Angle of the Sunne beames heateth and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto it might expresly be set downe what force of heat and cold is in all regions Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat but a temperate aire rather tending to cold For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde and vse the benefite of fire as well as we especially in the euening when they goe to bed for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed of which two fires the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights Also in many places of Torrida Zona especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous the people a litle shrincke at the cold and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed especially in Winter whereby appeareth that with their heat there is colde intermingled else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise For when they goe to warres they will put off all their apparell thinking it to be combersome and will alwayes goe naked that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot because the people of the countrey can and doe liue without clothing wherein they childishly are deceiued for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde because wee cannot liue without clothing for this our double lining furring and wearing so many clothes is a remedy against extremitie and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation but inconuenience and iniury of colde and that is rather the moderate temperate and delectable habitation where none of these troublesome things are required but that we may liue naked and bare as nature bringeth vs foorth Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot because the people of Africa especially the Ethiopians are so cole blacke and their haire like wooll curled short which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne which how it should be possible I cannot see for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America and in the East Indies and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke but tauney and white with long haire vncurled as wee haue so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both they abiding in one Parallel for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike and equidistant to the earth except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis and Oppositum which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat but by way of Angle in reflection and not by his neerenesse to the earth for throughout all Africa yea in the middest of the middle Zone and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne then the people are in the valley by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile frost and snow is engendred is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is and yet there continueth perpetuall cold because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England who taking a faire English woman to wife begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was although England were his natiue countrey and an English woman his mother whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong that neither the nature of the Clime neither the good complexion of the mother concurring coulde any thing alter and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime And for a more fresh example our people of Meta Incognita of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande that were brought this last yeere into England were all generally of the same colour that many nations be lying in the middest of the middle Zone And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire but also in their bodies which were stil couered with garments as ours are yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are No the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees for in effect they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone and as I saide fourtie degrees from the burning Zone whereby it followeth that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse And the most probable cause to my iudgement is that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey and so all the whole progenie of them descended are still polluted with the same blot of infection Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose to examine the first originall of these blacke men and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth there remained no moe men aliue but Noe and his three sonnes Sem Cham and Iaphet who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem Cham or Iaphet as the onely sonnes of Noe who all three being white and their wiues also by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee
then I suppose an army of an hundred thousand good souldiers could haue done The other to wit William de Rubricis was 1253 by the way of Constantinople of the Euxin sea and of Taurica Chersonesus imployed in an ambassage from Lewis the French King waging warre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land vnto one Sartach a great duke of the Tartars which Sartach sent him forthwith vnto his father Baatu and from Baatu he was conducted ouer many large territories vnto the Court of Mangu-Can their Emperour Both of them haue so well played their parts in declaring what befell them before they came at the Tartars what a terrible and vnmanerly welcomming they had at their first arriuall what cold intertainment they felt in traueiling towards the great Can and what slender cheere they found at his Court that they seeme no lesse worthy of praise then of pitie But in describing of the Tartars Countrey and of the Regions adiacent in setting downe the base and sillie beginnings of that huge and ouerspreading Empire in registring their manifolde warres and bloody conquests in making relation of their hords and mooueable Townes as likewise of their food apparell and armour and in setting downe their vnmercifull lawes their fond superstitions their bestiall liues their vicious maners their slauish subiection to their owne superiours and their disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie vnto strangers they deserue most exceeding and high commendation Howbeit if any man shall obiect that they haue certaine incredible relations I answere first that many true things may to the ignorant seeme incredible But suppose there be some particulars which hardly will be credited yet thus much I will boldly say for the Friers that those particulars are but few and that they doe not auouch them vnder their owne names but from the report of others Yet farther imagine that they did auouch them were they not to be pardoned as well as Herodotus Strabo Plutarch Plinie Solinus yea a great many of our new principall writers whose names you may see about the end of this Preface euery one of which hath reported more strange things then the Friers between theÌ„ both Nay there is not any history in the world the most Holy writ excepted whereof we are precisely bound to beleeue ech word and syllable Moreouer sithens these two iournals are so rare that Mercator and Ortelius as their letters vnto me do testifie were many yeeres very inquisitiue and could not for all that attaine vnto them and sithens they haue bene of so great accompt with those two famous Cosmographers that according to some fragments of them they haue described in their Mappes a great part of those Northeastern Regions sith also that these two relations containe in some respect more exact history of those vnknowen parts then all the ancient and newe writers that euer I could set mine eyes on I thought it good if the translation should chance to swerue in ought from the originals both for the preseruation of the originals themselues and the satisfying of the Reader to put them downe word for word in that homely stile wherein they were first penned And for these two rare iewels as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies I must here acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounden vnto the right reuerend graue and learned Prelate my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester and L. high Almner vnto her Maiestie by whose friendship and meanes I had free accesse vnto the right honorâ— my L. Lumley his stately library and was permitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts these two iournals and some others also After these Friers though not in the next place foloweth a testimonie of Geraâ—dus Mercator and another of M. Dee concerning one Nicholas de Linna an English Franciscan Frier Then succeedeth the long iourney of Henry Earle of Derbie and afterward king of England into Prussia Lithuania with a briefe remembrance of his valiant exploits against the Infidels there as namely that with the help of certaine his Associates he vanquished the king of Letto his armie put the sayd king to flight tooke and slew diuers of his captains aduanced his English colours vpon the wall of Vilna made the citie it selfe to yeeld Then mention is made also of Tho. of Woodstock his trauel into Pruis and of his returne home And lastly our old English father Ennius I meane the learned wittie and profound Geffrey Chaucer vnder the person of his knight doeth full iudicially and like a cunning Cosmographer make report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of our English Nobles Knights Gentlemen to the Northren and to other partes of the world in his dayes Neither haue we comprehended in this Volume onely our Trades and Voiages both new and old but also haue scattered here and there as the circumstance of times would giue vs leaue certaine fragments concerning the beginnings antiquities and grouth of the classical and warrelike shipping of this Island as namely first of the great nauie of that victorious Saxon prince king Edgar mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis Roger Houeden Rainulph of Chester Matthew of Westminster Flores historiarum in the libel of English policie pag. 202. and 203. of this present volume Of which Authors some affirme the sayd Fleet to haue consisted of 4800. others of 4000. some others of 3600. ships howbeit if I may presume to gloze vpon the text I verily thinke that they were not comparable either for burthen strength building or nimble stirrage vnto the ships of later times and specially of this age But howsoeuer it be they all agree in this that by meanes of the sayd huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince yea and some of them affirme together with William of Malmesbury that he was not onely soueraigne lord of all the British seas and of the whole Isle of Britaine it selfe but also that he brought vnder his yoke of subiection most of the Isles and some of the maine lands adiacent And for that most of our Nauigators at this time bee for want of trade and practise that way either vtterly ignorant or but meanely skilfull in the true state of the Seas Shoulds and Islands lying between the North part of Ireland and of Scotland I haue for their better encouragement if any weightie action shall hereafter chance to drawe them into those quarters translated into English a briefe treatise called A Chronicle of the Kings of Man Wherein they may behold as well the tragical and dolefull historie of those parts for the space almost of 300. yeeres as also the most ordinarie and accustomed nauigations through those very seas and amidst those Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides so many hundred yeeres agoe For they shall there read that euen then when men were but rude in sea-sea-causes in regard of the great knowledge which we now haue first Godredus Crouan with a whole Fleet of ships throughly haunted some places in that sea secondly that one Ingemundus setting
to breed vp horses promised the king as many footmen as euery man was bound to send so that out of the six Islands namely of Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke the king had sixe score thousand souldiers sâ—nt him A testimonie of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine taken out of M. Lambard his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. 137. pag. 2. ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum vir magnus suit animosus miles illustris Parum fuit ei regnum istud non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam totam quae modo Norweia vocatur omnes insulas vltra Scantiam sâ—z Islandiam Grenlandiam quae sunt de appendicijs Norweiae Suechordam Hyberniam â—uâ—landiam Daciam Semelandiam Winlandiam Curlandiam Roe Femelandiam Wirelandiam Flandriam Cherelam Lappam omnes alias terras insulas Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae multas insulas vltra Scantiam vsque dum â—ub Septentrione quae sunt de appendicibus Scantiae quae modo Norweia vocatur Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè Arthurus autem Christianus optimus fuit fecit eos baptizari vnum Deum per totam Norweiam venerari vnam fidem Chriâ—ti semper inuiolatam custodire suscipere Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo vnde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente sanguine regni huius Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa à Curia Romana quod confirmata sit Norweia in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius vocauÃtque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britannie Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses se debere in regno isto cohabitare dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius scilicet de corona Britannie Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto quà m in terra eorum propria Terra enim eorum arida est montuosa sterilis non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca Ista verò opulenta est fertilis crescunt hic segetes caetera vniuersa Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos Norwegienses interfecti sunt innumerâ—biles Occupauerunt verò Norwegienses terras multas insulas regni huius quas adhuc detinent occupatas nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli Tandem modò confederati sunt nobis fide sacramento per vxores suas quas postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro per affinitates coniugia Ita demum constituit eis concessic bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster qui fuit optimus filius pacis per commune confilium totius regni Qua de causa possent debent predicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare remanere in regno sicut coniurati fratres nostri The same in English ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains was a mightie and valiant man and a famous warriour This kingdome was too litle for him his minde was not conteated with it He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia which is now called Norway and all the Islands beyond Norway to wit Island and Greenland which are apperteining vnto Norway Sweueland Ireland Gotland Denmarke Semeland Windland Curland Roe Femeland Wireland Flanders Cherilland Lapland and all the other lands Islands of the East sea euen vnto Russia in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire and many other Islands beyond Norway euen vnder the North pole which are appendances of Scantia now called Norway These people were wild and sauage and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors because all euill commeth from the North yet there were among them certeine Christians liuing in secret But king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian and caused them to be baptized and thorowout all Norway to worship one God and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer faith in Christ onely At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines whereupon the Norses say that they are descended of the race and blood of this kingdome The aforesayd king Arthur obteined also in those dayes of the Pope court of Rome that Norway should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlargement of this kingdome and he called it the chamber of Britaine For this cause the Norses say that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome to wit that they belong to the crowne of Britaine for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue countrey which is drie and full of mountaines and barren and no graine growing there but in certeine places But this countrey of Britaine is fruitfull wherein corne and all other good things do grow and increase for which cause many cruell battels haue bene oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine the Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire which vnto this day they doe possesse neither could they euer afterwards be fully expelled But now at length they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments and by taking wiues of our nation and by affinitie and mariages For so the good king Edward who was a notable mainteiner of peace ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the whole kingdome so that the people may and ought from hencefoorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis concerning the conquests of Malgo king of England Lib. 11. cap. 7. VOrtiporio successit Malgo omnium ferè Britanniae pulcherrimus multorum tyrannorum depulsor robustus armis largior caeteris vltra modum probitate praeclarus Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit sex conprouinciales Oceani Iusulas Hyberniam videlicet atque Islandiam Gotlandiam Orcades Noruegiam Daciam adiecit dirissimis praelijs potestati suae The same in English MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man in person of all Britaine a prince that expulsed many tyrants He was strong and valiant in warre taller then most men that then liued and exceeding famous for his vertues This king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe Islands of the Ocean sea which before had bene made tributaries by king Arthur namely Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historie
vnderstood the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa And immediately demanding gifts at our hands they obtained them Then receiuing the same horses from which they dismounted together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto Corrensa But they riding a swift pace sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke Corrensa to signifie the message which we had deliuered vnto them This duke is gouernour of all them which lie in guard against the natioÌ„s of the West least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon them And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa Chap. 21. BEing come therefore vnto his court hee caused our tent to bee placed farre from him and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him that is to say what giftes we would offer in doing our obeisance vnto him Unto whome wee answered that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them for we passed through most dangerous places Notwithstanding to our abilitie we will honour him with some part of those things which haue bene by the goodnes of God the fauour of the Pope bestowed vpoÌ„ vs for our sustenance Hauing receiued our gifts they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente and in any case to beware lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore And that after we were entred wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles the same wordes which wee had before sayde kneeling vpon our knees Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightieâ—â— prince among them except the Emperour they are bound to obey him before all other princes We began our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent and riding as fast as our horses could trot for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day we posted from morning till night yea very often in the night season also and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday All this iourney we went through the land of Comania which is al plaine ground and hath foure mighty riuers running through it The first is called Neper on the side whereof towards Russia duke Corrensa Montij marched vp and downe which Montij on tâ—e other side vpon the plaines is greater then he The second is called Don vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in mariage the sister of Baty his name is Tirbon The third is called Volga which is an exceeding great riuer vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth The fourth is called Iaec vpon which two Millenaries doe march on each side of the riuer one All these in the winter time descend down to the sea in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the mountains The sea last named is the Great sea out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth which runneth by Constantinople These riuers do abound with plenty of fiâ—hes but especially Volga they exonerate theÌ„selues into the Grecian sea which is called Mare maior Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places that for many daies together For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea But before we came vnto Bathy two of our Tartars rode afore to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy Chap. 22. MOreouer when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles And when we should be conducted vnto his court it was tolde vs that we must passe between two fires But we would by no means be induced thereunto Howbeit they said vnto vs you may passe through without al danger for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord or bring any poyson with you fire may take away all euill Unto whom we answered that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter we were contented to passe through When therefore we were come vnto the Orda being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa The gifts being giuen and receiued the causes of our iourney also being heard they brought vs into the tabernacle of the prince first bowing our selues at the doore being admonished as before not to tread vpon the threshold And being entred we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees deliuered him our letters and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto vs and we together with them diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian Tartarian and Saracen languages This interpretation was presented vnto Bathy which he read attentiuely noted At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs except it were once a litle Millet in a dich the first night of our comming This Bathy caries himselfe very stately magnificently hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues The rest namely as well his brethren and sonnes as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench and others sit downe vpon the ground behinde him but the men on the right hand and the women on the left He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also which were once the kings of Hungaria Neither dare any man come into his tent besides them of his owne family vnles he be called be he neuer so mighty and great except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure Wee also for the same cause sate on the left hand for so doe all ambassadors in going but in returning from the Emperour we were alwaies placed on the right hand In the middest stands his table neare vnto the doore of the tent vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels
beastes skinnes In those partes they haue but small store of cattell The Mosco it selfe is great I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes but it is very rude and standeth without all order Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire There is a faire Castle the walles whereof are of bricke and very high they say they are eighteene foote thicke but I doe not beleeue it it doth not so seeme notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it for no stranger may come to viewe it The one side is ditched and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium and on the North side there is a base towne the which hath also a bricke wall about it and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall The Emperour lieth in the castle wherein are nine fayre Churches and therin are religious men Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene It is very lowe built in eight square much like the olde building of England with small windowes and so in other poynts Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie After I had remained twelue daies the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters whereof I was right glad and so I gaue mine attendance And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen all in cloth of golde very sumptuous and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles which were a faire company they sateround about the chamber on high yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt and in a long garment of beaten golde with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome enquired of me the health of the King my master and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court and that my trust was that he was now in the same Upon the which he bade me to dinner The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded for before they were all couered and when his Grace had receiued my letter I was required to depart for I had charge not to speake to the Duke but when he spake to me So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber where I remayned two houres and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace but I saw no cause why it should be so called for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts and so I came into the hall which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England and the table was couered with a tablecloth and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand which boorde was full of vessell of golde and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate in a gowne of siluer with a crowne emperiall vpon his head he sate in a chaire somewhat hie There sate none neare him by a great way There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner they were all in white Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on which stoode full of cuppes of golde and amongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them of golde and siluer I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones which were the Dukes owne drinking cups when he was disposed he drunke them off at a draught And for his seruice at meate it came in without order yet it was very rich seruice for all were serued in gold not onely he himselfe but also all the rest of vs and it was very massie the cups also were of golde and very massie The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons and all were serued in golden vessell The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold and they serued him with their caps on their heads Before the seruice came in the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude and sayd Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread then must all men stand vp and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken And then last of all he giueth the Marshall bread whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace and so doth reuerence and departeth Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces and euery one in a seuerall dish the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before And as I sayd before the seruice of his meate is in no order but commeth in dish by dish and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke with the like saying as before is tolde Also before dinner hee changed his crowne and in dinner time two crownes so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to euery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand so likewise drinke His intent thereby is as I haue heard that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them hauing so many as he hath Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging which was an hower within night I will leaue this and speake no more of him nor his houshold but I will some what declare of his land and people with their nature and power in the wars This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis his power is marueilous
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
