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A72222 The familiar epistles of Sir Anthony of Gueuara, preacher, chronicler, and counceller to the Emperour Charles the fifth. Translated out of the Spanish toung, by Edward Hellowes, Groome of the Leashe, and now newly imprinted, corrected, [and] enlarged with other epistles of the same author. VVherein are contained very notable letters ...; Epistolas familiares. English Guevara, Antonio de, Bp., d. 1545?; Hellowes, Edward. 1575 (1575) STC 12433; ESTC S122612 330,168 423

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enter into the Senate and to procure the causes of the people and in such businesse as did not like him he had authoritie to stand for the poore and to resist the Senators And for that the office of Tribune was alwaies against the Senate and thereby passed his life in perill it was a law made and capitulate by the Lawyers and Senators that what soeuer man or woman did violently prease to his person or vnto his garment to offend him publikely they cut off his head And be it knowne to your Maiestie that many Romane Princes did procure to be chosen Tribune of the people not for the interest they receiued by that dignitie but for the securitie they had with the same bycause not only they might not kill them either in their clothes so much as touch them The first Tribune that was in Rome was a certaine Romane named Rusticius a man of a very sincere life and merueilous zealous of his common wealth This Rusticuis was and this dignity created betwixt the first and the second Punick battails in the time that Silla and Marius did leade great bands in Rome and did spoile the common wealth Thus much the letters of the stampe would say This is the good Consull Rusticius the which was the first Tribune that was in the Empire of Rome Your Maiestie amongst these hath many other stāpes the whiche being easie and facile to reade and cleare to vnderstand I shall not néede to spende the time too expound them A certaine relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lawes of the Philosopher Licurgus MOst high and serene Lady this Sunday past after I had preached before your highnesse the Sermon of the destruction of Ierusalem ye commaūded I should recite and also giue in writing who was that great Philosopher Licurgus whose life I praysed whose lawes I alledged In repayment of my trauell and to binde me the more vnto your seruice you commaunded I shoulde dine at your table and also gaue me a rich clocke for my studie For so small a matter as your highnesse doth commaund neither it needed ye should feast me either giue me so great rewards for that I attaine more honour and bountie in that ye commaund than your highnesse doth receiue seruice in the thing I shall accomplish To say the truth I had thought rather yée had slept in the sermon the curtains drawne but since ye cōmaund I shall recite that whiche I sayd of the Philosopher Licurgus it is a signe ye heard the whole Sermon and also noted the same And since it pleaseth your highnesse that the Ladies and dames that serue you and the gallants Courtiers that attend vpon you be present at this communicatiō that ye commaund them that they be not gibing either making of signes for they haue sworne to trouble me or to put me from my matter But cōming to the purpose it is to wit that in the first reignes of this world whē Sardanapalus reigned in Assiria Osias in Iury Tesplus in Macedonia Phocas amongst the Greekes Alchimus amongst the Latins Arthabanes amōgst the Aegyptians Licurgus was borne amōgst the Lacedemoniās This good Licurgus was iointly Philosopher and King King and Philosopher bicause in those Golden times either Philosophers did gouerne eyther else Gouernours did vse Philosophie Plutarche doth say of this Licurgus that he was low of stature pale of colour a friend of silence an enemie of vaine talke a man of small health of great vertue He was neuer noted of dishonestie he neuer troubled the common welth he did neuer reuēge iniury he did neuer thing against iustice either against any man did vse malicious wordes He was in féeding tēperate in drinking sober in giuing liberall in receiuing of consideration in sleeping short in his speache reposed in businesse affable in hearing patient prompt in expedition gentle in chastisement and benigne in pardoning Being a child was brought vp in Thebes being a yong mā he did studie in Athens and in the time of more yéeres he passed into the great India afterwards being old was king of the Lacedemonians which also were called Spartans which of nation were Greekes and of condicion very barbarous For excellencie it is recounted of him that they neuer saw him idle he neuer dranke wine neuer trauailed on horsebacke neuer chid with any man neuer did hurt to his enemies neither at any time was ingrate to his friends He himself wente to the temples he himself did offer the Sacrifices he himself did reade in scholes he himselfe did heare complaints he himself gaue sentēce in causes of the law he himself did cause to giue chastisement to offenders This Licurgus was of a valiant mind in warres of great deuise in time of perill certaine in things determined seuere with rebels in sodaine assaults of great readinesse affable with offenders a mortal enemie of vagabonds They say that this Philosopher did inuent the Olimpiades whiche were certaine playes vsed euery fourth yéere in the mountaine Olimpus to the ende that all shoulde giue themselues to studie or to learne some Art bicause in that assembly which there they vsed euery man made a proofe of his knowledge and the sprite that was giuen him Licurgus was the first that gaue lawes to the Spartans which afterwards were called Lacedemonians whiche is to vnderstand before Solon and Numa Pompilius And also it is written of him that he was the first that inuented in