his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master I Angeessiry Timorraia King of Batas desiring to insinuate my self into thy friendship that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King who is also mine with Gold Pepper Camfire Benjamon and Aloes upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct written and assigned with thine own hand by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety Furthermore in favor of this new amity I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses and therefore mayst well spare them for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present This granted I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca with whom I swear to thee I will never have peace as long as I live until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children which call upon me for vengeance and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother who having given them suck and brought them up hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity to the end Signior that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee as well for the service of God as for the good of thy people From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Portugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem and the King of Batas proceeding from this that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas who was a Gentile the imbracing of Mahometâ— Law conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his for which purpose he should quit his wife that was also a Gentile and married to him six and twenty years Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto the Tyrant incited by a Cacis of his immediately denounced War against him So each of them having raised a mighty Army they fought a most bloody Battel that continued three hours and better during the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him after he had lost a great number of his people he made his retreat into a Mountain called Cagerrendan where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals they concluded a Peace upon condition that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony for to pay his Soldiers and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant who had been the cause of making that War This accord being signed by either part the King returned into his Country where he was no sooner arrived but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army and discharged all his Forces The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him he cunningly fell upon two places named Iacur and Lingua that appâ—rtained to the King of Batas which he suddenly surprized when they within thâ—m least thought of it for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death and seven hundred Ouroballones so are the noblest and the valiantâ—st of the Kingdom called This while the King of Batas much resenting and that with good cause so great a Treachery sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect who hold him for their god of Justice never to eat either fruit salt or any other thing that might bring the least gust to his palate before he had revenged the death of his children and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss protesting further that he was resolved to dye in the maintenance of so just a War To which end and the better to bring it to pass the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men as well natives as strangers wherewithall he was assisted by some Princes his friends and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity we have spoken of before with Pedro de Faria who was very well contented with it in regard he knew that it greatly imported both the service of the King of Portugal and the conservation of the Fortress besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs together with his own particular and all the rest of the Portugals profit in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us Pedro de Faria dismissed him having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded and something over and above as fire-pots darts and murdering Pieces wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented that he shed tears for joy nay it was observed that passing by the great door of the Church he turned himself towards it with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven and then as it were praying to God Almighty Lord said he openly that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches which are the spirits formed by thy Will here I promise thee if it may be thy good pleasure to give us
from Sues with a design to take in Adâ—m and then to build a Fortress there before they attempted any thing in the Indiaes according to an express charge sent by the great Turk from Constantinople to the Bassa of grand Cairâ— who was going to be General of the Army Besides this he confessed many other things conformable to our desire amongst the which he said that he was a renegado Christian a Maliorquin by Nation born at Cerdenha and son to one named Paul Andrez a Merchant of that Island and that about four years before growing enamored of a very â—air Greekish Mahumetan that was then his wife for the love of her he had abjured Christianity and embraced the Law of Mahomet Our Captains much amazed hereat gently perswaded him to acquit this abominable belief and become a Christian again whereunto the wicked Caytiff made answer with a brutish obstinacy that at no hand he would yield to forsake his Law shewing himself so hardened in the resolution to continue therein as if he had been born in it and never had profest any other By these speeches of his the Captains perceiving there was no hope of recalling him from his damnable error caused him to be bound hand and foot and so with a great stone tyed about his neck to be cast alive into the Sea sending him to participate with the torments of his Mahomet and to be his companion in the other world as he had been his confident in this This Infidel being executed in this sort we put the other prisoners into one of our Foists and then sunk their Vessel with all the goods that were in her which consisted most in packs of stained Cloths whereof we had no use and a few pieces of Chamlet that the Soldiers got to make them apparel CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by land to the Mother of Prester Iohn as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquicâ— and that which befell us by the incounter of three Turkish Vessels WE departed from this place with an intent to go to Arquico the Territory of Prester Iohn Emperor of Aethiopia for we had a Letter to deliver which Antonio de Sylvera sent to a Factor of his named Anrique Barbosa who had been three years resident in that Country by the Commandment of the Governor Nuno de Cunha When we were arrived at Gottor a league lower then the Port of Mazua we were all received there very courteously as well by the Inhabitants as by a Portugal called Vasco Martins de Seixas born in the Town of Obidos who was come thither by Henrico Barbosa's order and had been there a month attending the arrival of some Portugal ship The cause of that his abode was to deliver a Letter from the said Henrico as accordingly he did to the Captains of our Foiâ—ts By this Letter he certified the estate of the Turkish Army and besought them at any hand to send him some Portugals to induce them whereunto he remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service both of God and the King and that for his own part he could not come unto them because he was employed with forty other Portugals in the Fort of Gileytor for the guard of the person of the Princess of Tigremahon Mother to Prester Iohn The two Captains having perused this Letter communicated it to the chiefest of the Soldiers and sat in Councel upon it where it was determined that four of them should go along with Vasco Martins to Barbosa and that they should carry the Letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him This was no sooner resolved then executed for the next day three other Portugals and my self departed accordingly and we went by Land mounted upon good Mules which the Ciquaxy Captain of the Town sent us by the Command of the Princess the Emperors Mother together with six Abissins to accompany us The first night we lay at a very fair Monastery called Satilgaon The next day before the Sun rose we travelled along by a River and by that time we had rode five leagues we arrived at a place named Bitonte where we spent that night in a Convent of religious persons dedicated to S. Michael there we were very well entertained both by the Prior and the Fryers A little after our arrival the son of Bernagais Governor of that Empire of Aethiopia a very proper and courteous Gentleman about seventeen years old came to see us accompanied with thirty men all mounted upon Mules and himself on a horse furnished after the Portugal manner the furniture was of Purple Velvet trimmed with Gold fringe which two years before the Governor Nuno de Cunha sent him from the Indiaes by one Lopez Chanoca who was afterwards made a slave at Gran Cario whereof this young Prince being advertised he presently dispatched away a Iewish Merchant of Azabiba to redeem him but as ill fortune would he dyed before the Jew could get thither which so grieved this Prince when he understood of it as the sâ—id Vasco Martins assured us that in the said Monastery of S. Michael he caused the most honorable funerals to be celebrated for him that ever he saw wherein assisted above four thousand Priests besides a greater number of Novices which in their language are called Santilcos Noâ— was this all for this Prince hearing that the deceased had been married at Goa and likewise that he had left three daughters there behind him which were very young and poor he bestowed on them three hundred O quâ—â—â— of Gold that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our mony a piece â— liberality truly royal and which I relate here as well to amplifie the nobleness of this Prince as that it may serve for an example to others and render them more charitable upon like occasions The next morning we continued our journey making all the hastâ— that possibly we could to which end we got upon good Horses that were given us by this Prince and withall he appointed four of his servants to accompany us who during our Voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously That day our lodging was at a goodly place called Betenigus which signifies a royal house and in truth it was not without reason so named for on whatsoever part one cast an eye it was invironed with gallant high Trees for three leagues about nor is it to be credited how pleasing this Wood was for that it was composed all of Cedars Cypres Palm Date Trees and Cocos like to those in the Indiaes Here we past the night with all kind of contentment In the morning we proceeded on our journey and travelling after five leagues a day we past over a great Plain all full of goodly Corn Then we arrived at a Mountain named Vangaleu inhabited by Jews which were very white and handsom Two days and an half after we came to a good Town called Fumbau not above two leagues distant from the Fort of Gileytor there we found Barbosa and the
great Ordnance twelve Harquebuzes forty sacks of stones threescore Headpieces and a Coat of guilt Mail lined with Crimson Sattin for his own person together with many other garments of divers sorts as also twenty pieces of Caracas which are stained linnen or Cotten Tapestry that come from the Indiaes and cloth of Malaya wherewith they usually apparel themselves in that Country as well for his wife as his daughters All these things being laden aboard a Lanchara with oars he desired me to conduct and present them from him to the King of Aaru adding withall that this business greatly concerned the King of Portugals service and that at my return besides the recompence I should receive from him he would give me an extraordinary pay and upon all occasions employ me in such Voyages as might redound to my profit whereupon I undertook it in an ill hour as I may say and for a punishment of my sins in regard of what arrived unto me thereupon as shall be seen hereafter So then I imbarqued my self on Tuesday morning the fifth of October 1539. and used such speed that on Sunday following I arrived at the River of Panetican upon which the City of Aaru is scituated I no sooner got to the River of Panetican but presently landing I went directly to a Trench which the King in person was causing to be made at the mouth of the River for to impeach the Enemies dis-imbarquing Presenting my self unto him he received me with great demonstration of joy whereupon I delivered him Pedro de Faria's Letter which gave him some hope of his coming in person to succor him if need required with many other complements that cost little the saying wherewith the King was wonderfully contented because he already imagined that the effect thereof would infallibly ensue But after he saw the Present I brought him consisting of Powder and Ammunitions he was so glad that taking me in his arms My good friend said be unto me I assure thee that the last night I dreamt how all these things which I behold here before me came unto me from the King of Portugal my Masters Fortress by mâ—ans whereof with Gods assistance I hope to defend my Kingdom and to serve him in the manner I have always hitherto done that is most faithfully as all the Captains can very well testifie which have heretofore commanded in Malaca Hereupon questioning me about certain matters that he desired to know as well concerning the Indiaes as the Kingdom of Portugal he recommended the finishing of the Trench to his people who wrought very earnestly and chearfully in it and taking me by the hand on foot as he was attended only by five or six Gentlemen â—e led me directly to the City that was about some quarter of a league from the Trench where in his Palace he entertained me most magnificently yea and made me to salute his wife a matter very rarely practised in that Country and held for a special honor which when I had done with abundance of tears he said unto me Portugal here is the cause that makes me so much to redoubt the coming of mine Enemies for were I not withheld by my wife I swear unto thee by the Law of a good and true Moor that I would prevent them in their designs without any other ayd then of my own Subjects for it is not now that I begin to know what manner of man the perâ—idious Achem is or how far his power extends Alas it is the great store of Gold which he possesseth that covers his weakness and by means whereof he wageth such forces of strangers wherewith he is continually served But now that thou mayst on the other side understand how vile and odious poverty is and how hurtful to a poor King such as I may be come thee along with me and by that little which I will presently let thee see thou shalt perceive whether it be not too true that Fortune hath been exceeding niggardly to me of her goods Saying so he carried me to his Orsenal which was covered with thatch and shewed me all that he had within it whereof he might say with reason that it was nothing in comparison of what he needed for to withstand the attempts of two hundred and thirty Vessels replenished with such warlike people as the Achems and Mulabar Turks were Moreover with a sad countenance and as one that desired to discharge his mind of the grief he was in for the danger was threatened him he recounted unto me that he had in all but six thousand men Aaruns without any other forraign succor forty Pieces of small Ordnance as Falconets and Bases and one cast Piece which he had formerly bought of a Portugal named Antonio de Garcia sometimes Receiver of the Toll and Customs of the Ports of the Fortress of Pacem whom Georgio â— ' Albuqurque caused since to be hanged and quartered at