the companies booke keeper here to be kept to their behalfe to the ende that they may be iustly answered the same when time shall require and this order to be seene and kept euery voyage orderly by the Pursers of the companies owne ship in any wise 2 Also when the shippe beginneth to lade you shall be ready a boord with your booke to enter such goods as shall be brought aboord to be laden for the company packed or vnpacked taking the markes and numbers of euery packe fardell trusse or packet corouoya chest fatte butte pipe punchcon whole barrell halfe barrell firken or other caske maunde or basket or any other thing which may or shall be packed by any other manner of waies or deuise And first all such packes or trusses c. as shal be brought aboord to be laden not marked by the companies marke you shall doe the best to let that the same be not laden and to enquire diligently to know the owners thereof if you can and what commoditie the same is that is so brought aboord to be laden if you can not know the owners of such goods learne what you can thereof as well making a note in your booke as also to send or bring word thereof to the Agent and to some one of the foure Marchants with him adioined so speedily as you can if it be here laden or to be laden in this riuer being not marked with the companies marke as is aforesaid and when the sayd shippe hath receiued in all that the companies Agent will haue laden you shal make a iust copie of that which is laden reciting the parcels the markes and numbers of euery thing plainely which you shall likewise deliuer to the sayd bookekeeper to the vse aforesayd 3 Also when the ship is ready to depart you shall come for your cockets and letters to the Agent and shall shew him all such letters as you haue receiued of any person or persons priuately or openly to be deliuered to any person or persons in Russia or elsewhere and also to declare if you know any other that shall passe in the ship either master or mariner that hath receiued any letters to be priuily deliuered to any there directed froÌ„ any person or persons other then from the Agent here to the Agent there which letters so by you receiued you shall not carie with you without you be licenced so to doe by the Agent here and some of the foure merchants as is aforesayd and such others as do passe hauing receiued any priuie letters to be deliuered you shal all that in you lieth let the deliuerie of them at your arriuing in Russia and also if you haue or do receiue or shal know any other that doth or hath receiued any goods or ready money to be imployed in Russia or to bee deliuered there to any person or persons from any person or persons other then such as bee the companies goods and that vnder their marke you shall before the ship doeth depart declare the same truely to the sayd Agent and to some of the other merchants to him adioyned as it is before declared 4 Also when the shippe is ready to depart and hath the master and the whole company aboord you shall diligently foresee and take heede that there passe not any priuie person or persons other then such as be authorized to passe in the said ship without the licence and warrant of one of the Gouernours and of the assistants for the same his passage to be first shewed And if there be any such person or persons that is to passe and will passe without shewing the same warrant you shall let the passage of any such to the vttermost of your power And for that there may no such priuie person passe vnder the cloke and colour of some mariner you shall vpon the weying of your ships anker call the master and the mariners within boord by their names and that by your bookes to the ende that you may see that you haue neither more nor lesse but iust the number for the voyage 5 Also you must haue in remembrance that if it shall chance the shippe to bee put into anie harbour in this coast by contrary windes or otherwise in making the voyage to send word thereof from time to time as the case shall require by your letters in this maner To master I. B. Agent for the company of the New trades in S. in London If you doe hier any to bring your letters write that which he must haue for the portage And for your better knowledge and learning you shall do very well to keepe a dayly note of the voyage both outwards and homewards 6 And principally see that you forget not dayly in all the voiage both morning and euening to call the company within boord to prayer in which doing you shall please God and the voiage will haue the better successe thereby and the company prosper the better 7 Also in calme weather and at other times when you shall fortune to come to anker in the seas during the voyage you shall for the companies profite and for the good husbanding of the victuals aboord call vpon the Boateswaine and other of the company to vse such hookes and other engines as they haue aboord to take fish with that such fish so taken may bee eaten for the cause aforesayd and if there bee no such engines aboord then to prouide some before you goe from hence 8 And when God shall send you in safetie into the Bay of S. Nicholas at an anker you shall goe a shore with the first boate that shall depart from the ship taking with you such letters as you haue to deliuer to the Agent there and if he be not there at your comming a land then send the companies letters to Colmogro to him by some sure mariner or otherwise as the master and you shall thinke best but goe not your selfe at any hand nor yet from aboord the ship vnlesse it bee a shore to treate with the Agent for the lading of the ship that you be appointed in which you shall applie diligently to haue done so speedily as may be And for the discharging of the goods therein in the Bay to be carried from thence see that you doe looke well to the vulading thereof that there be none other goods sent a shore then the companies and according to the notes entred in your booke as is aforesaid if there be inquire diligently for whom they bee and what goods they be noting who is the receiuer of the sayd goods in such sort that the company may â—anethe true knowledge thereof at your comming home 9 Also there a shore and likewise aboord you shall spie and search as secretly as you may to learne and know what bargaining buying and selling there is with the master and the mariners of the shippe and the Russes or with the companies seruants there and that which you shall perceiue and learne you shall
into his dominions and that obtained to haue returned againe with speede The same your seruaunt iourneying to the sayd Citie of Arrash and there finding certaine Merchants Armenians which promised to goe to the sayd City of Georgia comming to the borders thereof was perceiued by a Captaine there that he was a Christian and thereupon demaunded whither he went and vnderstanding that he could not passe further without great suspition answered that he came thither to buy Silkes and shewed the king of Hircanes letters which hee had with him and so returned backe againe and the fifteenth of April came to Shamachi from whence I departed the sixteene of the same moneth and the one and twentie therof comming to the Sea side and finding my barke in a readinesse I caused your goods to be laden and there attended a faire winde But before I proceede any further to speake of my returne I intend with your fauours somewhat to treate of the countrey of Persia of the great Sophie and of his countrey lawes and religion This land of Persia is great and ample deuided into many kingdomes and prouinces as Gillan Corasan Shiruan and many others hauing diuers Cities townes and castles in the same Euery prouince hath his seuerall King or Sultan all in obedience to the great Sophie The names of the chiefest Cities be these Teueris Casbin Keshan Yesse Meskit Heirin Ardouill Shamachi Arrash with many others The countrey for the most part toward the sea side is plaine and full of pasture but into the land high full of mountaines and sharpe To the South it bordereth vpon Arabia and the East Ocean To the North vpon the Caspian sea and the lands of Tartaria To the East vpon the prouinces of India and to the West vpon the confines of Chaldea Syria and other the Turkes lands All within these dominions be of the Sophies named Shaw Thamas sonne to Ismael Sophie This Sophie that now raigneth is nothing valiant although his power be great and his people martiall and through his pusillanimitie the Turke hath much inuaded his countreys euen nigh vnto the Citie of Teueris wherein hee was wont to keepe his chiefe court And now hauing forsaken the same is chiefly resident at Casbin aforesaide and alwayes as the said Turke pursueâ—h him he not being able to withstand the Turke in the fielde trusting rather to the mountaines for his safegard then to his fortes and castles hath caused the same to bee rased within his dominions and his ordinance to be molten to the intent that his enemies pursuing him they should not strengthen themselues with the same This prince is of the age of fiftie yeeres and of a reasonable stature hauing fiue children His eldest sonne he keepeth captiue in prison for that he feareth him for his valiantnesse and actiuitie he professeth a kinde of holynesse and saith that hee is descended of the blood of Mahâ—met and Murtezalli and although these Persians bee Mahometans as the Turkes and Tartars bee yet honour they this false fained Murtezalli saying that hee was the chiefest disciple that Mahomet had cursing and chiding dayly three other disciples that Mahomet had called Ouear Vsiran and Abebeck and these three did slay the saide Murtezalli for which cause and other differences of holy men and lawes they haue had and haue with the Turkes and Tartars mortall warres To intreat of their religion at large being more or lesse Mahomets lawe and the Alkaron I shall not need at this present These persons are comely and of good complexion proude and of good courage esteeming themselues to bee best of all nations both for their religion and holinesse which is most erroneous and also for all other their fashions They be martial delighting in faire horses and good harnesse soone angrie craftie and hard people Thus much I haue thought good to treate of this nation and nowe I returne to discourse the proceeding of the rest of my voyage My barke being ready at the Caspian sea as aforesaide hauing a faire winde and committing our selues vnto God the 30. day of May 1563. we arriued at Asâ—â—acan hauing passed no lesse dangers vpon the Sea in our returne then wee sustained in our going foorth and remayning at the said Astracan vntill the tenth day of Iune one hundred gunners being there admitted vnto mee for my safegard vp the riuer Volga the fifteenth of Iuly I arriued at the Citie of Cazan where the Captaine entertained me well and so dismissing mee I was conducted from place to place vnto the Citie of Mosco where I arriued the twentieth day of August 1563. in safetie thankes bee to God with all such goods merchandizes and iewels as I had prouided as well for the Emperours stocke and accompt as also of yours all which goods I was commaunded to bring into the Emperours treasurie before it was opened which I did and deliuered those parcels of wares which were for his Maiesties accompt videliceâ— precious stones and wrought silkes of sundry colours and sortes much to his highnesse contentation and the residue belonging to you viz. Crasko and rawe silkes with other merchandizes as by accompt appeareth were brought vnto your house whereof part there remained and the rest was laden in your shippes lately returned Shortly after my comming to the Mosco I came before the Emperours Maiestie and presented vnto him the apparell giuen vnto me by the Sophie whose highnesse conferred with mee touching the princes affaires which he had committed to my charge and my proceedings therein it pleased him so to accept that they were much to his contentation saying vnto mee I haue perceiued your good seruice for the which I doe thanke you and will recompence you for the same wishing that I would trauell againe in such his other affaires wherein hee was minded to employ mee to whom I answered that it was to my heartie reioycing that my seruice was so acceptable vnto his highnesse acknowledging all that I had done to bee but of duetie humbly beseeching his grace to continue his goodnesse vnto your worships and euen at that instant I humbly requested his Maiestie to vouchsafe to graunt vnto you a newe priuiledge more ample then the first which immediately was graunted and so I departed And afterwards hauing penned a briefe note howe I meant to haue the same priuiledges made I repaired dayly to the Secretary for the perfecting of the same and obtained it vnder his Maiesties broade seale which at my departure from thence I deliuered vnto the custody of Thomas Glouer your Agent there The copy whereof and also of the other priuiledges graunted and giuen by the king of Hircan I haue already deliuered vnto you Soiourning all that winter at Mosco and in the meane time hauing baâ—gained with the Emperours Maiestie I sent away your seruant Edward Clarke hither ouer-land with aduise and also made preparation for sending againe into Persia in meete time of the yeere And committing the charge thereof vnto
part of Scotland vpon a rocke was also lost and Master Chanceller with diuers other drowned The sayd Russe ambassadour hardly escaping with other his men mariners some goods sauer were sent for into Scotland from the King Queene and Merchants the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie and others And then as in the chronicles appeareth honorably enterteined and receiued at London This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse named the Serchthrift to discouer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas There was in her Master and Pilot Stephen Burrough with his brother William and eight other Their discouery was beyond the Bay towarde the Samoeds people dwelling neare the riuer of Ob and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats first by them put into the Carde or Mappe In that place they threw snowe out of their said pinnesse with shouels in August by which extremitie and lacke of time they came backe to Russia and wintred at Colmogro Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships sent backe the said Russe ambassadour and in company with him sent as an Agent for further discouery Master Anthony Ienkinson who afterward anno 1558 with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia and his letters passed the riuer Volga to Cazan and meaning to seeke Cathay by land was by many troupes and companies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred and in danger but keeping company with merchants of Bactria or Boghar and Vrgeme trauelling with camels he with his company went to Boghar and no further whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master Ienkinson which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie And in anno 1560. he with Henry Lane came home into England which yeere was the first safe returne without losse or shipwracke or dead fraight burnings And at this time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia which confines with Lituania all the dominions of Russia and the markets faires commodities great townes riuers were sent vnto by diuers seruants the reports were taken by Henry Lane Agent and deliuered to the companie 1561. The trade to Rie and Reuel of old time hath bene long since frequented by our English nation but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia who the next yeere after passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan and ouer the Caspian sea arriued in Persia and opened the trade thither Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master Ienkinsons were made by Thomas Alcock Arthur Edwards Master Thomas Bannister and Master Geffrey Ducket whose returne if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues had altogether salued and recouered the companies called the olde companies great losse charges and damages but the saying is trueâ— By vnitie small things grow great by contention great things become small This may be vnderstood best by the company The frowardnesse of some few and euill doing of some vniust factors was cause of much of the euill successe Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan About which matters are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire Ambassador anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries freedomes and priuileges wherewith I meddle not But in conclusion for their paines and aduentures this way as diuers do now adayes other wayes as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes to doe their countrey good I put them in your memorie with my hearty farewell From S. Magarets neere Dartforth in Kent Yours Henry Lane The most solemne and magnificent coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia c. the tenth of Iune in the yeere 1584. seene and obserued by Master Ierom Horsey gentleman and seruant to her Maiesty a man of great trauell and long experience in those parts wherwith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land from Mosco to Emden WHen the old Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died being about the eighteenth of Aprill 1584. after our computation in the citie of Mosco hauing raigned 54. yeeres there was some tumult annd vprore among some of the nobilitie and cominaltie which notwithstanding was quickly pacified Immediately the same night the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Knez Iuan Pheodorowich Mesthis Slafsky Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky Mekita Romanowich Bodan Iacoulewich Belskoy being all noble men and chiefest in the Emperors Will especially the Lord Boris whom he adopted as his third sonne was brother to the Empresse who was a maÌ„ very wel liked of al estates as no lesse worthy for his valure wisedome all these were appointed to dispose settle his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich hauing one sworne another and all the nobilitie and officers whosoeuer In the morning y e dead Emperor was layd into the Church of Michael the Archangel into a hewen sepulcre very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose and present Proclamation was made Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Ruâ—sia c. Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward with souldiers and gunners good orders established and officers placed to subdue the tumulters and mainteine quietnes to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding This being done in Mosco great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bordering Townes as Smolensko Vobsko Kasan Nouogorod c. with fresh garrison and the old sent vp As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held wherein were assembled the Metropolitane Archbishops Bishops Priors and chiefe clergie men and all the nobility whatsoeuer where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose yet all tended to a new reformation in the gouernmentâ— but especially the terme and time was agreed vpon for the solemnizing of the new Emperors coronation In the meane time y e Empresse wife to the old Emperor was with her child the Emperors sonne Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich of one yeres age or there abouts sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay that kindred being 5. Brothers to a towne called Ouglets which was giuen vnto her and the young Prince her sonne with all the lands belonging to it in the shire with officers of all sortes appointed hauing allowance of apparell iewels diet horse c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a princesse The time of mourning after their vse being expired called Sorachyn or fortie orderlie dayes the day of the solemnizing of this coronation with great preparations was come being vpon the 10. day of Iune 1584. and that day then Sunday he being of the age of 25. yeeres at which time Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for and placed in a fit roome to
Islanders We wil prosecute in order the properties of these fountains set downe by the foresaid writers The first by reason of his continuall heat There be very many Baths or hote fountains in Island but fewer vehemently hote which we thinke ought not to make any man wonder when as I haue learned out of authors that Germanie euery where aboundeth with such hote Baths especially neere the foot of the Alpes The hote Baths of Baden Gebarsuil Calben in the duchy of Wittenberg and many other be very famous all which Fuchsius doeth mention in his booke de Arte medendi And not onely Germanie but also France beyond all the rest Italy that mother of all commodities saith Cardan And Aristotle reporteth that about Epyrus these hote waters doe much abound whereupon the place is called Pyriplegethon And I say these things should therefore be y e lesse admired because the searchers of nature haue as wel found out causes of the heate in waters as of the fire in mountaines namely that water runneth within the earth through certaine veines of Brimstone Allom and from thence taketh not onely heat but taste also other strange qualities Aristotle in his booke de Mundo hath taught this The earth saith he conteineth within it fountains not only of water but also of spirite fire some of them flowing like riuers doe cast foorth red hote iron from whence also doeth flow somtimes luke-warme water somtimes skalding hote and somtimes temperate And Seneca Empedocles thought that Baths were made hote by fire which the earth secretly conteineth in many places especially if the said fire bee vnder that ground where the water passeth And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the Baian Baths No maruell though from banke of Baian shore hote Baths or veines of skalding licour flow For Vulcans forge incensed euermore doeth teach vs plaine that heart of earth below And bowels burne and fire enraged glow From hence the flitting flood sends smokie streames And Baths doe boile with secret burning gleames I thought good in this place to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the most famous historiographer of the Danes reporteth That certaine fountains of Island do somtime encrease flow vp to the brinke sometimes againe they fall so lowe that you can skarse discerne them to be fountains Which kind of fountains albeit they bee very seldome found with vs yet I will make mention of some like vnto them produced by nature in other countries lest any man should think it somwhat strange Plinie maketh a great recitall of these There is one saieth he in the Isle of Tenedos which at the Solstitium of sommer doth alwaies flow from the third houre of the night till the sixt In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountaine there is a riuer which in the midst of sommer alwaies encreaseth and in winter is dried vp He maketh mention also of a very large fountaine which euery houre doeth encrease and fall Neither is it to be omitted that sâ—me riuers run vnder the ground and after that fall againe into an open chanel as Lycus in Asia Erasinus in Argolica Tigris in Mesopotamia vnto which Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscouia and those things which were throwen into Aesculapius fountaine at Athens were cast vp againe in Phaletico And Seneca writeth that there are certaine riuers which being let downe into some caue vnâ—er ground are withdrawen out of sight seeming for the time to be vtterly perished and taken away and that after some distance the very same riuers returne enioying their former name and their course And againe Pliuie reporteth that there is a riuer receiued vnder ground in the field of Atinas that issueth out twentie miles from that place All which examples and the like should teach vs that the fountaines of Island are not to be made greater wonders then the rest Doth forth with conuert into a stone any body cast into it By these two properties namely warmth or most vehement heat a vertue of hardening bodies doth Frisius describe his first fountaine And I haue heard reported though I neuer had experience thereof my selfe that there is such a fountain in Island not far froÌ„ the bishops seat of Schalholt in a village called Haukadal Seneca reporteth of the like saying That there is a certain fountain which conuerteth wood into stone hardening the bowels of those men which drinke thereof And addeth further that such fountains are to bee found in certaine places of Italy which thing Ouid in the 15. booke of his Metamor ascribeth vnto the riuer of the Cicones Water drunke out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flintie stone doeth change Ought else therewith besprinckt as earth or wood becommeth marble streight a thing most strange And Cardane Georgius Agricola affirmeth that in the territorie of Elbogan about the town which is named of Falcons that the whole bodies of Pine trees are conuerted into stone and which is more wonderfull that they containe within certaine rifts the stone called Pyrites or the Flint And Domitius Brusonius reporteth that in the riuer of Silar running by the foote of that mountain which standeth in the field of the citie in old time called Vrsence but now Contursia leaues and boughs of trees change into stones that not vpon other mens credite but vpon his own experience being borne brought vp in that country which thing Plinie also auoucheth saying that the said stones doe shew the number of their yeeres by the number of their Barks or stony husks So if we may giue credite to authors drops of the Gothes fountain being dispersed abroad become stones And in Hungary the water of Cepusius being poured into pitchers is conuerted to stone And Plinie reporteth that wood being cast into the riuer of the Cicones and into the Veline lake in the field of Pice is enclosed in a barke of stone growing ouer it The second is extremely cold As for the second fountaine here is none to any mens knowledge so extremely cold In deed there be very many that bee indifferently coole insomuch that our common riuers in the Sommer time being luke-warme wee take delight to fetch water from those coole springs It may be that there are some farre colder in other countries for Cardane maketh mention of a riuer streaming from the top of an hill in the field of Corinth colder then snow and within a mile of Culma the riuer called Insana seeming to be very hote is most extremely cold c. The third is sweeter then honie Neither is this altogether true For there is not any fountaine with vs which may in the least respect be compared with the sweetnesse of honie And therfore Saxo wrote more truly saying that certaine fountains for there be very many yeelding taste as good as beere and also in the same place there are fountains riuers not onely of diuers tasts but of diuers colours And albeit naturall Philosophers teach that water
naturally of it selfe hath neither taste nor smel yet it is likely as we haue touched before which other call per accidens that oftentimes it representeth the qualities of that earth wherein it is engendred and through the veines whereof it hath passage and issue and from hence proceed the diuers sundry smels colours and sauours of all waters Of such waters doeth Seneca make mention whereof some prouoke hunger others make men drunken some hurt the memory some helpe it some resemble the very qualitie and taste of wine as that fountaine which Plinie speaketh of in the I le of Andros within the temple of Bachus which in the Nones of Ianuary vsed to flow ouer with wine And Aristotle reporteth that in the field of Carthage there is a fountain which yeeldeth oile certaine drops smelling like Cedar Also Orens a riuer of Thessalie flowing into Peneus swimmeth aloft like oile Cardane reporteth that there is in Saxonie neere vnto the town of Brunswic a fountaine mixed with oile and another in Sueuia neere vnto the Abbey called Tergensch Also in the valley of the mountain Iurassus He supposeth the cause of this thing to bee very fattie pitch which cannot but conteine oile in it The same author saieth It is reported that in Cardia neere to the place of Daschylus in the white field there is water sweeter then milke Another also neere vnto the bridge which we passe ouer going to the towne of Valdeburg Propertius likewise in the third booke of his Elegies mentioneth certaine waters representing the sauour of wine in these words Amidst the Isle of Naxus loe with fragrant smels and fine A freshet runs ye Naxians goe fill cups carouse there 's wine This Naxus is one of the Ilands called Cyclades lying in the AEgaean sea Cardane giueth a reason hereof namely because Hydromel or water-hony in long continuance will become wine Aristotle nameth a fountaine in Sicilia which the inhabitants vse in stead of vineger The same author maketh the cause of sauours in water to be heate because the earth being hote changeth and giueth sauour vnto the water Now concerning the colours of water so saieth Cardane There is the same reason saith he of the colours of water that there is of the sauours thereof for both haue their originall froÌ„ the earth For there is white water within two miles of Glauca a town in Misena red water in Radera a riuer of Misena not farre from Radeburg in old time neere vnto Ioppa in Iudea greene water in the mountaine of Carpathus by Neâ—sola skie-coloured or blue water betweene the mountains of Feltrius Taruisius it is reported that there was water of that colour in Thermopylis cole-blacke water in Alera a riuer of Saxonie at that place where it dischargeth it self into the Weser The causes of these colours are the colours of the soile Also Aristotle saieth that about the promontorie of Iapigia there is a fountaine which streameth blood adding moreouer that Mariners are driuen farre from that place of the sea by reason of the extreme stench thereof Furthermore they say that in Idumaea there is a fountaine which changeth color foure times in a yeere for somtimes it is greene somtime white somtime bloodie somtimes muddy coloured Concerning the smels of waters thus writeth Cardane There is the like reason of difference in smels But for the most part the steames of waters bee vnpleasant because the earth doeth seldome times smel well The water of the riuer Anigris in Aelis stanke to the destruction not onely of fishes but also of men About Mâ—â—on in Messania out of a certaine pond there hath bene drawen most sweet smelling and odoriferous water I doe recite all these examples to the end that no man should make a greater wonder at the colours smels and sauours of waters that be in Island then at those which are in other countreis The fourth is altogether deadly Isidore affirmeth that there is a certaine fountaine whose water being drunke eâ—tinguisheth life And Plinie saieth That about Nonaris in Arcadia the riuer of Styx neere the mountaine of Cillene saieth Cardane it would be contained in nothing but an horse-hoofe and it is reported that Alexander the great was poisoned there withal not differing from other water neither in smell nor colour being drunke is present death In Berosus an hill of the people called Tauri there are three fountains euery one of them deadly without remedy yet without griefe And which is the strangest thing of all the rest Seneca maketh mention of a poole into which whosoeuer looke do presently die But as for this fourth fountaine of Frisius which Saxo doeth likewise mention we Islanders as alwayes heretofore so euen at this day do testifie that it is vtterly vnknowen vnto vs and therefore in this regard we render vnto God immortall thanks because he hath vouchsafed to preserue our nation from such fountains from serpents and venemous wormes from al other pestiferous contagious creatures Furthermore about the foresaid mountains there is such abundance of brimstone The three mountains called by Munster and Frisius Fierie mountains do all of them stand an huge distance from our Mines Wherefore when as neere vnto these hils they haue found out a place for foure fountains which they doe so mightily extoll for wonders they must needs haue some Brimstone Mines also standing a like distance from the said fountaines And assuredly neither about mount Hecla as Munster would haue it nor by Frisius his fountaines the report whereof how true it is hath bene hitherto declared is Brimstone digged vp at this day nor I thinke euer was within the remembrance of our fathers Neither is it true that Munster reporteth concerning the abundance of Brimstone namely that it is almost the onely merchandize and tribute of the Iland For whereas the Iland is deuided into foure partes the fourth part onely towards the North nay but euen the halfe thereof doeth vse it for merchandize and there is not one crumme of Brimstone paied for tribute of the Iland The twelfth Section There are so great store of fishes in this Iland that they are laid foorth on piles to be sold in the open aire as high as the tops of houses IN the open aire In deed we haue seen other country merchants doe so vntil they had vnladen their ships of outlandish wares filled theÌ„ againe with fishes with other of our countrey merchandize But whether our men haue done the like at any time it is not manifest Certainly that plentifull and ancient abundance of fish is now decaied and the Islanders now begin to be pinched with the want of these and other good things the Lord laying the iust scourge of our impietie vpon vs which I pray God we may duely acknowledge The thirteenth Section They haue most swift horses which wil run without ceasing a continual course for the space of 30. leagues