Greece to haue publique or cōmon houses founded at the charges of the common wealth also endewed where the sicke might be cured the poore refreshed Before the days of Licurgus the Lacedemonians were a people very absolute also dissolute for which cause the good Philosopher did passe immesurable trauels no lesse perils amongst thē before they would be gouerned by a King or liue vnder a law On a certaine day before al the people he tooke two little dogges new whelped the one of the which he fedde in his own house very faire fat the other he cōmanded to be brought vp in a countrey house with hunger to vse the fields These dogs being thus brought vp he cōmaunded thē to be brought to the market place in the presence of the whole multitude throwing before them a liue Hare a great péece of flesh presently the countrey dog ran after the Hare and the pampered dogge to the fleshe Then said Licurgus you are witnesses that these two dogges were whelpt in one day and in one howre in one place of one Syre Dam. And for that the one was brought vp in the field he ran after the Hare and the other that was brought vp in idlenesse ran to his meat Beléeue me ye Lacedemoniās be out of doubt that to proue good vertuous it importeth muche from the infancie to bée well gouerned and brought vp for we retaine much more of the customes wherwith we be bred
to renewe your Iudges chaunge your Iustices make proclamations and to remoue your seruice to other persons vnknown Consider very well if they attempte the same to the ende that you shall not erre or else to amend their owne estate For it was a lawe amongst the Athenians that he shoulde haue no voyce in the common wealth that pretended to haue interest in that which he counselled Now at the beginning you haue muche cause to consider in whom to trust and with whom to take counsell for if the counseller be such as hopeth thereby to gather any gaine to that end he will direct his counsell where his affection is enclined In suche sorte that if he be couetous he will séeke to rob and if he be malicious or matched with enimies how to be reuenged And also such things as you shall finde in your house to be reformed and your common welth to be chastised It is not my opinion that you amend or reforme all things in hast that is amisse For it is not iust neither yet sure that ancient customes of the cōmon people be taken away sodeynly being brought in by little and little The customes that touch not the faith neither offende the Churche eyther offende the Common wealth take them not away neither alter thē the which if you will not for their cause yet for your owne cause disfauor the same for if I be not deceiued in the house where dwelleth nouelties there lodgeth want of iudgement Also my Lord I counsell you that you in suche wise measure your goods that they liue not with you but that your lordship liue with them I say it bicause there be many noble men of your estate that kéepe a great house with other mens goodes he that hath much spendes little they call him a nigarde he that hath little spendes muche they hold him for a foole for which cause men ought to liue in such sorte that they bée not noted mizers for their kéeping either prodigal for their spēding My Lord Earle be none of those that haue two quentes of rent foure of follies which alwayes go taking by lone dealing by exchāge taking rent aforehand and selling their patrimonie In such maner as all their trauel doth cōsist not in mainteyning house but in sustayning follies Many other things I might say vnto youre Lordship in this matter the which my pen doth leaue to write to remit them vnto your prudencie No more but the Lorde be your protector From Valiodolid the thirde of Nouember A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Fadrique Enriques wherin is declared that olde men haue to beware of the yeare three score and three MOste renoumed Lorde and great Admirall I assure you I maye firmely aduouche vnto your honour that at the instant there was not anye thyng farther oute of my mynde than was your letter when I sawe it enter into my Cell and incontinente I imagined with my selfe that you wrote vnto mée some iest or sent vnto me to declare some doubt To the very like purpose the diuine Plato did say that such is the excellencie of the heart aboue all the other membres of man that many tymes the eyes be deceiued in the things they sée and the hart doth not erre in that it doth imagin The Consul Silla when he sawe Iulius Caesar being a yong man euill trussed and worse girt for whiche cause many did iudge him to be negligent and also doltish sayd vnto all those of his band beware of that il girt youth that although he appeareth to be such yet this is he that shall tirannise the Citie of Rome and be the ruine of my house Plutarch in the life of Marcus Antonius recounteth of a certaine Gréeke named Ptolomeus which being demaunded wherefore he did not talke or was conuersant with any man in all Athens but with the yong man Alcibiades answered bycause my hart giueth me that this yong man shall set Greece on fire and defame all Asia The good Emperour Traiane sayd that he was neuer deceyued in choosing fréends and in knowing of enemies for presently his hart did aduertise him to whome he shoulde repaire and of whome he should beware And if we well consider the foresayd neither the hart of Silla was deceyued in that he propbesied of Iulius Caesar neyther the Art of Ptolomeus did erre in that he diuined of Alcibiades bycause the one depriued Rome of hir libertie and the other darkned the glory of Greece Thus much I thought to saye vnto youre Lordship to the ende you might sée how my hart was not deceiued in diuining what you had written and also what you craued I may very well say that sometimes your Lordship writeth me some iests that makes me mery and sometimes you demaund questiōs that