Angle of the Sunne beames heateth and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto it might expresly be set downe what force of heat and cold is in all regions Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat but a temperate aire rather tending to cold For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde and vse the benefite of fire as well as we especially in the euening when they goe to bed for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed of which two fires the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights Also in many places of Torrida Zona especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous the people a litle shrincke at the cold and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed especially in Winter whereby appeareth that with their heat there is colde intermingled else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise For when they goe to warres they will put off all their apparell thinking it to be combersome and will alwayes goe naked that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot because the people of the countrey can and doe liue without clothing wherein they childishly are deceiued for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde because wee cannot liue without clothing for this our double lining furring and wearing so many clothes is a remedy against extremitie and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation but inconuenience and iniury of colde and that is rather the moderate temperate and delectable habitation where none of these troublesome things are required but that we may liue naked and bare as nature bringeth vs foorth Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot because the people of Africa especially the Ethiopians are so cole blacke and their haire like wooll curled short which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne which how it should be possible I cannot see for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America and in the East Indies and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke but tauney and white with long haire vncurled as wee haue so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both they abiding in one Parallel for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike and equidistant to the earth except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis and Oppositum which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat but by way of Angle in reflection and not by his neerenesse to the earth for throughout all Africa yea in the middest of the middle Zone and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne then the people are in the valley by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile frost and snow is engendred is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is and yet there continueth perpetuall cold because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England who taking a faire English woman to wife begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was although England were his natiue countrey and an English woman his mother whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong that neither the nature of the Clime neither the good complexion of the mother concurring coulde any thing alter and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime And for a more fresh example our people of Meta Incognita of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande that were brought this last yeere into England were all generally of the same colour that many nations be lying in the middest of the middle Zone And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire but also in their bodies which were stil couered with garments as ours are yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are No the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees for in effect they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone and as I saide fourtie degrees from the burning Zone whereby it followeth that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse And the most probable cause to my iudgement is that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey and so all the whole progenie of them descended are still polluted with the same blot of infection Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose to examine the first originall of these blacke men and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth there remained no moe men aliue but Noe and his three sonnes Sem Cham and Iaphet who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem Cham or Iaphet as the onely sonnes of Noe who all three being white and their wiues also by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee
stand vpon her guard because he was now most certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queens Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together to â—urnish her own ships of warre the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole nauy she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England c. Under whom the renoumed Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Uice-admiral The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And whereas it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend mightie army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a bridge though it were very late first Unto the sayd army came in proper person the Queens most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principall catholique Recusants least they should stirre vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certaine conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry bishops and noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemencie gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humanitie and friendship The prouinces of Holland and Zeland c. giuing credite vnto their intelligence out of Spain made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous seas all along their coasts Wherfore they stood most in doubt of the duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of 90. and aboue in a readinesse for all assayes the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their riuers and shallow seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis fortified all their sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided 25. or 30. good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admiral of Zeland supplied that squadron with 35. ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with gunnes mariners and souldiers in great abundance and especially with 1200. braue Musquetiers hauing bene accustomed vnto sea-fights and being chosen out of all their companies for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in that Station that the duke of Parma could not issue foorth with his nauy into the sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Spanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Baie of Corunna aliâs the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mightie tempest that the whole Fleete was dispersed so that when the duke was returned vnto his company he could notescry aboue 80. ships in all whereunto the residue by litle and litle ioyned themselues eccept eight which had their mastes blowen ouer-boord One of the foure gallies of Portingal escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English captiue whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their gouernours and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriuing in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The nauy hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine receiuing daily commandement from the king to hasten their iourney hoised vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narow seas or English chanel From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certaine of their smal ships vnto the duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English pinasse captaine whereof was M. Thomas Fleming after they had bene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately returned home into Plimmouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries who considering the foresayd tempest were of opinion that the nauy being of late dispersed and lossed vp and downe the maine Ocean was by no means able to performe their intended voiage Moreouer the L. Charles Howard L. high admiral of England had receiued letters from the court signifying vnto him that her Maiestie was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come foorth nor was to be any longer expected for and therefore that vpon her Maiesties commandement he must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest ships vnto Chattam The lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden namely vpon the 19. of Iuly about foure of the clocke in the afternoone enformed by the pinasse of captaine Fleming aforesaid of the Spaniards approch with all speed and diligence possible he warped his ships and caused his manners and souldiers the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesayd to come on boord and that with great trouble and difficultie insomuch that the lord Admiral himselfe was faine to lie without in the road with sixe ships onely all that night
toward the North are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budomel not farre from the riuer of Senega And from hence toward the inland regions and along by the sea coast are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea which we commonly call Ginnee On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean is the cape or point called Cabo verde or Caput viride that is the greene cape to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they saile to America or the land of Brasile Then departing from hence they turne to the right hand toward the quarter of the winde called Garbino which is betweene the West and the South But to speake some what more of AEthiopia although there are many nations of people so named yet is Aethiopia chiefly diuided into two parts whereof the one is called Aethiopia vnder Aegypt a great rich region To this perteineth the Island Meroe imbraced round about with the stremes of the riuer Nilus In this Island women reigned in old time Iosephus writeth that it was sometime called Sabea and that the Queene of Saba came from thence to Ierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon FroÌ„ hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperor Prester Iohn whom some cal Papa Iohannes other say that he is called Pean Iuan that is great Iohn whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus and is extended to the coasts of the Red sea Indian sea The middle of the region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude and 12. degrees of latitude About this region inhabite the people called Clodi Risophagi Babylonij Axiunitae Molili and Molibae After these is the region called Troglodytica whose inhabitantsâ— dwel in caues and dennes for these are their houses the flesh of serpents their meat as writeth Plinie and Diodorus Siculus They haue no speachâ— but rather a grinning and chattering There are also people without heads called Blemines hauing their eyes and mouth in their breast Likewise Strucophagi and naked Ganphasantes Satyrs also which haue nothing of men but onely shape Moreouer Oripei great hunters Mennones also and the region of Smyrnophora which bringeth foorth myrthe After these is the region of Azania in the which many Elephants are found A great part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the Aequinoctiall line are now ascribed to the kingdome of Melinde whose inhabitants are accustomed to trafique with the nations of Arabia and their king is ioyned in friendship with the king of Portugal and payeth tribute to Prester Iohn The other Ethiope called AEthiopia interior that is the inner Ethiope is not yet knowne for the greatnesse thereof but onely by the sea coastes yet is it described in this maner First from the Aequinoctiall toward y e South is a great region of Aethiopians which bringeth forth white Elephants Tygers and the beastes called Rhinocerotes Also a region that bringeth foorth plenty of cynamoâ—e lying betweene the branches of Nilus Also the kingdome of Habech or Habasia a region of Christian men lying both on this side and beyond Nilus Here are also the Aethiopians called Ichthiophagi that is such as liue onely by fish and were sometimes subdued by the warres of great Alexander Furthermore the Aethiopians called Rhapsij Anthropophâ—gi y t are accustomed to eat mans flesh inhabite the regions neere vnto the mountains called Monteâ— Lunae that is the mountaines of the Moone Gazatia is vnder the Tropike of Capricorne After this followeth the front of Afrike the Cape of Buena Speranza or Caput Bonae Spei that is the Cape of good hope by the which they passe that saile from Lisbon to Calicut But by what names the Capes and gulfes are called forasmuch as the same are in euery globe and card it were here superfluous to rehearse them Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians because it is without colde For the Greeke letter Alpha or A signifieth priuation voyd or without and Phrice signifieth colde For in deed although in the stead of Winter they haue a cloudy and tempestuous season yet is it not colde but rather smoothering hote with hote showres of raine also and somewhere such scorching windes that what by one meanes and other they seeme at certaine times to liue as it were iâ— fornaces and in maner already halfe way in Purgatorie or hell Gemma Phrisius writeth that iâ— certaine parts of Africa as in Atlas the greater the aire in the night season is seene shining with many strange fires and flames rising in maner as high as the Moone and that in the element are sometime heard as it were the sound of pipes trumpets and drummes which noises may perhaps be caused by the vehement and sundry motions of such firie exhalations in the aire as we see the like in many experiences wrought by fire aire and winde The hollownesse also and diuers reflexions and breaking of the cloudes may be great causes hereof beside the vehement colde of the middle region of the aire whereby the said fiery exhalations ascending thither are suddenly stricken backe with great force for euen common and dayly experience teacheth vs by the whissing of a burning torch what noise fire maketh in the aire and much more where it striueth when it is inclosed with aire as appeareth in gunnes and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed as in Organ pipes and such other instruments that go by winde For winde as say the Philosophers is none other then aire vehemently moued as we see in a paire of bellowes and such other Some of our men of good credit that were in this last voiage to Guinea affirme earnestly that in the night season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames of the moone The which thing although it be strange and insensible to vs that inhabite cold regions yet doeth it stand with good reason that it may so be forasmuch as the nature of starres and planets as writeth Plinie consisteth of fire and conteineth in it a spirit of life which cannot be without heat And that the Moone giueth heate vpon the earth the Prophet Dauid seemeth to confirme in his 121. Psalme where speaking of such men as are defended from euils by Gods protection hee saith thus Per diem Sol non exuret te nec Luna per noctem That is to say In the day the Sunne shall not burne thee nor the Moone by night They say furthermore that in certaine places of the sea they saw certaine streames of water which they call spouts falling out of the aire into the sea that some of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes and put them in great danger of drowning Some faine that these should be the Cataracts of heauen which were all opened at
