere I staied my speech and kept silence With that Philinus followed on and pursued the same argument And what thinke you quoth he is not that to be held divine which is generative and hath power to ingender considering that God is thought to be the originall authour creatour and father of all things I avowed no lesse and said it was so And it is quoth he an opinion generally received that salt availeth not a little in the matter of generation as you your selfe touched ere-while speaking of Aegyptian priests they also who keepe and nourish dogs for the race when they see them dull to performe that act and to doe their kinde do excite and awaken their lust and vertue generative that lieth as it were asleepe by giving them aswell as other hot meats salt flesh and fish both that have lien in bring pickle also those ships vessels at sea which ordinarily are fraight with salt breed commonly an infinit number of mice and rats for that as some hold the females or does of that kinde by licking of salt onely will conceive and be bagged without the company of the males or bucks but more probable it is that saltnesse doth procure a certeine itching in the naturall parts of living creatures and by that means provokeht males females both to couple together and peradventure this may be the reason that the beauty of a woman which is not dull and unlovely but full of favor attractive and able to move concupiscence men use to name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say saltish or well seasoned And I suppose that the poets have fained Venus to have beene engendred of the sea not without some reason and that this tale that she should come of salt was devised for the nonce to signifie and make knowen under those covert tearmes that there is in salt a generative power certes this is an ordinarie and generall thing among those poets to make all the sea-gods fathers of many children and very full of issue To conclude you shall not finde any land creature finde any land-creature or flying fowle for fruitfulnesse comparable to any kinde of fishes bred in the sea which no doubt this verse of Empedocles had respect unto Leading a troupe which senselesse were and rude Even of sea-fish a breeding multitude THE SIXTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-QUESTIONS The Summarie 1 WHat is the reason that men fasting be more at hirst than hungrie 2 Whether it be want of food that causeth hunger and thirst or the transformation and change of the pores and conduit of the bodie be the cause thereof 3 How commeth it that they who be hungrie if they drinke are eased of their hunger but contrariwise those who are thir stie if they eat be more thirstic 4 What is the reason that pit-water when it is drawen if it be left all night within the same aire of the pit becommeth more cold 5 What is the cause that little stones and plates or pellets of lead if they be cast into water cause it to be the colder 6 Why snowe is preserved by covering it with straw chaffe or garments 7 Whether wine is to run throw a strainer 8 What is the cause of extraordinarie hunger or appetites to meat 9 Why the poet Homer when he spcaketh of other liquors useth proper epithits onely oile he calleth moist 10 What is the cause that the flesh of beasts flaine for sacrifiece if they be hanged upon a fig-tree quickly become tender THE SIXTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-questions The Proeme PLato being minded to draw Timotheus the sonne of Canon ô Sossius Senecio from sumptuous feasts and superfluous banquets which great captaines commonly make invited him one day to a supper in the Academie which was philosophicall indeed and frugall where the table was not furnished with those viands which might distemper the bodie with feaverous heats and inflamations as Iōn the poet was wont to say but such a supper I say upon which ordinarily there follow kinde and quiet sleeps such fansies also and imaginations as ingender few dreames and those short and in one word where the sleeps do testifie a great calmnesse and tranquillitie of the bodie The morrow after Timotheus perceiving the difference betweene these suppers and the other said That they who supped with Plato over-night found the pleasure and comfort therof the next day and to say a trueth a great helpe and ready meanes to a pleasant and blessed life is the good temperature of the body not drenched in wine nor loaden with viands but light nimble and ready without any feare or distrust to performe all actions and functions of the day-time But there was another commodity no lesse than this which they had who supped with Plato namely the discussing and handling of good and learned questions which were held at the table in supper time for the remembrance of the pleasures in eating and drinking is illiberall and unbeseeming men of worth
was WE had a certeine guest who lived delicatly and loved to drinke cold water for to please and content whose appetite our servants drew up a bucket of water out of the pit or wel and so let it hang within the same so that it touched not the top of the water all the night long wherewith he was served the morrow after at his supper and he found it to be much colder than that which was newly drawen now this stranger being a professed scholar and indifferently well learned told us that he had found this in Aristotle among other points grounded upon good reason which he delivered unto us in this wise All water quoth he which is first hear becommeth afterwards more colde than it was before like to that which is provided and prepared for kings first they set it on the fire untill it boile againe which done they burie the pan or vessell wherein it is within snow and by this device it proves exceeding colde no otherwise than our bodies after that we have bene in the stouph or baines be cooled much more by that meanes for relaxation occasioned by heat maketh the bodie more rare and causeth the pores to open and so by consequence it receiveth more aire from without which environeth the bodie and bringeth a more sudden and violent change when as therefore water is first chafed as it were and set in an heat by agitation and stirring within the bucket whiles it was in drawing it groweth to be the colder by the aire which environeth the said vessell round about This stranger and guest of ours we commended for his confident resolution and perfect memory but as touching the reason that he alledged we made some doubt for if the aire in which the vessell hangeth be colde how doth it inchafe the water and if it be hot how cooleth it afterwards for beside all reason it is that a thing should be affected or suffer contrarily from one and the same cause unlesse some difference come betweene And when the other held his peace a good space and stood musing what to say againe Why quoth I there is no doubt to be made of the aire for our very senses teach us that colde it is and especially that which is in the bottome of pits and therefore impossible it is that water should be heat by the cold aire but the trueth is this rather although this cold aire can not alter all the water of the spring in the bottome of the well yet if a man draw the same in a little quantitie it will do the deed and be so much predominant as to coole it exceedingly THE FIFTH QUESTION What is the reason that little stones and small plates or pellets of lead being cast into water make it colder YOu remember I am sure doe you not said I what Aristotle hath written as touching pibble stones and flints which if they be cast into water cause the same to be much colder and more astringent And you remember quoth he aswell that the philosopher in his Problemes hath onely said it is so but let us assay to finde out the cause for it seemeth very difficult to be conceived and imagined You say true indeed quoth I and a marvell it were if we could hit upon it howbeit marke and consider what I will say unto it First to begin withall doe you not thinke that water is sooner made colde by the aire without if the same may come to enter into it also that the aire is of more force and efficacie when it beateth against hard slints pibbles or wherstones for they will not suffer it to passe thorow as vessels either of brasse or earth but by their compact soliditie resisting and standing out against it they put it by from themselves and turne it upon the water whereby the coldnesse may be the stronger and the water thorowout be fully affected therewith and this is the reason that in Winter time running rivers be much colder than the sea for that the cold aire hath greater power upon them as being driven backe againe from the bottome of the water whereas in the sea it is dissolved and passeth away by reason of the great depth thereof encountring there nothing at all upon which it may strike and bear but it seemeth there is another reason that waters the thinner and cleerer they be suffer the more from the colde aire for sooner they be changed and overcome so weake and feeble they are now hard wherstones and little pibbles doe subtiliat and make the water more thin in drawing to the bottome where they be all the grosse and terrestriall substance that trouble it in such sort as the water by that meanes being more sine and consequently weaker sooner is vanquished and surmounted by the refrigeration of the aire To come now unto lead cold of nature it is and if it be soaked in vineger and wrought with it maketh ceruse of all deadly poisons the coldest As for the stones a fore said by reason of their soliditie they have an inward coldnesse conceived deeply within them for as every stone is a piece of earth gathered together and congealed as it were by exceeding colde so the more compact and massie that it is the harder is it congealed and consequently so much the colder no marvell therefore it is if both plummets of lead and these little hard pibbles aforesaid by repercussion from themselves inforce the colduesse of water THE SIXTH QUESTION What is the reason that men use to keepe snowe within chafse light straw and clothes VPon these words that stranger and guest of ours after hee had paused a while Lovers quoth he above all things are desirous to talke with their paramours or if they can not so doe yet at leastwise they will be talking of them and even so it fareth at this time betweene me and snowe for because there is none heere in place nor to be had I will speake of it and namely I would gladly know the reason why it is wont to be kept in such things as be very hot for we use to cover and swaddle it as it were with straw and chaffe yea and to lap it within soft clothes unshorne rugges and shaggie frize and so preserve it a long time in the owne kinde without running to water A woonderfull matter that the hottest things should preserve those which are extreame colde And so will I say too quoth I if that were true but it is farre otherwise and we greatly deceive our selves in taking that by and by to be hot it selfe which doth heat another and namely considering that we our selves use to say that one and the selfe same garment in Winter keeps us warme and in Summer cooleth us like as that nourse in the tragedy which gave sucke unto Niobes children With mantles course and little blanquets worne She warm's and cool's her pretie babes new borne The Almaigns verily put on garments onely for to defend their bodies against