makes me watch for your Lordship hath your iudgement so cleare your memorie so readye the Scripture so prompt the time so disposed and aboue all great swiftnesse in writing and much vse in reading that you doe me great gréefe to importunate me so often to declare that which you vnderstande not and to séeke out that whiche you may not finde to expound as I did the verses of Homer too declare the life of Antigonus to search you the historie of Methiados the Thebane to relate you the Ceruatica of Sertorius you haue iudged to be don in maner without trauel but I sweare by the law of an honest man I was ouer watched in séeking spent in disposing and tried in writing it Many other Lords of this kingdome and also out of the same do write vnto mée and craue that I declare them some doutes and send thē some histories which doutes and demaundes be all plaine and easie and at thrée turnes I finde them amongst my writings but your Lordship is such a frend of nouelties as always you aske me histories so straunge and peregrine that my wittes may not in any wise but néedes go on pilgrimage My Lord comming to the purpose you say that the Earle of Miranda did write vnto you that eleuen dayes before the good Constable Sir Ynnigo of Velasco died he hard me say and certifie that he shoulde die the whiche as I then spake so afterwards it came to passe but I would not declare vnto him by what meane I vnderstood it Youre Lordships pleasure is that I shoulde write vntoo you whether I did speake it in earnest or in iest or if I sawe in the sickeman any prognostication or if I knewe in thys matter any great secret the which I will discouer vnto you if you promise me to kéepe it secret and that vnto me thereof you be not ingrate The truth is I sayd it to the Earle of Miranda and also to the Doctour Carthagna neyther did I know it by reuelation as a Prophet either did I obtayne it in Circle as a Nigromanticke either did I finde it in Ptolomeus as an Astronomer nor vnderstand by the pulse as a
is not to be learned by lesson but by reason Lex condita are the lawes that kings haue made in their Kingdomes and Emperours in their Empires Some of the which consiste in Reason and other some in opinion Mos antiquus is when a Custome by little and little is brought in amongst the people the force whereof dependeth vpon the well or euill obseruing thereof Of the aboue sayd it is to be gathered wée call Ius naturale the lawe whiche reason doth direct we name Lex Condita whiche is ordayned and written and we terme Mos antiquus the custome of long time vsed and presently obserued this presupposed the letters of this stampe do signifie This is the Consull Quirinus the which in the time of his Consulship did obserue and caused to be obserued that which right requireth lawe commaundeth and custome hath brought in The wordes of the other stampe are these Popil Con. Iu. Mill. fecc for the vnderstanding of these wordes is to be vnderstood that the auncient Lawyers did ordaine seuen manner of Lawes which is to wit Ius gentium Ius ciuile Ius consularis Ius publicum Ius quiritum Ius militare Ius magistratum In the old time they did call Ius Gentium to occupie that which had no owner to defende the Countrey to die for the libertie to endeuer to possesse more than others and to be of more abilitie than the rest This was named ius Gentium bycause in all Kingdomes and Nations Greekes Latines and Barbarians this manner of liuing was vsed and obserued Ius Ciuile was the order and manner in old dayes to forme their plees in lawe that is to wit to cite aunswere accuse proue denie alledge relate to giue sentence and to execute to the end eche one might obtaine by iustice that which was taken by force Ius Consulare was such orders as the Consuls of Rome did vse amongst themselues for themselues which is to say of what number they should bée what garments they should weare what company they should kéepe where they should congregate and how many houres they should assemble of what things they should conferre howe they should liue and to how much goods they should attaine This Ius Consulare did serue but for the Romane Consuls that were resident in Rome for notwithstanding there were Consuls in Capua they would not consent they should liue as those of the Senate of Rome Ius Quiritum was the lawes and priuiledges that the Romane Gentlemen did vse or enioy that did liue within the cōpasse of Rome or had the priuiledge of a Romane Gentleman which is to say that the Gentlemē and knights of Rome had foure names that is to vnderstand Patricios Veteranos Milites Quirites The which foure names according to the varietie of the time was giuen them The priuiledge or law Quiritum that the Knights of Rome enioyed was that they might sit in the tēples thei might not be arested for debt or pay for lodging or prouēder where they went to be maintained by the cōmon treasure if they became poore to make a testament without witnesse not to be accused but in Rome to pay no impost in time of tribut and also that they might be buried in an highe Tombe All these preheminences no gentleman did enioy but only such as were Citizens of Rome Ius Publicum was the ordinances and constitutious that euery people in particular did vse amongst themselues and for themselues that is to saye how they should repaire their walles conserue their waters measure their streates build their houses prouide necessary thinges to haue store houses to gather money to make their fifes to watche their cities They called these ordinances Ius Publicum because they were made by all and obserued by all Ius Militare was the lawes that the anciēt Romains made for the times that kingdoms did breake peace and entred into warres one with the other bicause they estemed muche to be wise in gouernment and to fight as men determined in order The lawes of Ius militare were how to