fire and the side of a beare on a wooden spit left at the same by the Sauages that were fled There in the same place they found a boote of leather garnished on the ouâ—ward side of the caâ—fe with certaine braue trailes as it were of rawe silke and also found a certaine great warme mittâ—n And these caryed with them they returned to their shippe not finding the Sauages nor seeing any thing else besides the soyle and the things growing in the same which chiefly were store of firre and pine trees And further the said M. Dawbeny told him that lying there they grew into great want of victuals and that there they found small reliefe more then that they had from the nâ—st of an Osprey that brought hourely to her yong great plentie of diuers sorts of fishes But such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day that they were forced to seeke to relieue themselues of raw herbes and rootes that they sought on the maine but the famine increasing and the reliefe of herbes being to little purpose to satisfie their insatiable hunger in the fieldes and deserts here and there the fellowe killed his mate while he stooped to take vp a roote for his reliefe and cutting out pieces of his bodie whom he had muâ—thered â—royled the same on the coles and greedily deuoured them By this meane the company decreased and the officers knew not what was become of them And iâ— fortuned that one of the company driuen with hunger to seeke abroade for reliefe found out in the fieldes the sauour of broyled flesh and fell out with one for that he would suffer him and his fellowes to sterue enioying plentie as he thought and this matter growing to câ—uell speaches he that had the broyled meate burst out into these wordes If thou wouldest needes know the broyled meate that I had was a piece of such a mans buttocke The report of this brought to the ship the Captaine found what became of those that were missing was peâ—swaded that some of them were neither deuoured with wilde beastes nor yet destroyed with Sauages And hereupon hee stood vp and made a notable Oration containing Howe much these dealings offendâ—d the Almightie and vouched the Scriptures from first to last what God had in cases to distresse done for them that called vpon him and told them that the power of the Almighty was then no lesse then in al former time it had bene And added that if it had not pleased God to haue holpâ—n them in that distresse that it had bene better to haue perished in body and to haue liued euerlastingly then to haue relieued for a poore time their mortal bodyes and to bee condemned euerlastingly boâ—h body and soule to the vnquenchable fire of hell And thus hauing â—nded to that effect he began to exhort to repâ—ntance and besought all the company to pray that it might please God to looke vpon their miserable present state and for his owne mercie to relieue the same The famine increasing and the inconuenience of the men that were missing being found they agreed amongst themselues rather then all should perish to cast lots who should be killed And such was the mercie of God that the same night there arriued a French ship in that port well furnished with vittaile and such was the policie of the English that they became masters of the same and changing ships and vittailing them they set sayle to come into England In their iourney they were so farre Northwards that they sawe mighty Islands of yâ—e in the sommer season on which were haukes and other foules to rest themselues being weary of flying ouer farre from the maine They sawe also certaine great white foules with red bils and red legs somewhat bigger then Herons which they supposed to be Storkes They arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the â—nde of October From thence they departed vnto a certaine castle belonging to sir Iohn Luttrell where M. Thomas Buts and M. Rastall and other Gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly entertained after that they came to the Earle of Bathe at Bathe and thence to Bristoll so to London M. Buâ—s was so changed in the voyage with hunger and miserie that sir William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not to be their sonne vntill they found a secret marke which was a waâ—â— vpon one of his knees as hee told me Richard Hakluyt of Oxford himselfe to whom I rode 200. miles onely to learne the whole trueth of this voyage from his oâ—â— mouth as being the onely man now aliue that was in this discouerie Certaine moneths after those Frenchmen came into England and made complaint to king Henry the 8 the king causing the matter to be examined and finding the great distresse of his subiects and the causes of the dealing so with the French was so mooued with pitie that he punished not his subiects but of his owne purse made full and royall recompence vnto the French In this distresse of famine the English did somewhat relieue their vitall spirits by drinking at the springs the fresh water out of certaine wooden cups out of which they had drunke their Aqua composita before An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Iseland Newfoundland made in An .2 Edwards sexti FOrasmuch as within these few yeeres now last past there haue bene leuied perceiued taken by certaine of the officers of the Admiraltie of such Marchants and fishermen as haue vsed and practised the aduentures and iourneys into Iseland Newfoundland Ireland and other places commodious for fishing and the getting of fish in and vpon the Seas or otherwise by way of Marchants in those parties diuers great exactions as summes of money doles or shares of fish and such other like things to the great discouragement hinderance of the same Marchants and fishermen and to no little dammage of the whole common wealth and thereof also great complaints haue bene made informations also yerely to the kings Maiesties most honourable councell for reformation whereof and to the intent also that the sayd Marchants and fishermen may haue occasion the rather to practise vse the same trade of marchandizing fishing freely without any such charges and exactions as are before limited wherby it is to be thought that more plentie of fish shall come into this Realme and thereby to haue the same at more reasonable prices Be it therfore enacted by the king our soueraigne Lord and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled and by authoritie of the same that neither the Admiral nor any officer or minister officers or ministers of the Admiraltie for the time being shall in any wise hereafter exact receiue or take by himselfe his seruant deputie seruants or deputies of any such Marchant or fisherman any summe or summes of money doles or
munitions which I cease to recite The fâ—urth day of Iune in the morning wee departed from thence but before our departure wee ouerthrew on the one side of the steepe hill two bases of yron which we found there planâ—ed by the enemie and so set foâ—ward toward our ships and by 12 of the clocke came to the waters side and therâ— remayned in the fort which wee had taken before vntill the fift day at night in which tiâ—e we laded some small quantity of hides and Salsâ—-perilla which we found there at our first landing So the fift day at night we departed from thence to goe to a towne called Coro but before wee departed wee see â—ire in the fort and all the Indians houses that were about it and burnt them Then we set sayle and standing along the coast our Spanish guide signified vnto vs that there were foure sayles of ships aboue fiue leagues from thence in a place called Checherebiche and Caio and Maio. So the 6 day in the morning we were thwart of the place and there our generall sent away his long boate with captaine Sommers vnto those places where they found 3 of the ships but the Spaniards had conueyed their sailes ashore into the woods so that they couâ—d not bring them off but set fire in them and burnt them From hence we stood along the shore saâ—ling vntill the ninth day of Iune on which day toward the euening we imbarked our selues in our pinnesses and small carauels to land at Coros but we had none that knew the place certaineâ—y wherefore we ankored that nâ—ght some two leagues to the Eastward of it and in the morning I went on land and nâ—ne more with me to see if we could discouer the towne but we could not wee went aboue a league vp into the countrey but could not see any village or towne So returning backe wee met our Generall with diuers others which came ashore with him with whom we marched into the countrey againe but coâ—ld see nothing so returned At the water side captaine Prowse died There we remained alâ— thâ—t day on land by reason the wind blew so much that wee could not get aboord vnâ—ill the euening After our comming aboord a bâ—aâ— which we sent into the bay returnâ—d and brought vs newes that there rode a barke within the bay and by all likelyhood the towne should be there So presently our Generall went into the bay with the Derâ—ing and some of the small carauels The tenth day in the morning the rest of our shipping came inâ—o the bay and our men laâ—ded the same day about 10 or 11 of the clocke in the night so marched on toward the towne but in the way tâ—ey had made barâ—cados and kept them very strongly Notwithstanding the courage of our men wâ—s such as that they feared nothing and forced them to leaue their forces and flie Hauing wonâ—â— this baricado they there remained vntill the next day being the 11 of Iune and then early in the moâ—ning they marched on towards the towne where by the way the enemie often times came to skirmish with them but alwayes fled In fine they wan the towne without any great losse of men God be thanked Hauing gotten the town they found nothing in it at all for they had intelligence from Sant Iago how wee had vâ—ed them before which caused them to conuey â—ll tâ—â—ir gâ—ods â—nto the mountaines and woodâ— finding nothing in it our Generall caused it to be set on fire thinking it not good to remâ—ine there but to returne againe baâ—ke to the ships and the greatest cause was by reason of the departure of captâ—ine Sommers who the day before in a most fuâ—ious â—â—mpest bâ—ing in the pinnesse with some 50 men at anâ—â—r had hiâ— cables broken and loâ—t alâ— his ankeâ—s and so wâ—s fame to put â—o sea to saue himselfe otherwise they had bene in danger of pâ—râ—shing Thus our General and his company returned backe againe â—he â—â—elftâ— day and unbarked themselues and departed away with all speede to seeke capâ—aine Sâ—mmers The 13 towâ—rd night hee came where captaine Soâ—mers was and found hâ—m riding but not by â—â—ie ankâ—rs but by two bases which they had made for to stay their barke by at which meeting the compâ—ny was very glad Then they detâ—rmined to go into a mighty great bay to a tâ—wne called Laguna but the bay was so deepe and should with iâ— that we returned backe againe afâ—er wâ—e had stood in two daies â— a night So we sayled ouer towâ—rd the Isle of Hiâ—paniola the sixteenth of Iune and the twentiâ—tâ— day we saw it The 21 we ankâ—red vnder Cape Tiburon Here we watered and sâ—ayed vâ—till the 25 of the same After ouâ— dâ—partâ—re out of the bay oâ— Laguna a great sicknes fell among our â—â—eeâ—e and there died about eighty mâ—n of the same This sicknesse was the fluâ—e of the bellieâ— which is a common disease in that countrey We remayned about this Iâ—land vntill the eight and twentieth of this moneth Then we departed from thence and the second of Iuly arriued at the Island of Iamaica Before our comming hither the three ships of Hampton had forsâ—ken vs and left our company And the Deâ—ling wherein was captaine Iones was sent to discouer some other secret matter in which discouery the valiant gentleman ended his life So our whole fleeâ—e was now but our generall with captaine Sâ—mmers and a small pinnesse We stayed at this Isle of Iamaica vntil the sixt of Iuly in which meane time we landed to see if we could kill any beâ—ues but we could not they were so wild â—ere is great store of them and great plenty of fresh-fish We departed hencâ— the 6 of Iuly and passed by the Islands called Caimanes and the Isle de Pinos and the 12 of the said moneth by Cape de â—ortiâ—â—tes where we wâ—tered and â—he same night wee set saile towards the cape of S. Anthony bâ—â—ng the westermost part of the Isle of Cuba The 13 day in the morning we were vnder the 〈◊〉 and the samâ— day we met with the honourable knight Sir Walter Ralegh returniâ—g fâ—om his paiâ—eful and happie discouery of Guiana and his surprise of the Isle of Trinidad So with glad heâ—râ—s wee kept him and his fleete of three ships company till the twentieth day aâ— niâ—ht what 〈…〉 lâ—st them In all which time nothing of moment fell out saue that we gaue chase to a couple of â—rigats â—ut could not fetch them Afterward we plyed to recouer Hauana vntill the fiue and twentieth of Iuly then we set our course for the head of the Martyrs the 27 we were in sight of them The 28 wee entred the gulfe of Bahama then we set our course homâ—ward toward Newfoundland but we could not fetch it but were on the Banke and tooke fish there the 20 day of August The same night we set sayle to come
from Rochel It were good that your Maiestie would send into France to knowe the certainetie thereof The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Canibals of Petiguar haue ioyned themselues in companie with certaine Frenchmen which were cast away in two ships vpon this coast The one of these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles and the other ship was this mans And those Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne themselues with those Canibals which did â—eâ—â—l and did diuide themselues into two squadrons So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he should send me aide and munition But he sent me word againe that he had none to spare and that he did purpose with all speede to goe himselfe to Rio Grande and that he was not able to furnish himselfe so well as he could wish nor to bring his souldiers into the field for lacke of shot powder and other munition which he did want Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched to the enemies campe and there ioyning battell with the Indian rebels which were ioyned with the Frenchmen that â—â—ce their leaders I did set vpon them and slew great store of them and tooke fourteene of them prisoners They doe report the very same newes which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio Grande and how their pretence was to haue come and haue taken vs and spoyled the countrey But now being put to flight and hauing receiued the ouerthrow they can get no victuals to victuall their shippes which hath bene the cause that they are mightily hindered in their intent and dare not come any more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed that in haste they will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen So by these meanes of necessitie the Indians must submit themselues vnto vs considering they are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a long time Likewise they haue enformed me touching the siluer mines which are found that it is most true For those french shippes which were in Rio Grande haue laden great store of the oare Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens newes and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make readie foure ships and three hundred souldiers and so to take the harbour of Rio Grande being now cleered and voyde of the enemie and to search out the situation of the place and where were best to fortifie and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer where neede shall require Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word that when he went himselfe and found it true which hath beene reported touching the siluer mines that then he would send both men and ships Therefore your Maiestie must giue order that the rest of the Gouernours shall ayde and assist me in these warres otherwise of my selfe I am not able to doe more then I haue alreadie done in defending of this countrey against our enemies which are many It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised that from time to time I haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general of this realme who is in Baia as concerning these Frenchmen of warre but he will not answere me to any purpose because I do write vnto him for such things as I doe want which are shot powder men and munition requisite for your Maiesties seruice safegard of this captaineship For here are neither shot powder nor any thing els to defend vs from our enemies nor any that wil put to their helping hands for the defence of this countrey the seruice of your Maiestie And therfore it were needfull that your Maiesty should commit the charge and gouernment into the hands of Diego Sierua with expresse charge that all the captaines commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at all times to aide and assist him in your seruice Otherwise this countrey cannot be kept and maintained hauing so great warres continually as we haue and are troubled withall For this Diego Sierua is a very good souldier and hath good experience and is fit to gouerne this countrey Your Highnesse is also to send him Commission with expresse coÌ„mandement to follow these wars otherwise this countrey cannot be kept but daily they will rebell For here are none that will serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do who wil haue a great care in any thing which shal coÌ„cerne your Maiestes seruice touching the estate of this countrey For the Gouernour Sousa doth spend your Maiesties treasure in building his owne Ingenios or sugar-milles And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send hither must bring with them shot powder and all kind of weapons furniture and munition for the defence and safegarde of this countrey and for the conquest of Rio Grande For there is no kind of munition in al this câ—untrey to be had if occasion should serue It were also good that your Maiestie should send order for the building of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabodelo for they be very needefull for the defence of the enemie which dayly doth warre against this Captaineship For that man which shall gouerne this countrey if he be no more fortunate then I haue bene hitherto shall not misse one time or another but he shall loose all the countrey If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent mee those two hundred and fiftie souldiers which I did send for which were in garison in the castle of Arâ—ecife which doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals and treasure and had not sent them to Baiha where there was no neede these warres of Petiguar had bene ended long agone and had saued your Maiesty a great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this conquest of Rio Grande I haue chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas Cardoso to be Gouernour of Cabodelo who is a very sufficient man Furthermore it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the chiefest Friers of this Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on me to the lord Gouernour generall and haue caused great strife and debate betweene him and me touching the gouernment and rule of these Indian townes For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians and their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temperall causes as touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders But I haue resisted them in your Maiesties name and haue alleaged that none but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their countrey and that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie and not vnto the Friers But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the Friers behalfe which is this The King our master hath sent a decree and certaine statutes touching the good gouernment and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian townes and that vpon sight hereof I shall presently