maner of shooting is little vsed amongst christian men Howbeit by euident myracle thanked be God the sayd pieces did no great harme and slew not past 24. or 25. persons and the most part women and children and they began to shoot with the said pieces from the 19. day of the â—ame moneth vnto the end of August it was accounted that they shot 2000. times more or lesse Then the enemies were warned by the Iewe that wrote letters to them of all that was done and sayd in the towne that the sayd potgunnes did no harme wherefore they were angry for they thought that they had slaine the third part of our people and they were counselled by him to leaue that shooâ—ing for it was but time lost and pouder wasted and then they shot no more with them It is of a trueth that they shot with the sayd potgunnes 12. or 15. times with bullets of brasse or copper full of wild fire and when they were in the ayre they flamed foorth and in falling on the ground they brake and the fire came out and did some harme But at the last wee knew the malice thereof and the people was warie from comming neere to them and therefore they did hurt no more folke How the captaine Gabriel Martiningo came to the succor of Rhodes and all the slaues were in danger to be slaine THe 24. day of the same moneth a brigantine arriued that was sent afore into Candie wherein came a worthy captaine named Gabriel Martiningo with two other captains And there went to receiue him messieur prou Iohn prior of S. Giles and the prior of Nauarre Then after his honourable receiuing as to him well appertained they brought him before the lord great master that louingly receiued him and he was gladly seene and welcommed of the people as a man that was named very wise and ingenious in feats of warre Then came a Spaniard renâ—gado from the host that gaue vs warning of all that was done in the field and of the approching by the trenches that our enemies made And in likewise there arose a great noise in the towne that the slaues Turks that wrought for vs in the diches had slaine their keepers and would haue fled which was not so Neuerthelesse the rumour was great and they rang alarme wherefore the sayd slaues comming to prison as it was ordeined in al the alarmes were met of the people which in great anger put them to death so that there were slain an hundred moe the same day And if the lord great master had not commanded that none should hurt them they had bene all slaine and there were fifteene hundreth of them which slaues did great seruice in time of the siege for they laboured dayly to make our defences and to cast earth out of the ditches and in all works they were necessary at our needs How the great Turke arriued in person before Rhodes THe 25 day of the sayd moneth many of our men went out for to skinnish in the field and made great murder of Turks and in likewise did our artillery And it is to be noted that the 28 day of the same moneth the great Turke in person passed le Fisco a hauen in the maine land with a galley and a fust and arriued about noone where his army lay the which day may be called vnhappie for Rhodes For his comming his presence and continuall abiding in the fielde is and hath beene cause of the victorie that he hath had When the gallie that he came in was arriued all the other shippes of the hoste hanged banners aloft in their toppes and on their sayle yerdes Soone after that the Turke was arriued he went to land and mounted on his horse and râ—de to his pauilion which was in a high place called Megalandra foure or fiue miles fro the towne out of the danger of the gunne shot And on the morow as it was reported to vs hee came to a Church nigh the towne called Saint Steuen for to viewe the Towne and fortresses whereas they had set vp mantellets for to lay their ordinance THe last day of Iuly one of our brigandines went out with a good company of men arayed as Turkes and some of them could speake Turkish and went by night to lande through the Turkes hoste and demaunded if there were any that would passe ouer into Turkie that they should haste them to come The Turkes weening that they had beene of Turkie there entred a 12. persons the which were carried to Rhodes by whom we knew what they did in the campe The first day of August the Captaine Gabriel Martiningo was made knight of the order of the religion by the lord great Master and was made the first auncient of the Italian nation of the first baliage or priorie that should be vacant And in the meane season the religion should giue him twelue hundred ducates for pension euery yeere and the same day he was receiued to the Councell in the roome of a baylife The fift day of the sayd moneth our master gunner was slaine with a gunne which was great losse for vs at that time The 15. day of the sayd moneth was knowen and taken for a traitor Messire Iohn Baptista the physicion aforesayd which confessed his euill and diuelish doings and had his head striken of Of the marueilous mounts that the Turks made afore the towne and how the capitaines were ordered in the trenches AFter the comming of the great Turke the enemies began to shoote with ordinance of another sort then they did before and specially with harquebushes and handguns and also to make their trenches and approches And also they did more diligence then afore to bring y e earth nigh the towne with spades and pickares And it is to weet that they mooued the earth from halfe a mile off and there were shot out of the towne innumerable strokes with ordinance against the sayd earth and innumerable quantitie of people hid behind the sayd earth were slaine Neuerthelesse they neuer left â—â—rking till they had brought it to the brimmes of the ditches and when it was there they raiâ—eâ— it higher and higher in strengthning it behind And in conclusion the sayd earth was higher then the wals of the towne by 10. or 12. foote and it seemed a hill And it was agaynst the gate of Auuergne and Spaine and beat our men that were at the gates bulwarks in such wise that none durst be seene till certaine defelices and repaires were made of plankes and boards to couer our people and keepe them from the shot And at the gate of Italy was made such another heape and in none other part When the trenches were thus made to the ditches the enemies made holes in the wals of the ditch outward wherethorow they shot infinitely with handgunnes at our men aswell on the walles as on the bulwarks and slew many of them Then the basshas and captaines entred into the trenches ech to
here against we were be calmed The 22 we had sight of another small Iland called Catza which is desolate and on the left hand and on the right hand a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa this is also desolate and lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines it is very dangerous and low land and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe miles in to the sea so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles and these two Ilands are distant from Venice 400 miles There is also about twelue miles eastward a great Iland called Augusta about 14 miles in length somewhat hillie but well inhabited and fruitfull of vines corne and other fruit this also we left on the left hand we haue hitherto kept our course from Rouignio East southeast This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles and there is by that Iland a greater named Meleda which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa it is about 30 miles in length and inhabited and hath good portes it lyeth by East from Augusta and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy and we had sight of both landes at one time The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa and towardes night we were within 7 or 8 miles of Ragusa that we might see the white walles but because it was night we cast about to the sea minding at the second watch to beare in againe to Ragusa for to know the newes of the Turkes armie but the winde blew so hard and contrary that we could not This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene thousand Sechinos and euery Sechino is of venetian money eight liuers and two soldes besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas when they come thither The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile of the said towne for the which the Raguseos would giue them much money but they doe keepe it more for the name sake then for profite This rocke lieth on the Southside of the towne and is called Il cromo there is nothing on it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo The maine of the Turkes countrie is bordering on it within one mile for the which cause they are in great subiection This night wee were put backe by contrarie windes and ankered at Melleda The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda we would haue gone on land but the winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course and left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland and on the left hand betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna and within a mile of that vnder the maine by East another Iland called Isola de Mezo This Iland hath two Monasteries in it one called Santa Maria de Bizo and the other Sant Nicholo Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant Andrea these Ilands are from the maine but two miles and the channell betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse but very deepe for we had at an anker fortie fathoms The two Ilands of Zupanna and Mezo are well inhabited and very faire buildings but nothing plentie saue wine onely This night toward sunne set it waxed calme and we sayled little or nothing The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles and there we mette with two Uenetian ships which came from Cyprus we thought they would haue spoken with vs for we were desirous to talke with them to knowe the newes of the Turkes armie and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice About noone we had scant sight of Castel nouo which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke tooke from the Emperour in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish souldiers besides the rest which were taken prisoners and made gallie slaues This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de Cataro The Uenetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro this channell goeth vp to Budoa and further vp into the countrey About sunneset we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia in the which hilles the Uenetians haue a towne called Antiueri and the Turkes haue another against it called Marcheuetti the which two townes continually skirmish together with much slaughter At the end of these hils endeth the Countrey of Sclauonia and Albania beginneth These hilles are thirtie miles distant from Ragusa The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia and left Albania on the left hand The 28. we had sight of both the maines but we were neerer the coast of Puglia for feare of Foystes It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and Cape otranto in Puglia 60 miles Puglia is a plaine low lande and Chimera in Albania is very high land so that it is seene the further Thus sayling our course along the coast of Puglia we saw diuerse white Towers which serue for sea-markes About three of the clocke in the after noone we had sight of a rocke called Il fano 48 miles from Corfu and by sunne set we discouered Corfu Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde and made our way after twelue mile euery houre Most part of this way we were accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length in colour eating and making like a Makarell somewhat bigge and thick in body and the tayle forked like a halfe moone for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland which we left on our left hande called Cephalonia it is vnder the Uenetians and well inhabited with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of the which hill the Iland beareth her name it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle and plentie of corne and wine their language is Greeke it is distant from the maine of Morea thirtie miles it is in compasse 80 miles One houre within night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia whereby we might perceiue their lights There come oftentimes into the creekes and riuers the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriuall the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland and thus they doe from one to another the whole Iland ouer About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde scanted and wee minded to haue gone to Zante but we could not for that night This Iland of Zante is distant from Cephalonia
beene spoken of had not Q. Curtius or some other like by his learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him and called backe againe his doings to his posteritie For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages as that rare paterne of learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renowmed Monarch Alexander who affirmed openly that he was more bound to his Master Aristotle then to king Philip his father because the one had well framed his minde the other onely his body Many other like examples I could alledge at this present if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote or in what for your honour being skilfull in hiâ—tories and so familiarly acquainted with the matter it selfe that is in still entertaining learned men with all curtesie I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide to put you in remembrance of the one or to exhort you to doe the other dayly being accustomed to performe the same Crassus sayth in Tullies first booke De Oratore that a Lawyers house is the oracle of the whole citie But I can iustly witnesse that for these fiue yeeres last past since my returne from my trauell beyond the seas that your lodging in the Court where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly frequent hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men comming from both the eyes of the realme Cambridge and Oxford of the which Vniuersity your lordship is Chanceller to their great satisfaction of minde and ready dispatch of their sutes Especially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion of the which you haue beene from time to time not onely a great fauourer but an earnest furtherer and protectour so that these two nurseries of learning in one of the which I haue before this spent part of my time that I may speake boldly what I thinke should wrong your honour greatly and much forget themselues if by all meanes possible they should not heerafter as at this present to their smal powers many well learned gentlemen of them do labour and trauell in shewing of themselues thankefull to reuerence and honour your lordship and honest their owne names whose studies certeinly would suddenly decay and fall flat if they were not held vp by such noble pâ—oppes and had not some sure ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto How ready dayly your trauell is and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons in whom any sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth I need not labour to expresse the world knowing already the same But whosoeuer they be that in all their life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be able and hurt none do not onely a laudable act but leade a perfect and very godly life Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken of them Mortales tum demum Deum imitari cum benefici fuerint That is Mortall men then specially to follow the nature of God when they are beneficiall and bountifull to others Great commendation vndoubtedly it bringeth to any noble personage that as the Moone that light and brightnesse which she receiueth of the Sun is wont presently to spread abroad vpon the face of the earth to the refreshing and comforting of all inferiour and naturall things bearing life so for him to bestow all that fauour and credit which he hath gotten at the princes handes to the helpe and reliefe of the woorthy and needy Great is the force my right honourable lord of true vertue which causeth men as Tully writeth in his booke De Amicitia to be loued honored oft of those persons which neuer saw them Whereof I neuer had better proofe I take God mine one conscience to witnesse the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assoone as I returned then at my last being at Constantinople in the yere of our Lord 1564 whereas I oft resorting as occasion serued to the right honorable Christian ambassadors while I made my abode there namely vnto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol lieger there for the French king Sig. M. Victor Bragadino for the segniory of Venice Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano for the state of Scio or Chios and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti for the duke of Florence heard them often report and speake very honorably of your lordship partly for your other good inclinations of nature but especially for your liberality courteous intreating of diuers of their friends countrymen which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our realme So that to conclude all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings and deserts and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same euermore both here at home and elswhere abroad wishing often to haue had some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will which my slender abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge For vnto whom should I sooner present anything any way especially concerning matters done abroad then vnto your lordship by whom I was much cherished abroad in my trauell and mainteined since my returne here at home For the which cause I haue enterprised hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein to clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire being first mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M. D. Wilson Master of her Maieâ—ties Requeâ—ts your honouâ—s aâ—â—ured trusty friend a great painfull furtherer of learning whom I and many other for diuers respects ought to reuerence who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus was willing that my pen should trauell about the Christian and Turkish affaires which there lately haue happened perswading himselfe that somewhat thereby I might benefit this our natiue countrey Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested taske then he through my refusall should seeme to want any iot of my good will In offering vp the which newes although I shall present no new thing to your honour because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy as I know yet I trust your lordship will not mislike that the same which is both pleasant to reade and so necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our countreymen which are ignorant in the Italian tongue may thus now shew it selfe abroad couered vnder the wing of your lordships protection Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable Ilands to the great discomfort of all Chistendome to those hellish Turkes horseleeches of Christian blood namely Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day and taken on Iohns day the Euangelist being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there taken of Piali Basha with 80 gallies the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chiefe holde fortresse in Cyprus to haue bene
him vnder water so that he was neuer after seene And for this cause they haue made in sundry places certaine hedges as bankes within the water so that betwixt the hedge and banke of the riuer there remaineth so much water that the women washing may take water without danger at their pleasure This countrey is so fruitfull that it causeth the women as also other creatures to bring foorth one two and oft-times three at a birth Fiue miles southwarde of Cairo is a place called Matarea where the balme is refined and therefore some will say that the trees which beare the balme growe in the said place wherein they are deceiued for the sayde trees growe two dayes iourney from Mecca in a place called Bedrihone which yeeldeth balme in great plenty but saluage wilde and without vertue and therefore the Moores carying the same within litle chests from Bedrihone to Matarea where the trees being replanted be it by vertue of the soyle or the water aire or any other thing whatsoeuer it sufficeth that here they beare the true balme and licour so much in these dayes esteemed of In this place of Matarea there are certaine little houses with most goodly gardens and a chappell of antiquity where the very Moores themselues affirme that the mother of the blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saued her selfe with the childe wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled Ex AEgypto vocaâ—i silium meum The which Chappell in the yeare of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and foure the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first Consull of that place went to visite and caused it to be renued and reedified so that in these dayes there resort thither many Christians who oftentimes bring with them a Priest to say masse there Also about an Harquebuz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at Rome and more beautifull to beholde Neere vnto the olde Cairo are yet twelue storehouses of great antiquitie but now very much decayed and these till late dayes serued to keepe corne for behoofe of the kingdome concerning which many are of opinion that the founder hereof was Ioseph the sonne of Iacob for consideration of the seuen deare yeeres Also passing higher vp by the banke of Nilus there is to bee seene a fayre Citie ouerflowed with water the which at such time as Nilus floweth lyeth vnder water but when the water returneth to the marke there plainely appeare princely palaces and stately pillars being of some called Thebes where they say that Pharao was resident Moreouer three dayes iourney higher vp are two great images of speckled marble all whole and some what sunke into the earth being things wonderfull to consider of for the nose of either is two spaâ—nes and an halfe long and the space from one eare to the other conteineth tenne spannes the bodies being correspondent to their heads and grauen in excellent proportion so that they are shapes of maruellous hugenesse and these they call The wife and The daughter of Pharao Of the patriarke of Greece IN Cairo are two Patriarkes one of the Greekes and another of the Iacobites The Greeke Patriarke called Gioechni being about the age of one hundred and thirteene yeeres was a very good and holy man They say that when Soldan Gauri of Egypt reigned there was done this miracle following this good patriarke being enuied at by the Iewes of the countrey for none other cause but for his good workes and holy life it happened I say that being in disputation with certaine of the Hebrewes in presence of the Sultan and reasoning of their lawe and faith it was sayd vnto him by one of these Miscreants sith thou beleeuest in the faith of Christ take and drinke this potion which I will giue thee and if thy Christ be true Messias and true God he will sayd he deliuer thee from daunger To whom the auncient patriarke answered that he was content whereupon that cursed Iewe brought him a cuppe of the most venemous and deadly poyson that could be found which the holy Patriarke hauing perceiued said In the name of the father of the sonne and of the holy Ghost and hauing so sayde he dranke it quite vp which done he tooke a droppe of pure water putting it into that very cup and gaue it vnto the Iewe saying vnto him I in the name of my Christ haue drunke thy poyson and therefore in the name of thy expected Messias drinke this water of mine within thine owne cuppe Whereupon the Iewe tooke the cup out of the hand of the Patriarke and hauing drunke the water within halfe an houre burst a sunder And the Patriarke had none other hurt saue that he became somewhat pale in sight and so remained euer after And this miracle which meriteth to be called no lesse was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarke in the presence of a thousand persons and namely of the Soldan of Egypt who seeing the despight of the Iewes vnto their owne cost and confusion compelled them to make the conduct which with so many engines commeth into the castle from Nilus aboue mentioned And this triumphant Patriarke not long since was aliue and in perfect health which God continue long time Of the preparation of the Carouan to goe to Mecca AS touching the Carouan which goeth to Mecca it is to be vnderstoode that the Mahumetans obserue a kinde of lent continuing one whole moone and being a moueable ceremonie which sometimes falleth high sometimes lowe in the yeere called in their tongue Ramazan and their feast is called Bairam During this time of lent all they which intende to goe vnto Mecca resort vnto Cairo because that twentie dayes after the feast the Carouan is readie to depart on the voyage and thither resort a great multitude of people from Asia Grecia and Barbaria to goe on this voyage some mooued by deuotion and some for traffiques sake and some to passe away the time Nowe within fewe dayes after the feast they which goe on the voyage depart out of the citie two leagues vnto a place called Birca where they expect the Captaine of the Carouan This place hath a great pond caused by the inundation of Nilus and so made that the camels and other beastes may drinke therein whereof namely of Mules Camels and Dromedaries there are at least fortie thousand and the persons which followe the Carouan euerie yeere are about fiftie thousand fewe more or lesse according to the times Moreouer euery three yeeres they renue the Captaine of the Carouan called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi that is the Captaine of the Pilgrimes to whom the Grand Signior giueth euery voiage eighteene purses conteyning each of them sixe hundred twentie and fiue ducates of golde and these be for the behoofe of the Carouan and also to doe almes vnto the needfull pilgrimes This Captaine besides other seruingmen which follow him hath also foâ—re Chausi to serue him Likewise he hath
and the city is very copious of victuals which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes called Vtrij This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city These Raffes are bound fast together and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes and on the boards they lade the commodities and so come they to Babylon where they vnlade them and being vnladen they let out the winde out of the skinnes and lade them on cammels to make another voyage This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia but now gouerned by the Turks On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia ouer against the city there is a faire place or towne and in it a faire Bazarro for marchaÌ„ts with very many lodgings where the greatest part of the marchants strangers wich come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines prouided that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth then they open the bridge in the middle where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon and the other to the brinks of this Borough on the other side of the riuer and as long as the bridge is open they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger because of the smalnesse of the boats and the ouerlading of them that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be ouerthrowen or els the streame doth cary them away so that by this meanes many people are lost and drowned this thing by proofe I haue many times seene Of the tower of Babylon THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles which tower is ruinated on euery side and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine so that it hath no forme at all yet there is a great part of it standing which is compassed and almost couered with the aforesayd fallings this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes which Brickes were made of earth and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following first they layed a lay of Brickes then a Mat made of Canes square as the Brickes and in stead of lime they daubed it with earth these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong that it is a thing wonderfull to beholde being of such great antiquity I haue gone round about it and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile and rather lesse then more This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off for they seeme small the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing and the nerer you come to it the lesser My iudgement reason of this is that because the Tower is set in a very great plaine and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about and for this respect descrying it a farre off that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it Babylon and Basora FRom Babylon I departed for Basora shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer Tâ—gris from Babylon to Basora and from Basora to Babylon which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates there is a city called Heit nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch very maruellous to beholde and a thing almost incredible that out of a hole in the earth which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake this pitch is throwen with such force that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch the Mores and the Arabians of that place say that that hole is the mouth of hell and in trueth it is a thing very notable to be marked and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks which barks they call Daneck and Saffin When the riuer of Tygris is well replenished with water you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes and sometimes more and sometimes lesse we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies because the waters were low they may saile day night and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on â—aile if the waters be lowe it is 18 dayes iourney Basora BAsora is a city of the Arabians which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey and cannot be ouercome of the Turke because that the sea hath diuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them neither by sea nor by land and another reason is the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men A dayes iourney before you come to Basora you shall haue a little castle or fort which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together and the castle is called Corna at this point the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer that runneth into the sea which is called the gulfe of Persia which is towards the South Basora is distant from the sea fifteene miles and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus Also there is great store of corne Rice and Dates which the countrey doth yeeld I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus and so we sailed thorow the Persian sea sir hundred miles which is the distance from Basora to Ormus and we sailed in small ships made of boards bound together with small cords or ropes and in stead of calking they lay betweene euery board certaine straw which they haue and so they sowe board and board together with the straw betweene wherethorow there commeth much water and they are very dangerous Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand along the gulfe vntil at length we arriued at an
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ— It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