that a stone hath beene ingendred in the paunch or guts and yet good reason it were that moisture there should congeale or gather to a stone as it doth within the bladder if true it were that all our drinke descended into the belly and the guts by passing through the stomacke onely but it seemeth that the stomacke incontinently when we begin to drinke sucketh and draweth out of that liquor which passeth along by it in the wezill pipe as much onely as is needfull and requisit for it to mollifie and to convert into a nutritive pap or juice the solid meat and so it leaveth no liquid excrement at all whereas the lungs so soone as they have distributed both spirit and liquor from thence unto those parts that have need thereof expell and send out the rest into the bladder Well to conclude more likelihood there is of truth by farre in this than in the other and yet peradventure the truth in deed of these matters lieth hidden still and incomprehensible in regard whereof it is not meet to proceed so rashly and insolently to pronounce sentence against a man who as well for his owne sufficiency as the singular opinion of the world is reputed the prince and chiefe of al philosophers especially in so uncerteine a thing as this and in defence whereof there may bee so many reasons collected out of the readings and writings of Plato THE SECOND QUESTION What is meant in Plato by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and why those seeds which in sowing light upon oxe hornes become hard and not easie to be concoted THere hath beene alwaies much question and controversie about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not who or what is so called for certeine it is that seeds falling upon ox hornes according to the common opinion yeeld frute hard and not easily concocted whereupon by waie of Metaphor a stubborne and stiffe-necked person men use to tearme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as touching the cause why such graine or seeds hitting against the hornes of an ox should come to be so untoward And many times refused I have yea and denied my friends to search into the thing the rather for that Theophrastus hath rendred so darke and obscure a reason raunging it among many other examples which he hath gathered and put downe in writing of strange and wonderfull effects whereof the cause is hard to be found namely That an henne after that she hath laid an egge turneth round about and with a festure or straw seemeth to purifie and halow her-selfe and the egge also that the sea-calfe or seale consumeth the pine and yet swalloweth it not downe semblably that stagges hide their hornes within the ground and burie them likewise that if one goat hold the herbe Eryngium that is to say sea-holly in his mouth all the rest of the flocke will stand still Among these miraculous effects Theophrastus I say hath put downe the seeds falling upon the hornes of an ox a thing knowen for certeine to be so but whereof the cause is most difficult if not impossible to be delivered But at a supper in the citie Delphi as I sat one day certeine of my familiar friends came upon me in this maner that seeing not onely according to the common saying From bellie full best counsell doth arise And surest plots men in that case devise but also we are more ready with our questions and lesse to seeke for answeres when as wine is in our heads causing us to be forward in the one and resolute in the other they would request me therefore to say somewhat unto the foresaid matter in question howbeit I held off still as being well backed with no bad advocates who tooke my part and were ready to defend my cause and by name Euthydemus my colleague or companion with me in the sacerdotall dignitie and Patrocleas my sonne in law who brought foorth and alledged many such things observed aswell in agriculture as by hunters of which sort is that which is practised by those who take upon them skill in the foresight and prevention of haile namely that it may be averted and turned aside by the bloud of a mould-warpe or linnen ragges stained with the monethly purgations of women Item that if a man take the figs of a wilde fig-tree and tie them to a tame fig-tree of the orchard it is a meanes that the fruit of the said fig-tree shall not fall but tarrie on and ripen kindly also that stags weepe salt teares but wilde bores shed sweet drops from their eies when they be taken For if you will set in hand to seeke out the cause hereof quoth Euthydemus then presently you must render a reason also of smallach and cumin of which the former if it be troden under foot and trampled on in the comming up men have an opinion it will grow and prosper the better and as for the other they sow it with curses and all the fowlest words that can be devised and so it will spring and thrive best Tush quoth Florus these be but toies and ridiculous mockeries to make sport with but as touching the cause of the other matters above specified I would not have you to reject the inquisition thereof as if it were incomprehensible Well quoth I now I have found a medicine and remedie which if you do use you shall bring this man with reason to our opinion that you also your selfe may solve some of these questions propounded It seemeth unto me therefore that it is colde that causeth this rebellious hardnesse aswell in wheat and other corne as also in pulse namely by pressing and driving in their solid substance untill it be hard againe for heat maketh things soft and easie to be dissolved and therefore they do not well and truely in alledging against Homer this versicle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The yeere not field Doth beare and yeeld For surely those fields and grounds which are by nature hot if the aire withall affoord a kinde and seasonable temperature of the weather bring forth more tender fruits and therefore such corne or seed which presently and directly from the husbandmans hands lighteth upon the ground entring into it and there covered finde the benefit both of the heat and moisture of the soile whereby they soone spurt and come up whereas those which as they be cast do hit upon the hornes of the beasts they meet not with that direct positure or rectitude called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Hesiodus commendeth for the best but falling downe I wot not how and missing of their right place seem rather to have bene flung at a venture than orderly sowen therfore the cold comming upon them either marreth and killeth them outright or els lighting upon their naked husks causeth them to bring fruit that proveth hard and churlish as drie as chips and such as will not be made tender sidow without they
of the proper and native qualitie that it hath whereas colde by restreining seemeth to conteine and keepe each thing in the owne kinde or nature and water especially Now for the trueth of this that the coldnesse of water hath vertue to preserve the snowe is a sufficient testimonie which keepeth flesh a long time sweet and without corruption but contrariwise heat causeth all things to goe out of their owne nature yea even honie it selfe for being once boiled marred it is but if it continue raw it not onely keepeth it selfe well enough but helpeth to preserve other things and for a further proofe of this matter the water of lakes and pooles is a principall thing to confirme the same for as potable it is and as good to drinke in Winter as any other waters but in Summer the same is starke naught and breedeth diseases and therefore since the night answereth to Winter and the day to Summer those water-men of Nilus abovesaid are of this opinion That water wil continue longer before it turen and corrupt if it be drawen in the night season To these allegations which of themselves seemed to carry probabilitie enough reason also includeth as an evident inartificiall proofe to strengthen and confirme the experience and beleefe of these water-men for they said that they drew water whiles the river was yet still and quiet for in the day time many men either saile upon it or otherwise fetch water from it many beasts also passe to and fro in it whereby it is troubled thicke and muddie and such water will soone putrifie for whatsoever is mixed more easily taketh corruprion than that which is pure and simple considering that mixture maketh a fight and fight causeth change and alteration Now who knoweth not that putrifaction is a kinde of mutation which is the cause that painters call the mixtures of their colours by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say corruptions and the poet Homer when he speaketh of dying saith they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say staine and infect the common use also of our speech carrieth it to call that which is unmixed and meere of it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say incorrupt and sincere but principally if earth be mingled with water it changeth the qualitie and marreth the nature of it quite for ever for being potable and good to drinke and therefore it is that dormant and dead waters which stand in hollow holes are more subject to corruption than others as being full of earthie substance whereas running streames escape this mixture and repell the earth which is brought into them good cause therefore had Hesiodus to commend The water of some lively spring that alwaies runnes his course And which no muddie earth among doth trouble and make woorse For holsome we holde that which is uncorrupt and uncorrupt we take that to be which is all simple pure and unmixed and hereto may be adjoined for to confirme this opinion of theirs the sundrie kinds and differences of earth for those waters which run thorow hillie and stonie grounds because they carrie not with them much of the earth or soile are stronger and more firme than such as passe along marishes plaines and flats Now the river Nilus keeping his course within a levell and soft countrey and to speake more truely being as it were bloud tempered and mingled with flesh is sweet doubtlesse and full of juices that have a strong and nutritive vertue but ordinarily the same runneth mixed and troubled and so much the rather if it be stirred and disquieted for the moving and agitation thereof mixeth the terrestriall substance with the liquid humour but when it is quiet and at repose the same setleth downe to the bottome by reason of the weight Thus you see why they draw up their water in the night-season and withall by that meanes they prevent the sun-rising which alwaies doth catch up and corrupt that which is in all waters most subtile and light THE SIXTH QUESTION Of those who come late to supper where discoursed it is from whence be derived these names of refections in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MY yonger sonnes upon a time had staid longer at the theater than they should to see the sights and heare the eare-sports which there were exhibited by occasion whereof they came too late to supper whereupon Therus sonnes called them in mirth sport 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as one would say supper-letting and night-supping-lads with other such like names but they to be meet quit with them againe gave them the tearme of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say runners to supper Heerewith one of the elder sort there present said That hee who came late to his supper ought rather to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he maketh more haste with an extraordinary pace for that he hath seemed to staie too long to which purpose he related a pretie tearme of Battus the buffon or pleasant jester to Caesar who was wont to call those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say desirous of suppers who at any time came tardie For quoth he although they have businesse to call and keepe them away yet for the love of good cheere and sweet morcels they refuse not to come late though it be whensoever they are invited Heere came I in with the testimonie of Polycharmus one of the great oratours who managed the State of Athens in an oration of his where making an apologie of his life unto the people in a frequent assembly he spake in this wise Loe my masters of Athens how I have lived but besides manie other things which I have already alledged take this moreover that whensoever I was bidden to any supper I never came last for this seemed to be very popular and plausible whereas contrariwise men are wont to hate them as odious persons and surly lords who come late and for whom the rest of the companie are forced to staie Then Soclarus willing to defend the yoong boies But Alcaeus quoth he called not Pittacus Zophodorpidas because he supped late in the night but for that it was ordinary with him to delight in none other guests and table companions but base vile and obscure persons for to eat early or betimes was in old time counted a reproch and it is said that this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a breakefast was derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say intemperance Then Theon interrupting his speech Not so quoth he but we must give credit rather unto those who report the auncient manner of life in old time for they say that men in those daies being laborious painfull and temperate in their living withal tooke for their repast early in the morning a piece of bread dipped in wine and no other thing and therefore they called this breakfast