they sawe the countrey so full of people but they tooke many Canoas wherein they had great store of victuals and some golde Now this Orellana comming vnto Margarita with these good newes and riches determined not to returne vnto his Captaine Pizarro which sent him but tooke his way from thence to the king of Spaine and presented him with the golde that he brought out of the riuer whereupon the king sent him with a fleete of shippes and siâ—e hundred men to inhabite the sayd riuer but because of the great current and sholdes that are therein hee left the most part of his men and shippes and with those that remained he went vnto certaine Ilandes hard by the riuer and built him Pinnesses but the countrey being very vnhealthfull himselfe and many of his men dyed and the residue went euery man which way pleased him best The same of this riuer was straightway spread through Spaine and Portugal insomuch that a Gentleman of Portugall called Lewis de Melo asked license of Don Iuan the third then king of Portugall to goe and conquere the sayd riuer for from the mouth of this riuer to the mouth of the riuer of Plate is that part of America which the kings of Portugall according to the partition made betweene them and the kings of Spaine doe holde so that the king of Portugall hauing this riuer in his part gaue it to the saide Lewis de Melo to conquere who taking tenne ships and eight hundred men among which many were gentlemen and comming to the mouth of this riuer lost all the said ships sauing two in one of the which two was Lewis de Melo himselfe also the most part of the men that were in the ships cast away were saued and got to the shore and so went by lande to the Iland of Margarita from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies Thus these two fleetes of ships being so vnfortunately cast away neuer durst any Captaine afterward attempt by sea to conquer the sayde riuer Howbeit from the kingdome of Nueua Granada before mentioned there haue gone two or three Captaines by land to discouer it for a rumour went ouer all the countrey of the great riches contained in this riuer whereupon the Spaniards named it El Dorado that is to say The golden riuer It is thought that God will not haue this riuer to be knowen for that one Captaine by lande had most of his people slaine by those of the countrey and others for want of victuals returned So that none of all these came to any plaine discouery till a few yeeres past a Captaine of the countrey of Nauarre called Pedro de Orzua who went from Peru almost the same way that Gonsalo Pizarro had before discouered and was accompanied with about some seuen hundred Spaniards it being a great maruell how he could get so many amongst whom were many Gentlemen and old souldiers of Peru who caused diuers mutinies and insurrections as hereafter I will more at large declare which mutinous souldiers were the cause of their captaines death Howbeit with all these men captaine Pedro de Orzua came vnto head of the said riuer but you must vnderstand that this riuer is nourished not onely with the waters and freshets that come from the mountaines of Peru but also by all the riuers betweene the Equinoctiall and sixteene degrees of Southerly latitude which fall thereinto and cause it to be so great Nowe at the head of this riuer the sayde Captaine Pedro de Orzua made fifteene Pinnesses with many Canoas wherein he carried aboue two thousand Indians to helpe him with many horses and other prouision as meaning to inhabite there for it was not possible for him to carry all his prouision by lande because the mountaines be very great there being also betweene them many small riuers which fall into this great riuer aboue twentie leagues out of the land So this captaine hauing all his things in good order went downe the riuer with his whole company and at length came from among the mountaines to a plaine countrey where the Indians dwelt and there he held a councell determining in the same place to build a towne and to fortifie it very strongly to the end he might leaue all his stuffe there and such men as were not souldiers And so they began to build the said towne and wrought vpon it all the winter where because it raineth much and withall is very hot sicknes and want of victuals began to preuaile amongst them wherupon the souldiers fell a murmuring among themselues For comming out of Peru which is one of the frutfullest richest countries of the world they were more inclined to haue their fill of bread and meat then to apply their bodies to labour which was the cause that albeit the countrey in which they now were was exceeding fruitfull and that they saw with their eyes most euident apparances of golde also that vp into the countrey it seemed to be much better yet for all this they murmured would needes returne for Peru from whence they came In the company of these men there was a souldier of Biskay called Lopez de Agira a very little man of bodie lame of one of his legs but very valiant and of good experience in the warres This man hauing bene one of the principall mutiners in Peru could not here giue ouer his old wont but asked his fellow-souldiers what they went to seeke for in those wild deserts whither they were brought For said he if you seeke riches there are enough in Peru and there is bread wine flesh and faire women also so that it were better to conquer that and to take it out of the handes of the Spaniardes and that it were no hard enterprize because all the souldiers and poore men of Peru would turne vnto them and that that were a better course then to goe and conquere the sauage people in those mountaines so that â—nce hauing the gouernment of Peru the king of Spaine should be inforced to agree with them â—â—â— sayd he we shall not lacke them that will succour vs to haue the riches of Peru. By â—â—â— perswasions he brought many souldiers to be of his minde and conspired also with a young â—â—â— man of Siuill called Don Fernando de Gusman who was in loue with a young woman â—â—â— the captaine Pedro de Orzua had and therefore did the sooner agree vnto the wicked intent of Agira to murther the captaine Who on a night being asleepe in his bed the said conspirators and their faction entered into his bed-chamber and there stabbed him with their daggers which being done they slew also all the Captaines that were his friends and therewithall made a great out-cry saying God saue the king God saue the king whereupon all the campe was in an vprore Then Lopez de Agira made vnto the souldiers a long oration and got them all to consent vnto him some by force and
one of them hath her family and dwelling place by her selfe And sometime the Tartar eateth drinketh and lieth with one and sometime with another One is accompted chiefe among the rest with whom hee is oftener conuersant then with the other And notwithstanding as it hath bin said they are many yet do they seldome fal out among themselues Of their superstitious traditions Chap. 7. BUt by reason of certain traditions which either they or their predecessors haue deuised they accompt some things indifferent to be faults One is to thrust a knife into the fire or any way to touch the fire with a knife or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldroÌ„ or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the fire For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire Another is to leane vpon the whip wherewith they beate their horses for they ride not with spurs Also to touch arrowes with a whip to take or kill yong birds to strike an horse with y e raine of their bridle and to breake one bone against another Also to powre out milke meate or any kinde of drinke vpon the ground or to make water within their tabernacle which whosoeuer doth willingly he is slaine but otherwise he must pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein to passe betweene two fiers Before it be on this wise purified no man dare once enter into it nor conueigh any thing thereout Besides if any man hath a morsell giuen him which he is not able to swallow and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth there is an hole made vnder his tabernacle by which hee is drawen forth and slaine without all compassion Likewise whosoeuer â—reads vpon the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles he is put to death Many other things there be like vnto these which they take for heinous offences But to slay men to inuade the dominions of other people and to rifle theiâ— goods to transgresse the commaundements and prohibitions of God are with them no offences at all They know nothing concerning eternall life and euerlasting damnation and yet they thinke that after death they shall liue in another world that they shall multiply their cattell that they shal eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe here vpon earth At a new moone or a full moone they begin all enterprises that they take in hand and they call the moone the Great Emperour and worship it vpon their knees All men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire Which purification is on this wise They kindle two fires and pitch two Iauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires binding a corde to the tops of the Iauelines And about the corde they tye certaine iagges of buckram vnder which corde and betweene which fires men beastes and tabernacles do passe There stand two women also one on the right side and another on the left casting water and repeating certaine charmes If any man be slaine by lightning all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid For their tabernacles beds and cartes their feltes and garments and whatsoeuer such things they haue are touched by no man yea and are abandoned by all men as things vncleane And to bee short they thinke that all things are to be purged by fire Therefore when any ambassadours princes or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft or haue brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment Chap. 7. THe East countrie whereof wee haue entreated which is called Mongal is repâ—rted to haue had of olde time foure sortes of people One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal that is the great Mongals The second company was called Sumongal that is the Water-Mongals who called themselues Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named Tartar The third was called Merkat and the fourth Metrit All these people has one and the same person attire of body and language albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces In the prouince of Yeka Mongal there was a certaine man called Chingis This man became a mighty hunter For he learned to steale men to take them for a pray He ranged into other countries taking as many captiues as he could and ioining them vnto himselfe Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey vnto him who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals or Tartars and slewe their captaine and after many conflicts subdued them vnto himselfe and brought them all into bondage Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats dwelling by the Tartars whom also hee vanquished in battell Proceeding from thence he fought against the Metrites and conquered them also The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted greatly disdeined thereat For they had a mighty puissant Emperour vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute Whose sonnes when he was dead succeeded him in his Empire Howbeit being young and foolish they knew not howe to gouerne the people but were diuided and fell at variance among themselues Now Chingis is being exalted as is aforesaid they neuerthelesse inuaded the forenamed countries put the inhabitants to the sword and carried away their goods for a pray Which Chingis hauing intelligence of gathered all his subiects together The Naimani also and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a certaine straight valley where after a battell foughten they were vanquished by the Mongals And being thus vanquished they were the greater part of them slaine and others which could not escape were carried into captiuitie In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans Occoday Cham the sonne of Chingis Cham after he was created Emperour built a certaine citie which he called Chanyl Neare vnto which citie on the South side there is an huge desert wherein wilde men are certainely reported to inhabite which cannot speake at all and are destitute of ioynts in their legges so that if they fall they cannot rise alone by themselues Howbeit they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels haire wherewith they clothe themselues and which they holde against the winde And if at any time the Tartars pursuing them chance to wound them with their arrowes they put herbes into their wounds and flye strongly before them Of the mutuall victories betweene them and the people of Kythay Chap. 9. BUt the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey prepared themselues to battell against the Kythayans Which their Emperour hearing set forward against them with his armie and they fought a cruell battell wherein the Mongals were
by the saide gouernour as is saide may take their wages for their paines attendances vpon the said marchants according to the custome of the said countreis and as they haue bene accustomed to take of the said marchants before these presents by vs giuen and graunted And hereupon we haue giuen and doe giue expresse charge and commandement by vs and in our names to all our said subiects common marchants and mariners and to euery of them which shall frequent come remaine passe repaire or inhabite within the countreis aforesaid that they shall not make contract or bargaine sell or buy nor shall not cause any contract or bargaâ—ne to be made nor in the said countreis sell or buy any maner of wares goods or marchandises secretely nor openly by way of fraude barat or deceite whatsoeuer with any person or persons of what estate countrey or condition soeuer they be without he hath some of the said brokers at the bargain making to present report and to testifie the said contracts or bargains before the said gouernor or others if need require and strife or contention should grow therof betweene them nor to packe or cause to be packed any goods or marchandises belonging vnto them in packs bales or fardels coffers chests maunds dryfats or rowles without hauing some deputy present thereat nor to take or cause to be taken or set on worke in the said countreis any other brokers alnagers weighers folders or packers then the aforesaid so chosen admitted established and ordained by the saide gouernor hereto authorized in our name as it is said vnder paine of falling into and incurring of our displeasure and of forfeiture and confiscation of all such goods wares and marchandises which shal be found to haue passed by other hands or order then that or those which are before mentioned the fourth part of which forfeitures and confiscations shall be imployed to the repairing and maintenance of two chappels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of Canterburie by our saide subiects in the townes of Bruges in Flanders and of Middleborough in Zeland the other fourth part to vs our vse the third fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundie or the natural Lord of the countrey wherein the saide goâ—ds shall be found and the fourth fourth part to him or them which shall discouer detect or finde out the saide fraude And also that none of our said subiects shall vnlade or cause to be vnladen vnder any colour nor otherwise nor vnpacke in the countreis abouesaide no kind of wares goods nor marchandises whatsoeuer which they shall bring or cause to bee brought into the couutreyes aforesaide comming out of our countrâ—yes dominions or obeysance without first and beforehand they make the gouernour or his deputies acquainted with their arriuall and craue leaue and deliuer shewe and declare their cockets that it may duely appeare that the saide goods and marchandises haue truly and lawfully payde vnto vs our rights and customes and not to vnpacke them but in the presence of the saide gouernour his lieuetenants or deputies vpon paine of forfaiture and confiscation of the saide goods in maner and forme before declared in the foresaide article And if it bee found by the visitation of the saide gouernor his lieuetenants or deputies that any goods wares or marchandises whatsoeuer be arriued and discharged in the countreis aforesaid belonging to our saide subiectes not lawfully customed and acquited towarde vs of our right and custome for which they cannot nor