heareth againe the causes of such as be condemned Many times he deliuereth some of them declaring y e boord to haue bene wronfully put about their necks the visitation ended he choseth out seuen or eight not many more or lesse of the greatest malefactors the which to feare and keepe in awe the people are brought into a great market place where all the great Louteas meete together and after many ceremonies and superstitions as the vse of the Countrey is are beheaded This is done once a yeere who so escapeth that day may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeere following and so remaineth at the kings charges in the greater prison In that prison where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these condemned persons besides them that lay in other prisons These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remaine are so strong that it hath not bene heard that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison for in deed it is a thing impossible The prisons are thus builded First all the place is mightily walled about the walles be very strong and high the gate of no lesse force within it three other gates before you come where the prisoners do lye there many great lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas Notaries Parthions that is such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night the court large and paued on the one side whereof standeth a prison with two mighty gates wherein are kept such prisoners as haue committed enormious offences This prison is so great that in it are streetes and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners liue by that kinde of trade buying and selling and letting out beds to hire some are dayly sent to prison some dayly deliuered wherefore this place is neuer void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie Into one other prison of condemned persons shall you go at three yron gates the court paued and vauted round about and open aboue as it were a cloister In this cloister be eight roomes with yron doores and in ech of them a large gallerie wherein euery night the prisoners do lie at length their feet in the stocks their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting so that they lye as it were in a cage sleepe if they can in the morning they are losed againe that they may go into the court Notwithstanding the strength of this prison it is kept with a garrison of men part whereof watch within the house part of them in the court some keepe about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another fiue times euery night and giuing warning so lowd that the Loutea resting in a chamber not neere thereunto may heare them In these prisons of condemned persons remaine some 15 other 20. yeres imprisoned not executed for the loue of their honorable friends that seeke to prolong their liues Many of these prisoners be shoomakers and haue from the king a certaine allowance of rise some of them worke for the keeper who suffreth them to go at libertie without fetters and boords the better to worke Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his checke roll with the keeper vieweth them they all weare their liueries that is boords at their necks yronned hand and foot When any of these prisoners dieth he is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries brought out of a gate so narrow that there can but one be drawen out there at once The prisoner being brought forth one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrise on the head with an yron sledge that done he is deliuered vnto his friends if he haue any otherwise the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the fields Thus adulterers and theeues are vsed Such as be imprisoned for debt once knowen lie there vntil it be paied The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his office who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts appointeth them a certaine time to do it within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their debts being debters indeed then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment if the creditors be many and one is to be paied before another they do contrary to our maner pay him first of whom they last borrowed and so ordinarily the rest in such sort that the first lender be the last receiuer The same order is kept in paying legacies the last named receiueth his portion first They accompt it nothing to shew fauour to such a one as can do the like againe but to do good to them that haue litle or nothing that is worth thanks therefore pay they the last before the first for that their intent seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull When I said that such as be committed to prison for theft and murther were iudged by the Court I ment not them that were apprehended in the deed doing for they need no triall but are brought immediatly before the Tutan who out of hand giueth sentence Other not taken so openly which do need trial are the malefactors put to eâ—ecution once a yere in the chiefe cities to keepe in awe the people or condemned do remaine in prison looking for their day Theeues being taken are caried to prison from one place to another in a chest vpon mens shoulders hired therfore by the king the chest is 6. handfuls high the prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench the couer of the chest is two boords amid them both a pillery-like hole for the prisoners necke there sitteth he with his head without the chest and the rest of his body within not able to mooue or tuâ—ne his head this way or that way nor to plucke it in the necessities of nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of the chest the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others There abideth â—â— day and night during his whole iourney if happily his porters stumble or the chest do iogge or be set downe carelesly it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein al such motions being vnto him hanging as it were Thus were our companions caried froÌ„ Cinceo 7. â—aies iourney neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs their greatest griefe was to stay by the way as soone as they came being taken out of the chests they were not able to stand on their feet and two of them died shortly after When we lay in prison at Fuquieo we came many times abroad were brought to the pallaces of noble men to be seene of them their wiues for that they had neuer seene any Portugale before Many things they asked vs of our Country and our fashions did write euery thing for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure The gentlemen shew great courtesie vnto strangers and so did we finde at their hands and because that many times we
shippe From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593 and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning the Captaine and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes thinking to haue gotten some foode our victuals being all spent and we not able to proceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply We spent two or three daies in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie And comming downe to go aboord the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne they could not come on shore with the boate which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing to our great discomfort In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodnesse of God which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities we contented our selues with our poore estate and sought meanes to preserue our liues And because one place was not able to sustaine vs we tooke our leaues one of another diuiding our selues into seuerall companies The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water and nowe and then a pompion which we found in the garden of the olde Indian who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs and kept himselfe continually aloft in the mountaines After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe called the Luisa whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix vnto whom wee made a fire at sight whereof he tooke in his top sayles bare in with the land and shewed vs his flagge whereby we iudged him French so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered we making downe with all speede vnto him At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster and wâ—nt along with him to the shippe This night he went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepeâ— which remayned there vntill night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe who albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them yet came not downe Whereupon we departed thenceâ— being deuided sixe into one ship and sixe into another and leauing this Island departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo where we remained vntill Aprill following 1494 and spent some two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey In this meane whâ—le there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona which was that two of them brake their neckes with â—entring to take foules vpon the cliffes other three were slaine by the Spaniards which came from Saint Domingo vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe which was readie first to come away and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships where they were well intreated to come after him on sunday the seuenth of Apill 1594 they set homewarde and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after on the 19 of May where after we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selues and giuen humble thankes vnto God and vnto our friendly neighbours we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594 hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres sixe weekes and two dayes which the Portugales performe in halfe the time chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to let foorth in the beginning of our voyage We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke that they haue lately discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees finding the sea still open to the Northward giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage Witnesse Master Iames Lancaster Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill and the Riuer af Plate by the Edward Cotton a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton of Southhampton which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio graâ—de in Guinie the 17 of Iuly 1583. ARticles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southhampton and of all the marchandizes in her laden of the one part and William Huddie gentleman Captaine of the said ship Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant Iohn Foster Master Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage and William Cheesman marchant on the other part 1 TO obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ship and the companie to be called thereunto at the least once in the day to be pronounced openly 2 Item that they be ready with the first faire winde to set saile and sailes in the voyage and not to put into any port or harbour but being forcibly constrained by weather or other apparant and vrgent cause 3 Item that they take in at or about the Isles of Cape Verde to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt to be imployed among other the owners marchandize at Santos and S. Vincent to his onely behoofe and the rest of the salt so much as shall be needed for victuall and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities or els to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles at the discretion of the abouenamed 4 Item vpon the due performance of this voiage the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede to yeeld vnto any such of the companie as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England 20 markes a single share for the dutie of the whole voiage making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole 5 Item the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue named shall at all times be most ready
de monte The 17 a darke drowsie day this was the first night that I tooke the North starre The 26 a temperate day with litle winde and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England yet we were within the height of the sunne for it was declined 23 degrees and 26 minuts to the Northward and we had 15 degrees of latitude The 8 faire and temperate as in England here we met with a counter sea out of the Southborde The 15 a faire temperate day the winde variable here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed which did stick together like clusters of grapes and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth and then we saw no more at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning we had sight of the Isle of Pike it bare North and by East from vs we being 15 leagues off The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons and three of them followed vs vntill noone and then gaue vs ouer The 30 we had sight of Cape â—inisterre The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound and road in Causon bay all night The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September by reason of want of men and sicknesse The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth and arriued at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen wollen yron worke of sundry sorts Manillios or bracelets of copper glasse beades and corrall The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth oyle of palme cloth made of Cotton wooll very curiously wouen and cloth made of the barke of palme trees Their money is pretie white shels for golde and siluer we saw none They haue also great store of cotton growing their bread is a kind of roots they call it Inamia and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it it is pleasant in eating and light of digestion the roote thereof is as bigge as a mans arme Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger then to eate good stockfish There are great store of palme trees out of the which they gather great store of wine which wine is white and very pleasant we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels They haue good store of sope and it smelleth like beaten violets Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete and before we were well acquainted with it we were fearefull but God be thanked we had no harme The people are very gentle and louing and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth vpon a tree and is very like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodnesse to giue me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost which did serue vs sixe moneths at the sea when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at of the principal men of the towne who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimouth Thus both God prouide for his creatures vnto whom be praise now and for euermore Amen The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa with a ship called the Richard of Arundell and a pinnesse in the yere 1588. briefely set downe in this letter following written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriuall at Plimouth WOrshipful Sirs the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present so that I trust you will pardon me till my comming vp to you in the meane time let this suffice Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse we held on our direct course towards our appointed port and the 14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin where we found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre so that we left her without in the road and with the pinnesse ship boat into which we had put the chiefest of our marchaÌ„dise we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto where we arriued the 20 of February the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water to go for Benin From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king to certifie him of our arriuall and of the cause of our comming thither who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie and with 200 Negroes to carrie out commodities hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the kings Factor the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin where we were well intertained The sixe twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king which by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them we could not doe but yet we spake with his Veadore or chiefe man that hath the dealing with the Christians and we conferred with him concerning our trading who answered vs that we should haue all things to our desire both in pepper and Elephants teeth The first of March we were admitted to the kings presence and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike the next day we went againe to the Court where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper and another of dry in the stalkes wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane who answered that it would aske time but yet in
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
was first created but tempting him sought and procured his ruine and fall so againe finding at this flood none but a father and three sonnes liuing hee so caused one of them to transgresse and disobey his fathers commaundement that after him all his posteritie shoulde bee accursed The fact of disobedience was this When Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke and entred therein and the floud-gates of heauen were opened so that the whole face of the earth euery tree and mountaine was couered with abundance of water hee straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wiues that they should with reuerence and feare beholde the iustice and mighty power of God and that during the time of the floud while they remained in the Arke they should vse continencie and abstaine from carnall copulation with their wiues and many other precepts hee gaue vnto them and admonitions touching the iustice of God in reuenging sinne and his mercie in deliuering them who nothing deserued it Which good instructions and exhortations notwithstanding his wicked sonne C ham disobeyed and being perswaded that the first childe borne after the flood by right and Lawe of nature should inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth hee contrary to his fathers commandement while they were yet in the Arke vsed company with his wife and craftily went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his other two brethren for the which wicked and detestable fact as an example for contempt of Almightie God and disobedience of parents God would a sonne should bee borne whose name was Chus who not onely it selfe but all his posteritie after him should bee so blacke and lothsome that it might remaine a spectacle of disobedience to all the worlde And of this blacke and cursed Chus came all these blacke Moores which are in Africa for after the water was vanished from off the face of the earth and that the lande was dry Sem those that part of the land to inhabite in which nowe is called Asia and Iaphet had that which now is called Europa wherein wee dwell and Africa remained for Cham and his blacke sonne Chus and was called Chamesis after the fathers name being perhaps a cursed dry sandry and vnfruitfull ground fit for such a generation to inhabite in Thus you see that the cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse is the curse and naturall infection of blood and not the distemperature of the Climate Which also may bee prooued by this example that these blacke men are found in all parts of Africa as well without the Tropickes as within euen vnto Capo de buona Speranza Southward where by reason of the Sphere should be the same temperature that is in Sicilia Morea and Candie where al be of very good complexions Wherefore I conclude that the blacknesse proceedeth not of the hotenesse of the Clime but as I saide of the infection of blood and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans blacknesse is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone Wee may therefore very well bee assertained that vnder the Equinoctiall is the most pleasant and delectable place of the worlde to dwell in where although the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct ouer their heades and therefore the heate at that time somewhat of force yet because it commeth so seldome and continueth so small a time when it commeth it is not to bee wayed but rather the moderate heate of other times in all the yeere to be remembred And if the heate at any time should in the short day waxe somewhat vrgent the coldnesse of the long night there would easily refresh it according at Honterus sayeth speaking of the temperature vnder the Equinoctial Quódque die solis violento incanduit aestu Humida nox reficit paribusque refrigerat boris If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne or parch any thing◠the moysture of the night doeth coole and refresh the same againe the Sunne being as long absent in the night as so was present in the day Also our Aucthour of the Sphere Iohannes de Sacro Bosco◠in the Chapter of the Zodiacke deriueth the Etymologie of Zodiacus of the Greeke word Zoe which in Latine signifieth Vita life for out of Aristotle hee alleadgeth that Secundum accessum recessum solis in Zodiaco fiunt generationes corruptiones in rebus inferioribus according to the Sunnes going to and fro in the Zodiake the inferiour bodies take their causes of generation and corruption Then it followeth that where there is most going too and fro there is most generation and corruption which must needes be betweene the two Tropickes for there the Sunne goeth too and fro most and no where else but there Therefore betweene the two Tropikes that is in the middle Zone is greatest increase multiplication generation and corruption of things which also wee finde by experience for there is Sommer twice in the yeere and twice Winter so that they haue two Haruests in the yeere and continuall Spring Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so temperate it resteth to declare where the hottest part of the world should bee for we finde some places more hote then others To answere this doubt reason perswadeth the hotest place in the world to bee vnder and about the two Tropickes for there more then in any other place doe both the causes of heate concurre that is the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames at right angles and a greater continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon the Pole there being eleuated three or foure and twentie degrees And as before I concluded that though the Sunne were perpendicular to them vnder the Equinoctiall yet because the same continued but a small time their dayes being short and their nights long and the speedie departure of the Sunne from their Zenith because of the suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the Equinoctiall and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote and colde the temperature grew moderate and very well able to bee endured so nowe to them vnder the two Tropickes the Sunne hauing once by his proper motion declined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial beginneth to draw neere their Zenith which may bee as before about the eleuenth day of May and then beginneth to sende his beames almost at right Angles about which time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini and with this almost right Angle the Sunne beames will continue vntill it bee past Cancer that is the space of two moneths euery day at noone almost perpendicular ouer their heades being then the time of Solstitium Aestiuale which so long continuance of the Sunne about their Zenith may cause an extreeme heate if any be in the world but of necessitie farre more heate then can bee vnder the Equinoctiall where the Sunne hath no such long abode in the Zenith but passeth away there-hence very quickly Also vnder the Tropickes
the shore they tooke in their sailes and lay adrift The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed we cast about towards the inward and had sight of land which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights which some of the Fleete and those not the worst Marriners iudged to be the North Foreland howbeit other some were of contrary opinion But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes And by reason of the darke miâ—ts which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous For whereas indeede we thought our selues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast were brought to the South-westwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe The cause whereof we haue since found and it shall be at large hereafter declared Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke but how we should be so farre shoe vp so suddainely within the said straights the eâ—pertest Mariners began to maruell thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouertaken in their accounts or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had obserued And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned someâ—imes round about euen in a moment after the maner of a whirlepoole and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard a farre off then the waterfall of London Bridge But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne whereby to take the height and so to know the true eleuation of the pole and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast the Generall with the Captaines Masters of his ships began doubtfully to question of the matter and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each mans opinion and specially of Iames Beare Master of the Anne Francis who was knowen to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner and hauing bene there the yere before had wel obserued the place and drawen out Cardes of the coast But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers Streits as some of the Fleete supposed and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like that the best Mariners therein may bee deceiued The tenth of Iuly the weather still continuing thicke and darke some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete and wandring to and fro with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea Bay or Streites they knew not or along a coast whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place as commonly in these parts it doth The Uiceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall who was with him in the Thomas Allen hauing lost sight of the Fleete turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with him Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost company of the Fleete and being all alone held it for best to turne it out to sea againe vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place into the open Sea againe being so narrowly distressed by the way by meanes of continuall fogge and yce that they were many times ready to leape vpon an Iland of yce to auoide the present danger and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes and some determined to tie the Hatches of the shipe togither and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous bloodie and Men-eating people The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way passed vp aboue sixtie leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side and a continuance still of an open Sea before them The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error and that this was not the olde straights yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course and knowen straights Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein thâ—n otherwise meaning by that policie being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie to induce the Fleete to follow him to see a further proofe of that place And as some of the companie reported he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea called Mar del Sur and dissolued the long doubâ— of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya 1 Of which mistaken straights considering the circumstance we haue great cause to confirme our opinion to like and hope well of the passage in this place For the foresaid Bay or Sea the further we sayled therein the wider we found it with great likelihood of endlesse continuance And where in other places we were much troubled with yce as in the entrance of the same so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce or other thing at all as in other places we found 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce and other things which doe fleete in the Sea either to the North or Eastwards of the same as by good experience we haue found 3 For here also we met with boordes lathes and diuers other