proclaime warres to confirme peace to take truce to leuie their souldiours too pay their Campe to giue order for their watches too make their trenches to giue battaile to retire their host to redéeme prisoners and how the Conquerours should triumphe They called these lawes Ius militare which is to say the order of Knightes because they serued no further but too giue order vnto those that did follow the warres and with armes did defend the common wealth Comming now to the exposition of the stampe it is too be vnderstood that in the daies of the first Romane Dictator Quintus Cincinatus ther was also in Rome a certain Romain Consull named Popilius Vastus a man very well learned and no lesse expert in armes This Consul Popilius made lawes to be obserued in warres and gaue it in stampe in his money that which is conteyned in the stampe before rehersed in the letters hath this signification This is the Consull Popilius which made lawes for the captaines that should goe to the warres for defence of the common wealth Also it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that if any Prince or Romane Consull did chaunce to make any law either necessary or very profitable for the people they did vse for custome to entitle that lawe by the name of him that did inuent and ordaine the same for that in the worldes to come it might bée knowen who was the author therof and also when it was made After this maner the lawe that they made to eate with dores open was called Caesaria The lawe that Pompey made too giue tutors to Orphans was named Pompeia The lawe that Cornelius made for parting of fields was intituled Cornelia The law that Augustus made to take no tribute but for the profit of the cōmon wealth was writtē Augusta The law that the Cōsul Falcidias made that none might buy the dowry of any other mans wife was nominated Falcidia The law that the Dictator Aquilius made that no Romāe should be put to death within Rome was cleped Aquilia The lawe that the Censor Sempronius made that none might disinherit his son but if he were a traytor to the Empire of Rome was termed Sempronia The wordes do followe of the other stampe Rusti prie tris ple. For the vnderstanding of these wordes it is to be noted that the order whiche the Romanes did vse in creating dignities and offices was as followeth First they had Kyngs afterward Decemuiri then Triumuiri after that Consulles and thē Censores then Dictators afterwardes Tribunes and lastely Emperoures Of their Kinges there were but seuen their Decemuiri endured ten yeares their Triumuri continued fortie yeres their Consulls foure hundreth thirtie and foure yeres their Censor one yere their Dictator halfe a yere their Tribune thrée yeres That which wée call the procurer of the people the auncient Romanes did name the Tribune of the people whose office was euery day to
Romaines neuer possessed or inhabited The Prince Iugurth of the age of .xxij. yeares came from Africa to the warres of Numantia in fauor of Scipio and did there suche and so notable feates in armes that he deserued with Scipio to be verie priuate and in Rome to be esteemed Al the Historiographers that write of the warres of Numantia saye that the Romaines did neuer receyue so muche hurte or lose so many people or were at so greate charges neyther receyued so great shame as they did in that conqueste of Numantia And the reason they giue for this is for that all the other warres hadde their beginning vppon some iniurie except that of Numantia whiche was of méere malice or enuie To say that the Citie of Samorra was in tyme past Numantia is a thing verie fabulous and worthie to be laughed at bicause if stories do not deceiue vs from the time that Numātia was in the world vntil the time that Samorra begā to be there did passe seuen hundreth thirtie thrée yeres If Plinie Pomponius Ptholomaeus Strabo had said that Numantia was néere to Dwero there had bin a doubt whether it had bin Soria or Samorra But these Historiographers doe saye that the foundation thereof was néere to the head of Dwero wherof it may be gathered that séeing Samorra is more than thirtie leagues from the heade of Dwero Soria is but fiue that it is Soria and not Samorra There be thrée opinions where the situation of the citie of Numantia should bée in whiche some doe saye that it was where nowe is Soria others affirme that it was on the other side of the bridge vpon an hill some do auouche that it was a league from thence on a certain place named Garray and in my iudgement as I consider of the thrée situations this opinion is moste true bycause there is founde greate antiquities and there doth appeare auncient greate buyldings Those that wrote of Numantia were Plinius Strabo Ptholomaeus Trogus Pompeius Pullio Trebellius Vulpicius Isodorus Instinus and Marcus Ancus A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo Valasco in the whiche the Authour doth perswade that in the taking of Founterabie he first make proofe to profite his wisedome before he do experiment his Fortune MOst renoumed Lorde and Captaine to Caesar about the dead of this night Peter Herro deliuered mée a Letter from your Lordship the whiche althogh it had not come firmed or with superscription by the letter I should haue knowen it to be written with your owne hand bicause it conteined few lines many blots While you are in the warres it is tollerable to write on grosse paper with crooked lynes euill ynke and blotted letters For good warriers doe more esteme to sharpen their launces than to make pennes Sir you write vnto me that I should pray for your health and victorie for that at the commaundemente of Caesar you goe to besiege Founterabie which was taken by the Admirall of Fraunce the same béeyng of the Crowne of Castile Thys youre seruaunt preaceth with such diligence for this letter that I shal be forced to answer more at large than I