are not able to make any due proofe of our letters of coquet as is metioned or if they finde any other fraud we will we ordaine and we grant that the sayd gouernour his lieutenants or deputies may seaze vpon the sayd goods on our behalfe and may confiscate and forfeit the same distributing the same into foure parts in maner aforesayd And also wee will that euery one of the sayd packes fardels baskets maunds cofers tunnes bales roules and other furnitures and geare wherein the sayd marchandises shal be packed to be sent out of the said countreis shall not be laden vpon ships carts nor horses to come into our dominion without being first sealed with a seale ordayned by vs and giuen by the sayd gouernour vpon paine to be forfayted applyed and confiscated to vs and into our hand if they be found vnsigned and not sealed with the seale And for euery piece of marchandise which shall be sealed with the sayd seale they shall pay to the sayd sealer two pence of grosse money of Flanders which shall goe to the profite of the sayd gouernour And forasmuch as according to right and conscience we ought not to vse the labour trauels nor seruice of any man without waging paying and fully contenting him according to reason and equity especially when we doe appoint any person or persons to doe or cause to be done so great trauels labours busines and executions as these which are contayned in this present charter aswell for the benefit and profit of vs and our selues as for the holesome perfect good gouernment of our sayd subiects we by the good aduise and deliberation of the sayd lords of our priuie counsell haue granted and giuen and as before doe grant and giue of our sayd grace to the sayd William Obray our sayd seruant and gouernour abouenamed during our pleasure for part of his wages and fee of the sayd office one pennie of our money of England of the value of a liuer of grosse money of Flanders vpon al and singuler the goods wares and marchandises of our sayd subiects frequenting the sayd countreis to be leuyed gathered receiued and payed vnto the sayd William Obray or to his deputies vpon the sayd wares and marchandises belonging vnto our sayd said subiects buying and selling or which they shall cause to sell buy put away trucke or exchange in the countreys abouesaid aswell of the goods and marchandises which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the sayd countries as of all other goods which they shall lade and carie or cause to bee caried and conueyed out of those countreis into our dominion or elsewhere into any other part whatsoeuer And to cause the same to be gathered receiued leauied and payed we haue giuen and by these presents doe giue full power and speciall authoritie vnto the sayd William Obray and to his lieutenants and deputies aforesayd to leauy gather and cause to bee leauied and receiued the sayd money in forme and maner aboue mentioned to his profite and vse during our pleasure and to enioy and vse the same as his proper goods without any contradiction constraining and arresting if neede bee as well on land as on the water our said subiects their sayd goods and euery of them by way of law and iustice and to cause them to yeelde and pay the sayd money vpon the said goods and marchandises as is aforesayd For such is our pleasure and so will we haue it done without contradiction
sonnes and nephewes of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on and began to take vpon him the title of the great Duke of Vvlodimiria Moscouia and Nouogardia and to call himselfe the Monarch or Czar of all Russia He brought vnder his subiection two principall cities namely Plesco being the only walled citie in all Moscouie and Mouogrod both of them being in regard of traffike most riche and flourishing cities and hauing bin subiect vnto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. yeeres before The treasure of Nouogrod was so exceeding that the great Duke is reported to haue carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and siluer He also was the first man that waged warre against the Polonians and the Liuonians against Polonia he pretended a quarell alleaging that his daughter Helena whome hee had married vnto Alexander the great Duke of Lithuania which was afterward king of Polonia was euil intreated and was withdrawen from the Greekish religion vnto the ceremonies of the Church of Rome But against the Liuonians for none other cause but onely for an incredible desire of enlarging his dominions Howbeit what impulsiue causes of litle or no moment happened in the mean season we will in another place more plainely declare Notwithstanding he was very often and in diuers battels vanguished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer vpon this discourse He was married first vnto Marie the Duke of Tyuersky his daughter and of her hee begate Iohn vnto whom in his life time he surrendred his Dukedome and married him vnto the daughter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldauia which Iohn after he had begotten his sonne Demetrius deceased before his father Afterward Iuan Vasilowich aforesaide married a wife called Sophia being daughter vnto Thomas Palaelogus which is reported to haue had her dowry out of the Popes treasury because the Moscouite had promised to conforme himselfe vnto the Romish Church This Sophia being a woman of a princely and aspiring minde and often complaining that she was married vnto the Tartars vassal at length by her instant intreatie and continual perswasions and by a notable stratageme she cast off that slauish yoke very much vnbeseeming so mighty a prince For whereas the Tartarian Duke had his procuratours and agents in the Moscouites court who dwelt iu their owne houses built within the very castle of Mosco and were eye witnesses of all affaires which were there performed Sophia said she was admonished from heauen to builde a Temple in the selfe same place where the Tartars house stoode and to consecrate it vnto Saint Nicholas Being therfore deliuered of a sonne she inuited the Tartarian Duke vnto the solemne baptizing of him and beeing come shee requested him to giue her his house and obtained it at his hands Which house being razed and those Tartarian espials beeing excluded the Tartars at length were quite bereaued and vtterly dispossessed of their authoritie which they had exercised ouer the Russians for many yeres and could neuer yet recouer it albeit they haue giuen sundry attempts Of his wife Sophia he begate sixe children namely a daughter called Helena fiue sonnes that is to say Gabriel Demetrius George Simeon and Andrew The Dukedome of right appertayned vnto Demetrius the sonne of Iohn which was the sonne of Vasilowich by his first marriage Howbeit Sophia preuailed so with her husband that neglecting his graund-childe Demetrius hee bestowed his Dukedome vpon Gabriel his sonne Andrew the younger had a sonne called Vvlodimir of whom Mary was borne which in the yeere of Christ 1573. was maried vnto Magnus the Duke of Holst Gabriel hauing obtained the great dukedome of Russia changed his name calling himselfe Basilius and applied his minde to the atchieuing of high and great enterprises For hee reduced a great part of the dukedome of Moscouie which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania helde in possession vnder his owne iurisdiction and wonne vpon the riuer of Boristhenes which the Russians call Neiper many cities and especially Smolensco in the yeere of our Lord 1514. Hauing diuorced his first wife hee begate of Helena daughter vnto Duke Glinskie Iuan Vasilowich which now this present 1580. reigneth as great Duke Hee was borne in the yeere of our Lorde 1528. the 25. of August sixe houres after the rising of the sonne The great dukedome of Russia fell vnto the said Iuan Vasilowich in the fifth yeere of his age hauing his vncle George for his great protector being 25. yeeres of age and being of a strong body and of a couragious mind he subdued the Tartars of Cazan and Astracan vpon the riuer of Volgha carrying their Dukes and chieftaines into captiuitie But by what wayes and meanes after the league which by the inâ—erecession of the most sacred Roman Emperour continued from the yeere 1503. for the space of fifty yeeres was expired hauing renewed warres against Liuonia hee brought that most flourishing prouince into extreame miserie vsing for the same purpose a new pretense and alleadging that it belonged vnto him by right of inheritance I tremble to recount and it requireth a large historie which perhaps in time and place conuenient some more learned then my selfe will take vpon them to addresse He is exceedingly addicted vnto piety and deuotion and doth oftentimes obserue very strict fastings and abstinence with his monks and wheras the Russes in doing reuerence adoration vnto God doe beate their foreheads against the ground this Iuan Vasilowich with performing of the same ceremonie causeth his forehead to be ful of boines and swellings and sometimes to be black and blew and very often to bleed He is much delighted with building of Churches spareth no cost for that purpose Whether therfore by nature or which hee pretendeth to be the cause by reason of his subiects malice treacherie he be so addicted vnto all rigour and cruelty I dare not determine especially sithens he hath not an illiberal or mishapen countenance as Attila is reported to haue had Of his first wife which was sister vnto Mikita Romanowich beeing nowe great steward of his houshold he begate two sonnes namely Iuan and Theodore And albeit he was fiue times married yet had he not one childe more Whereas this Iuan Vasilowich vpon certaine friuolous reasons calleth himselfe the naturall lord of Liuonia I thought it not amisse to adde an Epistle hereunto which was written by a certaine honourable man concerning the same matter S. All wee which inhabite this Prouince with all seemely reuerence and submission of mind do offer most humble thanks vnto the Emperors most sacred and peerelesse maiesty our most gracious lord in that according to his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendome and for the good commodity of this our distressed and afflicted countrey which these many yeres hath bin in stead of a bulwarke against the inuasion of barbarous nations he hath
yet further desiring and also most earnestly requiring you as you tender the state of our company that you will haue a speciall regard vnto the order of our houses our seruants aswell at Colmogro and Vologda as at Mosco and to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our seruants or apprentises wherby you thinke we might hereafter be put to hinderance or losse of any part of our goods or priuilege there that you doe not onely see the same reformed but also to certifie vs thereof by your letter at large as our trust is in you And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and goodnes of such things as we do partly suppose you shall finde in the partes of Russia we doe heerewith deliuer you a quantitie of certeine drugges wherby you may perceiue how to know the best and also there are noted the prices of such wares and drugges as be heere most vendible also we deliuer you heerewith one pound and one ounce weight in brasse to the end that you may therby with the bill of prices of wares know what things be worth here As for the knowledge of silks we need not to giue you any instructions thereof other then you know And if you vnderstand that any commoditie in Russia be profitable for vs to haue with you into Persia or other places our minde is that our Agents shall either prouide it for you or deliuer you money to make prouision yourselfe And because the Russes say that in traueiling Eastwardes from Colmogro thirty or forty dayes iourney there is the maine sea to be found we thinke that Richard Iohnson might imploy his time that way by land and to be at Mosco time enough to goe with you into Persia for if it be true that he may trauell to the sea that way and that he may know how many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro it will be a great helpe for vs to finde out the straight and passage that way if any be there to be had Gouernors William Gerard. Thomas Lodge William Merike Blase Sanders A compendioâ—s and briefe declaration of the iourney of M. Anth. Ienkinson from the famous citie of London into the land of Persia passing in this same iourney thorow Russia Moscouia and Mare Caspium aliâs Hircanum sent and imployed therein by the right worshipfull Societie of the Merchants Aduenturers for discouerie of Lands Islands c. Being begun the foureteenth day of May Anno 1561 and in the third yere of the reigne of the Queenes Maiestie that now is this present declaration being directed and written to the foresayd Societie FIrst imbarking my selfe in a good shippe of yours named the Swallow at Grauesend hauing a faire and good winde our anker then weyed and committing all to the protection of our God hauing in our sailing diuersitie of windes thereby forced to direct and obserue sundry courses not here rehearsed because you haue bene thereof heretofore amply informed on the fourteenth day of Iuly the yere aforesayd I arriued in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia and the sixe and twentieth day of the same moneth after conference then had with your Agents there concerning your worships affaires I departed from thence passing thorow the countrey of Vago and on the eight day of August then following I came to Vologda which is distant from Colmogro seuen hundred miles where I remained foure dayes attending the arriuall of one of your boats wherein was laden a chest of iewels with the present by your worships appointed for the Emperors Maiesty which being arriued and the chest receiued I therewith departed toward the city of Mosco and came thither the twentith day of the same moneth where I immediatly caused my comming to be signified vnto the Secretary of the Imperiall Maiesty with the Queenes Highnesse letters addressed vnto the same his Maiestie who informed the Emperour thereof But his Highnesse hauing great affaires and being at that present ready to be married vnto a Ladie of Chircassi of the Mahometicall law commanded that no stranger Ambassadour nor other should come before him for a time with further streight charge that during the space of three dayes that the same solemne feast was celebrating the gates of the citie should be shut and that no person stranger or natiue certeine of his houshold reserued should come out of their said houses during the said triumph the cause thereof vnto this day not being knowen The sixt of September following the Emperour made a great feast whereunto were called all Ambassadours and strangers being of reputation and hauing affaires amongst whom I was one but being willed by the Secretary first to come and to shew him the Queenes Maiesties letters I refused so to doe saying I would deliuer the same vnto the Emperours owne hands and not otherwise which heard the Secretarie answered that vnlesse he might first peruse the sayd letters I should not come into the Emperors presence so that I was not at the feast Neuerthelesse I was aduertised by a noble man that I was inquired for by the Emperours Maiestie although the cause of my absence was to his Maiestie vnknowen The next day following I caused a supplication to be made and presented it to his Highnesse owne hands and thereby declared the cause of my comming signified by the Queenes Maiesties letters and the answere of his sayd Secretary most humbly beseeching his Grace that he would receiue and accept the same heâ— Highnesse letters with such honour and friendship as his letters sent by Osep Napea were receiued by the hands of our late Souereigne Lady Queene Mary or els that it would please his Highnes to dismisse me saying that I would not deliuer the said letters but vnto his owne hands for that it is so vsed in our countrey Thus the matter being pondered and the effect of my supplication well disgested I was foorthwith commaunded to come with the said letters before his Maiestie and so deliuered the same into his owne hands with such presents as by you were appointed according to my request which were gratefully accepted the same day I dined in his Graces presence with great entertainment Shortly after I desired to know whether I should be licenced to passe thorow his Highnesse dominions into the land of Persia according to the Queenes Maiesties request hereunto it was answered that I should not passe thither for that his Maiestie meant to send an armie of men that way into the land of Chircassi whereby may iourney should be both dangerous troublesome and that if I should perish thereinâ— it would be much to his Graces dishonour but he doubted other matters although they were not expressed Thus hauing receiued his answere neither to my expectation nor yet contentation and there remaining a good part of the yere hauing in that time solde the most part of your kersies and other wares appointed for Persia when the time