that outwardly appeere as for example wounds inflammations impostumes biles and botches in the share and other emunctories CHAP. XXX Of Health Sicknesse and old age ALCMAEON is of opinion that the equall dispensing and distribution of the faculties in the body to wit of moisture heat drinesse cold bitter sweet and the rest is that which holdeth maintaineth Health contrariwise the monarchie that is to say the predominant soveraignty of any of them causeth sicknesse for the predomination and principality of any one bringeth the corruption of all the other and is the very cause of maladies the efficient in regard of excessive heat or cold and the materiall in respect of superabundance or defect of humors like as in some there is want of bloud or brain whereas Health is a proportionable temperature of all these qualities DIOCLES supposeth that most diseases grow by the inequality of the elements and of the habit and constitution of the body ERASISTRATUS saith that sicknesse proceedeth from the excesse of feeding from crudities indigestions and corruption of meat whereas good order and suffisance is Health The STOICKS accord heereunto and hold that Old age commeth for want of naturall heat for they who are most furnished therewith live longest and be old a great time ASCLEPIADES reporteth that the Aethiopians age quickly namely when they be thirtie yeeres old by reason that their bodies bee over-heat and even burnt againe with the sunne whereas in England and all 〈◊〉 folke in their age continue 120. yeeres for that those parts be cold and in that people the naturall heat by that meanes is united and kept in their bodies for the bodies of the Aethiopians are more open and rare in that they be relaxed and resolved by the sunnes heat Contrariwise their bodies who live toward the North pole bee more compact knit and fast and therefore such are long lived ROMANE QVESTIONS THAT IS TO SAY AN ENQUIRIE INTO THE CAUSES OF MANIE FASHIONS AND CUSTOMES OF ROME A Treatise fit for them who are conversant in the reading of Romane histories and antiquities giving a light to many places otherwise obscure and hard to be understood 1 What is the reason that new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water 1 IS it because that among the elements and principles whereof are composed naturall bodies the one of these twaine to wit fire is the male and water the female of which that infuseth the beginning of motion and this affoordeth the propertie of the subject and matter 2 Or rather for that as the fire purgeth and water washeth so a wise ought to continue pure chaste and cleane all her life 3 Or is it in this regard that as fire without humidity yeeldeth no nourishment but is dry and moisture without heat is idle fruitlesse and barren even so the male is feeble and the female likewise when they be apart and severed a sunder but the conjunction of two maried folke yeeldeth unto both their cohabitation and perfection of living together 4 Or last of all because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another but to take part of all fortunes though they had no other good in the world common betweene them but fire and water onely 2 How is it that they use to light at weddings five torches and neither more nor lesse which they call Wax-lights 1 WHether is it as Varro saith because the Praetours or generals of armies use three and the Aediles two therefore it is not meet that they should have more than the Praetours and Aediles together considering that new maried folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire 2 Or because having use of many numbers the odde number seemed unto them as in all other respects better and more perfect than the even so it was fitter and more agreeable for marriage for the even number implieth a kinde of discord and division in respect of the equall parts in it meet for siding quarrell and contention whereas the odde number cannot be divided so just equally but there will remaine somwhat still in common for to be parted Now among al odde numbers it seemeth that Cinque is most nuptial best beseeming mariage for that 〈◊〉 is the first odde number Deuz the first even of which twaine five is compounded as of the male and the female 3 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 because light is a signe of being and of life and a woman may beare at the most five children at one burden and so they used to cary five tapers or waxe candels 4 Or lastly for that they thought that those who were maried had need of five gods and goddesses namely Jupiter genial Juno genial Venus Suade and above all Diana whom last named women in their labour and travell of childe-birth are wont to call upon for helpe 3 What is the cause that there being many Temples of Diana in Rome into that onely which standeth in the 〈◊〉 street men enter not 1 IS it not because of a tale which is told in this maner In old time a certeine woman being come thither for to adore and worship this goddesse chaunced there to bee abused and suffer violence in her honor and he who forced her was torne in pieces by hounds upon which accident ever after a certeine superstitious feare possessed mens heads that they would not presume to goe into the said temple 4 Wherefore is it that in other temples of Diana men are woont ordinarily to set up and fasten Harts hornes onely in that which is upon mount Aventine the hornes of oxen and other beefes are to be seene MAy it not be that this is respective to the remembrance of an ancient occurrent that sometime befell For reported it is that long since in the Sabines countrey one Antion Coratius had a cow which grew to be exceeding faire and woonderfull bigge withall above any other and a certeine wizard or soothfaier came unto him and said How predestined it was that the citie which sacrificed that cow unto Diana in the mount Aventine should become most puissant and rule all Italy This Coratius therefore came to Rome of a deliberate purpose to sacrifice the said cow accordingly but a certaine houshold servant that he had gave notice secretly unto king Servius Tullius of this prediction delivered by the abovesaid soothfaier whereupon Servius acquainted the priest of Diana Cornelius with the matter and therefore when Antion Coratius presented himselfe for to performe his sacrifice Cornelius advertised him first to goe downe into the river there to wash for that the custome and maner of those that sacrificed was so to doe now whiles Antion was gone to wash himselfe in the river Servius steps into his place prevented his returne sacrificed the cow unto the goddesse and nailed up the hornes when he had so done within her temple Juba thus relateth this historie and Varro likewise saving that Varro expressely fetteth not downe the name of Antion neither doth he write
honoured and worshipped among the Samnites His wife Fabta had committed adulterie with a faire and well favoured yoong man named Petronius Valentinus and afterwards treacherously killed her husband Now had Fabia his daughter saved her brother Fabricianus being a verie little one out of danger and sent him away secretly to be nourished and brought up This youth when he came to age killed both his mother and the adulterer also for which act ofhis acquit he was by the doome of the Senate as Dositheus delivereth the storie in the third booke of the Italian Chronicles 38 Busiris the sonne of Neptune and Anippe daughter of Nilus under the colour of pretended hospitalitie and courteous receiving of strangers used to sacrifice all passengers but divine justice met with him in the end and revenged their death for Hercules set upon him and killed him with his club as Agathon the Samian hath written Hercules as he drave before him thorow Italy Geryons kine was lodged by king Faunus the sonne of Mercurie who used to sacrifice all strangers and guests to his father but when hee meant to do so unto Hercules was himselfe by him slaine as writeth Dercyllus in the third booke of the Italian histories 39 Phalaris the tyrant of the Agrigentines a mercilesse prince was wont to torment put to exquisite paine such as passed by or came unto him and Perillus who by his profession was a skilfull brasse-founder had framed an heyfer of brasse which he gave unto this king that hee might burne quicke in it the said strangers And verily in this one thing did this tyrant shew himselfe just for that he caused the artificer himself to be put into it and the said heyfer seemed to low whiles he was burning within as it is written in the third booke of Causes In Aegesta a citie of Sicilie there was sometime a cruell tyrant named Aemilius Censorinus whose manner was to reward with rich gifts those who could invent new kinds of engines to put men to torture so there was one named Aruntius Paterculus who had devised and forged a brasen horse and presented it unto the foresaid tyrant that he might put into it whom he would And in truth the first act of justice that ever he did was this that the partie himselfe even the maker of it gave the first hansell thereof that he might make triall of that torment himselfe which he had devised for others Him also hee apprehended afterwards and caused to bee throwen downe headlong from the hill Tarpeius It should seeme also that such princes as reigned with violence were called of him Aemylii for so Aristides reporteth in the fourth booke of Italian Chronicles 40 Euenus the son of Mars Sterope tooke to wife Alcippe daughter of Oenomaus who bare unto him a daughter named Marpissa whom he minded to keepe a virgin still but Aphareus seeing her carried her away from a daunce and fled upon it The father made suce after but not able to recover her for verie anguish of mind he cast himselfe into the river of Lycormas and thereby was immortalized as saith Dositheus in the fourth booke of