can and muche lesse than I woulde As touchynge Founterabie I doe certaynly beléeue that within these two yeares the takyng and susteynyng of it hathe coste the French King more than it would haue cost to haue bought or else to haue buylt it Wherof there is no cause to haue maruell for that great Lordes and Princes do spend much more in susteyning the opinion they holde than the reason that they vse In all christendome at this presente I fynde not an enterprise more dangerous than this of Founterabie For either you muste ouercome the French king or else displease the Emperor I wold say that ye take in hand to deale with the might of the one and with the fauour or disgrace of the other To be a Captain generall is an estate verie honorable and profitable although ryght delicate For notwithstanding hée doe all that he can and all that is méete to bee done it by the mishap of his sinnes hée giue any battel and carie not away the victorie it is not sufficiēt that the sorowfull man doe lose his lyfe but also they séeke some faulte by the whiche they say he lost that battell Be it that euery man be what he can and fight what he may yet neuer to this day haue we séene a conquered Captain called wyse neyther him that ouercame termed rashe It is verie good that the Captaines which fight and the Physitions that cure be wise but it is muche better that they be fortunate For these bée two things wherein many tymes wysedome fayleth and fortune preuayleth Sir you do take in hand an enterprise iuste and verie iust bicause from tyme out of mynde to this day wée haue neuer heard or séene the towne of Founterabie possessed by any king of France neyther any king of Castile to haue giuen it them In suche wyse that it is a conscience for them to holde it and a shame for vs not to take it Sir consider well for your owne part that a warre so iust be not lost through some secrete offence bycause the disgraces and ouerthrowes that do happen in such like enterprises doe not chaunce bicause the warre is not iust but for that the conductours thereof bée vniuste The warre the Hebrewes made with the Philistines in the mount of Gilboa was a war verie iust but king Saule that had the conduction therof was a Kyng verie vniuste for whose cause the Lorde did permit that noble battayle to be lost to the ende the kyng should be slayne in the same But as the iudgements of God are in them selues so high and of vs so vnknowen many times it dothe happen that a king or prince doth chose out one of his seruāts to make him general of an armie to the ende he be honored and his state more amended than the rest And on the other side God doth permit that there where he thought to obtayn most honor good happe from thence he dothe escape moste shamed and confounded Let it not bée thought of Princes and of great men that séeing they woulde not abstaine from sinne they shall more than others auoyd the payne For God doth compasse them in suche wise that they come to make paymente in one houre of that whiche they committed in all their life In the house of God there hath not is not neyther shall be merite without reward or fault without punishment And if it hap that presentely wée sée not the good rewarded eyther the euill chastised it is not for that God doth forget it but vntill an other tyme to deferre it The Marshall of Nauarre with his band of Agramontenses wée vnderstande is in the defence of Founteraby it séemeth not to be yll counsell to make youre siege openlye and to practise wyth them secretely For although they be nowe seruauntes to the Frenche Kyng
great trauelles that vnprofitable friends bring with them is that they come not to seeke vs to the end to doe what we wil but to perswade vs to doe what they will. It is great perill to haue enemies and also it is greate trauell to suffer some kind of friendes for to giue the whole hart to one is not much but how much lesse when amongst many it is reparted neyther my condition may beare it either within the greatnes of your estate may it be cōtained that we should loue after such sort neither in such maner to behaue ourselues for that there is no loue in this worlde so perfect as that which holdeth no scruple of intereste Your Lordship saith in your letter that you write not vnto me for that I am rich or mighty but because I am learned and vertuous And you instantly desire me that I write vnto you with mine owne hand some thing that maybe worthy to be vnderstood and plesaunt to be read To that which you say that you hold me to be wise to this I aunswere as Socrates did whiche is too wit that hée knew not any thing more certaine but in perceyuing that he did know nothing Very great was the Philosophie that Socrates did inclose in the aunswere for as the deuine Plato doth say the lesser part that we vnderstand not is much more than al that we know In all this world there is not the like infamie as a man to bée imputed ignorant either the like kind of praise as to bée called wise bycause in the wise death is very euil imployed and in the foole life is much worse bestowed The tirant Epimethes séeing the Philosoher Demosthenes wéep immeasurable teares for the death of a Philosopher demaunded for what cause hée wept so muche since it was a straunge thing for Philosophers to wéepe To this Demosthenes answered O Epimethes I do not wéepe bycause the Philosopher died but for that thou liuest and if thou knowest not I will giue thée to vnderstand which is that in the scholes of Athens we do more wéepe bycause the euill doe liue than for the death of the good Also your honour doth saye that you doe iudge me to be a man solitarie and vertuous might it please the diuine clemencie that in al this and much more you speake the truth bycause in case for one to be or not to bée vertuous I dare venter to speake that how muche sure it is to be and not too séeme to be so daungerous