sought out and to be giuen to the English merchants being here abiding at that time in our Countrey the factors seruants or deputies of the Company aforesayd to whom we haue granted this our gratious letter And if there happen none of the English merchants factors seruants or deputies to be in our Countreis at such time then we wil all the said goods to be sought out and bestowed in some conuenient place and when any of the Company aforewritten bringing these our letters shall come for their goods we to command their goods to be restored vnto them 8 Likewise wee haue graunted leaue to the English merchants their Gouernours Consuls and assistantsâ— namely sir William Garrard knight Rowland Hayward and to the Companie to builde houses at Vologda Colmogro and the seaside at Inangorod at Cherell and in all other places of our Dominions as shall be needefull for their trade And they to keepe at the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two or three men to keepe their wares at the said houses making sale thereof to whom they will they their Factors or deputies the said housekeeper not to buy or sell for them 9 Also we haue giuen and graunted to the English Merchants their house which they haue by our goodnesse at S. Maximes in the Zenopski and other their houses in the towne of Zenopski made for the better assurance of their goods and all such as they shall set vp hereafter shal be of the Opressini and will make them knowen to all them of Opressini 10 And whereas by our goodnes we haue graunted them a Ropehouse at Vologda being farre from the English Merchants house now we haue giuen them to build a house for that vse by the said English house and haue giuen and graunted them of our goodnesse ground one hundreth and fourescore fadome long and fiftie fadomes in breadth according to their owne request 11 Also we haue of our goodnesse giuen and graunted to the English Merchants leaue to buy them a house at Wichida and there to search out mines of yron And where they shal happily find it there to set vp houses for the making of the same yron and to make the same of our goodnesse haue graunted them woods fiue or sixe miles compasse about the sayd houses to the making of the sayd yron and not to exceede these bounds and limits And where they shall cut the sayde wood not to set vp any village or farme there bringing the artificers for making of their yron out of their owne Countrey and to learne our people that arte and so freely occupying the said yron in these our Dominions transporting also of the same home into Englande allowing for euery pound one dingo or halfe penie 12 And if any of the said yron shal be needfull for our workes then we to take of the said yron to our worke vpon agreement of price paying money out of our Treasurie for the same And when the said English Merchants or Factors shal send their owne people out of our Realme into their Countrey ouer land through any Countrey whatsoeuer freely to send the same with our words 13 Also we of our goodnesse haue graunted that if any man misuse the said English the Factors or seruants or the saide English Merchants their Factors or seruants abuse any other at Moscouie or any other out townes whatsoeuer within our Dominions in trade of Marchandise or otherwise then they to haue vpright iustice in all such matters of our counsaile the Opressini without all let or delay But if our Iustice may not agree the parties then lots to be made and to whose lotte it shall fall to him the right to be giuen and that only our counsaile at Moscouie and none of our Captaines or authorised people or officers in any other our townes giue iudgement vpon the said English Merchants for any thing 14 Also if any stranger shall haue matter of controuersie with any English Merchant Factor or seruant abiding within these our Realmes or coâ—trariwise any English Merchant Factor or seruant against any other stranger in all those causes our Counsaile of the Opressini to giue them Iustice and to make an agreement end betweene the parties without all delay And none to deale therein saue our Counsaile of the Opressini 15 And if any man haue action against any English Merchant being absent that then in his absence it shal be lawful for any other Englishman at his assignation to answere his cause 16 If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to death or any Russe or stranger slaine or beaten 17 Or any â—â—ollen goods to be found in the said English houses then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie persons to be sought out and to doe right and Iustice in the cause and the partie that is guiltie if he deserue punishment to be corrected accordingly after his offence That the said English Merchants factors and seruant sustaine thereby no hinderance or damage 18 And whatsoeuer English Marchant Factor seruant or deputie shal be guiltie or any fault deseruing our displeasure then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie partie to goe vnder suerâ—es and their goods to be sealed and kept vntill our pleasure be further knowen and our Counsaile to examine their offence and so to report it vnto vs that we may command what shall be done therein and none other to be arrested or haue their goods sealed which are not guiltie of that offence nor to stay or apprehend them in any of our Dominions for the same 19 If any English Marchant Factor or seruant shall offend it shal be lawfull for their Agent to doe iustice vpon the said partie or to send him home into England at his pleasure 20 If any English Marchant Factor or seruant haue lent or hereafter shall lende money to any of our people or credite them with wares and so depart into any forreigne Countrey or die before the debt be due to be payde then our people and Marchants to paye the sayde debt to whom soeuer shall be appointed to the sayd roome or charge and the saide English Marchant factorâ— or seruant to bring his bill of debt to our Counsell to shewe them what is due and what money is owing them for any wares and thus to doe truly not adding any whit to the debt and our Counsel to command the debt to be discharged vnto the English Marchant factor or seruant without delay 21 And whatsoeuer English Marchant shall be arrested for debt then our Counsell to command the partie vnder arrest to be deliuered to the Agent and if he haue no suertiâ— to binde the Agent with him for the better force of the bond And if any Englishman be endebted we will the Creditor not to cast him in prison or to deliuer him to the Sergeant left the officer lose him but to take ware in pawne of the debt 22 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the English Marchants to send our Commission to
flusses of copper called Estiui whereof 12 make a mamedine which is the value of one medine Aleppine the said mamedine is of siluer hauing the Moresco stampe on both sides and two of these make a danine which is 2 medines Aleppine The said danine is of siluer hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides 2 and a halfe of these make a Saie which is in value as the Saie of Aleppo The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo being as appeares 60 estiues Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine which is of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe The sayd larine is a strange piece of money not being round as all other currant money in Christianitie but is a small rod of siluer of the greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather wherewith we vse to write and in length about one eight part thereof which is wrested so that the two ends meeâ— at the iust halfe part and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco and these be the best currant money in all the Indias and 6 of these larines make a duckat which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines and one danine which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per 100 meticals which is 150 drams of Aleppo vt supra The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals albeit among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals yet in the mint or castle they sel by the 100 drams hauing there lesse then the worth 5 medines in each hundred drams and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them in Saies or larines The custome of the said places aswell inward as outward are alike of all sorts of goods to say 6 by the 100 and Toafo Boabo seriuâ—n medines 6 by the bale inward outward to say 3 inward and as much outward but who so leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing where otherwise at the taking thereof away he should pay 3 med by the bale and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay and this commeth to passe wheÌ„ the customers esteeme the goods too high For in such a case they may be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to and not to pay them in money for such is the order from the Grand Signior Hauing paid the custome it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the customers hand in confirmatioÌ„ of the dispatch and clearing and before departure thence to cause the sayd customer to cause search to be made to the end that at the voiages returne there be no cauillation made as it oftentimes happeneth Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile Venetian and of Aleppo drams 150 vt supra The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara I would say from Balsara to Ormuz they pay according to the greatnesse thereof To say for cariage of 10 cares 180 larines those of 15 cares 270 larines those of 20 cares 360 larines those of 30 cares 540 larines Note that a carâ— is 4 quintals of Balsara They pay also to the pilot of the barke for his owne cariage one care and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3 cares fraight which is in the whole 4 cares and paying the aboue sayd prises and fraights they are at no charges of victuals with them but it is requisite that the same be declared in the charter partie with the condition that they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight vnder paines that finding more in Ormuz it is forfeit and besides that to pay the fraight of that which they haue laden And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie and in the presence of the Ermin or some other honest man whereof there are but few for they are the worst people in all Arabia And this diligence must be put in executioÌ„ to the end the barks may not be ouerladen because they are to passe many sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz ORMVZ The weight measure and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz SPices and drugs they weigh by the bar and of euery sort of goods the weight is different To say of some drugs 3 quintals and 3 erubi or roues and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes and yet both is called a barre which barre as well great as litle is 20 frasolâ— and euery frasoli is 10 manas and euery mana 23 chiansi and euery chianso 10 meticals and a halfe Note that euery quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues and euery roue 32 rotiloes euery rotilo 16 ounces and euery ounce 7 meticals so that the quintall commeth to be 128 rotiloes which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part which is 132 li. english weight And contrarywise y e quintal of Aleppo which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces english maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz which is 3 quintals 2 roues 29 rotiloes and a halfe Note that there are bars of diuers weights vt supra of which they bargaine simply according to the sort of commoditie but if they bargaine of the great barre the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe Touching the money of Ormuz they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches by the barre which â—ech is 100 Asaries and maketh larines 100 a halfe which maketh pardaos 38 larines one halfe at larines 5 by the pardao One asarie is sadines 10 and euery sadine is 100. danarie The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo many 1 medine and â— fourth part the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines a half The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold which is litle and round and is worth 24 sadines which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals the roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine which is euery thousand meticals 382 asures but those that will not sel them vse to melt them and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint whereby they cleare â— per 100 and somewhat more and this they doe because neither Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz per aduise The measure of Ormuz is of 2 sorts the one called codo which increaseth vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100 for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100 for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon there is
with them but themselues True it is that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary their â—ouse furniture seruants and all other things in such perfection and plentie that they want nothing Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes throughout the whole Realme Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice and receiuing of rents bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie ech one as it behoueth him Generally all these doe imprison malefactours cause them to be whipped and racked hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord a thing very vsuall there and accompted no shame These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City towne or village Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken and looke euen as they are taken so be they first whipped and afterward layde in prison where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold At that time when we were in prison there died of them aboue threescore and ten If happely any one hauing the meanes to get food do escape he is set with the condemned persons and prouided for as they be by the King in such wise as hereafter it shal be said Their whips be certaine pieces of canes cleft in the middle in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes that the standers by tremble at their crueltie Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed and if they come to the number of one hundred then are they incurable The Louteas obserue moreouer this when any man is brought before them to be examined they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present be the offence neuer so great Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnesse as dayly amongst vs it falleth out This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence and beare witnesse the processe cannot be falsified as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores Gentiles and Iewes haue all their sundry othes the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos the Brachmans by their Fili the rest likewise by the things they do worship The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen by the Moone by the Sunne and by all their Idoles in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one by and by with the least euidence he is tormented so be the witnesses he bringeth if they tell not the trueth or do in any point disagree except they be men of worship and credit who are beleeued without any further matter the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips Besides this order obserued of them in examinations they do feare so much their King and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe that that they dare not once stirre Againe these Louteas as great as they be notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue not trusting any others do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise and that is being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write ne did we stand before them with the vsuall ceremonies of that Countrey yet did they beare with vs so patiently that they caused vs to wonder knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue but we in a heathen Countrey hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne wanting an interpreter ignorant of that Countrey language did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice yea not to escape death for as the rumour goeth they shal be beheaded Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey and first no theft or murther is at any time pardoned adulterers are put in prison and the fact once proued are condemned to die the womans husband must accuse them this order is kept with men women found in that fault but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said where they shortly die for hunger and cold If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate his processe goeth further and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die Sentence being giuen the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot with a boord at his necke one handfull broad in length reaching downe to his knees cleft in two parts and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke the which they incloâ—e vp therein nailing the boord faâ—t together one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die is written in that part of the table that standeth before This ceremony ended he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons the which are found by the king as long as they do liue The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much keeping them both from rest eke letting them to eat coÌ„modiously their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord so that in fine there is no remedy but death In the chiefe Cities of euery shire as we haue erst said there be foure principall houses in ech of them a prison but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest and although in euery City there be many neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die Their death is much prolonged for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere though many die for hunger and cold as we haue seene in this prison Execution is done in this maner The Chian to wit the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice at the yeres end goeth to the head City where he