Malaca for that he treated by Letters with the King of Bintham about a plot of Treason which they had contrived together He told me besides that he had also forty Muskets six and twenty Elephants fifty Horsemen for the guard of the place eleven or twelve thousand staves hardened in the fire called Salignes whose points were poysoned and for the defence of the Trench fifty Lances good store of Targets a thousand pots of unslack'd Lime made into Powder and to be used in stead of pots of Wild-fire and three or four Barques full laden with great flints In a word by the view of these and such other of his miseries I easily perceived he was so unprovided of things necessary for his defence that I presently concluded the Enemy would have no great ado to seize on this Kingdom Nevertheless he having demanded of me what I thought of all this Ammunition in his Magazin and whether there were not enough to receive the guests he expected I answered him that it would serve to entertain them but he understanding my meaning stood musing a pretty while and then shaking his head Verily said he unto me if your King of Portugal did but know what a loss it would be to him that the Tyrant of Achem should take my Kingdom from me doubtless he would chastise the little care of his Captains who blinded as they are and wallowing in their avarice have suffered my Enemy to grow so strong that I am much afraid they shall not be able to restrain him when they would or if they could that then it must be with an infinite expence I labored to answer this which he had said unto me with such resentment but he confuted all my reasons with so much truth as I had not the heart to make any farther reply withall he represented divers foul and enormous actions unto me wherewithall he charged some particulars amongst us which I am contented to pass by in silence both in regard they are nothing pertinent to my discourse and that I desire not to discover other mens faults
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
de Faria did with the Captain of the Pyrats Iunk that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Theeves ANtonio de Faria having obtained this Victory in the manner I have related the first thing he did was to see his hurt men drest as that which chiefly imported him then being given to understand that the Pyrat Hinimilau the Captain of the Junk he had taken was one of the sixteen he had saved he commanded him to be brought before him and after he had caused him to be drest of two wounds that he had received he demanded of him what was become of the young Portugals which he held as Slaves Whereunto the Pyrat being mad with rage having answered that he could not tell upon the second demand that was made him with menaces he said that if first they would give him a little water in regard he was so dry as he was not able to speak that then he would consider what answer to make Thereupon having water brought him which he drunk so greedily as he spilt the most part of it without quenching his thirst he desired to have some more given him protesting that if they would let him drink his fill he would oblige himself by the Law of Mahomets Alcoran voluntarily to confess all that they desired to know of him Antonio de Faria having given him as much as he would drink questioned him again about the young Christians whereto he replyed that he should find them in the chamber of the prow thereupon he commanded three Soldiers to go thither and fetch them who had no sooner opened the scuttle to bid them come up but they saw them lie dead in the place with their throats cut which made them cry out Iesus Iesus come hither we beseech you Sir and behold a most lamentable spectacle hereat Antonio de Faria and those that were with him ran thither and beholding those youths lying so oâ—e upon another he could not forbear shedding of tears having caused them then to be brought upon the deck together with a woman and two pretty children about seven or eight years old that had their throats also cut he demanded of the Pyrat why he had used such cruelty to those poor innocents Whereunto he answered that it was because they were Traytors in discovering themselves to those which were such great Enemies to him as the Portugals were and also for that having heard them call upon their Christ for help he desired to see whether he would deliver them as for the two infants there was cause enough to kill them for that they were the childrâ—n of Portugals whom he ever hated with the like extravagancy he answered to many other questions which were propounded to him and that with so much obstinacy as if he had been a very Devil Afterwards being asked whether he were a Christian he answered no but that he had been one at such time as Don Paulo de Gama was Captain of Malaca Whereupon Antonio de Faria demanded of him what moved him since he had been a Christian to forsake the Law of Iesus Christ wherein he was assured of his salvation for to embrace that of the false Prophet Mahomet from whence he could hope for nothing but the loss of his Soul Thereunto he answered that he was induced so to do for that so long as he was a Christian the Portugals had always contemned him whereas before when he was a Gentile they called him Quiay Necoda that is to say Signior Captain but that respect immediately upon his Baptism forsook him which he verily believed did arrive to him by Mahomets express permission to the end it should open his eyes to turn Mahometan as after he did at Bintan where the King of Iantana was in person present at the ceremony and that ever since he had much honored him and that all the Mandarins called him brother in regard of the vow he had made upon the holy Book of Flowers that as long as he lived he would be a sworn Enemy to the Portugals and of all others that profest the Name of Christ for which both the King and the Cacis Moulana had exceedingly coÌ„mended him promising that his Soul should be most blessed if he performed that vow Being likewise demanded how long ago it was since he revolted what Portugal Vessels he had taken how many men he had put to death and what Merchandize he had despoyled them of He answered that it was seven years since he became a Mahometan that the first Vessel he took was Luiso de Pavia's Junk which he surprized in the River of Liampâ—o with four hundred Bars of Pepper only and no other spice whereof having made himself master that he had put to death eighteen Portugals besides their slaves of whom he made no reckoning because they were not such as could satisfie the Oath he had made That after this prize he had taken four ships and in them put to death above an hundred persons amongst whom there was some threescore and ten Portugals and that he thought the Merchandize in them amounted to fifteen or sixteen hundred Bars of Pepper whereof the King of Pan had the better moity for to give him a safe retrait in his Ports and to secure him from the Portugals giving him to that purpose an hundred men with commandment to obey him as their King Being further demanded whether he had not killed any Portugals or lent an hand for the doing thereof he said no but that some two years before being in the River of Choaboquec on the Coast of China a great Junk arrived there with a great many Portugals in her whereof an intimate friend of his named Ruy Lobo was Captain whom Don Estevan de Gama then Governor of the Fortress of Malaca had sent thither in the way of commerce and that upon the sale of his commodities going out of the Port his Junk about five days after took so great a leak as not being able to clear her he was constrained to return towards the same Port from whence he parted but that by ill fortune clapping on all his sails to get the sooner to Land she was overset by the violence of the wind so as all were cast away saving Ruy Lobo seventeen Portugals and some slaves who in their skiff made for the Island of Laman without sail without water or â—ny manner of victual That in this extremity Ruy Lobo relying on the ancient friendship that was between them came with tears in his eyes and pray'd him on his knees to receive him and his into his Junk which was then ready to set sail for Patana whereunto he agreed upon condition that therefore he should give him two thousand duckets for the performance whereof he bound himself by his Oath of a Christian. But that after he had taken them in he was counselled by the Mahometans not to trust unto the friendship of Christians lest he might