it is to seeme to be and not to be in déede Man is naturally variable in his appetites profoūd in hart mutable in his thoughts incōstant in his purposes indeterminable in his conclusions wherof we maye well gather that man is easie to knowe and very difficile to vnderstand Your excellencie giues me more honour in calling me wise and vertuous than I giue to intitle you Duke of Sesa Marques of Bitonto Prince of Guilache and aboue all great captaine For to my vertue and wisedome warres can giue no impeachment but your potencie and greatnes is subiect vnto fortune Your honour writeth vnto me that I certifie you of my opinion in that the king our master doth commaund now of new that you passe once more into Italy by occasion of the battell that the Frenchmen of late haue ouercome at Rauenna whiche in the worldes to come shall be so famous as it was now bloudie Vnto this answering your honour I saye that you haue great reason to doubt and vpon the same too vse counsell for if you do not accomplishe what you be commaunded the Kyng takes displeasure and if you doe what they entreat you you contend with fortune Two times your honour hath passed into Italy and twice woon the kyngdome of Naples in which two iorneyes you ouercame the battell of Garrellano and the battell of Chirinola and slewe the best people of the house of Fraunce And that which is most of all you brought to passe that the Spanish nation of all the world were feared and obtained vnto your selfe renoume of immortall memory This being true as it is it were no wisedome either suretie once more to returne thither to tempt fortune which with none doth shew hir self so malicious and double as with such as spend long time in the warres Hanniball a Prince of the Carthaginians not contented too haue ouercome the Romanes in those great and famous battailes of Trene Trasmene and Canna but as hée would alway force and wrestle with fortune he came to be ouercome of those which he many times had ouercome Those that haue to deale with fortune must entreate hir but not force hir they must heare hir but not beleue hir they must hope in hir but haue no confidence in hir they must serue hir but not anger hir they muste bée conuersant with hir but not tempt hir For that fortune is of so euill a condition that when shee fauneth she biteth when she is angred she woundeth In this iourney that they commaund your honour neither do I perswade you that you go either diswade you to tary Onely I say and affirme with this third passage into Italy you returne to put your life in perill and your fame in ballance In the two first conquests you obtaine honour with them that be present fame for the worldes to come riches for your children an estate for your successours reputation amongst straungers credit amongst your owne gladnes for your friends and grief vnto your enemies Finally you haue gotten for excellencie this renoume of great Captaine not only for these our times but also for the world to come Consider well what you leaue and what you take in hand for that it may rather be imputed for rashnes than for wisedome that in keping your house where al doth enuie you should depart where al men should be reuenged You ouercame the Turkes in Paflonia the Mores in Granada the Frenchmen in Chirinola the Picardes in Italy the Lombardes in Garellano I holde it to be doubted that as fortune hath not more nations to giue you to ouercome she will now leade you where you shall be ouercome The Dukes the Princes the Captaines and vnder Captaines against whom you haue fought eyther they be deade or else gone In suche sort that nowe against an other kinde of people you must deale and fyght I sayd it for that it may chaunce that fortune which then did fauour you now maye fauour them To accepte warres to gather people to order them and to giue battaile it belongeth vnto men but to giue victorie appertaineth only to god Titus Liuius saith that many times with greate ignomie the Romaines were ouercome at Furcas Caudinas in the ende by the counsell of the Consull Aemilius they changed that Cōsul which had the charge of that army where they were before that time ouercome were frō thence forward conquerours of their enimies Of
how was he of the Lord For the vnderstanding hereof it is to be noted how it is written in the 1. Regum cap. xxvj that Dauid being compassed with the armie of King Saul who sléeping on a night in his tent Dauid did passe thorough the middes of his campe and toke from the Kinges beds head the launce that he fought withall and a cruse of water wherein he vsed to drink and in this passage he was neither séen of the watch nor perceiued of the scout And why Quia sopor Domini irruit super eos to saye as the Scripture saith that the sléepe of the Lord fell vppon them is most true but to say that God doth sléepe and hath néede of sléepe is a great mockery For as the Psalmist doth saye Ecce non dormitabit neque dormiet qui custodit Israel Whē the scripture doth say Quòd sopor Domini irruit super eos that God had sent a dead sléepe vpon them it is to be vnderstoode non quòd ipse dominus dormiret Sed quia eius nutu infusus esset ne quisquam presentiam Dauid sentiret The diuine prouidence would cast a sléepe vpon King Saul and vpon his watch and vpon those of his Campe not for their recreation but for the safe kéeping of Dauid in such wise that in God his sléepe and his prouidence is one self thing the Lord is so zelouse of his elect and so vigilant to preserue them that he doth not only giue them grace to performe good purposes but also doth direct them alwaies by good meanes in suche wise that although hée doth permit them to trauaile he doth not consent that they perish But comming to the purpose that after the maner that the Scripture is to be vnderstood Sopor Domini irruit super eos after the same manner is vnderstand Spiritus Domini