as yet her haire tied vp after the Pegues fashion this woman and other mo with whom a black Moore damsel in our company had conference and did vnderstand them wel ynough had dwelt in Pegu. This new come woman imagining that we ment to make our abode in that citie bid vs to be of good comfort for that her countrey was not distant from thence aboue fiue dayes iourney and that out of her countâ—ey there lay a high way for vs home into our owne Being asked the way she answered that the first three daies the way lieth ouer certaine great mountaines wildernesse afterward people are met withall againe Thence two dayes iourney more to the Brames countrey Wherefore I doe conclude that Chenchi is one of the confines of this kingdome separated by certaine huge mountaines as it hath bene alreadie said that lie out towards the South In the residue of these mountaines standeth the prouince of Sian the Laoyns countrey Camboia Campaa and Cochinchina This citie chiefe of other sixteene is situated in a pleasant plaine abounding in all things necessarie sea-fish onely excepted for it standeth farre from the sea of fresh fish so much store that the market places are neuer emptie The walles of this citie are very strong and high one day did I see the Louteas thereof go vpon the walles to take the view thereof borne in their seates which I spake of before accompanied with a troupe of horsemen that went two and two It was tolde me they might haue gone three three We haue seene moreouer that within this aforesayde Citie the king hath moe then a thousande of his kinne lodged in great pallaces in diuerse partes of the Citie their gates be redde and the entrie into their houses that they may be knowen for that is the kings colour These Gentlemen according to their neerenesse in blood vnto the king as soone as they be married receiue their place in honour this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in any respect as long as the king liueth the king appointeth them their wiues and familie allowing them by the moneth all things necessarie abundantly as he doth to his gouernours of shires and Cities howbeit not one of these hath as long as he liueth any charge or gouernement at all They giue themselues to eating and drinking and be for the most part burly men of bodie insomuch that espying any one of them whom we had not seene before we might knowe him to be the King his cosin They be neuerthelesse very pleasant courteous and faire conditioned neither did we find all the time wee were in that citie so much honour and good intertainement any where as at their hands They bid vs to their houses to eate and drinke and when they found vs not or we were not willing to go with them they bid our seruants and slaues causing them to sit downe with the first Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen haue so commodious that they want nothing yet are they in this bondage that during life they neuer goe abroad The cause as I did vnderstand wherefore the king so vseth his cosins is that none of them at any time may rebell against him and thus he shutteth them vp in three or foure other cities Most of them can play on the Lute and to make that kinde of pastime peculiar vnto them onely all other in the cities where they doe liue be forbidden that instrument the Curtisans and blinde folke onely excepted who be musicians and can play This king furthermore for the greater securitie of his Realme and the auoyding of tumults letteth not one in all his countrey to be called Lord except he be of his blood Manie great estates and gouernours there be that during their office are lodged Lordlike and doe beare the port of mightie Princes but they be so many times displaced and other placed a new that they haue not the time to become corrupt True it is that during their office they be well prouided for as afterward also lodged at the kings charges and in pension as long as they liue payed them monethly in the cities where they dwell by certaine officers appointed for that purpose The king then is a Lord onely not one besides him as you haue seene except it be such as be of his blood A Nephew likewise of the king the kings sisters sonne lyeth continually within the walles of the citie in a strong pallace built Castle wise euen as his other cousins do remayning alwayes within doores serued by Cunuches neuer dealing with any matters On their festiuall dayes new moones full moones the magistrates make great bankets and so do such as be of the king his blood The kings Nephew hath to name Vanfuli his pallace is walled about the wall is not high but foure-square and in circuit nothing inferiour to the wals of Goa the outside is painted red in euery square a gate and ouer each gate a tower made of timber excellently well wrought before the principall gate of the foure that openeth into the high streete no Loutea be he neuer so great may passe on horsebacke or carried in his seat Amidst this quadrangle standeth the pallace where that Nobleman lyeth doubtlesse worth the sight although we came not in to see it By report the roofes of the towers and house are glased greene the greater part of the quadrangle set with sauage trees as Okes Chestnuts Cypresse Pine-apples Cedars and other such like that we do want after the manner of a wood wherein are kept Stags Oren and other beasts for that Lord his recreation neuer going abroad as I haue sayd One preheminence this citie hath aboue the rest where we haue bene that of right as we do thinke that besides the multitude of market places wherein all things are to be sold through euery â—â—reeâ—e continually are cryed all things necessary as flesh of all sortes freshfish hearbes oyle vineger meate rise in summa all things so plentifully that many houses neede no seruants euery thing being brought â—o their doores Most part of the marchants remaine in the surburbes for that the cities are shut vp euery night as I haue sayd The marchants therefore the better to attend their businesse do chuse rather to make their abode without in the suburbes then within the citie I haue seene in this riuer a pretie kinde of fishing not to be omitted in my opinion and therefore I will set it downe The king hath in many riuers good store of barges full of sea-crowes that breede are fedde and doe die therein in certaine cages allowed monethly a certaine prouision of rise These barges the king bestoweth vpon his greatest magistrates giuing to some two to some three of them as he thinketh good to â—ish therewithall after this manner At the houre appointed to fish all the barges are brought together in a circle where the riuer is shalow and the crowes tyed together vnder
march Captaine Crispe the Prouost Marshall caused one who contrary to the Proclamation published at our arriuall in Portugall had broken vp an house for pillage to be hanged with the cause of his death vpon his breast in the place where the act was committed which good example prouidently giuen in the beginning of our march caused the commandement to be more respectiuly regarded all the iourney after by them whom feare of punishment doeth onely holde within compasse The campe lodged that night at Lorinha the next day we had intelligence all the way that the enemy had made head of horse and foot against vs at Torres Vedras which we thought they would haue held but comming thither the second day of our march not two houres before our vantgard came in they left the towne and the castle to the possession of Don Antonio There began the greatest want we had of victuals especially of bread vpon a commandement giuen from the Generall that no man should spoile the countrey or take any thing from any Portugall which was more respectiuely obserued then I thinke would haue bene in our owne countrey amongst our owne friends and kindred but the countrey contrary to promise wholly neglected the prouision of victuals for vs whereby we were driuen for that time into a great scarsity Which mooued the Colonell generall to call all the Colonels together and with them to aduise for some better course for our people who thought it best first to aduertise the king what necessity we were in before we should of ourselues alter the first institution of abstinence The Colonell generall hauing acquainted the Generall herewith with his very good allowance thereof went to the king who after some expostulations vsed tooke the more carefull order for our men and after that our army was more plentifully relieued The third day we lodged our army in three sundry villages the one battalion lying in Exarama de los Caualleros another in Exarama do Obispo and the third in San Sebastian Captaine Yorke who commanded the Generals horse company in this march made triall of the valour of the horsemen of the enemy who by one of his Corporal 's charged with eight horses thorow 40 of them himselfe thorow more then 200 with some forty horses who would abide him no longer then they could make way from him The next day we marched to Lores and had diuers intelligences that the enemy would tary vs there for the Cardinall had made publique promise to them of Lisbon that he would fight with vs in that place which he might haue done aduantageously for we had a bridge to passe ouer in the same place but before our comming he dislodged notwithstanding it appeared vnto vs that he had in purpose to encampe there for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should haue bene made and their horsemen with some few shot shewed themselues vpon an hill at our â—â—mming into that village whom Sir Henry Norris whose regiment had the point of the vanâ—gard thought to draw vnto some fight and therfore marched without sound of drumme and somewhat faster then ordinary thereby to get neere them before he were discouered for he was shadowed from them by an hill that was betweene him and them but before he could draw his companies any thing neere they retired General Drakes regiment that night for the commodity of good lodging drew themselues into a village more then one English mile from thence and neere the enemy who not daring to do any thing against vs in foure dayes before tooke that occasion and in the next morning fell downe vpon that regiment crying Viua el Rey Don Antonio which was a generall salutation thorow all the Countrey as they came whom our yoong Souldiers though it were vpon their guard and before the watch were discharged began to entertaine kindly but hauing got within their guard they fell to cut their throats but the alarme being taken inwards the officers of the two next Companies whose Captaines Captaine Sydnam and Captaine Young were lately dead at the Groine brought downe their colours and pikes vpon them in so resolute maner as they presently draue them to retire with losse they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteene and hurt sixe or seuen The next day we lodged at Aluelana within three miles of Lisbon where many of our souldiers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poisoned and thereon presently died Some do thinke it came rather by eating of hony which they found in the houses plentifully But whether it were by water or by hony the poore men were poisoned That night the Earle of Essex and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleuen of the clocke with 1000 men to lie in ambuscade neere the towne and hauing layed the same very neere sent some to giue the alarme vnto the enemy which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof but the enemy refused to issue after them so as the Earle returned assoone as it was light without doing any thing though he had in purpose and was ready to haue giuen an honourable charge on them The 25 of May in the euening we came to the suburbs of Lisbon at the very entrance whereof Sir Roger Williams calling Captaine Anthony Wingfield with him tooke thirty shot or thereabouts and first scowred all the streets till they came very neere the towne where they found none but olde folks and beggers crying Viua el Rey Don Antonio and the houses shut vp for they had caried much of their wealth into the towne and had fired some houses by the water side full of corne and other prouisions of victuals least we should be benefited thereby but yet left behinde them great riches in many houses The foure regiments that had the vantgard that day which were Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris Colonell Sidneys and Generall Drakes whom I name as they marched the Colonell generall caused to holde guard in the neerest streets of the Suburbs the battell and the arreward stood in armes all the night in the field neere to Alcantara Before morning Captaine Wingfield by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams held guard with Sir Edward Norris his regiment in three places very neere the towne wall and so held the same till the other regiments came in the morning About midnight they within the towne burnt all their houses that stood vpon their wall either within or without least we possessing them might thereby greatly haue annoyed the towne The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted but not without peril to take a Church called S. Antonio which ioyned to the wall of the towne and would haue bene a very euill neighbor to the towne but the enemy hauing more easie entry into it then we gained it before vs. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the battell and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Vista and in placing Musquetiers
and they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne and because of the Sunne which shineth hote vpon their bodies The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children vpon one of their armes They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest trees in the Countrey Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey with the nature and customes of the Inhabitants which I was very willing to write before I entred any further into the discourse of my historie to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of MY Lord Admirall of Chastillon a noble man more desirous of the publique then of his priuate benefite vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his prince which was to discouer new and strange Countreys caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence and men to beeleuied meete for such an enterprise Among whom hee chose Captaine Iohn Ribault a man in trueth expert in sea causes which hauing receiued his charge set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of Februarie accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes but so well furnished with Gentlemen of whose number I my selfe was one and with olde Souldiers that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie Hauing therefore sayled two moneths neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniards hee arriued in Florida landing neere a Cape or Promontorie which is no high lande because the coast is all flatte but onely rising by reason of the high woods which at his arriuall he called Cape François in honour of our France This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees Coasting from this place towards the North he discouered a very faire and great Riuer which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search the same the next day very early in the morning which being done by the breake of day accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shoare but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and amitie as they well declared by the Oration which their king made and the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde Riuer and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie knappe in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued This being done hee embarked himselfe againe to the ende alwayes to discouer the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer and then in the presence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attend him hee commaunded his men to make their prayers to giue thankes to GOD for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto these strange places without any danger at all The prayers being ended the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them thinking in my iudgement that wee worshipped the Sunne because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp toward heauen rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ribault promising to shew him their King which rose not vp as they did but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him and heard him make a long discourse but with no great pleasure because hee could not vnderstand his language and much lesse his meaning The King gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Herushawes feathers died in red and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked but life The Captaine to shew himselfe not vnthankfull gaue him pretie tinne bracelets a cutting hooke a looking glasse and certaine kniues whereupon the King shewed himselfe to be very glad and fully contented Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the Riuer whereat the king seemed to bee very sorie Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs hee commaunded that with all diligence they should take fish for vs which they did with all speede For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase they loaded vs with Trouâ—es great Mullets Plaise Turbuts and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours This done we entred into our Boates and went toward the other shore But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians which entring iâ—to the water to their armepits brought vs many litle baskets full of Maiz and goodly Mulberries both red and white Others offered themselues to beare vs on shoare where being landed we perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire and strong and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and arrowes in marueilous good order His two sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously but the king their father representing I wot not what kinde of grauitie did nothing but shake his head a little then the Captaine went forward to salute him and without any other mouing of himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie that hee made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted While thus he knew not what hereof to thinke our Captaine shewed him by signes that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him to let him vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him for the better confirmation whereof hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt which hee presented him withall and gaue his sonnes certaine other trifles Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after there gentle intertainments wee went our selues into the woods hoping there to discouer some singularities where were great store of Mulberrie trees white and red on the toppes whereof there was an infinite number of silkewormes Following our way wee discouered a faire