stone in token of Christian possession In this place there is plentie of blacke Ore and diuers pretie stones The seuenteenth of August the Captaines with their companies chaced and killed a great white Beare which aduentured and gaue a fierce assault vpon twentie men being weâ—ponâ—d And he serued them for good meate many dayes The eighteenth of Augâ—st the Pinnesse with much adoe being set together the sayde Captaine Best determined to depart vp the streights to prooue and make tryall as before was pretended some of his company greatly persuading him to the contrary and specially the Carpenter that set the same together who sayde that hee would not aduenture himselfe therein for fiue hundreth pounds for that the boate hung together but onely by the strength of the nayles and lacked some of her principall knees and tymbers These wordes somewhat discouraged some of the company which should haue gone thereinâ— Whereupon the Captaine as one not altogether addicted to his owne selfe-will but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken if contrary fortune should happen him Lo hâ— hath followed his owne opinion and desperate resolutions and so thereafter it is befallen him calling the Master and Mariners of bâ—st iudgement together declare vnto them how much the cause imported him in his credite to seeke out the Generall as well to confâ—rre with him of some causes of weight as otherwise to make due examinatiâ—n and tryall of the goodnesse of the Ore whereof they had no assurance but by gesse of the eye and it was well like the other which so to cary home not knowing the goodnesse thereof might be as much as if they should bring so many stones And therefore hee desired them to deliuer their plaine and honest opinion whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for him so to aduenture in or no. It was answered that by carefull heede taking thereunto amongst the yce and the foule weather the Pinnesse might suffice And hereupon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called Iohn Gray mansully and honestly offering himselfe vnto his Captaine in this aduenture and seruice gaue cause to others of his Mariners to follow the attempt And vpon the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine being accompanied with Captaine Vpcote of the Moone and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse hauing conuenient portion of victuals and things necessary departed vpon the sayd pretended Uoyage leauing their shâ—ppe at anchor in a good readinesse for the taking in of their fraight And hauing little winde to sayle withall they plyed alongst the Souther shore and passed aboue 30. leagues hauing the onely helpe of mans labour with Dares and so intending to keepe that shore aboord vntil they were got vp to the farthest and narrowest of the streights minded there to crosse ouer and to search likewise alongst the Northerland vnto the Countesses sound and from thence to passe all that coast along whereby if any of the Fleete had bene distressed by wrecke of rocke or yce by that meanes they might be perceiued of them and so they thereby to giue them such helpe and reliefe as they could They did greatly feare and euer suspect that some of the Fleete were surely cast away and driuen to seeke sowre â—â—llets amongst the colde cliffes And being shotte vp about fortie leagues within the Streights they put ouer towardes the Norther shore which was not a little dangerous for their small boates And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryuen and faine to seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes and broken ground of Gabriels Ilands a place so named within the streights aboue the Countesse of Warwicks sound And by the way where they landed they did finde certaine great stones set vp by the Countrey people as it seemed for markes where they also made many Câ—osses of stone in token that Christians had bene thâ—re The 22. of August they had sight of the Countesses sound and made the placeperfect from the toppe of a hill and keeping along the Norther shore perceiued the smoke of a fire vnder a hils side whereof they diuersly deemed When they came neerer the place they perceiued people which wafted vnto them as it seemed with a flagge or ensigne And because the Country people had vsed to doe the like when they perceiued any of our boats to passe by they suspected them to be the same And comming somewhat neerer they might perceiue certaine tents and discerne this ensigne to be of mingled colours blacke and white after the English fashion But because they could see no Shippe nor likelihood of harborough within fiue or sixe leagues about and knewe that none of our men were woont to frequent those partes they could not tell what to iudge thereof but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the storme and mistes had made shipwracke amongst the yce or the broken Islande there and were spoyled by the countrey people who might vse the sundry coloured flagge for a policie to bring them likewise within their danger Whereupon the sayd Captaine with his companies resolued to recouer the same ensigne if it were so from those base people or els to lose their liues and all together In the ende they discerned them to be their countreymen and then they deâ—med them to haue lost their Ships and so to be gathered together for their better strength On the other side the company ashoare feared that the Captaine hauing lost his Shippe came to seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pinnisse so that their extremities caused eche part to suspect the worst The Captaine now with his Pinnisse being come neere the shoare commanded his Boate carefully to be kept aflote lest in their necessitie they might winne the same from him and seeke first to saue themselues for euery man in that case is next himselfe They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea and demaunded what cheere and either partie answered the other that all was well whereupon there was a sudden and ioyfull outshoote with great flinging vp of caps and a braue voly of shotte to welcome one another And truely it was a most strange case to see how ioyfull and gladde euery partie was to see themselues meete in safetie againe after so strange and incredible dangers Yet to be short as their dangers were great so their God was greater And here the company were working vpon new Mines which Captaine Yorke being here arriued not long before had found out in this place and it is named the Countesse of Sussex Mine After some conference with our friends here the Captaine of the Anne Francis departed towards the Countesse of Warwicks sound to speake with the Generall and to haue tryall made of such mettall as he had brought thither by the Goldfiners And so he determined to dispatch againe towards his ship And hauing spoken with the General he receiued order for all causes and direction as
deede he had gotten one part of the subiects notwithstanding this enterprise could not take effect forasmuch as by a common consent of the chiefe it was consulted and concluded that the sonne was more meete to succeede the Father then any other Now all this while I kept Vtina with me to whom I had giuen some of mine apparell to cloth him as I had likewise done vnto his sonne But his subiects which before had an opinion that I would haue killed him being aduertised of the good entertainment which I vsed towards him sent two men which walked along the riuer and came to visite him and brought vs some victuals These two men at their comming were receiued by me with all courtesie and entertained according to the victuals which I had While these things thus passed there arriued from all quarters many Sauages of the countries adioyning which came to see Vtina and sought by all meanes to perswade me to put him to death offering that if I would do so they would take order that I should want no victuals There was also a King my neighbour whose name was Saturioüa a subtill and craftie man and one that shewed by proofe that he was greatly practised in affaires This King sent ordinarily messengers vnto me to pray me to deliuer Vtina vnto him and to win me the more easily he sent twice seuen or eight baskets of Maiz or of Mast thinking by this way to allure me to make me come to cōposition with him in the end notwithstanding when he saw he lost his time he ceased to visite me with ambassages victuals in the meane while I was not able with y e same store of victuals which I had so well to proportion out the trauaile vpon the ships which we built to returne into France but that in the end we were constrained to indure extreme famine which continued among vs all the moneth of May for in this latter season neither Maiz nor Beames nor Mast was to be found in the villages because they had employed all for to sowe their fields insomuch that we were constrayned to eate rootes which the most part of our men punned in the morters which I had brought with me to beate gunnepowder in and the graine which came to vs from other places some tooke the wood of Esquine beate it and made meale thereof which they voyled with water and eate it others went with their harquebusies to seeke to kill some foule Yea this miserie was so great that one was found that gathered vp among the filth of my house all the fish bones that he could finde which he dried and beate into powder to make bread thereof The effects of this hideous famine appeared incontinently among vs for our bones eftsoones beganne to cleaue so neere vnto the skinne that the most part of the souldiers had their skinnes peirced thorow with them in many partes of their bodies in such sort that my greatest feare was least the Indians would rise vp against vs considering that it would haue bene very hard for vs to haue defended our selues in such extreme decay of all our forces besides the scarsitie of all victuals which fayled vs all at once For the very riuer had not such plentie of fish as it was wont and it seemed that the land and water did fight against vs. Now as we were thus vpon termes of dispayre about the end of the moneth of May and the beginning of Iune I was aduertised by certaine Indians that were my neighbours that in the high Countrey vp aboue the riuer there was new Maiz and that that countrey was most forward of all This caused me to take vpon me to go thither with a certaine number of my men and I went vp the riuer to a place called Enecaque where I met the sister of Vtina in a villge where she made vs very good cheere and sent vs fish We found that which was tolde vs to be true for the maiz was now ripe but by this good lucke one shrewde turne happened vnto me For the most part of my souldiers fell sicke with eating more of it then their weakened stomackes could digest We had also beene the space of foure dayes since we departed from our Fort without eating any thing sauing little pinockes and a little fish which we got of the fishers which wee met sometimes along the riuer And yet this was so little that certaine souldiers eate priuily little whelpes which were newly whelped The next day I purposed to go into y e I le of Edelano to take the king which had caused one of my men to be slaine as I haue mentioned before but being aduertised of my departing out of my Fort and of the way which I tooke vp the riuer he feared that I went foorth with a purpose to be reuenged of the euill turne which he played so that when I came thither I found the houses emptie for he was retyred a little before with all his people I could not by any meanes keepe my souldiers being angry because they had lost one of their companions from setting the village on fire At my departure from thance I passed backe againe by Enecaque where I gathered as much maiz as I could possibly which with great diligence I conueited to our Fort to succour my poore men which I had left in great necessitie They therefore seeing me a farre off comming ranne to that side of the riuer where they thought I would come on land for hunger so pinched them to the heart that they could not stay vntill the victuals were brought them to the Fort. And that they well shewed assoone as I was come and that I had distributed that little maiz among them which I had giuen to ech man before I came out of the barke for they eate it before they had taken it out of the huske But seeing my selfe in this extreme neede I tooke paines day by day to seeke some villages where there was some food And as I trauailed this way and that way it happened that two of my Carpenters were killed by the two sonnes of king Emola and by one whose name was Casti as they went on walking to the village called Athore The cause of this murder was because they could not refraine thēselues as they walked through the fields from gathering a little maiz which as they were doing they were taken in the maner wherof I was presently aduertised by an Indian which a little before had brought me a present frō Nia Cubacani Queene of a village and neighbour to our Fort. Upon receipt of this aduertisement I sent my Sergeant with a number of souldiers which found nothing else but the 2 dead corpses which they buried and returned without doing any other exploit because the inhabitants were fled away fearing they should be punished for such a foule fact As these things thus passed
them no harme which was occasion sufficient to make them all come laden with presents vnto our people and to intreat them to goe and make merry with them in their townes which they yeelded vnto though alwayes with great foresight what might follow Whereupon the Captaine vsed a certaine policie making the Caçiques beleeue that forasmuch as his horses were very fierce for they had told the Indians that they would kill them therefore it was necessary to make a Fort of lime and stone to inclose them for the auoyding of such inconueniences as otherwise might happen vnto the Indians by them This tale was so stedfastly beleeued by the Caçiques that in fiue houres they assembled such store of people together that with incredible celeritie they built the said Fort which our men required Moreouer when the Captaine saide that he would depart they brought vnto him a present of 40000. mantles of cotton both white and of other colours and great store of hand-towels with tassels at the corners with diuers other things and among the rest rich metals which seemed to holde much siluer Among these Indians they learned very much concerning The great Lake aforesaide whose report agreed wholly with the relation of the former as touching the riches and great abundance of gold about that lake The Captaine reposing great confidence in this people in their good disposition toward him determined after certaine dayes to leaue there fiue of his companions with the rest of his Indian friends that they might returne with his cariages to the prouince of Zuni while himselfe with the foure other which remained should ride in post to discouer certaine very rich Mines whereof he had perfect information And putting this his purpose in execution he departed with his guides and hauing traueiled due-west 45. leagues he came vnto the said Mines and tooke out of the same with his owne hands exceeding rich metals holding great quantitie of siluer and the mines which were of a very broad veine were in a mountaine whereon they might easily ascend by reason of an open way that led vp to the same Neere vnto these mines were certaine townes of Indians dwelling vpon the mountaines who shewed them frienship came forth to receiue them with crosses on their heads and other tokens of peace Hereabout they found two riuers of a reasonable bignesse vpon the banks whereof grew many vines bearing excellent grapes and great groues of walnut-trees and much flaxe like that of Castile and they shewed our men by signes that behinde those mountaines there was a riuer aboue 8. leagues broad but they could not learne how neere it was howbeit the Indians made demonstration that it ran towards the North sea and that vpon both sides thereof stood many townes of so great bignesse that in comparison thereof those wherein they dwelt were but small hamlets After he had receiued all this information the said Captaine returned toward the prouince of Zuni whither he had sent his said companions and being arriued there in safety hauing trauailed vpon a very good way he found in the same place his 5. companions the said father Frier Bernardin Beltran with the souldiers which were determined to returne as is aforesaid but vpō certaine occasions were not as yet departed whom the inhabitants had most friendly intreated furnished with all things necessary in abundance as afterward likewise they vsed the Captaine and those that came with him comming foorth to meete them with shew of great ioy and giuing them great store of victuals to serue them in their iourney homewards and requesting them to returne againe with speed and to bring many Castilians with them for so they call the Spaniards to whom they promised food sufficient For the better performance whereof they sowed that yeere more graine and other fruits then they had done at any time before At this present the Frier and souldiers aforesaid resolued themselues in their former determination agreed to returne vnto the prouince from whence they came with intention before mentioned to seek the two Friers that were slaine to whom also Gregorio Hernandez who had bene standard-bearer in the iourney ioyned himselfe Who being departed the Captaine accompanied onely with 8. souldiers determined to prosecute his former attempt to passe vp higher the saide riuer called Rio del Norte which he did accordingly And hauing trauelled about 60. leagues toward the prouince of the Quires aforesaid 12 leagues frō thence toward the Orient or East they found a prouince of Indians called Hubates who receiued them peaceably and gaue them great store of victuals informing them also of very rich Mines which they found whereout they got glistering good metal and therewith returned to the towne from whence they came This prouince contained by their estimation 25000. persons all very well apparelled in coloured mantles of cotton and Chamois-skins very well dressed They haue many mountaines full of Pines and Cedars and the houses of their townes are of 4. and 5. stories high Here they had notice of another prouince distant about one dayes iourney frō thence inhabited by certaine Indians called Tamos and containing aboue 40000. soules whither being come the inhabitants would neither giue them any victuals◠nor admit them into their townes for which cause and in regard of the danger wherein they were and because some of the souldiers were not well at ease and for that they were so fewe as we haue said they determined to depart thence and to returne toward the land of the Christians which they put in execution in the beginning of Iuly 1583 being guided by an Indian that went with them who led them another way then they went forth by downe a riuer which they called Rio de las vacas that is to say The riuer of oren in respect of the great multitudes of oren or kine that fed vpon the bankes thereof by the which they trauelled for the space of 120. leagues still meeting with store of the said cattell From hence they went forward to the riuer of Conchos by which they entered and thence to the valley of S. Bartholomew from whence they first entered into their discouerie Upon their cōming thither they found that the said Frier Bernardin Beltran and his company were safely arriued at the said towne many dayes before were gone from thence to the towne of Guadiana In this towne the foresaid captaine Antony de Espeio made most certaine relation of all that is aforesaid which relation presently hee sent vnto the Conde of Corunna Uizroy of Nueua Espanna who sent the same to his Maiestie to the Lords of his royal counsel of the Indies to the end they might take such order as they thought best which they haue already performed with great care and circumspection Almighty God vouchsafe his assistance in this busines that such numbers of soules redeemed by his blood
hee was called Iesus Christ and I went no farther in diuinitie with him I asked him whether they had any warre and for what occasion Hee answered that they had warre and that very great and vpon eâ—ceeding small occasions for when they had no cause to make warre they assembled together and some of them sayd let vs goe to make warre in such a place and then all of them set forward with their weapons I asked them who commanded the armie he answered the eldestand most valiant and that when they sayd they should proceede no farther that suddenly they retired from the warre I prayed him to tell me what they did with those men which they killed in battell he answered me that they tooke out the hearts of some of them and eat them and others they burned and he added that if it had not bene for my comming they should haue bin now at warre and because I commanded them that they should not war and that they should cease from armes therefore as long as I should not command them to take armes they would not begin to wage warre against others they said among themselues that seeing I was come vnto them they had giuen ouer their intention of making warre that they had a good mind to liue in peace He complained of certaine people which dwelt behind in a mountaine which made great war vpon them and slew many of them I answered him that from henceforward they should not need to feare any more because I had coÌ„manded them to be quiet if they would not obey my commandement I would chasten them and kill them He enquired of me how I could kill them seeing we were so few and they so many in number And because it was now late and that I saw that by this time he was weary to stay any longer with me I let him goe out of my boat and therewith I dismissed him very well content Chap. 4. Of Nâ—guachato and other chiefe men of those Indians they receiue great store of victuals they cause them to set vp a crosse in their countreys and hee teacheth them to worship itâ— They haue newes of many people of their diuers languages and customes in matrimony how they punish adultery of their opinions concerning the dead and of the sicknesses which they are subiect vnto THe next day betimes in the morning came the chiefe man among them called Naguachato and wished me to come on land because he had great store of victuals to giue me And because I saw my selfe in securitie I did so without doubting and incontinently an olde man came with rols of that Maiz and certaine litle gourds and calling me with a loud voyce and vsing many gestures with his body and armes came neere vnto me and causing me to turne me vnto that people and hee himselfe also turning vnto them sayd vnto them Sagueyca and all the people answered with a great voyce Hu and hee offred to the Sunne a little of euery thing that he had there and likewise a little more vnto me although afterward he gaue me all the rest and did the like to all that were with me calling out mine interpreter by meanes of him I gaue them thanks telling them that because my boats were litle I had not brought many things to giue them in exchange but that I would come againe another time and bring them and that if they would go with me in my boates vnto my ships which I had beneath at the riuers mouth I would giue them many things They answered that they would do so being very glad in countenance Here by the helpe of mine interpreter I sought to instruct them what the signe of the crosse meane and willed them to bring me a piece of timber wherof I caused a great crosse to be made and commanded al those that were with mee that when it was made they should worship it and beseech the Lord to grant his grace that that so great a people might come to the knowledge of his holy Catholike faith and this done I told them by mine interpreter that I left them that signe in token that I tooke them for my brethren and that they should keepe it for me carefully vntill I returned and that euery morning at the Sunne rising they should kneele before it And they tooke it in continently wiâ—thout suffring it to touch the ground they carried it to set it vp in the middest of their houses where all of them might beholde it and I willed them alwayes to worshippe it because it would preserue them from euill They asked me how deep they should set it in the ground I shewed them Great store of people followed the same and they that stayed behinde inquired of mee how they should ioyne their hands and how they should kneele to worship the same and they seemed to haue great desire to learne it This done I tooke that chiefe man of the Countrey and going to our boates with him I followed my iourney vp the Riuer and all the company on both sides of the shoare accompanied me with great good will and serued me in drawing of our boates and in halling vs off the sands whereupon we often fel for in many places we found the riuer so shoald that we had no water for our boats As wee thus went on our way some of the Indians which I had left behind me came after vs to pray mee that I would throughly instruct them how they should ioyne their hands in the worshipping of the crosse others shewed me whether they were well seâ— in such such sort so that they would not let me be quiet Neere vnto the other side of the riuer was greater store of people which called vnto me very often that I would receiue the victuals which they had brought me And because I perceiued that one enuied the other because I would not leaue them discontended I did so And here came before me another old man like vnto the former with the like ceremonyes offrings and I sought to learne something of him as I had done of the other This man said likewise to the rest of the people This is our lord Now you see how long ago our ancesters told vs that there were bearded white people in the world and we laughed them to scorne I which am old and the rest which are here haue neuer seene any such people as these And if you wil not beleeue me behold these people which be in this riuer let vs giue them therefore meate seeing they giue vs of their victuals let vs willingly serue this lordâ— which wisheth vs so well and forbiddeth vs to make warre and imbraceth all of vs and they haue mouth handes and eyes as we haue and speake as we doe I gaue these likewise another crosse as I had done to the others beneath and said vnto them the selfe same words which they listened vnto with a
wrought aâ—tificially with feathers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some twelue c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the king himselfe with his Guarde about his person clad with Come skinnesâ— and other skinnes after them followed the naked common sort of people euery one hauing his face painted some with white some with blacke and other colours and hauing in their hands one thing or other for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a very warlike shewe They being trooped together in their order and a general salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the king being informed by another whome they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret continuing halfe an houre which ended and a generall Amen as it were giuen the king with the whole number of men and women the childreâ— excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a dance and that with a stately countenance whom the king with his Garde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and dance sauing onely the women which daunced and kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they mad signes to our Generall to sit downe to whom the king and diuers others made seueral orations or rather supplicationâ— that he would take their prouince and kingdom into his hand and become their king making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the king and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offered vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to our countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands wishing that the riches treasure there of might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home as it aboundeth in the â—ame The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them oâ— disliking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwardes to the liuing God whome onely they ought to worshippe They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our handes whereupon wee gaue them lotions plaisters and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefes beseeching God to cure their deseases Euery thirde day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstoode our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorrow They intreated vs that bâ—ing absent wee would remember them and by stelth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his companie traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand in a companie being most large and fat of body We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary Conies their heads as the heades of ours the feet of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne on either side a bagge into the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled her belly abroad The people eate their bodies and make great account of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes whichly towardes the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth here to bee taken vp wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a â—aire great posteâ— whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the sree giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her higâ—nes picture and armes in a peice of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate where vnder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot for the Vice-roy of New Spaine from the Hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas vnto the Hauen of Manilla from thenâ— to the Hauen of Macao in Chiâ—na and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco accomplished in the yeere of our Lord 1584. Chap. I. THe tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the Hauen of Acapulco lying in the countrey of New Spaine directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas West Southwest running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues till wee came vâ—der sixteene degrees that so wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the shoare From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues beiâ—g there we ran West and West by South for the space of 1800 leagues to the Island called â—â—la del Enganno which is the furthest Island lying in
so in the yere 1586 in the moneth of Iuly I arriued at the foresayd city of London where perusing the notes which I had taken in the time of my trauell in those yeeres I haue set downe as followeth In the yeere 1568 in the moneth of March being desirous to see the world I embarked my selfe in the bay of Cadiz in Andaluzia in a shippe bound for the Isles of the Canaries where she tooke in her lading set forth from thence for the voyage in the moneth of Iune the same yere Within a moneth after we fell with the Isle of S. Domingo and from thence directly to Noua Hispania and came into the port of S. Iohn de Vllua which is a litle Island standing in the sea about two miles from the land where the king mainteineth about 50 souldiers and captaines that keepe the forts and about 150 negroes who all the yeere long are occupied in carying of stones for building other vses and to helpe to make fast the ships that come in there with their cables There are built two bulwarkes at ech ende of a wall that standeth likewise in the sayde Island where the shippes vse to ride made fast to the sayd wall with their cables so neere that a man may leape ashore From this port I iourneyed by land to a towne called Vera Cruz standing by a riuers side where all the faccours of the Spanish merchants dwell which receiue the goods of such ships as come thither and also lade the same with such treasure and merchandize as they returne backe into Spaine They are in number about foure hundred who onely remaine there during the time that the Spanish fleet dischargeth and is soden againe which is from the end of August to the beginning of April following And then for the vnwholesomnesse of the place they depart thence sixteene leagues further vp within the countrey to a towne called Xalapa a very healthfull soile There is neuer any woman deliuered of childe in this port of Vera Cruz for so soone as they perceiue themselues conceiued with child they get them into the countrey to auoid the perill of the infected aire although they vse euery morning to driue thorow the towne aboue two thousand head of cattell to take away the ill vapours of the earth From Xalapa seuen leagues I came to another place named Perota wherein are certaine houses builded of straw called by the name of ventas the inhabitants whereof are Spaniards who accustome to harbour such trauellers as are occasioned to iourney that way vp into the land It standeth in a great wood of Pine and Cedar trees the soile being very colde by reason of store of snow which lieth on the mountaines there all the yere long There are in that place an infinite number of deere of bignesse like vnto great mules hauing also hornes of great length From Perota nine leagues I came to the Fuentes of Ozumba which suentes are springs of water issuing out of certeine rocks into the midst of the high wayes where likewise are certaine ranges and houses for the vses before mentioned Eight leagues off from this place I came to the city of the Angels so called by that name of the Spanyards which inhabit there to the number of a thousand besides a great number of Indians This city standeth in very plaine fields hauing neere adioyning to it many sumptuous cities as namely the city of Tlaxcalla a city of two hundred thousand Indians tributaries to the king although he exacteth no other tribute of them then a handfull of wheat a piece which amounteth to thirteene thousand hanueges yeerely as hath appeared by the kings books of account And the reason why he contenteth himselfe with this tribute onely for them is because they were the occasion that he tooke the city of Mexico with whom the Tlaxcallians had warre at the same time when the Spanyards came into the countrey The gouernour of this city is a Spanyard called among them The Alcalde mayor who administreth chiefest causes of iustice both vnto the Christians and Indians referring smaller and lighter vices as drunkennesse and such like to the iudgement and discretion of such of the Indians as are chosen euery yeere to rule amongst them called by the name of Alcaldes These Indians from foureteene yeeres olde vpwards pay vnto the king for their yerely tribute one ounce of siluer and an hannege of maiz which is valued among them commonly at twelue reals of plate The widowes among them pay halfe of this The Indians both of this city and of the rest lying about Mexico goe clothed with manâ—les of linnen cloth made of cotton wooll painted thorowent with works of diuers and fine colours It is distant from the city of the Angels foure leagues to the Northward foureteene from Mexico There is another city a league from it called Checula consisting of more then sixty thousand Indians tributaries and there dwell not aboue twelue Spanyards there From it about two leagues there is another called Acassingo of aboue fifty thousand Indians and about eight or twelue Spanyards which standeth at the foot of the Vulcan of Mexico on the East side There are besides these three other great cities the one named Tepiaca a very famous city Waxazingo and Tichamachalcho all these in times past belonged to the kingdome of Tlaxcalla and from these cities they bring most of their Cochinilla into Spaine The distance from the city of the Angels to the city of Mexico is twenty leagues This city of Mexico is the city of greatest fame in all the Indies hauing goodly and costly houses in it builded all of lime and stone and seuen streets in length and seuen in breadth with riuers turning thorow euery second street by which they bring their prouision in canoas It is situated at the foot of certaine hilles which conâ—eine in compasse by estimation aboue twenty leagues compassing the sâ—yd city on the one side and a lake which is fourteene leagues about on the other side Upon which lake there are built many notable and sumptuous cities as the city of Tesâ—uco where the Spanyards built sire frigats at that time when they conquered Mexico and where also Fernando Cortes made his abode fiue or six moneths in curing of the sicknesse of his people which they had taken at their comming into the countrey There dwell in this city about sixty thousand Indians which pay tribute to the king In this city the sayd Fernando built the finest church that euer was built in the Indies the name whereof is S. Peters After I had continued two yeeres in this city being desirous to see further the countreys I imployed that which I had and tooke my voyage towards the prouinces of California in the which was discouered a certeine countrey by a Biscaine whose name was Diego de Guiara and called it after the name of his countrey New