malus arripiebat Saulem And for farther declaration of this I say Quod si Diabolus tentationem iustis semper inferre cupiat tamen si à Domino potestatem non accepit nullatenus adipisci potest quod appetit The spirite that did tempt and torment King Saul for this cause he is called an euill spirite for that the will of the Deuill in tempting vs is euill And for this purpose he is named the spirite of the Lorde for that the power which the Lord doth giue him to tempt vs is good When God dothe giue licence to any Diuell that he go to vexe and disquiet any iust man it is not Gods intention that he tempt him but to exercise him bicause vertue is of such qualitie that it groweth mortified when it is not exercised with trauailes The wheat whiche is not turned is eaten with wiuels The garment that is not worne is eaten with mothes the timber that is not seasoned is spoiled with chest lockes the frō that is not wrought doth consume with ruste bread long kept groweth finnowed By this that I haue saide I would say that there is not any thing that turneth vs to more weakenesse negligence than to be a certaine time without temptations Much more care hath God of vs than we of our selues for in the end as our worthinesse is litle and but to smal purpose if we do quaile he doth comfort vs if we lie downe to sleepe he waketh vs if we be wearied he helpeth vs if we grow fearful he doth encorage vs if we grow negligent he doth intice vs Finally I say that leauing our selues vnto our owne power wée permit our selues to fall and he alone giues the hand to lift vs vp Also holy Iob was tempted of the euill spirit of the Lord not because there was any notable fault in the man but for that ther raigned in the Diuell enuie and malice For cursed sathan had not enuie of the great goods that Iob had but of the excellent life that he led At the instant that one is euill he doth desire that all be euill if he bée sclaundered that all be defamed in such wise that ther is not so perillous an enuie as that whiche euill men haue of those whiche be good and vertuous If one be good and ritch and liue by one that is euill and malicious First he that is euill dooth trauell to take away the credit the good man hath before he vseth force to spoile him of his goodes Abrabam was tempted when it was commaunded that his onely sonne shoulde be sacrifized Tobie was tempted when he lost his sight The holy Iob was tempted when they killed his children tooke his goods and filled him with the mangie in which temptatiōs those holy men suffered much and also loste much but at the time of repayment he did not giue them reward according to the goods they lost but according to the patience they vsed Since it is certain that all passions or troubles eyther God doth send them or else do come by the hand of God it is reason that we take them as sent by the hand of God who is so iust in that he commaundeth and so limited in that hée permitteth that he doth neuer suffer vs to be tempted aboue our strength With men that be of a good life and doe kepe rekening with their conscience the licence whiche God giueth to the Diuill to tempte them is surely limited and the patience that hee giueth them is very bountifull de hoc bactenus sufficit The Controler Hinestrosa came from the Court this way to sée me whiche came in suche distresse for that he had gone thither he him repented and for that hée had staied hée was despited and for that whiche had happened he was abhorred in suche sorte that to heare him report his great trauelles moued me to weigh my owne as light Men in sadnes ought not to séeke comfort of those that be merie but of others that are sorrowfull and more confounded than them selues For if they so doe of a troth they shal find that it is very little they suffer in respecte of that whiche others endure No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue me grace to serue him From Sotia the 4. of March. 1518. A letter vnto the Marques of Velez wherein hee writeth vnto him certaine newes of the Court. RIght magnificent my singular good Lord Garcy Rodrygues seruant and solicitor vnto your Lordshippe gaue me a letter of yours made the seuēth of this present in Velez el Rubio which came with more swiftnes and also more fresh thā the Samons they bring from Bayon Your honour writeth vnto me that I shoulde certifie you what newes and what worlde runneth vnto whiche I dare aunswere your Lordship that in this Court none runneth but they goe all bechafed It is an auncient pestilence in the courtes of Princes that they call suche men as do not aunswere theim they loue where they be hated they follow suche as know them not they seeke those that flie them they serue those that pay them not
the one that you liue onely with your own and in the other that also you take profit of other mennes 8 In the one that alwaies you remember to dye in the other that for nothing you leaue to lead an ill life 9 In the one that alwaies you occupie your self in knowledge in the other that you giue your self to be of much power 10 In the one that you impart of that you haue with the poore and friends and in the other that alwaies you keepe for deare yeares 11 In the one that you vse much silence and in the other that you presume to be very eloquent 12 In the one that you beléeue onely in Christ and in the other that you procure to haue money If you my Lord Embassador with these xy conditions wil be a Romane much good may it do you For vpon the day of accoumpt you would rather haue bin a laborer in Spaine than an Embassadour at Rome No more but that our Lord be your protector and to you and to me he giue good endings From Granado in the yeare 1525. the daye and moneth aforesaid A letter vnto the said Sir Ierome Vique in whiche is declared an Epitaph of Rome RIght magnificent Embassadour to Caesar by your letter that I haue receiued I was