that having been convicted for sundry hainous crimes were also sent to the Parliament of Nanquin whâ—â—e as I have already declared is always residing a Chaem of Justice which is like to the Sovereign Title of the Vice-roy of China There is likewise a Parliament of some five and twenty Gerozemos and Ferucuas which are as those we call Judges with us and that determine all causes as well civil as criminal So as there is no appeal from their sentence unless it be unto another Court which hath power even over the King himself whereunto if one appeals it is as if he appealed to heaven To understand this the better you must know that although this Parliament and others such like which are in the principal Cities of the Realm have an absolute power from the King both over all criminal civil causes without any opposition or appeal whatsoever yet there is another Court of Justice which is called the Court of the Creator of all things whereunto it is permitted to appeal in weighty and iâ—portant matters In this Court are ordinarily assisting four twenty Menigrepos which are certain religious men very austere in their manner of living such as the Capuchins are amongst the Papists verily if they were Christians one might hope for great matters from them in regard of their marvellous abstinence sincerity There are none admitted into this rank of Judges under seventy years of age are elected thereunto by the suffrages of their chiefest Prelates most incorruptible men so just in all the causes whereof there are appeals before them as it is not possible to meet with more upright for were it against the King himself andagainst all the powers that may be imagined in the world no consideration how great soever is able to make them swerve never so little from that they think to be justice Having been imbarqued in the manner I spake of the same day at night we went lay at a great tower called Potinleu in one of the prisons whereof were mained nine days by reason of the much rain that fell then upon the conjunction of the New-moon There we happened to meet with a Russian prisoner that received as very charitably of whom demanding in the Chinese tongue which he understood as well as we what countrey-man he was and what fortune had brought him thither he told us that he was of Moscovy born in a town named Hiquegens and that some five years past being accused for the death of a man he had been condemned to a perpetual prison but as a stranger he appealed from that sentence to the tribunal of the Aytau of Batampina in the City of Pequin who was the highest of the two and thirty Admirals established in this Empire that is for every Kingdom one He added further that this Admiral by a particular Jurisdiction had absolute power over all strangers whereupon he hoped to find some relief from him intending to go and die a Christian among the Christians if he might have the good hap to be set at liberty After we had passed those nine days in this prison being reinbarqued we sayled up a great river seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at Nanquin As this City is the second of all the Empire so is it also the Capital of the three Kingdoms of Liampoo Fanius and Sambor Here we lay six weeks in prison and suffered so much pain and misery as reduced to the last extreamities we died incensibly for want of succour not able to do any thing but look up to heaven with a pitiful eye for it was our ill fortune to have all that we had stoln from us the first night we came thither This prison was so great that there were four thousand prisoners in it at that time as we were credibly informed so that one should hardly â—it down in any place without being robbed and filled â—ull of lice having layn there a month and an half as I said the Anchacy who was one of the Judges before whom our cause was to be pleaded pronounced our sentence at the Suit of the Atturny General the tenor whereof was That having seen and considered our process which the Chumbin of Taypor had sent him it appeared by the accusations laid to outcharge that we were very hainous malâ—factors though we denied many things yet in justice no credit was to be given unto us therefore that we were to be publickly whipped for to teach us to live better in time to come and that withall our two thumbs should be cut off wherewith it was evident by manifest suspicions that we used to commit robberies and other vile crimes furthermore that for the remainder of the punishment we deserved he referred us to the Aytau of Bataupina unto whom it appertained to take cognisance of such causes in regard of the Jurisdiction that he had of life and death This Sentence was pronounced in the prison where it had been better for us to have suffered death then the stripes that we received for all the ground round about us ran with blood upon our whiping so that it was almost a miracle that of the eleven which we were nine escaped alive for two of our company died three days after besides one of our servants After we had been whipped in that manner I have declared we were carried into a great Chamber that was in the prison where were a number of sick and diseased persons lying upon beds and otherways There we had presently our stripes washed and things applyed unto them whereby we were somewhat eased of our pain and that by men much like unto the fraternity of mercy among the Papists which only out of charity and for the honour of God do tend those that are sick and liberally furnish them with all things necessary Hereafter some eleven or twelve days we began to be pretily recovered and as we were lamenting our ill fortune for being so rigorously condemned to lose our thumbs it pleased God one morning when as we little dreamt ofit that we espied two men come into the chamber of a good aspect clothed in long gowns of violet coloured satin carrying white rods in their hands As soon as they arrived all the sick persons in the Chamber cried out Blessed be the Ministers of the works ofGod whereunto they answâ—red holding up their rods May it please God to give you patience in your adversity whereupon having distributed clothes and money to those that were next to them they came unto us and after they had saluted us very courteously with demonstration of being moved at our tears they asked us who we were and of what countrey as also why we were imprisoned there whereunto we answered weeping that we were strangers nativâ—s of the Kingdom of Siam and of a country called Malaca that being Merchants and well to live we had imbarqued our selves with our goods and being bound for Liampoo we had