his Italian historie Anius king of the Tuskans having a faire daughter named Salia looked straightly unto her that she should continue a maiden but Cathetus one of his nobles seeing this damosell upon a time as she disported herselfe was enamoured of her and not able to suppresse the furious passion of his love ravished her and brought her to Rome The father pursued after but seeing that he could not overtake them threw himselfe into the river called in those daies Pareüsuis and afterwards of his name Anio Now the said Cathetus lay with Salia and of her bodie begat Salius and Latinus from whom are discended the noblest families of that countrey as Aristides the Milesian and Alexander Polyhistor write in the third booke of the Italian historie 41 Egestratus an Ephesian borne having murdered one of his kinfmen fled into the citie Delphi and demaunded of Apollo in what place he should dwell who made him this answere that he was to inhabit there whereas he saw the peasants of the countrey dauncing and crowned with chaplets of olive branches Being arrived therefore at a certaine place in Asia where he found the rurall people crowned with garlands of olive leaves and dauncing even there hee founded a citie which he called Elaeus as Pythocles the Samian writeth in the third booke of his Georgicks Telegonus the sonne of Vlysses by Circe being sent for to seeke his father was advised by the oracle to build a citie there where he should find the rusticall people and husbandmen of the countrey crowned with chaplets and dauncing together when he was arrived therefore at a certaine coast of Italie seeing the peasants adorned with boughes branches of the wild olive tree passing the time merily and dauncing together he built a citie which upon that occurrent he named Prinesta and afterwards the Romans altering the letters a little called it Preneste as Aristotle hath written in the third booke of the Italian historie THE LIVES OF THE TEN ORATOVRS The Summarie IN these lives compendiously descibed Plutarch sheweth in part the government of the Athenian common-weale which flourished by the meanes of many learned persons in the number of whom we are to reckon those under written namely Antipho Andocides Lysias Isocrates Isaeus Aeschines Lycurgus Demosthenes Hyperides and Dinarchus but on the other side he discovereth sufficiently the indiscretion of cretaine oratours how it hath engendred much confusion ruined the most part of such personages themselves and finally overthrowen the publick estate which he seemeth expresly to have noted and observed to the end that every one might see how dangerous in the managemēt of State affaires he is who hath no good parts in him but onely a fine and nimble tongue His meaning therefore is that lively vertue indeed should be joined unto eloquence meane while we observe also the lightnesse vanitie and ingratitude of the Athenian people in many places and in the divers complexions of these ten men here depainted evident it is how much availeth in any person good in struction from his infancie and how powerfull good teachers be for to frame and fashion tender minds unto high matters and important to the weale publicke In perusing and passing through this treatise a man may take knowledge of many points of the ancient popular government which serve verie well to the better understanding of the Greeke historie and namely of that which concerneth Athens As also by the recompenses both demanded and also decreed in the behalfe of vertuous men we may perceive and see among the imperfections of a people which had the soveraigntie in their hands some moderation from time to time which ought to make us magnifie the wisedome and providence of God who amid so great darkneffe hath maintained so long as his good pleasure was so many States and governours in Greece which
certaine power which causeth it to swell as it were and have an appetite to engender For other cause there can 〈◊〉 none rendred why rocks clifts and mountaines be barren and drie but this that they have either no fire at all or else participate 〈◊〉 little the nature thereof in summe so farre off is water from being of it selfe sufficient for the owne preservation or generation of other things that without the aide of fire it is the cause of the owne ruine and destruction For heat it is that keepeth water in good estate and preserveth it in her nature and proper substance like as it doth all things besides and looke where fire is away or wanteth there water doth corrupt and putrifie in such sort as the ruine and destruction of water is the default of heat as we may evidently see in pools marishes and standing waters or wheresoever water is kept within pits and holes without issue for such waters in the end become putrified and stinke againe because they have no motion which having this propertie to 〈◊〉 up the naturall heat which is in everie thing keepeth those waters better which have a current and runne apace in that this motion preserveth that kind heat which they have And hereupon it is that To live in Greeke is expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sigfieth to boile How then can it otherwise be that of two things it should not be more profitable which giveth being and essence to the other like as fire doth unto water Furthermore that thing the utter departure whereof is the cause that a creature dieth is the more profitable for this is certaine and manifest that the same without which a thing cannot bee hath given the cause of being unto the same when it was with it For we do see that in dead things there is a moisture neither are they dried up altogether for otherwise moist bodies would not putrifie considering that putrefaction is the turning of that which is drie to be moist or rather the corruption of humours in the flesh and death is nothing else but an utter defect and extinction of heat and therefore dead things be extreme cold insomuch as if a man should set unto them the very edge of rasours they are enough to dull the same through excessive cold And we may see plainely that in the verie bodies of living creatures those parts which participate least of the nature of fire are more senselesse than any other as bones and haire and such as be farthest remooved from the heart and in manner all the difference that is betweene great and small creatures proceedeth from the presence of fire more or lesse for humiditie simply it is not that bringeth forth plants and fruits but warme humiditie is it that doth the deed whereas cold waters be either barren altogether or not verie fruitful and fertill and yet if water were of the owne nature fructuous it must needs follow that it selfe alone and at all times should be able to produce fruit whereas we see it is cleane contrarie namely that it is rather hurtfull to fruits And now to reason from another head and go another way to worke to make use of fire as it is fire need wee have not of water nay it 〈◊〉 rather for it quencheth and 〈◊〉 it out cleane on the other side many 〈◊〉 be who cannot tell what to doe with water without fire for being made hot it is more profitable and otherwise in the owne kinde hurtfull Of two things therefore that which can do good of it selfe without need of the others helpe is better and more profitable Moreover water yeeldeth commodity but after one sort onely to wit by touching as when we feele it or wash and bathe with it whereas fire serveth all the five senses doth them good for it is felt both neere at hand and also seene afarre of so that among other meanes that it hath of profiting no man may account the multiplicity of the uses that it affoordeth for that a man should be at any time without fire it is impossible nay he cannot have his first generation without it and yet there is a difference in this kinde as in all other things The very sea it selfe is made more 〈◊〉 by heat so as it doth heat more by the agitation and current that it hath than any other waters for of it selfe otherwise it differeth not Also for such as have no need of outward fire we may not say that they stand in need of none at all but the reason is because they have plenty and store of naturall heat within them so that in this very point the commodity of fire ought to be esteemed the more And as for water it is never in that good state but some need it hath of helpe without whereas the exellencie of fire is such as it is content with it selfe and requireth not the aid of the other Like as therefore that captaine is to be reputed more excellent who knowes to order and furnish a citie so as it hath no need of forren allies so we are to thinke that among elements that is the woorthier which may often times consist without the succour and aide of another And even as much may be said of living creatures which have least need of others helpe And yet haply it may be replied contrariwise that the thing is more profitable which we use alone by it selfe namely when by discourse of reason we are able to chuse the better For what is more commodious and profitable to men than reason and yet there is none at all in brute beasts And what followeth heereupon Shall we inferre therefore that it is lesse profitable as invented by the providence of a better nature which is god But since we are fallen into this argument What is more profitable to mans life than arts but there is no art which fire devised not or at least wise doth not maintaine And heereupon it is that we make 〈◊〉 the prince and master of all arts Furthermore whereas the time and space of life is very short that is given unto man as short as it is yet sleepe as Ariston saith like unto a false baily or publicane taketh the halfe thereof for it selfe True it is that a man may lie awake and not sleepe all night long but I may aswell say that his waking would serve him in small stead were it not that fire presented unto him the commodities of the day and put a difference betweene the darkenesse of the night and the light of the day If then there be nothing more profitable unto man than life why should we not judge fire to be the best thing in the world since it doth augment and multiply our life Over and besides that of which the five senses participate most is more profitable but evident it is that there is not one of the said senses maketh use of the nature of water