coast of Africa and a place where the Portugals do ride that fish there in the moneth of Nouember especially and is a very good place of fishing for Pargoes Muâ—let and Dogge fish In this place the Portugals haue no holde for their defence but haue rescue of the Barbarians whom they entertaine as their souldiers for the time of their being there and for their fishing vpon that coast of Africa doe pay a certaine tribute to the king of the Moores The people of that part of Africa are tawnie hauing long haire without any apparell sauing before their priuie members Their weapons in warres are bowes and arrowes The 26 we departed from S. Auis Baye within Cape Blanco where we refreshed our selues with fish and other necessaries and the 29 wee came to Cape Verde which lieth in 14 degrees and a halfe These people are all blacke and are called Negros without any apparell sauing before their priuities of stature goodly men and well liking by reason of their food which passeth all other Guyneans for kine goats pullin rise fruits and fish Here wee tooke fishes with heades like conies and teeth nothing varying of a iolly thickenesse but not past a foote long and is not to be eaten without flaying or cutting off his head To speake somewhat of the sundry sortes of these Guyneans the people of Cape Verde are called Leophares and counted the goodliest men of all other sauing the Congoes which do inhabite on this side the cape de Buena Esperança These Leophares haue warres against the Ieloffes which are borderers by them their weapons are bowes and arrowes targets and short daggers darts also but varying from other Negros for whereas the other vse a long dart to fight with in their hands they cary fiue or sixe small ones a peece which they cast with These men also are more ciuill then any other because of their dayly trafficke with the Frenchmen and are of nature very gentle and louing for while we were there we tooke in a Frenchman who was one of the 19 that goin to Brasile in a Barke of Diepe of 60 tunnes and being a sea boord of Cape Verde 200 leagues the plankes of their Barke with a sea brake out vpon them so suddenly that much a doe they had to saue themselues in their boats but by Gods prouidence the wind being Westerly which is rarely seene there they got to the shore to the Isle Braua and in great penurie gotte to Cape Verde where they remained sixe weekes and had meate and drinke of the same people The said Frenchman hauing forsaken his fellowes which were three leagues off from the shore and wandring with the Negros too and fro fortuned to come to the waters side and communing with certaine of his countreymen which were in our ship by their perswasions came away with vs but his entertainement amongst them was such that he desired it not but through the importunate request of his Countreymen consented at the last Here we stayed but one night and part of the day for the 7 of December wee came away in that pretending to haue taken Negros there perforceâ— the Mynions men gaue them there to vnderstand of our comming and our pretence wherefore they did auoyde the sâ—ares we had layd for them The 8 of December wee ankered by a small Island called Alcatrarsa wherein at our going a shore we found nothing but sea-birds as we call them Ganets but by the Portugals called Alcatrarses who for that cause gaue the said Island the same name Herein halfe of our boates were laden with yong and olde fowle who not being vsed to the sight of men slew so about vs that we stroke them downe with poles In this place the two shippes riding the two Bankes with their boates went into an Island of the Sapies called La Formio to see if they could take any of them and there landed to the number of 80 in armour and espying certaine made to them but they fled in such order into the woods that it booted them not to follow so going on their way forward till they came to a riuer which they could not passe ouer they espied on the othâ—rside two men who with their bowes and arrowes shot terribly at them Whereupon we discharged certaine harquebuzes to them againe but the ignorant people wayed it not because they knewâ— not the danger thereof but vsed a marueilous crying in their fight with leaping and turning their taylesâ— that it was most strange to see and gaue vs great pleasure to beholde them At the last one being hurt with a harquebuz vpon the thigh looked vpon his wound and wist not howe it came because hee could not see the pellet Here Master Hawkins perceiuing no good to be done amongst thâ—m because we could not finde their townes and also not knowing how to goe into Rio grande for want of a Pilote which was the very occasion of our comming thither and finding so many sholes seaâ—red with our great ships to goe in and therefore departed on our pretended way to the Idols The 10 of December we had a Northeast winde with raine and storme which weather continuing two dayes together was the occasion that the Salomon and Tygre loste our companie for whereas the Iesus and pinnesse ankered at one of the Islands called Sambula the twelfth day the Salomon and Tygre came not thither till the 14. In this Island we stayed certaine daies going euery day on shore to take the Inhabitants with burning and spoiling their townes who before were Sapies and were conquered by the Samboses Inhabitants beyond Sierra Leona These Samboses had inhabited there three yeres before our comming thither and in so short space haue so planted the ground that they had great plentie of Mil Rise Rootes Pompions Puilin goates of small frye dried euery house full of the Countrey fruite planted by Gods prouidence as Palmito trees fruites like dates and sundry other in no place in all that Countery to aboundantly whereby they liued more deliciously then other These inhabitants haue diuerse of the Sapies which they tooke in the warres as their slaues whome onely they kept to till the ground in that they neither haue the knowledge thereof nor yet will worke themselues of whome wee tooke many in that place but of the Samboses none at all for â—hey fled into the maine All the Samboses haue white teeth as we haue farre vnlike to the Sapies which doe inhabite about Rio grande for their teeth are all filâ—d which they doe for a brauerie to set out themselues and doe iagge their flesh both legges armes and bodies as workemanlike as a Ierkimnaker with vs pinketh a â—erkin These Sapies be more ciuill then the Samboses for whereas the Samboses liue most by the spoile of their enemies both in taking their victuals and eating them also The Sapies doe not eate mans flesh vnlesse in the warre
the Spanish Frigat which immediately before we had surprised From hence by the direction of certain Indians we sayled into the gulfe of the Honduras there we tooke a barke wherein were rials of plate to the value of 100 pound Maiz or Indian wheat hennes beefe and other small things In this barke also were certaine Spaniards whereof one was the Scriuaâ—o or secretary of Carthagena who being a man of some note was put to his ransome which was payd in gold the rest were dismissed freely And after passing by diuers Islands we arriued at an Island called S. Francisco being in the mouth of the great bay called the Honduras And within two dayes next after our arriuall there William Coxe and diuers others which for certaine causes shal be namelesse came aboord the ship wherein the captaine then was and disposessed him as well of the sayd ship as of the treasure in the same and forthwith put our captaine â—ith violence on shore where he and one Germane Weâ—borne fought together and were both wounded After this our captaine desirous to come on boord was resisted by the persons aforesayd who answered him that he should not come on boord till they were ready to depart Our men had appointed ten persons of their company for the keeping of this Island of S. Francisco but about breake of the day on a certaine morning sixtie Spaniards arriuing secretly in the Island surprised our people on the sudden what time there were thirtie of our men on shore in which surprise they slew our captaine M. Andrew Barker with eight others namely one Wilde of Bristol and Michael our Chirurgian Richard of Bristol Thomas Sampoole Thomas Freeman Thomas Nightingale Robert Iackson Walter Newton and the captaines boy and one other were hurt Now after that William Coxe and the rest which were aboord the barke perceiued that the captaine some others were slain he receiued them that were liuing into the ship hauing before that time refused some of them After this misfortune they went to an Island distant from thence a league where Coxe deuided a chaine of gold which was found in the captaines chest after his death amongst the company After this Coxe went in a pinesse which wee tooke at the Isle of Sant Francisco with certaine others of our men in a skyffe to the towne of Truxillio in the bay of Honduras which towne they surprised and had therein wine and oyle as much as they would and diuers other good things but no gold nor siluer nor any other treasure which they would confesse But before they could returne to their company those that were in the barkes were had in chase by men of warre whereby they were inforced euery man to shift for himselfe so for haste they left those that were in the skiffe being 8 persons in the bay of Honduras what became of them afterward God knoweth Hereupon we determined to saile for England and being in the maine sea homeward bound about 60 leagues from the Isle of S. Francisco the Frigat wherein was the treasure for the aduenturers and that which pertained to the captaine to the value of 2000 pound being ouerset with sayle with a flaw of wind was ouerthrowen and all the goods therin perished therein also were 14 persons drowned and nine saued whereof William Coxe and William Gillam were two After this Philip Roche Master of the Admirall called the Ragged staffe died And thus at length by the helpe of God we arriued in the Isle of Silly neere Cornwall where we left our Frigat which we built new vpon the shore of the Honduras hauing in her at our landing ten boâ—isios of oyle and the foure cast Peeces that were in Iohn Oxnams Frigat which the yeere before was taken in the streit of Dariene three harquebuzes on crocke certaine caliuers and certaine treasure Where William Cox and Andrew Browne deuided the treasure amongst their company deliuering to some fiue pound to some sixe pound to some seuen pound to some more as euery man was thought to haue deserued The barke and the rest of the Ordinance was left in the Island to the vse of Andrew Browne Diuers of our company vpon our arriuall at Plimmouth were committed to prison at the suite of M. Iohn Barker of Bristol brother vnto our captaine M. Andrew Barker as accessaries to our captains death and betrayers of him vnto the enemie And after straight examination of many of vs by letters of direction from her Maiestiâ—s priuie Counsell the chiefe malefactors were onely chastised with long imprisonment where indeede before God they had deserued to die whereof some although they escaped the rigor of mans law yet could they not auoide the heauy iudgement of God but shortly after came to miserable ends Which may be example to others to shew themselues faithfull and obedient in all honest causes to their captaines and gouernours Parescer de Don Aluaro Baçan marques de Santa Cruz tocante la Armada de Francisco Draque est ando en las yslas de Vayona Hecha en Lisboa a 26 de otubre estelo de Espanna de 1585. LO que paresce que podra hazer el Armada Inglese en caso que quiere passar a las Indias y entrar en el mar del Sur como lo ha hec ho otra vez Francisco Draque con las treynta y dos naues y galeones y muchas lanchas y vergantines deremo que trae y cinco mil hombres de guerra que es el numero que a los de Vayona parescio que venian en el armada es lo siguiente Leuera su derotta al Rio de Ienero que es en la costa del Brasil en 23 grados de la parte del Sur de la Linea Es puerto capaz de muchos nauios y muy seguro adonde se tiene agua lenna y carne y tam bien podra tomar harina de Maiz en vn lugar dos o tres leguas del dicho puerto que se dize San Vicente Y por ser camino per las yslas de la Madera Canaria y Cabo Verde podra saquear estas yslas dandole el tiempo lugar a ello Desde Vaiona a la ysla de Madera con los vientos Nortes que aora correran passados los vientos de Vallee que a ora reynan por estar la costa de Espanna llouida yra la Armada en seis dias de alli a las Canarias en quatro y de las Canarias a Cabo verde en ocho que son per todos diez y ocho dias y tardera mas lo que se tuuiere en saquear las yslas De Cabo Verde al rio de Ienero tardera quarenta dias que vernan a seâ— todos dos meses por manera que estando el Armada todo este mes en Galicia podra set en el rio de Ienero en â—in de Deziembre A la
or three and fiftie peeces In S. Domingo about fourescore whereof was very much great ordinance as whole Cannon Demi-canon Culuerins and such like In Cartagena some sixtie and three peeces and good store likewise of the greater sort In the Fort of S. Augustin were foureteene peeces The rest was Iron ordinance of which the most part was gotten at S. Domingo the rest at Cartagena A relation of the ports harbors forts and cities in the VVest Indies which haue bene surueied edified finished made and mended with those which haue bene builded in a certaine suruey by the king of Spaine his direction and commandement Written by Baptista Antonio surueyour in those parts for the said King Anno 1587. Santa Marta FIrst Santa Marta the principall Citie of the Bishopricke or Dioces of the coast of Tierra firma or the firme land leith in 10. degrees and ½ the city being situated vpon a sandy bay adioyning vnto the sea side conteineth in it about 30. housholds all the houses being made of canes and couered ouer with Palmito trees and some of them be couered with tyle They haue traffike with none but with the Indians of the said country which doe bring vnto the Citie for to sell â—arthen Pots and Pipkins and Couerlits of Cotton wooll and great earthen Iarres Also they doe traffique to Cartagena It is a countrey which hath but small store of cattel because it is all mountainous and hath small store of people There is a very good harbour before the said towne inuironed with mighty hils great rocks which reach euen vnto the sea side the which hie land doth greatly succouâ— the harbour as also two Ilands which lie about ¾ of a league on the North side so that although they be subiect to Easterly winds and that with great stormes yet they doe no great harme to goe on land Within this Harbour there is a place which is called La Caldera where in times past they were woont to trimme and carene their Shippes As touching the Harbour there is no cause to fortifie it nor to make any account of it by reason there is no trade nor traffique to this place from any other places according as I haue certified your Maiestie thereof And also because here are but few dwelâ—ers oâ— inhabitants and loosing euery day so many as it doeth by reason that it is euery dâ—y robbed and spoyled â—y the enemie But if your Maiestie would command that the Fleete of Noua Hispania might direct their course to this Harbour being in their way and here to water and refresh themselues all the Pilots doe say that the Fleete may proceede on their Uoyage from this place still going before the winde and so goe to the Cape of Saint Anthony which lieth on the Iland of Cuba and from thence goe their direct course to Noua Hispania and by this meanes the Fleete should haue no occasion to passe so many dangers as they doe by reason of the Huricanos or stormy windes which many times do come vpon them when they are vpon the coast of Hispaniola and this is the cause that there are so many ships cast away as your Maiestie doeth well know And as concerning this course according as I haue certified your Maiestie they shall come into no danger at all nor shall make any further way about so by this meanes both the Fleetes may come from Spaine in company and then come to S. Marta and the Fleete of Noua Hispaniâ— may come into this Harbour and the Fleete which doeth goe vnto the firme land may goe directly to Cartagena as they doe Then your Maiestie may send to fortifie the said Harbour and the fortification must be thus That on the morro or mount which is in the entring in of the said harbour there be built a litle Fort and so to plant some small quantitie of ordinance And hard by on the South side there to build a litle Towre and another Sconce where wee may plant some more ordinance So by this meanes not onely the Shippes may ride heere in securitie but also it will bee a defence for those which dwell heere in the Towne and the better to effect this purpose there is hard by the Towne great store of Lyme Stone Sande and Tymber if ocâ—casion should serue Cartagena CArtagena is a Citie and the principall place of the Bisâ—opricke it lyeth fourtie leagues from Santa Marta it standeth in scant 11. degrees The sayd Citie is situated vpon a sandy banke or bay like vnto an Iland it hath about 450. dwellers therein There are very faire buildings therein as concerning their houses they are made of stone and there are three Monasteries of which two of them are of Friers which are within the city the one called Santo Domingo and the other called Santo Augustin and the other which is called Saint Francis which standeth without the citie about 30. paces off And for to goe vnto the said Frierie you must goe vpon a Causey made of stone and water on both sides This citie hath great trade out of Spaine and out of The new kingdome of Granada and out of the Ilands there adioyning from Peruâ— and from all the coast of this firme land and of the fishing of the pearles of Rio de la Hacha and of Margarita it is a very sound countrey This Citie hath a very good Harbour and sufficient to receiue great store of Ships this said Harbour hath two entrances in the one of them lyeth halfe a league from the Citie where all the Ships doe enter into the sayd Harbour the mouth or entring in of the sayde Harbour is 1400. yardes or paces in bredth and very deepe water The other entring in which is called La boca chica or litle mouth lieth a league beyond this place to the westwards It is 900. yards in bredth and in the entring in thereof there lieth a channel in the midst of it which is 200. yards broad and 20. or 15 fadome water some plâ—ces more some lesse And to enter into the Harbour you must go through this channel and the land doth double in and out And at the entring in of the sayde Harbour after you haue pasâ— this Channell you must beare vp to the shoare ward neere vnto the Iland of Caâ—es and looke how much is ouerplus more then the two hundred yardes of the Channell all the rest are certaine ledges of Rockes couered with two or three foote water vpon the tâ—ppe of them some places more and some lesse So the ships which must enter in at the mouth must bring very good Pilots with them which must be very skilfull yet all this will not sâ—rue but they must carry their Boate before and sound with their Lead to know where the â—est place of the Channell lyeth for them to goe in so it will be small hinderance to any shippe that shall enter neither yet danger at all of sinking There are three places about the sayde
18 tun for the most part with tronnels and very few nailes As for tackling we made a voyage aboord the ship before the split and cut downe her shrowds and so we tackled our barke and rigged her In stead of pitch we made lime and mixed it with the oile of tortoises and assoone as the carpenters had calked I and another with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands did plaister the morter into the seames and being in April when it was warm and faire weather we could no sooner lay it on but it was dry and as hard as a stone In this moneth of April 1594 the weather being very hot we were afrayd our water should faile vs and therfore made the more haste away and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests and calked them and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast and so put in our prouision of raine-water and 13 liue tortoises for our food for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs but they are so leane that you can not eat them by reason the Island is so barren but it yeeldeth great store of fowle fish and tortoises And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-locked without any danger with water enough Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies but that the place is subiect to foule weather as thundering lightning and raine but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather The 11 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the Island to the no little ioy of vs all after we had liued in the same almost the space of 5 moneths And the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton where we ran into a fresh water riuer whereof there be many and tooke in wood water and ballast And here the people of the countrey came vnto vs being clothed all in furs with the furred side vnto their skins brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell besides great store of wild ducks so some of our company hauing saued some small beads bought some of their ducks Here we stayed not aboue foure houres and so departed This should seeme to be a very good countrey And we saw very fine champion ground and woods From this place we ranne for the banke of Newfoundland where as we met with diuers but none would take in a man of vs vntill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth which receiued vs all for a little time and with her we tooke a French ship wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my deere friend and all his company and stayed my selfe aboord the English barke and hauing passage in the same in the moneth of August I arriued at Falmouth 1594. A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley now knight to the Isle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne home by the Isles of Granata Santa Cruz Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the shoalds called Abreojos and the isle of Bermuda In which voyage he and his company tooke and sunke nine Spanish ships wherof one was an armada of 600 tunnes Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluâ—t HAuing euer since I could conceiue of any thing bene delighted with the discoueries of nauigation I fostered in my selfe that disposition till I was of more yeres and better ability to vndertake such a matter To this purpose I called to me the aduise of sufficient seamen and principally vndertooke a voyage for the South seas but by reason that many before had miscaried in the same enterprise I could not be suffered to hazard more of her Maiesties subiects vpon so vncerteine a ground as my desire which made me by constraint great charges already by me defrayed to prepare another course for the West Indies without hope there to doe any thing woorth note and so common is it indeed to many as it is not woorth the registring Neuerthelesse I haue yeelded to your former importunity and sent you this my iournall to supply a vacant roome amongst your more important discourses Nowe being prouided for this last enterprize rather to see some practise and experience then any wonders or profice I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixth of Nouember 1594. But the winde falling scant it was the 17. day of the same moneth before I could put into the Sea Upon this day my selfe in the Beare a shippe of 200. tunnes my Admirall and Captaine Munck in the Beares whelpe vice-admirall with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earewig passed through the Needles and within two dayes after bare in with Plimmouth My busines at this port-towne dispatched I set saile whither againe by contrary winds to my great misfortune I was inforced to returne backe I might call it misfortune for by this meanes I vtterly for all the voyage lost my vice-admirall which was the cause likewise of loosing mine owne pinnesse which three were the principall stay of my voyage For at this last leauing of England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse as is be foresaid Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage sailing along the coast of Spaine within view of Cape Finister and Cape S. Vincent the North South capes of Spaine In which space hauing many chases I could meet with none but my couÌ„treymen or countreys friends Leauing these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries Here I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons The one in hope to meete my vice-admiral The other to get some vessel to remoue my pestered men into who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tunnes there grew many sicke The first hope was frustrated because my vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes The second expectation fell out to our great comfort for I tooke two very fine Carauels vnder the calmes of Tenerif and Palma which both refreshed and amended my company and made me a Fleete of 3. sailes In the one Carauel called The Intent I made Beniamin Wood Captaine in the other one Captaine Wentworth Thus cheared as a desolate traueller with the company of my small and newe erected Fleete I continued my purpose for the West Indies and first for Cape Blanco in Africa vpon the deserts of Libya My last hope was to meete my lost ship and withall to renue my victuals vpon the Canthers which are Portugal fishermen but the Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen as I could get none Riding vnder this White Cape two daies and walking on shore to view the countrey I found it a waste desolate barren and sandie place the sand running in drifts like snow and being very