of Quiay Hinarol in the City of Nanquin whereupon Christophoro Borralho presenting them with the letter they received it with a new ceremony full of all curtesie saying Praysed be he who hath created all things for that he is pleased to serve himself of sinners here below Whereby they may be recompensed at the last day of all days by satisfying them double their labour with the riches of his holy treasures which shall be done as we believe in as great abundance as the drops of rain fall from the clouds to the earth After this one of the four putting up the Letter said unto us that as soon as the Chamber of Justice for the poor was open they would all of them give an answer to our business and see us furnished with all that we had need of and so they departed from us Three days after they returned to visit us in the prison and in the next morning coming to us again they asked us many questions answerable to a memorial which they had thereof whereunto we replyed in every point according as we were questioned by each of them so as they remained very well satisfied with our answers Then calling the Register to them who had our papers in charge they inquired very exactly of him touching many things that concerned us and withall required his advice about our affair that done having digested all that might make for the conversation of our right into certain heads they took our process from him saying they would peruse it all of them together in their Chambers of Justice with the Proctors of the house and the next day return it him again that he might carry it to the Chaem as he was resolved before to do Not to trouble my self with recounting in particular all that occurred in this affair until such time as it was fully concluded wherein six months and an half were imployed during the which we continued stil prisoners in such misery I will in few words relate all that befel us unto the end when as our business was come before the twelve Conchalis of the criminal Court the two Proctors of the house of mercy most willingly took upon them to cause the unjust sentence which had been given against us to be revoked Having gotten then all the proceedings to be disannulled they by petition remonstrated unto the Chaem who was the President of that Court How we could not for any cause whatsoever be condemned to death seeing there were no witnesses of any credit that could testifie that we had robbed any man or had ever seen us carry any offensive weapons contrary to the prohibition made against it by the Law of the first book but that we were apprehended quite naked like wretched men wandering after a lamentable shipwrack and that therefore our poverty and misery was worthy rather of a pitiful compassion then of that rigour wherewith the first Ministers of the arm of wrath had caused us to be whipt moreover that God alone was the Iudg of our innocency in whose name they required him once twice nay many times to consider that he was mortal and could not last long for that God had given him a perishable life at the end whereof he was to render an account of that which had been required of him since by a solemn oath he was obliged to do all that should be manifest to his judgment without any consideration of men of the world whose custom it was to make the ballance sway down which God would have to be upright according to the integrity of his divine Iustice. To this petition the Kings Proctor opposed himself as he that was our adverse party and that in certain articles which he framed against us set forth how he would prove by ocular witnesses as well of the Country as strangers that we were publique thieves making a common practise of robbing and not merchants such as we pretended to be whereunto he added that if we had come to the Coast of China with a good designe and with an intent to pay the King his due in his Custom-houses we would have repaired to the ports where they were established by the Ordinance of the Aytan of the Government but for a punishment because we went from Isle to Isle like Pirats Almighty God that detests sin and robberâ— had permitted us to suffer shipwrack that so falling into the hands of the Ministers of his justice we might receive the guerdon of our wicked works namely the pains of death whereof our crimes rendred us most worthy In regard of all which he desired we might be condemned according to the Law of the second book that commanded it in express terms And that if for other considerations no way remarkable in us we could â—y any law be exempted from death yeâ— nevertheless for that we were strangers and vagabonds without either faith or knowledg of God that alone would suffice at leastwise to condemn us to have our hands and noses cut off and so to be banished for ever into the Country of Ponxileytay whither such people as we were wont to be exiled as might be verified by divers sentences given and executed in like cases and to that effect he desired the admittance of his articles which he promised to prove within the time that should be prescribed him These articles were presently excepted against by the Proctor of the Court of Justice established for the poor who offered to make the contrary appear within a certain term which to that end and for many other reasons alleadged by him in our favour was granted him wherefore he required that the said articles might not be admitted especially for that they were infamous and directly contrary to the Ordinances of Justice Whereupon the Chaem ordered that his articles should not be admitted unless he did prove them by evident testimonies and such as were conformable to the Divine Law within six days next ensuing and that upon pain in case of contravention not to be admitted to any demand of a longer delay The said term of six days being prescribed the Kings Proctor he in the mean time producing no one proof against us nor any person that so much as knew us came and demanded a delay of other six days which was flatly denied him in regard it but too well appeared that all he did was only to win time and therefore he would by no means consent unto it but contrarily he gave the Proctor for the poor five days respit to alledge all that further he could in our defence In the mean time the Kings Proctor declaimed against us in such foul and opprobrious terms as the Chaem was much offended thereat so that he condemned him to pay us twenty Taeis of silver both for his want of charity and for that he could not prove any one of the obligations which he had exhibited against us Three days being spent herein four Tanigores of the house of the poor coming very early
humane respect but only to the merit and equity of their cause and according to the resolution of the Laws accepted by the twelve Chaems of the Government in the fifth book of the will and pleasure of the Son of the Sun who in such cases out of his greatness and goodness hath more regard to the complaints of the poor then to the insolent clamors of the proud of the earth I do ordain and decree that these nine strangers shall be clearly quit and absolved of all that which the Kings Proctor hath laid to their charge as also of all the punishment belonging thereunto condemning them only to a years exile during which time they shall work for their living in the reparations of Quansy and when at eight months of the said year shall be accomplished then I expresly enjoyn all the Chumbims Conchalis Monteos and other Ministers of their government that immediately upon their presenting of this my Decree unto them they give them a passeport and safe conduct to the end they may freely and securely return into their Country or to any other place they shal think fit After this sentence was thus published in our hearing we all cried out with a loud voice The Sentence of thy clear judgment is confirmed in us even as the purity of thy heart is agreeable to the son of the Sun This said one of the Conchalis that sate at one of the tables stood up and having made a very low obeisance to the Chaem he said aloud five times one after another to all that presse of people which were there in great number Is there any one in this Court in this City or in this Kingdom that will oppose this Decree or the deliverance of these nine prisoners Whereunto no answer being made the two boyes that represented justice and mercy touched the ensignes which they held in their hands together and said aloud Let them be freed and discharged according to the sentence very justly pronounced for it whereupon one of those Ministers whom they call Huppes having rung a bell thrice the two Chumbims of execution that had formerly bound us unlosed us from our chain and withall took off our manacles collers and the other irons from our legs so that we were quite delivered for which we gave infinite thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ because we