other such particular artificers whom it suffiseth to know and understand the last and conjunct causes For so it be that a physician doe comprehend the neerest and next cause of his patients malady for example of an ague that it is a shooting or falling of the bloud out of the veines into the arteries and the husbandman conceive that the cause of blasting or Maying his corne is an hot gleame of the sunne after a shower of raine and the plaier upon the 〈◊〉 comprise the reason of the base sound is the bending downward of his instrument or the bringing of them one neere unto another it is sufficient for any of these to proceed to their proper worke and operation But a naturall philosopher who searcheth into the trueth of things onely for meere knowledge and speculation maketh not the knowledge of these last causes the end but rather taketh from them his beginning and ariseth from them to the primitive and highest causes And therefore well did Plato and Democritus who searching into the causes of heat and of heavinesse 〈◊〉 not the course of their inquisition when they came to fire and earth but referring and reducing things sensible unto intelligible principles proceeded forward and never staied untill they came unto the least parcels as it were to the smallest seeds and principles thereof Howbeit better it were first to handle and discusse these sensible things wherein Empedocles Straton and the Stoicks do repose the essences of all powers the Stoicks attributing the primitive colde unto aire but Empedocles and Straton unto water and another peradventure would suppose the earth rather to be the substantiall subject of cold But first let us examine the opinions of these before named Considering then that fire is both hot and shining it must needs be that the nature of that which is contrarie unto it should be colde and darke for obscuritie is opposite unto brightnesse like as cold to heat and like as darknesse and obscuritie doth confound and trouble the sight even so doth colde the sense of feeling whereas heat doth dilate the sense of him that toucheth it like as cleerenesse the sight of him that seeth it and therefore we must needs say that the thing which is principally darke and mistie is likewise colde in nature But that the aire above all things els is dimme and darke the very poets were not ignorant for the aire they call darkenesse as appeareth by these verses of Homer For why the aire stood thicke the ships about And no moone shine from heaven shewed throughout And in another place The aire anon he soone dispatch't and mist did drive away With that the sunne shone out full bright and battell did display And hereupon it is that men call the aire wanting light 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as one would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say void of light and the grosse aire which is gathered thicke together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of privation of all light Aire also is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a mist and looke what things soever hinder our sight that we cannot see thorow be differences all of the aire and that part of it which can not be seene and hath no colour is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit invisible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is as much to say as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for want of colour Like as therefore the aire remaineth darke when the light is taken from it even so when the heat is gone that which remaineth is nothing but colde aire And therefore such aire by reason of coldnesse is named Tartarus which Hesiodus seemeth to insinuate by these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the airie Tartarus and to tremble and quake for cold he expresseth by this verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These are the reasons 〈◊〉 in this behalfe But forasmuch as corruption is the change of anything into the contrary let us consider whether it be truely said The death of fire is the birth of aire For fire dieth aswell as living creatures either quenched by force or by languishing and going out of it selfe As for the violent quenching and extinction thereof it sheweth evidently that it turneth into aire for smoake is a kinde of aire and according as Pindarus writeth The vapour of the aire thicke Is 〈◊〉 against the smoake to kicke And not onely that but we may see also that when a flame beginneth to die for want of nourishment as in lamps and burning lights the very top and head thereof doth vanish and resolve into a darke and obscure aire and this may sufficiently be perceived by the vapour which after we are bathed or sit in a stouph flieth and steimeth up along our bodies as also by that smoake which ariseth by throwing cold water upon namely that heat when it is extinguished is converted into aire as being naturally opposite unto fire whereupon it followeth necessarily that the aire was first darke and cold But that which is more the most violent and forcible impression in bodies by cold is congealation which is a passion of water action of the aire for water of it selfe is given to spread and flow as being neither solide nor compact and fast by nature but hard it becommeth thicke also and stiffe when it is thrust close to by the aire and cold together comming betweene and therefore thus we say commonly If after South the North-winde straight do blow We shall be sure anon to have some snow For the South winde prepareth the matter which is moisture and the aire of the North winde comming upon it doth frize and congeale the same which appeareth manifestly in snow for no sooner hath it evaporated and exhaled a little the thinne and colde aire in it but immediatly it resolveth and runneth to water And Aristotle writeth that plates and plummets of lead doe melt and resolve with the cold and rigor of Winter so soone as water only commeth unto them and be frozen upon them And the aire as it should seeme by pressing such bodies together with colde breaketh and knappeth them asunder Moreover the water that is drawen out of a well or spring is sooner frozen and turned to ice than any other for that the aire hath more power over a little water than a great deale And if a man draw up a small quantitie of water in a bucket out of a pit or well and let the same downe againe into the well yet so as the vessell touch not the water but hang in the aire and so continue there but a while that water will be much colder than that which is in the bottome of the well whereby it appeareth manifestly that the primitive cause of cold is not in water but in aire And that so it is the great rivers will testifie which never are frozen to the bottome
reason there is that the teares which passe from the one in anger and the other in feare should be such as is aforesaid 21 What is the reason that tame swine do farrow often in one yeere some at one time and some at another whereas the wilde of that kinde bring forth pigs but once in the yeere and all of them in a maner upon the same daies and those are in the beginning of Summer whereupon we say in our vulgar proverbe The night once past of wilde sowes farrowing T' will raine no more be sure for any thing IS it thinke you for the plentie they have of meat as in trueth fulnesse brings wantonnesse and of full feeding comes lust of breeding for abundance of food causeth superfluitie of seed aswell in living creatures as in plants As for the wilde swine they seeke their victuals themselves and that with travell and feare whereas the tame have alwaies store thereof either naturally growing for them or els provided by mans industry Or is the cause of this difference to be attributed unto the idle life of the one and the painfull labour of the other for the domesticall and tame are sluggish and never wander farre from their swineherds but the other range and rove abroad among the forrests and mountaines running to and fro dispatching quickly all the food they can get and spending it every whit upon the substance of their bodies leaving no superfluities expedient for geniture or seed Or may it not be that tame sowes doe keepe company feed and goe in heards together with their bores which provoketh their lust and kindleth the desire to engender according as Empedocles hath written of men in these verses The sight of eie doth kindle lust in brest Of looking liking then loving and the rest Whereas the wilde because they live apart and pasture not together have no such desire and lust one to another for their naturall appetite that way is dulled and quenched Or rather that is true which Aristotle saith namely that Homer calleth a wilde bore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as having but one genetorie for that the most part of them in rubbing themselves against the trunks and stocks of trees doe crush and breake their stones 22 What is the reason of this usuall speech that beares have a most sweet hand and that their flesh is most pleasant to be eaten BEcause those parts of the body which doe best concoct and digest nourishment yeeld their flesh most delicate now that concocteth and digesteth best which stirreth most and doth greatest exercise like as the beare mooveth most this part for his forepawes he useth as feet to goe and runne withall he maketh use also of them as of hands to apprehend and catch any thing 23 What is the cause that in the spring time wilde beasts are hardly hunted by the sent and followed by the trace IS it for that hounds as Empedocles saith By sent of nosthrils when they trace Wilde beast to finde their resting place doe take hold of those vapours and defluxions which the said beasts leave behind them in the wood as they passe but in the spring time these are confounded or utterly extinct by many other smels of plants and shrubs which as then be in their flower and comming upon the aire that the beasts made and intermingled therewith do trouble and deceive the sent of the hounds whereby they are put out and at default that they cannot truly hunt after them by their trace which is the reason men say that upon the mountaine Aetna in Sicilie there is never any hunting with hounds for that all the yeere long there is such abundance of flowers both in hilles and dales growing as it were in a medow or garden whereof the place smelleth all over so sweet that it will not suffer the hounds to catch the sent of the beasts And verily there goeth a tale that Pluto ravished Prosperpina as she was gathering flowers there in which regard the inhabitants honouring the place with great reverence and devotion never put up or hunt the beasts that pasture about that mountaine 24 What is the reason that when the moone is at the full it is very hard for hounds to meet with wilde beasts by the trace or sent of the footing IS it not for the same cause before alledged for that about the full moone there is engendred store of deaw whereupon it is that the poet Aleman calleth deaw the daughter of Jupiter and the moone in these verses Dame Deaw is nourse whom of god Jupiter And lady Moone men call the daughter For the deaw is nothing else but a weake and feeble raine and why because the heat of the moone is but infirme whereof it commeth to passe that she draweth up vapours indeed from the earth as doeth the sunne but not able to fetch them up aloft not there to comprehend them letteth them fall againe 25 What is the cause that in a white or hoarie frost wilde beasts are hardly traced WHether is it for that they being loth for very colde to range farre from their dennes leave not many marks of their footings upon the ground which is the reason that at other times they make spare of that prey which is neere unto them for feare of danger if they should be forced to range farre abroad in Winter and because they would have ready at hand about them at such an hard season to feed upon Or else is it requisit that the place where men doe hunt have not onely the tracts of the beast to be seene but also of force to affect the sent of the hounds and to set their nosthrils a worke but then doe they moove this sense of theirs when as they are gently dissolved and dilated as it were by heat whereas the aire if it be extreme colde congealing as it were the smels will not suffer them to spread and be diffused abroad thereby to move the sense and heereupon it is as folke say that perfumes ointments and wines be lesse fragrant and odoriferous in Winter or in cold weather than at other times for the aire being it selfe bound and shut close doth likewise stay within it all sents and will not suffer them to passe foorth 26 What is the cause that brute beasts so often as they are sicke or feele themselves amisse seeke after divers medicinable meanes for remedie and using the same finde many times helpe as for example dogges when they be stomacke sicke fall to eat a kinde of quitchy grasse because they would cast and vomit choler hogges search for craifishes of the river for by feeding upon them they cure their headach the tortois is likewise having eaten the flesh of a viper eateth upon it the her be origan and the beare when she is full in the stomacke and doth loath all victuals licketh up pismires with her tongue which she no sooner hath swallowed downe but she is warished and yet none of all this were they taught