and thunder wee lost the Canter which we called the Christopher but the eleuenth day after by our Generals great care in dispersing his ships we found her againe and the place where we met our Generall called the Cape of Ioy where euery ship tooke in some water Heere we found a good temperature and sweete ayre a very faire and pleasant countrey with an exceeding fruitfull soyle where were great sâ—ore of large and mightie Deere but we came not to the sight of any people but traueiling further into the countrey we perceiued the footing of people in the clay-ground shewing that they were men of great stature Being returned to our ships we wayed anchor and ranne somewhat further and harboured our selues betweene a rocke and the maine where by meanes of the rocke that brake the force of the sea we rid very safe and vpon this rocke we killed for our prouision certaine sea-wolues commonly called with vs Seales From hence we went our course to 36. degrees and entred the great riuer of Plate and ranne into 54. and 53. fadomes and a halfe of fresh water where wee filled our water by the ships side but our Generall finding here no good harborough as he thought he should bare out againe to sea the 27. of April and in bearing out we lost sight of our Flieboate wherein master Doughtie was but we sayling along found a fayre and reasonable good Bay wherein were many and the same profitable Islands one whereof had so many Seales as would at the least haue laden all our Shippes and the rest of the Islands are as it were laden with foules which is wonderfull to see and they of diuers sortes It is a place very plentifull of victuals and hath in it no want of fresh water Our Generall after certaine dayes of his abode in this place being on shore in an Island the people of the countrey shewed themselues vnto him leaping and dauncing and entred into traffique with him but they would not receiue any thing at any mans hands but the same must bee cast vpon the ground They are of cleane comely and strong bodies swift on foote and seeme to be very actiue The eighteenth day of May our Generall thought it needfull to haue a care of such Ships as were absent and therefore indeuouring to seeke the Flieboate wherein master Doughtie was we espied her againe the next day and where as certaine of our ships were sent to discouer the câ—â—ast and to search an harbour the Mary gold and the Canter being implâ—yed in that businesse came vnto vs and gaue vs vnderstanding of a safe harbour that they had found wherewith all our ships bare and entred it where we watered and made new prouision of victuals as by Seales whereof we slew to the number of 200. or 300. in the space of an houre Here our Generall in the Admirall rid close aboord the Flie-boate and tooke out of her all the prouision of victuals and what els was in her and halling her to the Lande set fire to her and so burnt her to saue the iron worke which being a doing there came downe of the countrey certaine of the people naked sauing only about their waste the skinne of some beast with the furre or haâ—re on and something also wreathed on their heads their faces were painted with diuers colours and some of them had on their heads the similitude of hornes euery man his bow which was an ell in length and a couple of arrowes They were very agill people and quicke to deliuer and seemed not to be ignorant in the feates of warres as by their order of ranging a few men might appeare These people would not of a long time receiue any thing at our handes yet at length our Generall being ashore and they dauncing after their accustomed maner about him and hee once turning his backe towards them one leapt suddenly to him and tooke his cap with his golde band off his head and ran a litle distance from him and shared it with his fellow the cap to the one and the band to the other Hauing dispatched all our businesse in this place wee departed and set sayle and immediatly vpon our setting foorth we lost our Canter which was absent three or foure dayes but when our General had her againe he tooke out the necessaries and so gaue her ouer neere to the Cape of Good hope The next day after being the twentieth of Iune wee harboured our selues againe in a very good harborough called by Magellan Port S. Iulian where we found a gibbet standing vpon the maine which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution vpon some of his disobedient and rebellious company The two and twentieth day our Generall went ashore to the maine and in his companie Iohn Thomas and Robert Winterhie Oliuer the Master gunner Iohn Brewer Thomas Hoâ—d and Thomas Drake and entring on land they presently met with two or three of the countrey people and Robert Winterhie hauing in his hands a bowe and arrowes went about to make a shoote of pleasure and in his draught his bowstring brake which the rude Sauages taking as a token of warre began to bend the force of their bowes against our company and droue them to their shifts very narrowly In this Port our Generall began to enquire diligently of the actions of M. Thomas Doughtie and found them not to be such as he looked for but tending rather to contention or mutinâ—e or some other disorder whereby without redresse the successe of the voyage might greâ—â—ly haue bene hazarded whereupon the company was called together and made acquainted with the particulars of the cause which were found partly by master Doughties owne confession and partly by the euidence of the fact to be true which when our Generall saw although his priuate affection to M. Doughtie as hee then in the presence of vs all sacredly protested was great yet the care he had of the state of the voyage of the expectation of her Maiestie and of the honour of his countrey did more touch him as indeede it ought then the priuate respect of one man so that the cause being throughly heard and all things done in good order as neere as might be to the course of our lawes in England it was concluded that M. Doughtie should receiue punishment according to the qualitie of the offence and he seeing no remedie but patience for himselfe desired before his death to receiue the Communion which he did at the hands of M. Fletcher our Minister and our Generall himselfe accompanied him in that holy action which being done and the place of execution made ready hee hauing embraced our Generall and taken his leaue of all the companie with prayer for the Queenes maiestie and our realme in quiet sort laid his head to the blocke where he ended his life This being done our Generall made diuers speaches to the whole company perswading
person clad with Conie skins other skins after them followed the naked coÌ„mon sort of people euery one hauing his face paâ—nted some with white some with blacke and other colours hauing in their hands one thing or another for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a uery warre-like shew They being trooped together in their order and a generall salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the King bâ—ing informed by another whom they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secrete continuing halfe an houre which ended and a ganeraâ—l Amen as it were giuen the King with the whole number of men and women the children excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter-bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a daunce and that with a stately countenance whom the King with his Guarde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and daunce sauing onely the women which daunced kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwarke where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they made signes to our General to sit downe to whom the King and diuers others made seuerall orations or rather supplications that hee would take their prouince and kingdome into his hand and become their King making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the King and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offred vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumphâ— which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our Countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands wishing that the riches treasure thereof might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at home as it aboundeth in y e same The common sorte of people leauing the King and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nailes whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them of disâ—iking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwards to the liuing God whom onely they ought to worship They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our hands whereupon we gaue them lotions plaisters and oyntments agreeing to the state of their griefes beserching God to cure their diseases Euery third day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstood our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but dayly frequented our company to the houre of our departure which departure seemed so greeuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorow They intreated vs that being absent we would remember them and by stealth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his company trauailed vp into the Covntrey to their villages where we found herdes of Deere by 1000. in a company being most large and fat of body We found the whole Countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Connies their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Connies their heads as the heads of ours the feete of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne is on either side a bag into the which she gathereth her meate when she hath filled her bellie abroad The people eate their bodies and make great accompt of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this Countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes which lie towards the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth heere to bee taken vp wherein there is not some probable shew of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a faire great poste whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the free giuing vp of the prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her highnesse picture and armes in a peece of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate whereunder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the Countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place After we had set saile from hence wee continued without sight of land till the 13. day of October following which day in the morning wee fell with certaine Islands 8. degrees to the Northward of the line from which Islands came a great number of Canoas hauing in some of them 4. in some 6. and in some also 14. men bringing with them cocos and other fruites Their Canoas were hollow within and cut with great arte and cunning being very smooth within and without and bearing a glasse as if it were a horne daintily burnished hauing a prowe and a sterne of one sort yeelding inward circle-wise being of a great height and full of certaine white shels for a brauerie and on each side of them lie out two peeces of timber about a yard and a halfe long more or lesse according to the smalnesse or bignesse of the boate This people haue the nether part of their eares cut into a round circle hanging downe very lowe vpon their cheekes whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight The nailes of their hands are an ynche long their teeth are as blacke as pitch and they renew them often by eating of an herbe with a kinde of powder which they alwayes carrie about them in a cane for the same purpose Leauing this Island the night after we fell with it the 18. of October we lighted vpon diuers others some whereof
Pedro Aluarez tooke possession of this land for the king of Portugall whereupon the king Don Emanuel hearing newes thereof sent presently shippes to discouer the whole countrey and found it to be part of America otherwise called The West Indies for which cause there grewe some controuersie betweene him and the king of Spaine but being kinsmen and great friends one to another they agreed in the end that the king of Portugall should holde all the countrey that he had discouered the which was as I haue said from the riuer of Marannon to the riuer of Plate albeit the Spaniards affirme that it stretcheth no further then the Iland of Santa Catelina whereupon there haue risen many controuersies betweene the Portugales and Spaniardes which haue cost many men their liues There came into the said riuer of Plate in the yeere 1587 two English ships and a Pinnesse of the right Honourable the Earle of Cumberland which were bound for the streights of Magellan and ankored ten leagues within the said riuer before a little Iland lying hard by another called Seal-Iland On which Iland the Captaine of one of the ships called Christopher Lister and his whole company landing found the king of Portugales armes grauen on a rocke by the sea side which are thought to haue beene there engrauen by one Martin Alonso de Souza who was sent by the king Don Emanuel to discouer this coast Therefore I thinke the Portugales haue reason for that which they alleage concerning the extension of the said coast of Brasil Wherfore the king of Portugall gaue this land to diuerse of his gentlemen to inhabite Most of the naturall inhabitants of this countrey are very rude and goe starke naked both men and women and are man-eaters for which cause they make warres one against another to get men to eate they are stout and good bow-men The first place inhabited on this coast beyonde the riuer of Marannon is called Fernambuck so named by the Indians but in Portugall it is called Villa de Olinda Before you come to this place there is a port called Paraiua vnto which port not many yeeres past the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles which were then in Portugall resorted and built there a fort whereunto certaine French ships made yeerely voyages to lade Brasill-wood But they of Fernambuck with the helpe of the Spaniardes went and burnt fiue french shippes within the port and tooke the fort it selfe and the Frenchmen that were there fled part into the mountaines and part of them were slaine so that since that time the Spaniardes haue inhabited there till this present Nowe to returne to Fernambuck inhabited by a Portugall Captaine called Duarre Coelio it is the greatest towne in all that coast and hath abouâ— three thousand houses in it with seuentie Ingenios for sugar and great store of Brasill-wood and abundance of cotton yet are they in great want of victuals for all their victuals come either from Portugall or from some places vpon the coast of Brasill The harbour of this towne is a barred harbour and fit onely for small barkes this place belongeth as yet vnto the sonne of Duarte Coëlio Beyond this towne lyeth the Cape of Sant Augustin and next thereunto is the riuer of Sant Francisco which is a great riuer Betweene this riuer and Bayha it is all a wildernesse inhabited with cruell saluages for whomsoeuer they take they kill and eate him The towne of Bayha belongeth to the king and therefore the gouernour of all the coast keepeth his residence in the same as also the bishop It containeth 1000 houses 40 Ingenios for sugar and hath much cotton but no Brasill-wood at all The sea runneth vp into the countrey here 14 or 15 leagues where they get some yeres good store of Amber-griese Here is great plentie of victuals and although the countrey be hot yet is it healthfull the aire holesome The next towne vpon the coast called As Ilhas or The Iles is but a small towne containing not aboue 150 houses and but three Ingenios for sugar Most of the inhabitants are labouring men which vse to carry victuals in their small barkes vnto Fernambuck their Lord is called Lucas Giraldo The next place vnto this is called Puerto Seguroâ— it consisteth of 4 small townes which containe not in all aboue 300 houses The inhabitants of this towne also liue by carrying of victuals along the coast and the towne it selfe belongeth to the Duke de Auero. Hard by this port begin the sholdes which they call Abrolhos and these sholdes lie aboue 25 leagues into the sea The next habitation of Christians beyond these sholdes is Espirito Santo which consisteth of two townes both of them contayning about 300 houses and they belong to a gentleman called Vasques Fernandes de Coutinho From hence you passe along the coast to the riuer of Ienero which hath about three hundred houses In this place the Frenchmen first inhabited whose Captaine was called Monsieur de Villegagnon The said Captaine made here a fort and planted good ordinance thereon and laded euery yeere great store of Brasill-wood from hence and had great friendship with the saluage people who did him good seruice by reason whereof the Frenchmen reaped much benefite out of this countrey But the king of Portugall sent out a power against the Frenchmen who first tooke the french shippes by sea and then landed and besieged the fort and at length tooke it and the Captaine thereof vnto whom because he was a gentle person and neuer hurt the Portugales they gaue thirtie thousand ducats for his ordinance and for all other things that were in the fort and so sent him for France Since which time the Portugales haue inhaâ—â—ted this riuer There are at this present onely two Ingenios but great store of Brasill-wood with plentie of victuals From this riuer of Ienero they passe along the coast to Sant Vincente which hath 4 townes the greatest whereof is called Santos and consisteth of foure hundred houses there are also three Ingenios A fewe yeeres past there came two English ships into this harbour which were going for the Streights of Magellan Who being in this port there came thither three of the king of Spaines ships and fought with the Englishmen but the Englishmen sunke one of their ships and therefore the king commanded a fort to be made to the ende that no English shippes that were bound for the streights of Magellan should victuall there the which fort standeth on the mouth of the harbour This countrey belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Souza this is the last inhabited place vpon all the coast of Brasill This coast of Brasill is very full of mountaines and hath much raine falling vpon it for which cause they cannot goe from towne to towne by land all the habitations of this countrey are by the sea side From Sant Vincente the coast
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiâ—y and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to â—raue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâ—acama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
ex diametro spirantibus The words of the king of Portugall to Andro Vrdaneta a Frier touching the concealing of this Northwest passage from England to Cataia An obiection Aristotle lib. de mundo cap. 2. Berosus lib. 5. The Northwest passage assentâ—d vnto The first reason The answer or resolution Vlsus nonnunquam fallitur in suo obiecto The second reason or allegation The answer or resolution The third and last reason or assertion The answer or resolution Some doubt of this This discouery offered This discouery attempted This discouery performed The labour of this discouerie shortned by other mens trauell Why y e kings of Spaine and Portugal would not perseuer in this discouery Pereas qui vmbras times 1 By the Southeast 2 By the Southwest This is an errour 3 By the Northeast Ortel tab Asiae 3. 4 By the Northeast Ob. 1. In Theatro Ob. 2. Ob. 3. Ob. 4. Ob. 5. Ob. 6. Cic. 1. de orat Arist. pri Metaph. Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2. Sol. 1. Sol. 2. Ouid. â— Meta. Sol. 3. Sol. 4. Lib. Geog. Noâ—e Richard Eden Lib. 2. Meteor cap. 1. Plin. lib. â—â— capâ— 67. Sol. 5. Sol. 6â— Luc. lib. 1â— Phaâ—sal What the Easterne current is Lib. 1. Geog. Cap 2. Iune ‖ M. Matthew 〈◊〉 was Capâ—aine of the Michael Fairâ— Island Shotland * By eleuation he meaâ—eth the distance oâ— the sunne from the zâ—â—â—th S. Tronionsâ— Foâ—lay Island Latitude 59. deg 59. min. â—ere they begâ—â— to saile West and by North. Iuly the first The Compasse varying Westwards one point The Island of Friseland The variation of the needle two points and a halfe to the West A great drift of yce The latitude of 62. degrees 2. min. Sight of land supposed to haue bene Labrador August They enter the Streiâ— in the latitude of 63. deg and 8. min. Sight of the Countrey people The description of the people 5. of our men taken by the people They returne September The Sheld The Islands Orcades or Orkney The Orcadians vpon smal occasion fire their home No wood in Orkney Fisher men of â—ngland haue dailâ—â—raffike to Oâ—knâ—y In Iune and Iuly no night in those West and Northwest regions Great abundance of Firre trees floting in the sea Inquire further of this current Yce snow and haile in Iune and Iuly Friseland subiect to fogge Frobishers streight Islands of yce comparable to mountaines Captaine Frobisher his speciall care and diligence for the benefite of his Prince and Countreâ— The order of the people appearing on shoare Fierce and hold people One taken Richard Cox Master gunner Master Iackman Andrew Dier Iackmans sound Possession taken Yce needefull to be regarded of seafaring men Stones glister with sparkles like gold A common prouerbe The sea Unicorne The people fled at the sight of our men Master Philpot Master Beast A fierce assault of a few Faire meanes not able to allure them to familiarity Boates of skinneâ— Our deparâ—ure from the West shore The countrey people shew themselues vnto vs. Their vsage in traffique or exchange The people shew themselues the third time The people shew themselues againe on â—â—rme land Their â—â—râ—t meanes to allure vs to shore Their second meanes Their third and crafâ—iest allurâ—ment Compassion to cure a crafty lame man Dogges like vnto woluâ—â— They eate dogs flesh Hoods â—nd tailes to their apparâ—ll Their houses of Seale skins and Firre Their weapons of defence Three â—orts of heads to their arrowes Two sorts of darts Two sorts of boates made of leather They vse to foule fish and hunt It is to be supposed that their inhabiting is elsewhere Their vse of yron Anthropophagi Signes of gold eâ—â—e Signes of gold from other people Description of the Countreis â— signe of Earthquakeâ— or thunder No riuers but â—uch as the Sunne doth cause to come of snow A probability that there should be neither spring or riuers in the ground Springs nourish gold Our departurâ— from those Countreys How when we lost our 2. Barks which God neuerthelesse restored The conclusion Master Yorke Christopher Hall The Hopewel Captaine Carew Andrew Dierâ— Harwich Dursies Ireland Plimmouth Bristow Frizeland The curtesie of our Generall Master Kinderslie Bartholomew Bull. The Michael The Iudith M. Fenton Charles Iackman The Countesse of Wâ—rwicks sound Our entrance passage c. Barke Dionyse Narow shifts for safetie Gods prouidence A mountaine of yce appearing in sundry figures A fog of long continuance A current to the Northwest The Gabriel The people offer to traffike with vs. Warning pieces of fate passage discharged A faire sound betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound An horrible snowe fell in Iuly The time of our setting forward c. The Countesse of Sussex Iland Winters Fornace Dauids sound The policie of the people for safeâ—ie of themselues Their speedie flight at our Generals arriuall Gentlemen should haue inhaâ—ited the Countrey An house tricked and garnished with diuers trâ—â—kâ—â—s An outragious tempest Our entring the coastes dangerous The Island in length 25. leagues This Iland is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1 second part Two harboroughs in this Island Experience to proue that Torrida Zona is habitable Marochus more hote then about the Equinoctiall Marueiloâ—s fruitfull soile vnder the Equinoctiall Great trees Commoditiâ—â— and pleasurâ—â— vnder the Equinoctiall Heat is caused by two means that is by his maner of Angle and by his continuanceâ— Note this reason Paris in France is as hote as vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune In Iune is greater heat at Paris then vnder the Equinoctial The twilights are shorter and the nights darker vnder the Equinoctial then at Paris In what proportion the Angle of the Sun beames heateth They vse and haue neede of fire vnder the Equinoctiall Colde intermingled with heate vndre the Equinoctial Ethiopâ—ans blacke with curled haire The Sunne heateth not by his neernesse but onely by reflection A black Mooreâ— sonne borne in England The colour of the people in Meta Incognita The complexion of the people of Meta incognita The cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse The Arke of Noe. Chus the sonne of Cham accursed Africa was called Chamesis Greatest temperature vnder the Equinoctial Vndre the Equinoctiall is greatest generation Greatest heate vnder the Tropicâ—â— Cuba Hispaniola 〈…〉 Under the Tropickes is moderate temperature Nine Climates A comparison betweene Marochus and England All the North regions are habitable Elephant Orange tree Two causes of heat Hote nights nere the pole Colde nights vnder the Equinoctiall One day of sixe moneths Moderate heat vnder y e poles The Sunne neuer setteth in 182 dayes Horizon aâ—d Equinoctiall all one vnder the pole London Commodious dwelling vnder the poles The nights vnder the pole The regions vnder the poles want twilights but sixe weeks Winter nights vnder the pole tolerable to liuing creatures An obiection of Meta incognita Meta incognita inhabited Captaine Frobisherâ— first voyage The Michael returned home Frobishers first entrance within â— streights Frobisherâ— strâ—igâ—tâ— Deere The first
Laudonnieres consultation with his companâ— where it might be besâ— for them to plant Gold and siluer found at the riuer of May. Iune the 29. The Vale of Laudonniere An Hermaphrodite They began their planting with prayer to God In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues The forme of the Fort Caroline The West side The South side High building is not good for this Countrey Note Caroline The first voyage twentie leagues Ten leagues further Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer The second voyage King Molloua Olata Ouae Vtina a great king Fiue of sixe pound weight of siluer Fortie kings vassals to Vtina King Potanou An exceeding rich place Large plates of gold and siluer Some paint their faces with blacke and some with red King Malica Tapistry made of small reede They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins A ceremonie to call to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enemies The returne of their ships toward France the 28. of Iuly The ceremonie which they vse before they got to warrâ— Sâ—reutiouâ— followed with fiue hundreth Indians Consultation before they assault their enemies Now they vse their enemies which they take in warrâ— King Omoloa Their maner of triumph Athore Excellent Pumpions A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August King Serranay King Allimacany The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance Laudonniere vsed the present occasion to his profite A wonderfull heate Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat The thirde voyage the tenth of September Mayarqua a place 80. leagues vp the Riuer of May. King Potanou The Indians maner of war Two hundreth Indians A village inclosed with trees Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French Siluer and gold and painted skinnes La Roquettes conspiracie Monsieuâ— de Genre Gieures message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name His answere A dangerous practise against the Captaine and his Lieutenant Laudonniers sicknesse Laudonniers Apothecarieâ— The Master of the fire-works Captaine Boâ—rdeâ— arrâ—ued in Florida the 4. of September The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember Hostaqua a village One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners The â—illage of Sarauahi Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida A Saw-mill necessary here The third sâ—â—â—tion By Peru the French meaneâ—the coast of Carthagenâ— and Nombre de Dios. The captaines charge at his setting forth Laudonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers Trenchant a skilful piloâ— Cassaui bread made of roots Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamaica The cape of Tiburon The gouernor of Iamaica takeÌ„ Malgualire â— kinde of vessell that will saile forward and backward The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Hauana The channell of Bahama King Patica The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditions souldiers Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers The sentence of death Execution The continuation of the history New coÌ„quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne one of prison to the fort Reparation of the West side of the fort King Marracou King Onathaqua King Mathiaca Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages Calos a place vpon y e Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of Florida The King of Calos Great quaÌ„titie of golde and siluer Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes King Oathcaqua or Houathca Sarrope an Island Abuâ—dance of Dates A root of great price to make bread of The greatest victory among the Floridians The situation of Calos Cannaueral in 28 degrees The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre King Audustas great humanity Pearles burned Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos The widow of King Hioacaia or Hiâ—oâ—â—acara This queeneâ— name was Nâ— Cubacaniâ— The fift voyage vp the riuer of May. Mathiaqua The discouery of a mighty lake on the one side whereof no land can be seene The Isle of Edelano An excellent worke of nature Eneguape Chilily Patica Coya The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thousaÌ„d Sauages to the field The mouÌ„taine of Apalatci There is a mine of golde or rich coper in the mountaine of Apalatci Peter Gamby slaine The village of Edelano Gold siluer Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe A good note Three hundred Indians A lake three leagues distaÌ„t from the village of Potanou Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician Potanou accoÌ„panied with two thousand Indians The prediction of the Magician found true Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his â—assals A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths and to liue in the woods They looke for succour oâ—â— of France by the end of April at the vttermost Extreme famine for sixe weekes space Promise broken Two hogs-heads of rosen The vile nature of the Indians A cruell answere of the Sauages Pinocke a certaine kinde of fruit as bigge as cheries Astina â— king Vtina taken prisoner in his village by â—audonn â—re and 50 of his soldiers Fiue or sixe hundred Indians The deepe dissembling of the Indians The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in warre The election of a new king The hatred among the Sauage kings of Florida Note Note Rootes Esquine New corne by the end of May in Florida The village of Enecaque A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries The I le of Edelano Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz The village Athore Nia Cubacani a Queene Patica a village Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages A necessarie admonition The Floridians subtilâ—â—â—â— A certaine signe of warre An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French A second fresh charge of Sauages The Floridians maner of fight The Floridians chiefe fearâ— Two flaine Two twenty wounded Prayer and thanke vnto God for their deliuerance The village Serauabi The village Emoloa The riuer of Iâ—acana called by Ribault y e riuer of Somme Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages Most artificiall mattes The beating downe of the houses without the fort the Palisade The cause why the French lost Florida Eight kings Laâ—doâ—â—â—ers friends and alâ—ice The principall scope of planters in strange countreys Florida a rich countrey Aug. 1565. M. Iohn Hawkins y e English Generall Sheepe and poultrie carried into Florida An aduantage wisely taken The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida Siluer found in Florida Note The great importance of this enterprise The great humanity and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the French The departure of the English Generall August â— The