always thought that for the ill conceit men had of us we should be condemned to death From thence so delivered as we were they led us back to the prison where the two Chumhims signed our enlargment in the Jaylors book nevertheless that we might be altogether discharged we were to go two months after to serve a year according to our sentence upon pain of becoming slaves for ever to the King conformable to his Ordinances Novv because vve vvould presently have gone about to demand the alms of good people in the City the Chifun vvho vvas as Grand Provost of that prison perswaded us to stay till the next day that he might first recommend us to the Tanigores of mercy that they might do something for us CHAP. XXXIII What past betwixt us and the Tanigores of mercy with the great favors they did us and a brief Relation of the City of Pequin where the King of China kept his Court. THe next morning the four Tanigores of mercy came to visit the Infirmiâ—y of this prison as they used to do where they rejoyced with us for the good success of our Sentence giving us great testimony how well contented they were with it for which we returned them many thanks not without shedding abundance of tears whereat they seemed to be not a little pleased and willed us not to be troubled with the term we were condemned to serve in for they told us that in stead of a year we should continue but eight months there and that the other four months which made the third part of our punishment the King remitted it by way of alms for Gods sake in consideration that we were poor for otherwise if we had been rich and of ability we should have had no favour at all promising to cause this dimunition of punishment to be endorsed on our Sentence and besides that they would go and speak to a very honourable man for us that was appointed to be the chief Marshal or Monteo of Quansy the place where we were to serve to the end he might shew us favour and cause us to be truly paid for the time we should remain there Now because this man was naturally a friend to the poor and inclined to do them good they thought it would be fit to carry us along with them to his house the rather for that it might be he would take us into his charge we gave them all very humble thanks for this good offer of theirs and told them that God would reward this charity they shewed us for his sake whereupon we accompanied them to the Monteos house who came forth to receive us in his outward Court leading his wife by the hand which he did either out of a greater form of complement or to do the more honour to the Tanigores and coming neer them he prostrated himself at their feet and said It is now my Lord and holy brethren that I have cause to rejoyce for that it hath pleased God to permit that you his holy servants should come unto my house being that which I could not hope for in regard I held my selfe unworthy of such favour After the Tanigores had used many complements and cereremonies to him as is usuall in that Country they answered him thus May God our Soveraign Lord the infinite source of mercy recompence the good thou dost for the poor with blessing in this life for believe it dear brother the strongest staff whereon the soul doth lean to keep her from falling so often as she happens to stumble is the charity which we use towards our neighbour when as the vain glory of this world doth not blind the good zeal whereunto his holy Law doth oblige us and that thou mayst merit the blessed felicity of beholding his face we have brought thee here these nine Portugals who are so poor as none in this Kingdom are like to them wherefore we pray thee that in the place whither thou art going now as Monteo thou wilt do for them all that thou thinkest will be acceptable to the Lord above in whose behalf we crave this of thee To this Speech the Monteo and his wife replyed in such courteous and remarkable terms as we were almost besides our selves to hear in what manner they attributed the successe of their affairs to the principal cause of all goodness even as though they had the light of faith or the knowledg of the Christian verity Hereupon they withdrew into a Chamber into which we went not and continued there about half an hour then as they were about to take leave of one another they commanded us to come in to them
carried yet was it our good fortune to be advertised of it the day before his coming to us so that we had time enough to arm our selves outwardly with all the apparances of misery and affliction we could possibly devise and counterfeit which expedient next to Gods assistance stood us in more stead then any other we could have thought upon This man then came one morning well accompanied to the prison and after he had viewed us all one after another he called to him the Iurabaca who served to interpret for him Ask these men said he what is the cause that the mighty hand of God hath so abandoned them as to permit their lives through an effect of his Divine Iustice to be subjected to the judgement of men without having so much remorse of conscience as to set before their eyes the tâ—rrour of that dreadful vision which doth use to fright the soul at the last gasp of a mans life for it is to be believed that they who have done that which I observe in them have heaped sin upon sin We answered him thereunto that he had a great deal of reason for what he spake in regard it was very probable that the sins of men were the principal cause of their sufferings howbeit that God as the Soveraign Lord of all did nevertheless in that case accustome to take pity of them with sobs and tears continually called upon him and that it was also his bounty wherein all our hope was placed to the end he would be pleased to inspire the Kings heart with a will to do as justice according to our works for that we were poor strangers destitute of all favour a thing whereof men make most account in this woâ—ld That which you say replyed he is very well provided that your hearts be conformable to your words and then you are not to be found fault with for it is most certain that he which enammels all that our eyes do behold for the beautifying â—f the night and that hath likewise made whatsoever the day doth shâ—w us for the sustenance of man who are but worms of the earth will not refuse you your deliverance seeing you beg of him with so many sighs and tears wherefore I intreat you not to dissemble with me but truly to confess what I desire to understand from you at this present namely what people you are of what Nation in what part of the world you live in and how the Kingdom of your King is named whereunto you shall adde the cause that hath brought you hither and to what place you were going with so much riches which the Sea hath cast up on the shoars of Taydican whereat all the Inhabitants have so wondred as they were perswaded that you were Masters of all the Trade of China To these and other like questions which this Spie asked of us we returned him such answers as was most behoofull for us to give him wherewith he was so contented that making us many offers he promised to move the King for our deliverance In the mean time he spake not a word to us of the occasion for which he was sent but still fained himself to be a stranger and a Merchant like one of us Howbeit when he went away he carefully recommended us to the Jaylour and willed him not to let us want any thing promising to satisfie him for it to his content In acknowledgment whereof we gave him many humble thanks with tears in our eyes whereby he was greatly moved to compassion so that he gave us a Bracelet of gold that weighed thirty Duckats and also six sacks of Rice and withall desired us to excuse hâ—m for the smalness of the present he had given us After this he returned back to the King unto whom he rendred an account of all that had past with us assuring him that we were not such as the Chineses had made him to believe and offered for proof thereof to pawn his life an hundred times if need