having the greatest and most puissant cause withstanding and impeaching it ever for being true For looke whose destiny it is to die in the sea how can it possible be that he should be 〈◊〉 of death upon the land And how is it possible that he who is at Megara should come to Athens being hindred and prohibited by fatall destiny Moreover his resolutions as touching fantasies and imaginations repugne mainely against fatall destiny For intending to proove that fantasie is not an entire and absolute cause of assent he saith that Sages and wise men will prejudice and hurt us much by imprinting in our mindes false imaginations if it be so that such fantasies doe absolutely cause assent For many times wise men use that which is false unto leawd and wicked persons representing unto them a fantasie that is but onely probable and yet the same is not the cause of assent for so also should it be the cause of false opinion and of deception If then a man would transferre this reason and argument from the said wise men unto fatall destiny saying that destiny is not the cause of assents for so he should confesse that by destiny were occasioned false assents opinions and deceptions yea and men should be endamaged by destiny certes the same doctrine and reason which exempteth a wise man from doing hurt at any time sheweth withall that destiny is not the cause of all things For if they neither opine nor receive detriment by destiny certeinly they doe no good they are not wise they be not firme and constant in opinion neither receive they any good and profit by destiny so that this conclusion which they hold for most assured falleth to the ground and commeth to nothing namely that fatall destiny is the cause of all things Now if paradventure one say unto me that Chrysippus doth not make destiny the entire and absolute cause of all things but only a procatarcticall and antecedent occasion here againe will he discover how he is contradictorie to himselfe whereas he praiseth Homer excessively for saying thus of Jupiter Take well in worth therefore what he to each of you shall send And whether good or bad it be doe not with him contend As also where he highly extolleth Euripides for these verses O Jupiter what cause have I to say That mortall wretches we should prudent be Depend we doe of thee and nothing may Bring to effect but that which pleaseth thee Himselfe also writeth many sentences accordant hereunto and finally concludeth that nothing doth rest and stay nothing stirre and moove be it never so little otherwise than by the counsell and minde of Jupiter whome he saith to be all one with fatall destiny Moreover the antecedent cause is more feeble and weake than that which is perfit and absolute neither attaineth it to any effect as being subdued kept down by others mightier than it selfe rising up making head against it And as for fatall destiny Chrysippus himselfe pronouncing it to be a cause invincible inflexible and that which cannot be impeached calleth it Atropos Adrastia as one would say a cause that cannot be averted avoided or undone Likewise necessity and Pepromene which is as much to say as setting downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say an end and limit unto all things How then whether doe we not say that neither assents vertues vices nor well or ill doing lie in our free will and power if we affirme fatall destiny is to be maimed or unperfect and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a fatality determining all things to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say without power to finish and effect ought and so the motions and habitudes of Jupiters will to remaine imperfect and unaccomplished for of these conclusions the one will follow if we say that destiny is an absolute and perfect cause and the other in case we hold that it is onely a procatarcticall or antecedent occasion For being an absolute and all sufficient cause it overthroweth that which is in us to wit our free will and againe if we admit it to be only antecedent it is marred for being effectuall and without the danger of impeachment For not in one or two places onely but every where in maner throughout all his commentaries of naturall philosophy he hath written that in particular natures and motions there be many obstacles and impediments but in the motion of the universall world there is none at all And how is it possible that the motion of the universall world should not be hindred and disturbed reaching as it doth unto particulars in case it be so that they likewise be stopped and impeached For surely the nature in generall of the whole man is not at liberty and without impediment if neither that of the foot nor of the hand be void of obstacles no more can the motion or course of a ship be void of let and hinderance if there be some stay about the sailes oares or their works Over besides all this if the fantasies and imaginations are not imprinted in us by fatall destiny how be they the cause of assents Or if because it imprinteth fantasies that lead unto assent thereupon all assents are said to be by fatall destiny how is it possible that destiny should not be repugnant to it selfe considering that in matters of greatest importance it ministreth many times different fantasies and those which distract the minde into contrary opinions whereas they affirme that those who settle unto one of the said fantasies and hold not of their assent and approbation doe erre and sinne For if they yeeld say they unto uncertaine fantasies they stumble and fall if unto false they are deceived if to such as commonly are not conceived and understood they opine For of necessity it must be one of these three either that every fantasie is not the worke nor effect of destiny or that every receit assension of fantasie is not void of error or else that destiny it selfe is not irreprehensible Neither can I see how it should be blamelesse objecting such fansies imaginations as it doth which to withstand and resist were not blameable but rather to give place and follow them and verily in the disputations of the Stoicks against the Academicks the maine point about which both Chrysippus himselfe and Antipater also contended and stood upon was this That we doe nothing at all nor be enclined to any action without a precedent consent but that these be but vaine fictions and devised fables and suppositions that when any proper fantasie is presented incontinently we are disposed yea and incited thereto without yeelding or giving consent Againe Chrysippus saith That both God and the wise man doe imprint false imaginations not because they would have us to yeeld or give our consent unto them but that we should doe the thing onely and incite our selves to that which appeereth As for us if wee be evill by
reason of our infirmity we condescend to such fansies and imaginations Now the repugnance and contrarietie in these words is easily seene for hee who would not have us to consent unto the fantasies which he presenteth unto us but onely to worke and doe them be he God or wise man knoweth well enough that such fantasies are sufficient to cause us to fall to operation and that those assents are altogether superfluous and so if he knowing that the fantasie imprinteth no instinct into operation without consent ministreth unto us false or probable fantasies wilfull and voluntary is the cause that we stumble erre and offend in giving our assent to such things as are not perfectly understood and comprehended OF COMMON CONCEPTIONS AGAINST THE STOICKS The Summarie HAving shewed in my former discourse that the Stoicks are contradictory to themselves in all the principall articles of their doctrine and so consequently that he needed no more but their owne words to condemne them In this dialogue he joineth more closely to them disputing against their rules and precepts which he examineth and refuteth whereas before he was content to oppugne them by their owne selves For to make an entrance into this dialogue he bringeth in Lamprias requesting Diadumenus to rid him of those scruples that certeine Stoicks had 〈◊〉 into his head Where unto the other accordeth and so they enter into the matter The summe of whose whole discourse throughout is this That the Stoicks would by their principles abolish mans senses and the common conceptions proceeding from thence there by more easily to establish their owne paradoxes whom he refuteth dividing his dialogue into three principall parts in the first where of is considered the morall in the second the naturall in the third the metaphysicall or supernaturall philosophy of the Stoicks Howbeit he observeth no exact order nor method in the disposition of his matters but entreth out of one discourse into another according as things were presented unto him and came first into his minde yet in such sort as there is sufficient to content the reader who is desirous to know what was the sect and doctrine of the Stoicks and the maner of the anncient Academicks in their disputations which being referred to the true marke and scope indeed of all that which we may learne in the world teacheth every man to humble himselfe before the majestie of him who is onely wise and out of whose sacred word we ought to fetch the resolution of the questions debated heere in this dialogue but of those above the rest which treat of maners religion and divinity OF COMMON CONCEPTIons against the Stoicks LAMPRIAS IT should seeme verily that you Diadumenus passe not much what any man either thinks or saies of you other Academicks such as your selfe in that you do philosophize cleane contrary to the common notions and conceptions confessing as you doe that you make no great account of the five naturall senses from whence proceed the most part of the said common conceptions having for their foundation and seat the beliefe and assurance of the imaginations which appeere unto us But I pray you for to assay and goe in hand to cure me either by some words or charmes and enchantments or by what other meanes and kinds of physicke that you know comming as I doe unto you full in mine owne conceit of great trouble and strong perturbation so exceedingly troubled I have beene and held in perplexed suspense I may tell you by certeine Stoicks men otherwise the best in the world and I may say to you my inward and familiar friends howbeit over bitterly bent and in hostile maner set against the Academie who for very small matters uttered by me modestly and in good sort withall respect and reverence have I will not lie unto you reprooved checked and taken me up very unkindly with some hard words and breaking foorth in heat of choler called our auncient Philosophers Sophisters corrupters and perverters of good sentences in Philosophy yea and seducers of those who otherwise walked in the true path and traine of doctrine surely established with many other more strange termes both speaking and thinking of them very basely untill in the end as if they had beene driven with a tempest