Frenchâ—â—â— saâ—eâ— A desperate act Variation of the Compasse The yle of Sylly We came to Plimmouth 1583. Lanzarota spoiled by the men of Algiera Rio del Oro in 23. degreeâ— anâ— a halfe Trade of the Frenchmen in Rio del Oro. Sierra Leona A towne of the Negros A strange monster Another great and fine towne of the Negros A towne burnt Rice in stacks Idoles They fall with an high land in 30. degres â…“ A Portugal ship taken wherein was for Pilot Abraham Cocke an Englishman left there before by the Minion of London 1581. Fine townes vpon the riuer of Plate Another Portugal ship taken An Irish frier taken The bishop of Tucaman in the riuer of Plate The newes of M. Iohn Drake Richard Faire-weather Sealeâ—ylandâ— and Green-yland Buenos Ayres Santa Feeâ— M. Iohn Anthonie A resolute and worthy speech of captaine Lister They returne being in the latitude of 44 degrees A final resolution to returne March The rode of Camana They come into the riuer of â—aâ—a They take 4 ships out of the harbour of Baya nothwithstanding the shot of the enemie A hulke of Flushing Grosse negâ—â—gence A galley of Baya A marueâ—â—ouâ— defeate of the Portugals bâ— a few of our men About 360 Portugals Indianâ— slain They returne againe to Baya An Island 12 leagues to tâ—â— South of Bâ—â—â— A new Poâ—tugal ship taken in a crâ—eke A gooâ— warning for vs tâ— be circâ—mspect in laâ—ding Iunâ— An offer of captaine Lister to go with his one ship onely for the South sea Another pinnesse taken Iuly Then returned Northward Fernambuck in the Southerly latitude of 7 deg 50 mm. A lowe Island in â— degrees 49 minutes August The hulke of Flâ—â—hing burnt with all the men by negligence This voyage was made in the yeere 1572. Ventâ— dâ—â—uâ—eâ— Iohn Oxenâ—â—â— anno 1575 A riuer running into thâ— South sea Warre made against the Negros Frenchmeâ— Seuen frencâ— ships taken by the gallies Sir Francis Drakes voyage to S. Iago Saâ—â— Domingo Caâ—tagena and S. Augustine Cartâ—geâ—â— Nueuo 〈…〉 Granadaâ— Rio graâ—de dellâ— Magdalena Branco de â—â—lambo Moâ—â—â—â— Popayan Quito A passage ouer land from Cartagena to Peru. Santa Martha A mightie ridge of mountaines The rich valley of Tagrona Rio de Hacha Cabo de la vela Great store of pearles The I le of Margarita Excellent horses and mules More than 70. Ilands Hispaniola The Indians killed themselues rather then they would serue the tyrannous Spaniards A pretty lesâ— Sugar hides copper-mines Negros mightily increased A root called Iuca The I le of Cuba S. Iuan de Puerto rico Fernambuck The great riuer of Marannon Gonsalo Pizarro La Canela The great riuer of Marannon or Orellana Orellana sent downe the riuer of Marannon with fiftie men Lewis de Melo El Dorado Pedro de Orzua Lopez de Agira his dangerous conspiracie Pedro de Orzua murthered Don Ferdinando de Gusman proclaimed king of Peru. Fernando de Gusman slaine A new massacre Great store of gold in the riuer of Marannon Amazones women which helpe their husbands in the warres Good store of golde Lopez de Agira arriueth at Margarita 1568. Great riches hidden within the riuer of Marannon The coast of Brasill why it was so called and by whom it was at the first discouered Fernambuck A fort built by the FrenchmeÌ„ at Paraiua Paraiua now inhabited by Spaniards Fernambuck coÌ„taineth 3000 houses Cape S. Augustin Rio de Sant Francisco Bayha a towne of 1000 houses As Ilhas Puerto Seguro The sholdes called Abtolhos Espirito Santo Rio de Ienero Foure townes standing vpon the riuer of S. Vincente These English men were M. Fenton and Luke Ward A fort built at the riuer of Sant Vincente against the English The Iland of Santa Catelina Rio de la Plata Sebastian Cabota Buenos Ayeres The wonderfull increase of a â—ew horses and mares La Ascension 300 leagues by the riuer of Plate Santa Fe. Two English ships whereof M. Fenton was Generall 1582. Fernando Magellanes Porte S. Iulian. The discoueryâ— of the streights of Magellan The Southerly latitude of the straights of Magellan Patagones The length of the â—treights of Magellan A mighty ridâ— of mountains Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada But of late there are found diâ—â—rse rich uâ—â—es The death of Magellan Sebastian del Cano the first maÌ„ that euer sayled about the world Two ships of Genoa A third voiage to y e streights Gonsaluo de Ouiedo parte 2. lib. 20. calleth this Captaine Zamâ—rgo A fourth voyage to the streights A fift and sixt voiage to the streights of Magellan Two french ships sent for the streights of Magellan Sir Francis Drakes voyage about y e world The cause why M. Doury was beheaded Sir Francis Drakâ— driâ—en into â—7 degrees of Souâ—herly latitude La Mocha in 38 deg 30 min. ouer against the prouince of Aâ—anco The towne oâ— Concepcionâ— Valparizo The port of Coquimbo in 29 deg 30 min. Los Pescadores Arica in 18 degâ— Chuli El Callao de Lima. Three ships sent after captaine Drake A rich prize taken by sir Francis Drake at Cape S. Francisco situate one degree to y e north of the Equiâ—octial Read Nuno da Sylua concerning this treasure The Island of Cano. Pedro Sarmiento sent from Lima to the Streâ—â—â—â— of Magellan 58 degrees of Souâ—â—erly latiâ—ude diâ—couâ—red Many Islands discouâ—red to the South of the Streights Pedro Sarmiento perâ—wadeth y e king of Spaine to fortifie the Streights of Magellan Two English ships vnder the conduct of M. Fenton and M. Luke Ward Espirito Santo Iohn Drake The gouernor of Chili passeth thither by the riuer of Plate Foure ships more sent iâ— Diego Flores Fiue French ships taken at Paraiua Pedro Sarmiento left in y e streitâ— of Magellan with 400 men 30 womenâ— Nombre de Iefao builded Ciudad del 〈◊〉 Philippe builded Pedro Sarmiento was taken vp sir Walter Raleghs barkes 1586. Master Candish found but 22 men liuing of them Castro vpon the coast of Chili Baldiuia A description of the proâ—iâ—ce Chili Riuers rich of golde Copiapo the next towne of Chili vnto Peru. El estado de Arauco El Estado de Arauco Villa nueua de la Serena La Concepcion Sant Iago La Imperial Baldiuia La Villa Rica the 〈◊〉 sixe townes 〈…〉 Chili A straâ—agâ—â—e of the Indians of Chili against the Spaniards The death of Baldiuia Pedro de villa grande Don Garcia de Mendoza EleueÌ„ towns and two bishopricks in Chili A description of the townes of Chili Baldiuia The prouince of Arauco ouer against the Island La Mocha situate in 38 deg and a halfe La Concepcion Valparizo which is the port at S Iago standeth in 33. deg 40 mm. Coquimbo standeth in 29. deg 20. min. Copiapo A description of Peru. Isla del Gallo Tumbez The riuer of Peru. The cause whâ— it raineth noâ— in Peâ—uâ— Gold sâ—luer copper 〈◊〉 salt-peter and brimstone The sheepe of Peru calleâ— Lâ—amaâ— Aâ—abalipa and Guascar two brethren compeâ—â—â—oâ—â—s for the â—uiâ—â—ne 〈◊〉 Peruâ—
Nine bishopricks and one archbishoprick in Peru. The prouince of Tucuman Cordoua Aâ—acama Caâ—â—â—â— Acâ—â—â— El Calao Liâ—â— Santa Cannet◠〈◊〉 Paiâ—â—â— Guaiaquil Tumbeâ— Salsaperilla Ships built as Guaiaquil Puerto Viejo a place where Emralde a bound La Buena â—eâ—tura La gouernacioâ— de Popaâ—â—â— Negros 〈◊〉 from their masters Panama Costa ricâ— The prouince of Nicaragua The discouery of the Philippinas The Isle of Manilla The discouery of the Isles of Salomon Cloues ginger and sinamon The Isle of â—â—aâ—â—â—canal A towne burnt Abundance of good victuals vpon the Isles of Salomon A new rich trade for gold cloues ginger and sinamon Why these Isles were called The Isles of Salomon 5. Great Biskaynes ships fought wâ—tâ—a August Rio del orâ— Cape Blanco A dangerous sand Sierra leona A Portugall taken Poysoned arrowes The description of their towne September Many of our men hurt by Negros William Pickman diâ—th of a poysoned arrow This poâ—son is the 〈◊〉 of an 〈◊〉 Their departuâ—e from Sierra leona The Isles of Madâ—â—buâ—ba inhabited by Negros A towne Fâ—esh water October Cape Frio in Brasiâ—l Nouember S Sebâ—â—â—ians Iland The â—iuer of Ienero Decembeâ— 48. Degreesâ— Port Desâ—â—â— Seales strangâ— in â—hape 〈…〉 Yong Seales are very good meate Foules bâ—â—â—â—ding in burrowes like conies We call these foulâ—s 〈◊〉 gums They grauâ— and 〈◊〉 their shâ—â—s A man and a boy hurt by negligenâ—â— A kinde of 〈◊〉 Their departure from port Desire Ianuarâ—◠〈◊〉 Then enâ—â—r the â—â—râ—igâ—ts the 6. oâ— Ianuâ—â—ie â— Spaniaâ—d taken in tâ—e Sâ—â—eigâ—â—s of Mageâ—â—an The Barke Iâ—hn Thomas â—â—e of sir â—ran â— Dâ—â—keâ— conâ—oâ—â—â—â— King 〈…〉 dâ—solâ—te in the â—trâ—ights of Magelâ—aÌ„ which 〈◊〉 â—â—nâ—â—alâ—â—alled â—ort â—amâ—ne End enâ—mie to tâ—â— Spaniaâ—â—d Port famine in 5â— degrees Câ—pe Froward â—â— 54. degrees Muskle â—oue Elizabeth Bay The mâ—st â—â—â—â—tish Sauages that 〈…〉 â—eenâ— The Câ—anel of Sainâ— Ieâ—â—â—e Februarâ— 1587. The streights of Magellan aâ—e about 90. leagues long The Westerne mouth of the Streights is in 52. degrees and 2. tercâ—s Their entrance into the South sea the 24 of Februarie Ilands in thâ— South sea called Lâ—s Anegâ—dâ—â— March 1. Extreme danger of the Hugh Gallant by a great leake The I le of Mocha in 38. degrees not subiect to the Spaniards Arauco is the richest place in the South sea for golde and is not subdued by the Spaniards as yet Saint Marie Iland in 3â— degrees and 1. â—eâ—â—e which is subdued to the Spaniards A Church with crosses and altars The Indians of S. Mary Iland made all Christians Arauco rich in golde The Conception Quintero standeth in â—3 degreâ—s 50. minutes The perturie of a Spaniard Our men march 7. or 8. miles into their enemies land 24 Spaniard slaine A little Ilanâ—â—ull of pâ—â—gâ—in Moro morenâ— in â—3 degâ—ee aâ—d a halâ—e Most artificâ—all boates Tribute pay in fâ—sh A barke taken which ther called The Geoâ—ge Aâ—icâ— sâ—aâ—detâ— in 18 degrees 31 minutes A ship taken Great store of wine â—ound Another barke taken in the road The fourth barke taken A watch house The first barke of aduise taken A good mind if he had bene in a good cause The bay of Pisca in 13 deg â…” An Iland of Seales The Hugh Gallant lost â—ompanie of the fleete and met not vntill the seuenteenth 400 â—age of meaâ—e â—ound A bay in 9. degrees and 1 â—â— Iohn Way â— preacher A ship of 30. tunnes taken after halâ—e an houres fight Seuen degrees of Southerly latitude They met their fleete againe Two rich ships taken One shippe worth 20000 pounds The bay oâ— Paita in 5 degrees 4 〈◊〉 A new sort iâ— building The towne of Paita taken auâ—burnt 25 pounds wâ—ight in â—â—â—uer The towne of Paita had 200 houses in it A barke set on fire The Iland of Puna within 1 degree the Equinoctial to the South A great ship burnt Great store of cables made in Puna The towne of Guaiaquil A little Iland neere vnto Puna The I le of Puna is almost as big as the Ilâ— of Wight Cotton trees An excellâ—â—â— orchard The seconâ— grauing of their ships The first skiâ—mish with the Spaniards Zacharie Saâ—iâ— slaine honorâ—bly Robert Maddocâ— slaine with hiâ— owne peece 46 Spaniarâ—â— and Indianâ— slainâ— The second skirmish with the Spaniards The chiefe towne in Puna burnt They arriued at Puna the 25 of May. The Hugh Gallant a barke of 40 tuns sunke Rio dolce Michael Sancius a Marsâ—â—lian A great new ship burnt The second barke of aduise taken Sonsonate in the prouince of Guatimala A barke burnt The riuer of Copalita Aguatulco in 15 degâ—ees and 40 minutes Northward A barke burnt Anile Cacaos Aguâ—tulco a towne of 100 houses burnt Cacaos goe for moneâ— in Nueua Espanna Our Generall entred two miles into the maine land with 30 men Our departurâ— from Aguatulco Puerto de Nâ—â—â—uidad in 19 degrees The third coste of aduiâ— taken Puerto de Natâ—uidad burnt Two new ships burnâ— The riuer oâ— Sant Iago Pearles tâ—ken The bay of Malacca The towne of Acatlan burnt The road of Chaccalla The Isle of Sant Andrew Iguanos good meate Massatlan in 2â— degrees and an halfe An island a league Northwards of Massatlan The escape of one Domingo a Spaniard Chiaâ—etla Fresh water at 2 or 3 foote deepe in the sand The cape of S. Lucar on the point of California Aguada Segura California in 23 degrees and two thirds The fight betweene the great S. Anna and vs. The second encounter The third â—ncounter The great S. Anna yeeldeth One hundreth and two and twenty thousand pezos of gold A pezo â—s 8 s. The marchandise in the great ship The Spaniardes set on shore to the nuÌ„ber of 190. Mutinie against the Gâ—nerall Two hope of Iapon Three boyes of Manilla Nicolas Roderigo a Portugaâ— A Spanisâ— Piâ—otâ— Acapulco is thâ— haueâ— whence they 〈◊〉 to the Philippinas Good watering at the Lâ—drones The winâ—e aâ— Eastnorâ—heast The Content whereof Steueâ— Hâ—â—â— was master left â—ehinâ— in the road The island of Guana one of the Ladroneâ— in 13 degrees and two thirds Commoditieâ— of the isles of Ladrones The colouâ— and stature â— of the pâ—ople of the isles oâ— Ladronâ—â— Their images Artificial canoas Canoas sayling right against the winde The nimblenes of the people of the Ladrones Cabo del Spirito Santo one of the isles of the Philippinas in 13 degrees From Guanâ— an islâ— of The Landrones to Cabo del Spirito Santo is 310 leagues The description of the town of Manilla Trade from Acapulco to Manilla Marchants of Châ—na Marchants called Sangueloâ— Siluer exchanged waight for waighâ— for golde The island of Capul at which our men stayed 9 dayeâ— One of the chiefe gouernours of the island came aboord vs. Hennes and hogges The treason the Spanish Pilote 〈◊〉 led The copy of thâ— Spanish Pilotes letter tâ— the gouâ—rnouâ— of Manilla which was found in his cheste and translâ—ted by Timothy Shottor Capul adioyning vpon thâ— South isle of Manilla The Northwest passagâ—â— 50 lâ—agues from Maâ—â—llâ— The Spanisâ— Pilote
destroyed whereof I neede not make any other mention The new Cairo answereth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior 600000 ducates of golde neat and free of all charges growing on the same which money is sent to Constantinople about the fine of September by the way of Aleppo alwayes by lande vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen and two hundred Ianizaries footmen The citie of Cairo is adorned with many faire Mesquitas rich great anâ— of goodly and gorgeous building among which are fiue principall The first is called Morastanâ— that is to say The hospitall which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times which king hauing conquered Cairo for the space oâ— fiue dayes continually put the people thereof to the sword and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter caused this cruelty to cease and to obtaine remission for his sinne commiâ—ted caused this hospitall to be built enriching it as is aboue said The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisaâ— of one Neffisa buried there who was a Dame of honour and mooued by lust yeelded her body voluntarily without rewarde to any that required the same and sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet and therefore at this day they adore her reuerence her and finally haue canonized her for a Saint affirming that shee did many miracles The third is called Zauia della Innachari who was one of the foure Doctors in the law The fourth is called Imamsciafij where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco the other in Aleppo The fift last famous monument is Giamalazar that is the house of Lazarus and this is the generall Uniuersity of the whole kingome of Egypt In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth of Ianuary by misfortune of fue were burned nine thousand bookes of great value as well for that they were written by hand as also wrought so richly with golde that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece one with another And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire beganne they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie and an euident and mâ—nifest signe of their vtter ruine The houses of Cairo without are vâ—ry faire within the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with golde Euery person which resorteth to this place for traffiques sake is bound to pay halfe a duckat except the gentlâ—men Venetians Siotes and Rhaguseans because they are tributarie to the Grand Signior Cairo is distant from the riuer Nilus a mile and more being situate on a plaine saue that on the one side it hath a faire little hill on the toppe whereof stands a faire castle but not strong for that it may be battered on euery side but very rich large compassed about with faire gardens into the which they conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus with certaine wheeles other like engines This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull gardens both pleasant and commodious with great plenty of pondes to water the same Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of August when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus ouerfloweth and watereth all the countrey and then they open the mouth of a great ditch which extendeth into the riuer and passeth through the midst of the citie and entring there are innumerable barkes rowing too and fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames which with singing eating drinking and feasting take their solace The women of this countrey are most beautifull and goe in rich attire bedecked with gold pretious stones and iewels of great value but chiefely perfumed with odours and are very libidinous and the men likewise but foule and hard fauoured The soile is very fertile and abundant the flesh fat which they sell without bones their candles they make of the marowe of cattell because the Moores eate the tallow They vse also certaine litle furnaces made of purpose vnder the which they make fire putting into the furnace foure or fiue hundred â—gges and the said fire they nourish by litle and litle vntill the chickens be hatched which after they be hatched and become somewhat bigger they sell them by measure in such sort as we sell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo WIthout the Citie sixe miles higher into the land are to be seene neere vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides among which are three marueilous great and very artificially wrought Out of one of these are dayly digged the bodies of auncient men not rotten but all whole the cause whereof is the qualitie of the Egyptian soile which will not consume the flesh of man but rather dry and harden the same and so alwayes conserueth it And these dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe against our willes make vs to swallow Also by digging in these Pyramides oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of golde siluer and other mettall but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole as in this but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes of giants Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble which is discouered so farre as the necke ioyneth with the shoulders being all whole sauing that it wanteth a little tippe of the nose The necke of this head contayneth in circuit about sixe and thirty foot so that it may be according to the necke considered what greatnesse the head is of The riuer Nilus is a mile broad wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward but lower then Cairo passeth no such creature and this they say is by reason of an inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any lower then Cairo Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bignesse that is to say of fourtie foot about The males haue their members like to a man and the females like to a woman These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede and finding any small beasts as sheepe lambes goates or other like doe great harme And whiles they are foorth of the water if they happen at vnwares vpon any man woman or childe whom they can â—uercome they spare not their liues In the yeere of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it happened that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues were guided by a Chaus and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer The Chaus remained lingering alone behinde to make his prayers as their custome is at a place called Tana whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these Crocodiles ceazed by the shoulders and drew
we had planted in the place where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general as hath bene declared The sending of those souldiers to euery of those Porâ—s and the strengthening of them was done by commandement from the king of Spaine who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete giuing him in charge so to doe as also directing him what course he should keepe in his comming home into Spaine charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores but to keepe his course more to the Northward aduertising him withal what number and power of French ships of warre and other Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera the yles aforesaid which the general of the fleete wel considering and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine did in all very duetifully obserue and obey for in trueth he had in his said fleete 37. saile of ships and in euery of them there was as good as 30. pipes of siluer one with another besides great store of gold Cochinilla sugars hides and Cana Fistula with other Apothecary drugs This our general who was called Don Pedro de Guzman did prouidently take order for for their most strength and defence if neede should be to the vttermost of his power and commanded vpon paine of death that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and harquebush with shot and powder to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio if they should hap to meete with them or any of them and euer as the weather was faire the said general would himself go aboord from one ship to another to see that euery man had his ful prouision according to the commandement giuen Yet to speake truely what I thinke two good tall ships of warre would haue made a foule spoile amongst them For in all this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed sauing only the Admiral and Uice-admiral And againe ouer and besides the weakenesse and the ill furnishing of the râ—st they were all so deeply laden that they had not bene able if they had bene charged to haue held out any long fight Wel thus we set saile had a very ill passage home the weather was so contrary We kept our course in maner Northeast and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of latitude to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete and were vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune vntill the 10. of September and neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by S. Lucar And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he had licence as for me I was knowen by one in the ship who told the Master that I was an EnglishmaÌ„ which as God would it was my good hap to heare for if I had not heard it it had cost me my life Notwithstanding I would not take any knowledge of it and seemed to be mery pleasant that we were all come so wel in safety Presently after licence came that we should go on shoare and I pressed to be gone with the first howbeit the Master came vnto me said Sirra you must goe with me to Siuil by water I knew his meaning wellinough that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house For the ignorant zeale of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice when they haue brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burnt for so do they account of vs. Wel I perceiuing all this tooke vpon me not to suspect any thing but was still â—ocund mery howbeit I knew it stood me vpon to shift for my selfe And so wayting my time when the Master was in his cabbin asleepe I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds into the ship boate and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared and so by the cable haled on shore where I leapt on land let the boate goe whither it would Thus by the helpe of God I escaped that day then neuer stayed at S. Lucar but went all night by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil so that the next morning I came to Siuil and sought me out a workemaster that I might fall to my science which was weauing of taffataes and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare of being knowen and being thus at my worke within 4. dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleete what an heretique Lutheran quoth I was it I would to God I might knowe him surely I would present him to the Holy house And thus I kâ—pt still within doores at my worke and fained my selfe not well at ease that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes And continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages and bought me all things new different from the apparell that I did weare at sea and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad and after vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound for England I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them and desired the Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused for he durst not meddle with me prayed me therefore to returne from whence I came Which when I perceiued with a sorowful heart God knoweth I tooke my leaue of him not without watry cheekes And then I went to S. Mary port which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar where I put my selfe to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies which were bound for Maiorca and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes I found there two English ships the one of London and the other of the West countrey which were ready fraighted and stayed but for a faire wind To the Master of the one which was of the West countrey went I and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends for that I lacked maintenance and so hauing agreed with him for my passage I tooke shipping And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God after 16. yeeres absenceâ— hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries as by this discourse appeareth I came home to this my natiue countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February in the ship called the Landret and arriued at Poole The trauailes of Iob Hortop which
Sir Iohn Hawkins set on land within the Bay of Mexico after his departure from the Hauen of S. Iohn de Vllua in Nueua Espanna the 8. of October 1568. NOt vntruely nor without cause said Iob the faithfull seruant of God whom the sacred Scriptures tell vs to haue dwelt in the land of Hus that man being borne of a woman liuing a short time is replenished with many miseries which some know by reading of histories many by the viâ—w of others calamities and I by experience in my selfe as this present Treatise insuing shall shew It is not vnknowen vnto many that I Iob Hortop pouder-maker was borne at Bourne a towne in Lincolnshire from my age of twelue yeeres brought vp in Redriffe neere London with M. Francis Lee who was the Queenes Maiesties powder-maker whom I serued vntil I was prest to go on the 3. voyage to the West Indies with the right worshipful Sir Iohn Hawkins who appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her Maiesties ship called the Iesus of Lubeck who set saile from Plimmouth in the moneth of October 1567. hauing with him another ship of her Maiesties called the Minion and foure ships of his owne namely the Angel the Swallow the Iudith and the William and Iohn He directed his Uice-admiral that if foule weather did separate them to meete at the Iland of Tenerif After which by the space of seuen dayes and seuen nights we had such stormes at sea that we lost our long boats and a pinnesse with some men comming to the Isle of Tenerif there our Generall heard that his Uice-admirall with the Swallow and the William and Iohn were at the Iland called Gomera where finding his Uice-admirall he anchored tooke in fresh waterâ— and set saile for Cape Blank where in the way wee tooke a Portugal carauel laden with fish called Mullets from thence we sailed to cape Verde In our course thither we met a Frenchman of Rochel called captaine Bland who had taken a Portugal carauel whom our vice admiral chased and tooke Captaine Drake now Sir Francis Drake was made master captaine of the Carauel and so we kept our way till we came to Cape Verde and there we anchored tooke our boates set souldiers on shore Our Generall was the first that leapt on land with him Captaine Dudley there we tooke certaine Negroes but not without damage to our selues For our Generall Captaine Dudley 8 other of our company were hurt with poysoned arrowes about nine dayes after the 8. that were wounded died Our general was taught by a Negro to draw the poyson out of his wound with a cloue of garlike whereby he was cured From thence wee went to Sierra leona where be monstrous fishes called Sharkes which will deuoure men I amongst others was sent in the Angell with two Pinnesses into the riuer called Calousa to seeke two Carauels that were there trading with the Negros wee tooke one of them with the Negros and brought them away In this riuer in y e night time we had one of our pinnesses bulged by a sea-horse so that our men swimming about the riuer were all taken into the other pinnesses except two that tooke hold one of another and were caried away by the sea-horse This monster hath the iust proportion of a horse sauing that his legs be short his teeth very great and a span in length hee vseth in the night to goe on land into the woods seeking at vnawares to deuoure the Negroes in their cabbins whom they by their vigilancie preuent and kill him in this maner The Negroes keepe watch and diligently attend their comming and when they are gone into the woods they forthwith lay a great tree ouerthwart the way so that at their returne for that their legs be so short they cannot goe ouer it then the Negroes set vpon them with their bowes arrowes and darts and so destroy them From thence we entred the riuer called the Casserroes where there were other Carauels trading with the Negroes and them we tooke In this Iland betwixt the riuer and the maine trees grow with Oisters vpon them There grow Palmito trees which bee as high as a ships maine mast and on their tops grâ—w nuts wine and oyle which they call Palmito wine and Palmito oyle The Plantan tree also groweth in that countrey the tree is as bigge as a mans thigh and as high as a firre pole the leaues thereof be long and broad and on the top grow the fruit which are called Plantanos they are crooked and a cubite long and as bigge as a mans wrist they growe on clusters when they be ripe they be very good and daintie to eate Sugar is not more delicate in taste then they be From thence with the Angel the Iudith and the two pinnesses we sailed to Sierra leona where our Generall at that time was who with the captaines and souldiers went vp into the riuer called Taggarin to take a towne of the Negroes where he found three kings of that countrey with fiftie thousand Negroes besieging the same towne which they could not take in many yeeres before when they had warred with it Our General made a breach entred valiantly tooke the towne wherein were found fiue Portugals which yeelded themselues to his mercy and hee saued their liues we tooke caried thence for traffique to the West Indies 500. Negroes The three kings droue 7000. Negroes into y e sea at low water at the point of the land where they were all drowned in the Oze for that they could not take their canoas to saue themselues Wee returned backe againe in our pinnesses to the ships and there tooke in fresh water and made ready sayle towards Rio grande At our comming thither we entred with the Angel the Iudith and the 2. pinnesses and found there seuen Portugal Caruels which made great fight with vs. In the ende by Gods helpe wee wonne the victory and droue them to the shore from whence with the Negroes they fled and we fâ—tcht the caruels from the shore into the riuer The next morning M. Francis Drake with his caruel the Swallow and the William and Iohn came into the riuer with captaine Dudley and his souldiers who landed being but a hundred souldiers and fought with seuen thousand Negroes burned the towne and returned to our Generall with the losse of one man In that place there be many muske-â—ats which breed in hollow trees the Negroes take theÌ„ in a net put them in a cage nourish them very daintily take the muske from them with a spoone Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the West Indies And by the way died Captaine Dudley In sayling towards the Indies the first land that we â—scryed was the Iland called Dominica where at our comming we ancored tooke in fresh water and wood for our prouision which done we sayled towards the Iland called Margarita where our Generall