began to descry certaine sayles at sea whereof they aduertised mee with diligence whereupon I appointed to arme foorth a boate in good order to goe to discrie and know what they were I sent also to the Centinels which I caused to be kept on a little knappe to cause certaine men to climbe vp to the toppe of the highest trees the better to discouer them They descried the great boate of the shippes which as yet they could not perfectly discerne which as farre as they could iudge seemed to chase my boate which by this time was passed the barre of the riuer so that we could not possibly iudge whether they were enemies which would haue caried her away with them for it was too great a ken to iudge the trueth thereof Upon this doubt I put my men in order and in such array as though they had beene enemies and indeede I had great occasion to mistrust the same for my boate came vnto their ship about two of the clocke in the afternoone and sent me no nâ—wes all that day long to put me out of doubt who they should be The next day in the morning about eight or nine of the clocke I saw seuen boates among which mine owne was one full of souldiers enter into the riuer hauing euery man his harquebuze and morion on his head which marched all in battaile along the cliffes where my cenâ—inels were to whom they would make no kind of answere notwithstanding all the demandes that were made vnto them insomuch as one of my souldiers was constrained to bestowe a shot at them without doing hurt neuerthelesse to any of them by reason of the distance between him and the boates The report hereof being made vnto me I placed each of my men in his quarter with full deliberation to defend our selues if they had bâ—ne enemies as in tâ—ueth wee thought them to haue bene likewise I caused the two small field-pieces which I had left me to be trimmed in such sort as if in approching to the Fort they had not cryed that it was Captaine Ribault I had not failed to haue discharged the same vpon them Afterward I vnderstood that the cause why they entred in this maner proceeded of the false reports which had bene made vnto my Lord Admirall by those which were returned into France in the first shippes For they had put in his head that I played the Lord and the King and that I would hardly suffer that any other saue my selfe should enter in thither to gouerne there Thus we see how the good name of the most honest is oftentimes assayled by such as hauing no meanes to win themselues credit by vertuous and laudable endeuours thinke by debasing of other mens vertues to augment the feeble force of their fame courage which neuerthelesse is one of the most notable dangers which may happen in a commonwealth and chiefly among men of warre which are placed in gouernment For it is very hard yea vtterly vnpossible that in gouerning of a company of men gathered out of diuers places and sundry Nations and namely such as we know them to be in our warres it is I say vnpossible but there will be alwayes some of euill conditions and hard to be ruled which easily conceiue an hatred against him which by admonitions and light corrections endeuoureth to reduce them to the discipline of warre For they seeke nothing else but for a small occasion grounded vpon a light pretext to sound into the eares of great Lords that which mischieuously they haue contriued against those whose eâ—ecution of iustice is odious vnto them And albeit I will not place my selfe in the ranke of great and renowmed Captaines such as liued in times passed yet we may iudge by their examples how hurtfull backbiters haue beene vnto commonwealths I will onely take Alcibiades for witnesse in the commonwealth of the Athenians which by this meane was cast into banishment whereupon his citizens felt the smart of au infinite number of mischiefes insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home againe and acknowledge at length the fault they had committed in forgetting his good seruices and rather beleeuing a false report then hauing had regard vnto so many notable exploits which in former time hee had atchieued But that I loose not my selfe in digressing so faire in this my iuâ—tification I will returne againe to my first course Being therfore aduerâ—ised that it was Captaine Ribault I went foorth of the Fort to goe to meete him and to do him all the honour I could by any meanes I caused him to be welcommed with the artillery and a gentle volley of my shot whereunto he answered with his Afterward being come on shore and receiued honourably with ioy I brought him to my lodging reioycing not a little because that in this company I knew a good number of my friends which I intreated in the best sorte that I was able with such victuals as I could get in the countrey and that small store which I had left me with that which I had of the English General Hâ—wbeit I marueiled not a little when as all of them with one voice began to vtter vnto me these or the like speeches My Captaine we praise God that we haue found you aliue and chiefly because we know that the reports which haue bene made of you are false These speeches mooued me in such sort that I would needes out of hand know more mistrusting some euill Wherefore hauing accosted Captaine Iohn Ribault going both of vs aside together out of the Fort he signified vnto me the charge which he had praying mee not to returne into France but to stay with him my selfe and my company and assured me that he would make it well thought of at home Whereupon I replyed that out of this place I would do him all seruice that for the present I could not nor ought not accept this oâ—fer since he was come for no other intent then to occupie the place which I before possessed that I could haue no credite to be there commanded that my friends would neuer like of it and that he would hardly giue me that counsaile if in good earnest I should demand his aduise therin He made me answere that he would not command me that we should be companions that he would build another fortresse that he would leaue mine owne vnto me This notwithstanding I fully aduertised him that I could not receiue a greater comfort then the newes which he brought me to returne into France and farther that though I should stay there yet it must needes be that one of vs both was to command with title of the Kings Lieutenant that this could not well agree together that I had rather haue it cast in my teeth to be the poorest begger in the world then to be commanded in that place where I had endured so much to inhabite and plant there if it were
father shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly I cannot send you nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better then I haue done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from Composteila and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the citie of S. Michael and though there be but the tenth part of these things it is a great matter Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter which I receiued from the said father the Indians tell me that all the people of the countrey doe greatly reuerence him and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues farther in that sort He saith that if he finde any good countrey he will write to me thereof I will not goe thither without informing your Lordship of my iourney I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall discouer some good thing A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna to the Emperors Maiestie Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan with commission to the Gouernors of those partes to pacific the Indians and not to make them slaues any more IN the ships that went last from hence whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral I wrote vnto your Maiestie how I had sent two Franciscan Friers to discouer the end of this firme land which stretcheth to the North. And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked for I wâ—l declare the whole matter from the beginning It may please your Maiestie to call to mind how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna because it is so great a countrey and that we haue yet no knowledge thereof Neither had I onely this desire for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen and 14000. Indians footemen borne in these Indias being the best men the best furnished which haue bene seene in these parts and he did so litle with them that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galicia sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times which sped no better then he had done Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast which 2â— ships and the captaine perished After that he sent againe 2. other ships one of the which was diuided from her consore and the Master and certaine mariners slue the captaine vsurped ouer the ship After this they came to an Island where the Master with certaine mariners going on land the Indians of the country slew them and tooke their boat and the ship with those that were in it returned to the coast of Nueua Galicia where it ran on ground By the men which came home in this ship the Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered and then either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of Saint Domingo and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico or rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua Espanna without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships and with certaine footemen and horsemen not throughly furnished with things necessary which fell câ—t so contrary to his expectation that the most part of the people which he carryed with him dyed of hunger And although he had ships and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals yet could hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it but rather it seemed that God miraculously did hide it from him and so he returned home without atchieuing ought else of moment After this hauing heere in my company Andrew Dorantez which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Naruaâ—ez I often was in hand with him supposing that he was able to doe your Maiestie great seruice to imploy him with fortie or fiftie horses to search out the secret of those parts and hauing prouided all things necessary for his iourney and spent much money in that behalfe the matter was broken off I wot not how and that enterprise was giuen 〈◊〉 Yet of the things which were prouided for that purpose I had left mee a Negro which returned from the foresayde voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez and certaine slaues which I had bought and certaine Indians which I had gathered together who were borne in those North partes whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça and his companion a Franciscan Frier because they had bene long trauelled and exercised those partes and had great experience in the affaires of the Indies and were men of good life and conscience for whom I obtained leaue of their superiours and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint Michael of Culiacan which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards towarde that quarter being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico Assoone as the gouernour and the Friers were come vnto that Citie hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him home into their Countrey to signifie and declare to the people of the same That they were to vnderstand that your Maiestie had commaunded they should not hereafter â—eâ— made slaues and that they should not be afrayd and more but might returne vnto their houses and liue peaceably in them for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euil dealings which were vsed toward them and that your Maiestie would cause them to be chastened which were the causes of their veration With these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400. men which comming before the gouernour said vnto him that they came on the behalfe of al their Countrey-men to tell him that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their houses and to sow Maiz for their sustenance for by the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines hiding themselues like wild beasts for feare left they should be made slaues and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them Whom the gouernour comforted with good wordes and gaue them victuals and stayed them with him three or foure dayes wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the Crosse and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ and they with great diligence sought to learne the same After these dayes hee sent them home againe willing them not to be afraid but to be quiet giuing them apparel beades kniues and other such
next day following before noone hee came to vs on foote from his house which was foureteene English miles himselfe being a hundreth and tenne yeeres olde and returned on foote the same day and with him many of the borderers with many women and children that came to wonder at our nation and to bring vs downe victuall which they did in great plentie as venison porke hennes chickens foule fish with diuers sorts of excellent fruites and rootes and great abundance of Pinas the princes of fruites that grow vnder the Sunne especially those of Guiana They brought vs also store of bread and of their wine and a sort of Paraquitos no bigger then wrennes and of all other sorts both small and great one of them gaue mee a beast called by the Spaniards Armadilla which they call Cassicam which seemeâ—h to be all barred ouer with smal plates somewhat like to a Rinoceros with a white horne growing in his hinder parts as bigge a great hunting horne which they vse to winde in stead of a trumpet Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horne put into the eare cureth deafenesse After this olde King had rested a while in a little tent that I caused to bee set vp I beganne by my interpreter â—o discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessour and afterward of the Spaniards and ere I went any farther I made him knowe the cause of my comming thither whose seruant I was and that the Queenes pleasure was I should vndertake the voyage for their defence and to deliuer them from the tyrannie of the Spaniards dilating at large as I had done before to those of Trinidad her Maiesties greatnesse her iustice her chaâ—â—teâ— to all oppressed nations with as many of the rest of her beauties and vertues as either I could expresse or they conceiue all which being with great admiration attentiuely heard and marueilously admired I beganne to sound the olde man as touching Guiana and the state thereof what sort of common wealth it was who gouerned of what strength and policie howe farre it extended and what nations were friendes or enemies adioyning and finally of the distance and way to enter the same hee tolde mee that himselfe and his people with all those downe the Riuer towards the Sea as farre as Emeria the prouince of Carapana were of Guiana but that they called themselues Orenoqueponi and that all the nations betweene the riuer and those mountaines in sight called Wacaâ—iâ—a were of the same cast and appellation and that on the other side of those mountaines of Wacatima there was a large plaine which after I discouered in my returne called the valley of Amariocapana in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the farther side of those mountaines beyond the valley of Amariocapana hee answered with a great sign as a man which had inward feeling of the losse of his Countrey and libertie especially for that his eldest sonne was sleine in a battell on that side of the mountaines whom hee most entirely