they fell upon the Common conceptions reproching those of the Academie as if they brought in some great confusion and perturbation in the said notions and one among them there was who stucke not to say That it was not by fortune but by some divine providence that Chrysippus was borne and came into the world after Arcesilaus and before Carneades of which twaine the one was the great authour and promoter of the injury and outrage done unto custome and the other flourished in name and renowme above all other Academicks Now Chrysippus comming as he did betweene them by his writings contrary to the doctrine of Arcesilaus stopped up the way also against the powerful eloquence of Carneades and as he left unto the senses many aides and succours as it were to hold out a long siege so he remooved out of the way and fully cleered all the trouble and confusion about anticipations and common conceptions correcting ech one and reducing them into their proper place insomuch as whosoever afterwards would seeme to make new troubles and violently disquiet matters by him setled should not prevaile nor gaine ought but incurre the obloquie of the world and be convinced for malicious persons and deceitfull sophisters Having thus I say by these words beene chafed and set on fire this morning among them I had need of some meanes to quench the heat as it were of an inflammation and to rid me of these doubts which are risen in my minde DIADUMENUS It fareth haply with you as with many of the vulgar sort but if you beleeve the poets who give out that the ancient citie Sipylus in Magresia was in old time destroied and overthrowen by the providence of the gods when they chastised and punished Tantalus you may as well be perswaded by our old friends the Stoicks to beleeve that nature hath brought foorth into the world not by chance and fortune but by some speciall divine providence Chrysippus when she was minded to pervert and overturne the life of man and course of the world turning all things up side downe and contrariwise downe side up for never was there man better made and framed for such a matter than he And as Cato said of that Iulius Caesar Dictator that before him there was never knowen any to come sober and considerate to manage affaires of state with a purpose to worke the ruin of the common weale even so this man in mine opinion with most diligence greatest eloquence highest conceit of spirit seemeth as much as lieth in him to destroy and abolish custome And there witnesse against him no lesse even they who magnifie the man otherwise namely when they dispute against him as touching that sophisme or syllogisme which
an Indian Dog of rare 〈◊〉 964.10 a Dog counterfeited a part in a play 967.30 Dogs crucified at Rome 638.30 a Dog saluted as king in AEthiopia 1087.40 a Dog resembleth Anubis 1305.10 a Dog why so much honoured in AEgypt 1305.20 Dogs why they pursue the stone that is throwen at the. 1015.10 a Dog why he resembleth Mercurie 1291.40 Dolphins loving to mankind 344.30.751.20.979.1.10 delighted in Musicke ib. Dolphins spared by fishers 344.30 a Dolphin saved a maidens life 344.40 a Dolphin the armes that Vlysses bare in his shield 980.20 Dolphins how affectionate to a boy of Jasos 979.40 Dolphin how crafty he is and hard to be caught 972.10 Dolphins in continuall motion 974.1 C. Domitius his apophthegme 431.30 he overthrew K. Antiochus ib. Dorian Musicke commended by Plato 1253.40 Dorians pray to have an ill hey harvest 1008.10 Doryxenus who it is 893.30 Cocke Doves squash their hennes egges 954.20 Dragon consecrated to Bacchus 699.20 A Dragon enamoured of a yong damosell 966.10 who never Dreamed in all their life time 1349.50 Dreames to be considered in case of health 618.10 Dreames how they come 841.30 how to be regarded 255.10 Dreames in Autumne little to be regarded 784. 1. the reason thereof ib. how to be observed in the progresse of vertue 255.10 Drinke whether it passe through our lungs 743.20 the wagon of our meat 743.50 Drinkes which are to be taken heed of 613.30 Drinking leisurely moistneth the belly 743.50 Drinke five or three but not foure 695.20 Dromoclides a great states man in Athens 348 40 Drunkenesse what persons it soonest assaileth 652.10 Drunckenesse is dotage 765.20 Faults committed in Drunkenesse doubly punished 336.50 Halfe Drunke more brainsicke than those who be thorow drunke 694.20 Drunkenesse most to blame for intemperate speech 194.10 how defined 194.40 soone bringeth age 690.10 Dryades what Nymphs 1141.30 Duality the authour of disorder and of even numbers 1341.1 Duplicity of the soule 65.40 Dying is a kinde of staining or infection 774.40 Dysopia what it is 163.20 E EAres give passage to vertue for to enter into yong mens mindes 52.10 Eare delights are dangerous 18.40 Eare-sports how to be used 〈◊〉 10. when to be used at a feast 761.30 Eares of children and yong 〈◊〉 how to be desended 52.10 Earely eating condemned in olde time 775.30 Earth whether it be the element of colde 999.40 Earth called Estia or Vesta wherefore 1002.1 Earth by god not alwaies placed below 649.1 Earth whether but one or twaine 829.50 Earth what prerogative it hath 1345.30 what it is 830. 1. what forme it hath 830. 10 the situation thereof 830.10 why it bendeth southerly 830.30 Earth whether it moove or 〈◊〉 830.40 Earthquakes how occasioned 831.20 Earth corrupteth waters 〈◊〉 it causeth diversity of waters 774.40 Earth for the most part not inhabited 1177.40.50 Echemythia 139.10 Echeneis a fish 676.10 the reason how she staieth a ship 676.50 Echo how it is caused 839.20 In Eclipses of the moone why they rung basons 1183.20 Eclipses of the Sunne 1171.20.30 Eclipses why more of the Moone then of Sunne 1172. 10. of eclipses the cause 1172.10 Education of what power it is 4.10.6.40 Eeles comming to hand 970.1 Eeles bred without generation of male or female 672.10 Egge or henne whether was before 669.50 Egges resemble the principles of all things 670.50 The Egge whereof came Castor and Pollux 671.20 E. signifieth the number five 1354 30 EI. written upon the temple at Delphi what it signifieth 1353 30.1354 EI. an gold in brasse and in wood 1354.30 EI. a stone 345.20 EI. as much as 〈◊〉 EI. of what force it is in logicke 1355. why E. is preferred before other letters 1356.40 Eight resembleth the female 884.20 Eight the first cubicke number 884.30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both the fruit and the tree of the olive 32.1 Elaeus the city whereof it tooke the name 917.40 Elaphebolia a feast when instituted 485.10.699.50 Elasiae who they be 895.40 Electra concubine to Deiotarus with the privity and permission of his wife 50.40 Elegie whose invention 1257.10 Elements 4. 994.40 which be elements 805.10.808.1 Elements before elements 813.50 Eleon 901.10.20 Elephants how they be prepared for fight 959.1 Elephants docible 961.10 their wit patience and mildenesse 961.30 Elephant of king Porus how dutifull unto him 963.40 Elephants witty and loving to their fellowes 965.40 devout and religious ib. 50. full of love and amorous they can abide no white garments 323.40 Elephantiasis a disease not long knowen 780.30 Eleutherae 899.50 Eleutheria what feast 914.40 Elians why excluded frō the Isthmick games at Corinth 1194.40 Elieus the father of Eunostus 900.40 Ellebor root clenseth malancholie 659.10 Ellebor 91.50 Elops the onely fish swimming downe the streame and winde 973.50 Eloquence becommeth old men 391.10 in princes most necessary 352.10 Elpenor 899.20 Elpenor his ghost 791.40 Elpisticke Philosophers 709.1 Elysius the father of Euthynous 518.30 Elysian field in the moone 1183.30 Emerepes his apophthegme 557.1 Empona her rare love to her husband 1157.1158 cruelly put to death by Vespasian ib. Empusa 598.30 Empedocles his opinion touching the first principles 807.50 how he averted a pestilence 134.10 a good common wealths man 1128.10 Emulation that is good 256.50 Enalus enamoured of a virgin destined for sacrifice 345.1 Encnisma what it is 895.50 Encyclia what sciences 9.1 Endrome the name of a canticle 1256.40 Endimatia what dance 1251.30 Engastrinythi what they be 1327 1 In England or great Brittaine why folke live long 849.50 by Enimies men may take profit 237.20.30.50 of Enimies how to be revenged 239.30 Enneaterides 891.1 Entelechia 805.30.808.10 No enterring the reliques of triumphant persons within the city of Rome 876.50 Enthusiasme 1344.20 Enthusiasmus 654.40 of sundry sorts 1142. 50. what kinde of fury 1142.40 Envy 1070.50 Envy a cause of mens discontent 156.1.10 Envy among brethren 183.10 how it may be avoided 184.1.10.20 Envy and hatred differ 234.1 Envy what it is 234.20 Envious men be pitifull 235.50 Envy hurtfull especially to scholars and hearers 53.50 Envy of divers sorts 53.50.54.1 Envious eie hath power to bewitch 724.20 Envy whome it assaileth most 388.20 compared to smoake ib. 30 how it is to be quenched 389.1 Envy not excusable in old age 399 10. in yong persons it hath many pretenses 399.10 Enyalius what god 154.50.1141.10 Epacrii a faction in Athens 1149 10 Epact daies 1292.10 Epaenetus his apophthegme 557.1 Epaminondas beheadeth his owne sonne 910.1 Epaminondas his commendation 53.20 Epaminondas accused of a capitall crime 477.40 his plea. ib. his death 428.1 Epaminondas the nickename of a talkative fellow 207.20 Epaminondas had a grace in denying his friends requests 361.10 how carefull for the Thebans 295.40.50 he retorted a reprochfull scoffe upon Calistratus 363.50 his valiant exploit 400 10. his magnanimity 303 20. his apophthegmes 425.40 he could not abide fat and corpulent soldiers ib. his sobriety and frugality ib. 50. debased by the Epicureans 1129.10 his apophthegme 625.50 admired in commending himselfe 303.10 Epaphus 1302.20
infamous practise for 〈◊〉 who was his mortall enemie wrought by all meanes possible to effect peace because he saw that warre continually augmented the credit of Agesilaus and made him most mightie and honourable yet neverthelesse he answered unto one that reproched him with the Lacedaemonians saying That they were Medified or turned Medians Nay rather quoth he the Medians are Laconified and become Laconians The question was propounded unto him upon a time whether of these two vertues in his judgement was the better Fortitude or Justice and he answered That where Justice reigned Fortitude bare no sway and was nothing worth for if we were all righteous and honest men there would be no need at all of Fortitude The people of Greece dwelling in Asia had a custome to call the king of Persia The great king And wherefore quoth he is he greater than I unlesse he be more temperat and righteous semblably he said That the inhabitants of Asia were good slaves but naughtie freemen Being asked how a man might win himselfe the greatest name and reputation among men he answered thus If he say well and yet do better This was a speech of his That a good captaine ought to shew unto his enemies valour and hardinesse but unto those that be under his charge love and benevolence Another demanded of him what children should learne in their youth That quoth he which they are to doe and practise when they be men growen He was judge in a cause where the plaintife had pleaded well but the defendant very badly who eftsoones and at every sentence did nothing but repeat these words O Agesilaus a king ought to protect and helpe the lawes unto whom Agesilaus answered in this wise If one had undermined thy house or robbed thee of thy raiment wouldest thou thinke and looke that a carpenter or mason were bound to repaire thy house and the weaver or