were which was the cause that the King abated much of the suspicion wherewithall they had inveighed him about our manner of lying But as he was resolving to give order for our enlargement as well upon the report of this man as in regard of the letter which the Broquen had written him there arrived at the Port a Chinese Pyrat with four Juncks unto whom the King gave his Country for a place of Retreat upon condition that he should share with him the moity of the booty which he should take by means whereof he was in great favour with the King and all them of the Country Now forasmuch as our sins would have it that this Pyrate was one of the greatest enemies the Portugals had at that time by reason of a fight that we had had with him a little before in the Port of Lamau where Laâ—cerote Pareyra born at Lyma commanded in chief and in which he had two Juncks burnt and three hundred of his men slain this dog was no sooner advertised of our imprisonment and how the King was resolved to free us but that he imbroyled the business in a strange manner and told him so many lies of us that he lacked but little of perswading him that ere long we would be the cause of the loss of his Kingdom For he assured him that it was our custom to play the Spies in a Countâ—y under pretence of trading and then to make our selves Masters of it like robbers as we were putting all to the sword that we met withall in it which wrought so powerfully with the King that he revoked all that he had resolved to have done and changing his mind he ordained that in regard of what had been told him we should each of us be dismembred into four quarters and the same set up in the publique streets that all the world might know we had deserved to be used so CHAP. XLVIII The King of the Lequios sending a cruel Sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which hapened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo AFter that this â—ruel Sentence of death had been pronounced against us the King sent a Peretanda to the Broquen of the City where we were prisoners to the end that within four dayes it should be executed upon our persons This Peretanda departed presently away and upon his arrival at the City he went and lodged himself at a certain widows house that was his sister a very honourable woman and from whom we had received much alms This same man having secretly imparted unto her the cause of his coming how he was not to return but with a good Certificate unto the King of the performance of this exâ—cuâ—ion she went strait-way and acquainted a Niece of hers with it who was daughter to the Broquen of the City in whose house lay a Portugal woman the wife of a Pilot who was a
live without so much as the least appreheâ—sion of any fear or shame But you must know O ye blinded of the world that God hath made you Kings to use clemency towards men to give them audience to content to chastise them but not to kill them tyrannically Neverthelesse O ye bad Kings in the condition whereunto you are raised you oppose your selves to the nature which God hath indued you with and take upon you many other different forms in apparrelling your selves every hour with some such livery as â—â—â—ms best unto you to the end you may be to the one very bloud-suckers that incessantly suck from them their goods and their lives never leaving them so long as they have one drop of bloud in their veins and to others you are dreadfull roaring Lions who to give a â—aâ—k and a colour to your ambition and avarice cause supreme Laws of death to be published for the least faults and all for to confiscate other mens goods which is the main end of your pretensions Contrarily if there be any that you love and unto whom you or the world or I know not what have given the name of Grandees you are so negligent in chastising their proud humors and so prodigall in inriching them with the spoils and undoing of the poor whom you have left naked and even flayed to the very quick as you cannot doubt but that they will one day accuse you before God for all these things when you will have no excuse to make so that there will be nothing left you but a dreadfull confusion to trouble you and to put you into an horrible disorder To these he added so many other remonstrances in favour of the poor subjects cried out so mainly and shed so many tears in their behalf as the King remained almost besides himself and was touched â—o neerly therewith that he instantly called Brazagaran the Governor of Pegu unto him and commanded him without all delay to dismisse all the Deputies of the Provinces of the Kingdome whom he had caused to be assembled in the Town of Cosmin for to demand of them a great sum of money that he might set upon the Kingdom of Savady on which he had newly resolved to make war Withall he sware publikely on the ashes of the defunct that during his raign he would never charge his subjects with imposts nor would make them to serve by force as he had formerly done yea and that for the future he would have a most speciall care to hear the poor and to do them justice against the misdemeanours of the great ones conformable to the merit of every one together with many other things very just and good which might well serve for a lesson to us that are Christians This Sermon being finished the ashes of the defunct which had been gathered up was distributed as a relique into fourteen golden basons whereof the King himself took up one on his head and the Grepos of chiefest quality carried the rest so the Procession going from thence in the same order as it came thither those ashes were conveyed into a very rich Temple which might be some flight shot from that place and named Quiay Dâ—cco that is the god of the afflicted of the earth there they were put into a shallow grave without other pomp or vanity for so had Aixequendoo the late Roolim commanded This grave then was invironed about with three iron grates and with two of silver and one of latten and upon three iron rods that crossed the whole bredth of the chappell hung seventy and two lamps of silver namely four and twenty on each of them all of great value and fastened together with great silver chains Furthermore there were placed about the steps whereby one descended into the grave thirty and six little perfuming pots with Benjamin Aloes and other confections wherein was great store of Ambergreece all which was not finished till it was almost night by reason of the many ceremonies used in this funerall all that day long they freed an infinite number of birds which had been brought thither in above an hundred cages these Gentiles being of the opinion that they were so many souls of deceased persons which before times had passed out of this life and that were deposited as it were in the bodies of those birds till the day of their deliverance should come at which time they were in all liberty to accompany the soul of the defunct The like they did with a great many of little fishes which had been transported thither also in certain vessells full of water so that to set them at liberty they cast them into the river with another new ceremony to the end they might serve the soul of him whose ashes were then buried There was also brought thither all kind of venison and foul which was distributed as an alms to all the poore that were present there whereof the number was almost infinite These ceremonies and other such like which were performed in this action being finished the King in regard it was neer night retired into his quarter where he had caused tents to be pitched for to lodge in and that in sign of mourning the like did all the great ones so that all the Assembly by little and little withdrew The next morning as soon as it was day the King made it to be proclaimed that all persons of what condition soever they were should upon pain of death dislodge speedily out of the Island and that they which were Priests should return to the attendance of their cures with this penalty in care of