loued that hee remembred in his fathers lifetime when hee was very olde and himselfe a yong man that there came downe into that large valley of Guiana a nation from so farre off as the Sunne slept for such were his owne wordes with so great a multitude as they coulde not bee numbred nor resisted and that they were large coates and hattes of crimson colour which colour hee expressed by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent was supported and that they were called Orejones and Epuremei those that had slaine and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaues in the wood vpon all the trees and had nowe made themselues Lords of all euen to that mountaine foote called Curaaâ— sauing onely of two nations the one called Awarawaqueri and the other Cassipagotos and that in the last battell fought betweene the Epuremei and the Iwarawaqueri his eldest sonne was chosen to carry to the aide of the Iwarawaqueri a great troupe of the Orenoqueponi and was there slaine with all his people and friendes and that hee had now remayning but one sonne and farther tolde mee that those Epuremei had built a great Towne called Macureguarai at the said mountaine foote at the beginning of the great plaines of Guiana which haue no ende and that their houses haue many roomes one ouer the other and that therein the great King of the Orejones and Epuremei kept three thousande men to defend the borders against them and withall dayly to inuade and slay them but that of late yeeres since the Christians offered to inuade his territories and those frontiers they were all at peace and traded one with another sauing onely the Iwarawaqueri and those other nations vpon the head of the riuer of Caroli called Cassipagotos which we afterwards discouered each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemie After hee had answered thus farre he desired leaue to depart saying that hee had farre to goe that hee was olde and weake and was euery day called for by death which was also his owne phrase I desired him to rest with vs that night but I could not intreate him but hee tolde mee that at my returne from the countrey aboue hee would againe come to vs and in the meane time prouide for vs the best he could of all that his countrey yeelded the same night hee returned to Orocotona his owne towne so as hee went that day eight and twentie miles the weather being very hot the countrey being situate betweene foure and fiue degrees of the Equinoctial This Topiawari is helde for the prowdest and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi and so hee behaued himselfe towardes mee in all his answeres at my returne as I marueiled to finde a man of that grauitie and iudgement and of so good discourse that had no helpe of learning nor breede The next morning we also left the port and sailed Westward vp to the Riuer to view the famous Riuer called Caroli as well because it was marueilous of it selfe as also for that I vnderstoode it ledde to the strongest nations of all the frontiers that were enemies to the Epuremei which are subiects to Inga Emperour of Guiana and Manoa and that night we anckered at another yland called Caiama of some fiue or sixe miles in length and the next day arriued at the mouth of Caroli When we were short of it as lowe or further downe as the port of Morequito wee heard the great rore and fall of the Riuer but when wee came to enter with our barge and whirries thinking to haue gone vp some fourtie miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos wee were not able with a barge of eight oares to row one stones cast in an houre and yet the Riuer is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich and wee tried both sides and the middle and
and forgiue Thomas Glouer his great and grieuous offences towards her highnesse committed onely for his Maiesties sake but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company to deale fauourably with the said Glouer in his accompts to whom he was indebted greatly and being their seruant detained their goods in his hands a long time whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company counted with the said Glouer and ended all things euen to his saide contentation and was found to bee debter to the said company 4000. rubbles and aboue and bound himselfe both by his solemne othe and his hand-writing to pay the same immediatly after his returne into Russia with the said Andrea Sauin vnto Nicholas Proctor chiefe Agent there for the said company of merchants But although it is now two yeeres past since the said agreement and that the said Nicholas hath diuers and sundry times requested the said money of the said Thomas yet will he not pay the same debt but maketh delay from time to time alleadging that his Maiestie oweth him a great summe of money without the payment whereof he cannot be able to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborne to their great hinderance In consideration of the premisses It may please his highnesse to giue order that the said Glouer may be payd and that he may discharge his debt to the said company of merchants and the rather for that hee found such mercie and fauour in England onely for his Maiesties sake 13 Also forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter a rebell to the Queenes Maiestie and an enemie to his Countrey and to sir William Garrard and his company hath of long time remained here liuing of the spoyles and goods of the said merchants which he wrongfully detained in his handes riotously spending the same during the time that he was their seruant and would not come home when he was sent for and also for that the Queenes Maiestie doth vnderstand that the said Ralfe with other his adherents doe seeke by all false meanes to sowe dissention and breake amitie betwixt their Maiesties and to ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants Her highnes request is that the said Ralfe with his complices may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home and none other of her Maiesties subiects not being of the societie of the said Sir William Garrard and his company to be suffered to traffike within his highnes dominions but to be deliuered to their Agent to bee sent home for that the said merchants with great charges and losses both by shipwracke and riotous seruants did first finde out this trade and haue continued the same these 19. yeeres to their great hinderance 14 Also whereas diuers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his Maiesties seruice and do finde themselues grieued that they cannot haue licence to depart home into their natiue Countrey at their will and pleasure the Queenes Maiesties request is according to her highnes writing in that behalfe that not onely it will please his Maiestie to permit and suffer such artificers here resident in the seruice of his highnes to haue free libertie to depart and go home with me if they request the same but also all oâ—her the like which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiesty to haue free libertie to depart likewise without any let or stay 15 Also it may please his Maiesty to vnderstand that during the time of my long being at Colmogro attending his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse I with my company haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated there and likewise the merchants there by one Besson Myssereuy his Maiesties chiefe officer who hath dishonoured me and smitten my people and oweth the saide merchants much money and will not pay them but also the saide Besson hath spoken wordes of dishonour against the Queenes Maiestie Wherefore it may please his highnesse to send downe with me to Colmogro a Gentleman as well chiefly to search foorth his euil behauiour towards her Maiestie as towards me her highnesse Ambassador and to punish him accordingly and also that it would please his Maiestie to sende downe his letter of iustice by vertue whereof the said Besson may be forced to pay all such money as he oweth to the sayd merchants without delay 16 Also that it would please his highnesse to vnderstand that sir William Garrard with his company vnderstanding of the great dearth in his Maiesties dominions by licence of the Queens Maiestie not otherwise permitted hath sent certaine ships laden with corne into his highnesse Countrey of Dwyna rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects then for any gaine yet the good wil of the said merchants lightly regarded they were forbidden to sel the said corne to their great discouragement hereafter to send any more Wherefore it may please his highnesse to tender the good will of the said merchants as well in sending the saide corne as in all other things ready to serue his Maiestie and to direct his letters to his officers of Dwina to suffer the saide merchants with their company to sell the said corne by measure great or small at their pleasure without paying custome These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretary as aforesayde and our talke ended for that time I departed to my lodging accompanied with certaine Gentlemen The next day being the 13. of May aforesaid I had warning earely in the morning to prepare my selfe to be at the Court betwixt the houres of 10. and 11. of the clocke where I should haue accesse vnto the presence of the Prince as well to receiue answere of all things as to bee dismissed to goe home At which houres I was sent for to the Court and brought into the Chamber of presence where his Maiestie did sit apparelled most sumptuously with a riche Crowne vpon his head garnished with many pretious stones his eldest sonne sitting by him and many of his Nobilitie about him and after my duetie done his highnesse commanded me to approch very neere vnto him and sayde vnto me these wordes Anthony the Queene our louing sister her letters wee haue caused to be translated and doe well vnderstand the same and of all things as well therein contained as by worde of mouth by you to vs declared wee haue well considered and doe perceiue that our secret message vnto you committed was done truely according to our minde although wee were aduertised to the contrary and nowe wee are by you fully satisfied And when wee did sende our Ambassadour into England about those our great and waightie affaires to conclude the same with the Queene our sister our Ambassadour coulde ende nothing for want of such assurance as was requisite in princely affaires according to the maner of all Countreys but was dismissed vnto vs againe with letters of small effect touching the same and no Ambassadour sent with him from the Queene which caused vs to thinke that our princely affaires were set aside and little
regarded wherewith wee were at that time much grieued for the which cause and for the euill behauiour of your merchants resident in our dominions who haue diuers wayes transgressed and broken our lawes liuing wilfully in al their doings we did lay our heauie displeasure vpon them and did take away from them their priuiledge commaunding that the same throughout all our dominions should be voyd and of none effect and thereupon did write to the Queene our sister touching our griefes And nowe her highnesse hath sent vnto vs againe you her Ambassadour with her louing letters and full minde which we doe thankefully receiue and are thereby fully satisfied And for that our princely and secret affaires were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed according to our expectation we doe now leaue of all those matters and set them aside for the time because our minde is nowe otherwise changed but hereafter when occasion shall mooue vs to the like wee will then talke of those matters againe And for that it hath pleased the Queene our louing sister to sende vnto vs at this present and doeth desire to continue in friendship with vs for euer which wee doe gratefully accept and willingly agree to the same wee of our goodnesse for her highnesse sake will not onely from hencefoorth put away and forget all our displeasure towardes the same Sir William Garrard and his company as though they had neuer offended vs but also will restore them to their priuiledges and liberties in and throughout all our dominions and will signifie the same by our letters in all Townes and Cities where the said merchants do traffique and we will shewe them fauour as aforetime if they deserue not the contrary And if the Queene our â—iuer had not â—ent thâ—e Anthony vnto vs at this present God knoweth what we should haue done to the said merchants or whether we would haue called back our indignation Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie to let me know the particular offences committed by the said merchants and the offendors names to the intent I might make report thereof vnto the Queenes Maiestie my mistres accordingly that the said offendors might receiue iust punishments for their deserts but he said I should not know them because he had cleerely remitted al offences and further that it was not princely to forgiue and after to accuse the parties whereby her Maiesties displeasure might fall vpon them at home Notwithstanding I did after vnderstand some part thereof by other meanes Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke said As touching the articles of request concerning the marchants affaires which you did yesterday deliuer vnto our Secretary we haue not onely read the same our selfe but also haue appointed our said Secretary to declare vnto you our mind and answere to the same And for that we are now vpon our iourney towards our borders and will depart from hence shortly we will dismisse you to y â— Queene our louing sister your mistres with our letters full mind by word of mouth touching all your requests will send a gentleman one of our houshold with you to safe conduct you to your ships and of our goodnes will giue you victuals boates men and post horses so many as you shall neede And therewith his Maiestie standing vp and putting off his cappe said vnto me these words Doe our hearty commendations vnto our louing sister Queene Elizabeth vnto whom we wish long life with happie successe and therewith his highnes extended his hand to me to kisse and commanded his sonne sitting by him to send the like commendations which he did whose hand likewise I kissed And then his Maiestie caused me to sit downe and commaunded wine and drinkes of diuers sorts to be brought whereof be gaue me to drinke with his owne hand and so after I departed Then the next day being the 14 of May aforesaid I was sent for to come to the chief Secretary one other of the counsel with him who at our meeting said vnto me these words We are appointed by the Emperor his maiesty to giue you answere from his Highnes touching your requests deliuered in writing which his Maiestie himselfe hath perused answered as followeth 1 To the first request it is answered that all his Maiesties griefes and displeasure now put away from the merchants did grow because the Queenes Maiestie did not accomplish and ende with his ambassador his secrete and waighty affaires according to his expectation and the promise made by Thomas Randolph at his being here and also of the ill behauiour of your merchants resident here in our Countrey as his Maiestie did himselfe yesterday declare vnto you 2 To the second his Maiesty willeth you to vnderstand that he hath not nor will not hereafter be moued to breake friendship with the Queenes Maiesty without good and iust cause 3 To the third you are answered by the Emperors Maiestie himselfe that his great goodnes and fauour againe vnto the merchants shall be restored and the same to be knowen by his grâ—tious letters of priuilege now againe granted 4 To the fourth his maiesty hath commanded that your merchants here resident shall exhibite and put in writing vnto me his Maiesties Secretarie all their griefes and complaints as well for debts as other iniuries offred them since the time of his Highnes displeasure and they shall â—aue iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties dominions without delay 5 To the fifth his maiesty doth not know of any debts due vnto the merchants by any of his Noblemen as is alleaged and whether it be true or no he knoweth not the trueth whereof must be tried out and thereupon answere to be giuen and hereafter his maiestie would not haue the merchants to trust his people with too much 6 To the sixth it is answered that his maiesty hath commanded search to be made what money is owing â—o the marchants for wares receiued into his treasury as in the article the most of the bookes of acâ—ompt being burnt in the Mosco and such as is due found meete to be paid shall be paid forthwith to the marchants their factors or seruants which shall come for the same And for paiment of the rest his maiesties further pleasure shall be signified hereafter 7 To the 7 his Maiesties answere is that letters shall be written forthwith to his captaines of Astâ—â—can and Cazan and other his officers vpon the riuer Volga to whom it appertaineth not onelâ—â—o suffer your people both marchants mariners to passe with their ships or barkes from Astrâ—â—an ouer the Mare caspium to fetche Thomas Banister and Geofry Duckeâ— with their coÌ„panyâ— and goods out of Persia but also when they shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions to aide and assist them and see them safely conducted vp the riuer Volga from danger of enemies 8 To the eight his maiestie hath commanded letters to be written to the Customers both of Astracan and Cazan to make restitution