tailour for to supplie thy want of clothes The king of Persia had writ unto him a letter missive after a generall peace concluded which letter was brought by a gentleman of Persia who came with Callias the Lacedaemonian and the contents thereof was to this effect That the king of Persia desired to enter into some more especiall amitie and fraternitie with him but he would not accept thereof saying unto the messenger Thou shalt deliver this answere from me unto the king thy master that hee needed not to write any such particular letters unto mee concerning private friendship for if hee friend the Lacedaemonians in generall and shew himselfe to love the Greeks and desire their good I also reciprocally will be his friend to the utmost of my power but if I may finde that he practiseth treacherie and attempteth ought prejudiciall to the state of Greece well may he write epistle upon epistle and I receive from him one letter after another but let him trust to this I will never be his friend Hee loved very tenderly his owne children when they were little ones insomuch as he would play with them up and downe the house yea and put a long cane betweene his legs and ride upon it like an hobby horse with them for company and if it chanced that any of his friends spied him so doing he would pray them to say nothing unto any man thereof untill they had babes and children of their owne But during the continuall warres that he had with the Thebans he fortuned in one battell to be grievouslie wounded which when Antalcidas saw he said unto him Certes you have received of the Thebans the due salarie and reward that you deserved for teaching them as you have done even against their willes how to fight which they neither could nor ever would have learned to doe for in trueth it is reported that the Thebans then became more martiall and warlike than ever before-time as being inured and exercised in armes by the continuall roads and invasions that the Lacedaemomans made which was the reason that ancient Lycurgus in those lawes of his which be called Rhetrae expresly forbad his people to make warre often upon one and the same nation for feare lest in so doing their enemies should learne to be good souldiers When he heard that the allies and confederates of Lacedaemon were offended and tooke this continuall warfare ill complaining that they were never in maner out of armes but caried their harnesse continually upon their backs and besides being many more in number they followed yet the Lacedaemonians who were but an handfull to all them he being minded to convince them in this and to shew how many they were commanded all his said confederates to assemble together and to sit them downe pell-mell one with another the Lacedaemonians likewise to take their place over-against them apart by themselves which done he caused an herald to cry aloud in the hearing of all That all the potters should rise first and when those were risen that the brasse-founders and smithes should stand up then the carpenters after them the masons and so all other artisans handi-crafts men one after another by which meanes all the confederats wel-nere were risen up and none in maner left sitting but all this while not a Lacedaemonian stirred off his seat for that forbidden they were all to learne or exercise any mechanicall craft then Agesilaus tooke up a laughter and said Lo my masters and friends how many more souldiers are we able to send into the warres than you can make In that bloodie battell fought at Leuctres many Lacedaemonians there were that ran out of the field fled who by the lawes and ordinances of the countrey were all their life time noted with infamy howbeit the Ephori seeing that the citie by this meanes would be dispeopled of citizens and lie desert in that verie time when as it had more need than ever before of souldiers were desirous to devise a policie how to deliver them of this ignominie and yet notwithstanding preferre the lawes in their entire and full force therefore to bring this about they elected Agesilaus for their law-giver to enact a new lawes who being come before the open audience of the city spake unto them in this manner Yee men of Lacedaemon I am not willing in any wise to be the author and inventor of new lawes and as for those which you have alreadie I minde not to put any thing thereto to take fro or otherwise to alter and chaunge them and therefore mee thinkes it is meere and reasonable that from to morrow forward those which you have should stand in their ful vigor strength and vertue accustomed Moreover as few as there remained in the citie when Epaminondas was about to assaile it with a great fleete and a violent tempest as it were of Thebans and their confederates puffed up with pride for the late victorie atchieved in the plaine of Leuctres with those few I say hee put him and his forces backe and caused them to returne without
effect but in the battell of Mantinea he admonished and advised the Lacedaemonians to take no regard at all of other Thebans but to bend their whole forces against Epaminondas onely saying That wise and prudent men alone and none but they were valiant and the sole cause of victorie and therefore if they could vanquish him they might easily subdue all the rest as being blockish fooles and men in deed of no valour and so in truth it proved for when as the victory now enclined wholy unto Epaminondas and the Lacedaemonians were at the verie point to be disbanded discomfited and put to flight as the said Epaminondas turned for to call his owne together to folow the rout a Lacedaemonian chanced to give him a mortall wound wherewith hee fell to the ground and the Lacedaemonians who were with Agesilaus called themselves made head againe and put the victorie into doubtfull ballance for now the Thebanes abated much their courage and the Lacedaemonians tooke the better hearts Moreover when the citie of Sparta was neere driven and at a low ebbe for money to wage warre as being constrained to entertaine mercenarie souldiers for pay who were meere strangers Agesilaus went into Aegypt being sent for by the King of Aegypt to serve as his pensioner but for that hee was meanely and simply apparelled the inhabitants of the countrey despised him for they looked to have seene the King of Sparta richly arraied and set out gallantly and all gorgeously to be seene in his person like unto the Persian King so foolish a conceit they had of kings but Agesilaus shewed them within a while that the magnificence and majestie of Kings was to be acquired by wit wisedome and valour for perceiving that those who were to fight with him and to make head against the enemie were frighted with the imminent perill by reason of the great number of enemies who were two hundred thousand fighting men and the small companie of their owne side he devised with himselfe before the battell began by some stratageme to encourage his owne men and to embolden their hearts which policie of his he would not communicate unto any person and this it was He caused upon the inside of his left hand to be written this word Victorie backward which done he tooke at the priests or sooth-saiers hand who was at sacrifice the liver of the beast which was killed and put it into the said left hand thus written within and so held it a good while making semblance as if he mused deeply of some doubt and seeming to stand in suspense to be in great perplexity untill the characters of the foresaid letters had a sufficient time to give a print and leave their marke in the superficies of the liver then shewed he it unto those who were to fight on his side and gave them to understand that by those characters the gods promised victory who supposing verily that there was in it a certaine signe presage of good fortune ventured boldly upon the hazard of a battell And when the enemies had invested and beleaguered his campe round about such a mightie number there were of them and besides had begun to cast a trench on everie side thereof King Nectanebas for whose aid he was thither come sollicited and intreated him to make a sally and charge upon them before the said trench was fully finished and both ends brought to gether he answered That he would never impeach the deseigne and purpose of the enemies who went no doubt to give him meanes to be equall unto them and to fight so many to so many so he staied until there wanted but a verie little of both ends meeting and then in that space betweene he raunged his battell by which device they encountred and fought with even fronts and on equall hand for number so he put the enemies to flight and with those few souldiers which he had he made a great carnage of them but of the spoile and booty which he wan he raised a good round masse of money and sent it all to Sparta Being now ready to embarke for to depart out of Aegypt upon the point of returne home he died and at his death expresly charged those who were about him that they should make no image or statue whatsoever representing the similitude of his personage For that quoth he if I have done any vertuous act in my life time that will be a monument sufficient to eternize my memorie if not all the images statues and pictures in the world will not serve the turne since they be the workes onely of mechanicall artificers which are of no woorth and estimation AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Cleombrotus when one related in his presence that Philip K. of Macedon had in few daies demolished and raced the citie Olinthus Par die quoth he Philip will not be able in many more daies to build the like to it Another said unto him by way of reproch that himselfe king as he was and other citizens men growen of middle age were delivered as hostages and neither their children nor wives Good reason quoth he and so it ought to be according to justice that we our selves and no others should beare the blame and paine of our faults And when he was minded to send for certaine dog-whelps from home one said unto him that there might not be suffered any of them to goe out of the countrey No more was it permitted heeretofore quoth hee for men to be lead foorth but now it is allowed well enough AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Pausanias when as the Athenians said to him That they were content to report themselves to the judgement of the Megarians as touching certaine variances and differences between them and complaints which they made one against another spake thus unto them Why my masters of Athens this were a great shame indeed that they who are the chiefe and the verie leaders of all other Greeks should lesse skill what is just than the Megarians AG is the sonne of Archidamus at what time as the Ephori spake thus unto him Take with you the yoong able men of this citie go into the countrey of such an one for he wil conduct you his owne selfe as farre as to the verie castle of his city And what reason is it quoth he my masters you that be Ephori to commit the lives of so many lustie gallants into his hands who is a traitour to his native countrey One demaunded of him what science was principally exercised in the citie of Sparta Marie quoth he the knowledge how to obey and how to rule He was woont to say that the Lacedaemonians never asked how many their enemies were but where they were Being forbidden to fight with his enemies at the battell of Mantinea because they were far more in number He must of necessity quoth he fight with many that would have the cōmand rule of many Unto another who asked what number there might be