contravention to be degraded from their dignity Whereupon all the Priests went preâ—ently out of the Island ninety of them excepted who were deputed for the election of him that was to succeed in the place of the defunct These same then assembled in the house of Gangsparo to acquit themselves of their charge and for that in the two first daies which was the term limited to make this election it could not succeed by reason of the diversity of opinions and great contrariety that was found amongst them which were to give their votes the King thought fit that out of those deputed ninety there should nine be chosen who alone should make the election This resolution being taken these nine continued five daies and as many nights together in continuall prayer in the mean time a world of offerings were made and alms given a great number of poor people were also cloathed and tables prepared where all men that would might eat of free cost and all this was accompanied with processions in every quarter At last these nine being agreed in conformity of votes elected for Roolim one Manichae Mouchan who at that time was a Capizondo or Prelate in the town of Digum of a Pagode called Quiay Figrau that is to say god of the atomes of the Sun of whom I have oftentimes spoken he was a man of about threescore and eight years of
weight measure and true account therefore take heed to what thou doest for if thou comest to sin thou shalt suffer for it eternally Upon his head he had a kind of round bonet bordered about with small sprigs of gold all enamelled violet and green and on the top of it was a little crowned Lion of gold upon a round bowl of the same mettal by which Lion crowned as I have delivered heretofore is the King signified and by the bowl the world as if by these devices they would denote that the King is the Lion crowned on the throne of the world In his right hand he held a little rod of ivory some three spans long in manner of a Scepter upon the top of the three first steps of this Tribunal stood eight Ushers with silver maces on their shoulders and below were threescore Mogors on their knees disposed into three ranks carrying halberts in their hands that were neatly damasked with gold In the vantgard of these same stood like as if they had been the Commanders or Captains of this Squadron the Statues of two Giants of a most gallant aspect and very richly attired with their swords hanging in scarfs and mighty great halberts in their hands and these the Chineses in their language call Gigaos on the two sides of this Tribunal below in the room were two very long tables at each of which sat twelve men whereof four were Presidents or Judges two Registers four Solicitors and two Conchalis which are as it were Assistants to the Court one of these Tables was for criminal and the other for civil causes and all the officers of both these Tables were apparelled in gowns of white Satin that were very long and had large slieves thereby demonstrating the latitude and purity of justice the Tables were covered with carpets of violet damask and richly bordered about with gold the Chaems table because it was of silver had no carpet on it nor any thing else but a cushion of cloth of gold and a Standith Now all these things put together as we saw them carried a wonderful shew of State and Majesty But to proceed upon the fourth ringing of a bell one of the Câ—â—chalis stood up and after a low obeysancâ— made to the Chaem with a very loud voice that he might be heard of every one he said Peace there and with all submission hearken on pain of incurring the punishment ordained by the Chaems of the Government for those that interrupt the silence of sacred Iustice. Whereupon this same sitting down again another arose and with the like reverence mounting up to the Tribunal where the Chaem sat he took the Sentences from him that held them in his hand and published them aloud one after another with so many ceremonies and compliments as he employed above an hour therein At length coming to pronounce our judgment they caused us to kneel down with our eyes fixed on the ground and our hands lifted up as if we were praying unto Heaven to the end that in all humility we might hear the publâ—cation thereof which was thus Bitau Dicabor the new Chaem of this sacred Court where justice is rendred to strangers and that by the gracious pleasure of the Son of the Sun the Lion crowned on the throne of the world unto whom are subjected all the Scepters and Crowns of the Kings that govern the earth ye are subjected under his feet by the grace and will of the most High in Heaven having viewed and considered the Appeal made to me by these nine strangers whose cause was commanded hither by the City of Nanquin by the four and twenty of austeer life I say by the oath I have taken upon my entry into the Charge which I exercise for the Aytao of Batampina the chief of two and thirty that govern all the people of this Empire that the ninth day of the seventh Moon in the fifteenth year of the reign of the Son of the Sun I was presented with the accusations which the Cumbim of Taypor sent me against them whereby he chargeth them to be theeves and robbers of other mens goods affirming that they have long practised that trade to the great offence of the Lord above who hath created all things and withall that without any fear of God they used to bathe themselves in the blood of those that with reason resisted them for which they have already been condemned to be whipt and have their thumbs cut off whereof the one hath been put in execution but when they came to have their thumbs cut off the Proctors for the poor opposing it alledged in their behalf that they were wrongfully condemned because there was no proof of that wherewith they were charged in regard whereof they required for them that in stead of judging them upon a bare shew of uncertain suspitions voluable testimonies might be produced and such as were conformable to the divine Laws and the Iustice of Heaven whereunto answer was made by that Court how justice was to give place to mercy whereupon they that undertook their cause made their complaint to the four and twenty of austeer life who both out of very just considerations and the regard they had to the little support they could have for that they were strangers and of a Nation so far distant from us as we never heard of the Country where they say they were born mercifully inclining to their lamentable cries sent them and their cause to be judged by thiâ— Court wherefore omitting the prosecution thereof here by the Kings Proctor being able to prove nothing whereof he accused them affirms only that they are worthy of death for the suspicion and jealousie they have given of themselves but in regard sacred justice that stands upon considerations which are pure and agreeable to God admits of no reasons from an adverse party if they be not made good by evident proofs I thought it not fit to allow of the Kings Proctors accusations since he could not prove what he had alledged whereupon insisting on his demand without shewing either any just causes or sufficient proof concerning that he concluded against those strangers I condemned him in twenty Taeis of silver amends to his adverse parties being altogether according to equity because the reasons alledged by him were grounded upon a bad zeal and such as were neither just nor pleasing to God whose mercy doth always incline to their side that are poor and feeble on the earth when as they invoke him with tears in their eyes â—s is daily and clearly manifested by the pitiful effects of his greatness so that having thereupon expresly commanded the Tanigores of the house of mercy to alledge whatsoever they could say on their behalf they accordâ—ngly did so within the time that was prefixed them for that purpose And so all proceedings having received their due course thâ— cause is now come to a final Iudgment wherefore every thing duly viewed and considered without regard had to any