certified that to you was deliuered an other of mine wherein I haue vsed no curious care For vnder your good condicion there is no place for any thing to be dispraysed much lesse to be condemned Mosen Rubine aduertised me that by sléeping in an ayry place you haue bin very reumatike which I certainly béeleue hath procéeded of the great heate of the moneth of August but by my aduise you shall not vse it neither others so giue counsell for that it is lesse euill in sommer to sweate than to cough You write and also send vnto me certaine Gothicke letters that you haue foūd written in an aunciēt place in Rome whiche you can neither reade or they in Italy can declare Sir I haue very well séene considered and also reconsidered them and to him that is not acquainted with this Romish cyphringes they séeme illegible and not intelligible and that to vnderstand and read them well it were necessary that the men that bée a liue shoulde deuine or those that wrote them shoulde rise from death to life But to expound these letters no dead man shall bée raysed either am I a soothsayer or diuine I haue tyred my wittes and called to remembrance I haue ouerturned my Bookes and also haue ouerloked meruailous and many histories to see and to know who it was that did write them and wherefore they were written and in the ende as there is nothing that one man doth that another can not do or that one man knoweth and an other knoweth not your good luck wold and my great diligence that I met with that whiche you desired and I sought for And for that it shall not séeme that I speake without Booke in few wordes I will recite the history In the times of Octauius Augustus the Emperour there was in Rome a Romane Knight named Titus Annius verely a man of great experience in causes of warre and right wise in the gouernment of the common wealthe There was in Rome an office that was called Tribunus Scelerum this had the charge of all criminall causes whiche is to wit to hang to whip to banish to cut throates and to drowne in wels in such maner that the Censor did iudge the Ciuill and the Tribune the Criminall This office amongst the Romanes was of great preheminence and of no lesse confidence they neuer incommended the same but to a man of noble bloud auncient in yeares learned in the lawes in life honest and in iustice very moderate for that all these condicions did concurre in Titus Annius hée was by the Emperour Augustus in the office of Tribune named by the Senate confirmed and of the people allowed Titus Annius liued and was resident in this office xxv yeres in all whiche time hée neuer spake to man any iniurious word either did any iniustice In remuneration of his trauell and in reward of his bountie they gaue him for priuilege that hée shoulde bée buried within the walles of Rome and that hée should bury by him selfe some money and that in that sepulcher there shoulde not any other bée buried For a man to bée buried in Rome was amongst the Romanes a great preheminence the one was bycause the priests did consecrate the sepulcher and the other for that malefactors to flie vnto sepulchers were more worth than the temples But now these letters woulde saye that Titus Annius Iudge of the faultie by him in his sacred sepulcher did hide certaine money whiche is to wit ten foote off and that in the same sepulcher the Senate doth commaund that none of his heyres be buried This Titus Annius when hée died left his wife aliue that was named Cornelia whiche in the sepulcher of hir husband did set this Epitaphe The aucthors of this history are Vulpicius Valerius Trebellius And bycause the declaration of the history shall appeare more cleare let vs set the exposition ouer euery letter and these be the letters Titus Annius Tribunus Scelerum Sacro T. A. T. Sce. S. Suo Sepulcro Pecuniam Condidit Non. S. S. P. Con. N. Longe Pedes Decem. Hoc Monumentum Lon. P. X. H. M. Heres Non. Sequitur Iure Senatus H. N. S. I. S. Cornelia Dulcissima Eius Coniux Posuit Cor. D. E. Con. P. Behold here my Lord Embassador your letters expounded and not dreamed and in my iudgement this that we haue said they would say and if you be not satisfied with this interpretation let the dead expound them that did write them or those bée whiche aline that gaue them No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue vs grace that we ende in his seruice From Toledo the third of April 1526. A letter vnto the Bishop of Badaios in whiche there is declared the auncient lawes of Badaios RIght magnificent and Caesars Precor I receaued a letter from your Lordshippe with the whiche I did much reioyce my selfe before I did read it and after that I had reade it I remained no lesse offended not for that whiche you had written vnto me but for that you commaunded me and also demaunded of me If Plutarch do not deceaue vs into the chamber of Dionisius the Siracusan none did enter in the librarye of Lucullus no man sate down Marcus Aurelius with the key of his study no not with his Faustine did vse any trust and of a troth they had great reason bycause there be things of such qualitie that not only they ought not to be dealt withall neither yet to be looked vppon Aeschines the Philosopher said that for very great frendship that might be betwixt one and other he ought not to shew him all thinges in his house nor to communicate
lickt his handes fauned with his tayle helde downe hys head and couched downe vpon the ground shewing signes of old acquaintāce and that he was in his det and beholding vnto him The slaue séeing the fawnings and the curtesies that the Lion vsed with him cast himselfe downe vpon the groūd and créeping to the Lion and the Lion comming to the slaue they began one to imbrace the other and to faune as mē that had bin of old acquaintāce that had not séene in many yéeres To sée a thing so monstrous and strange at the sodain which the eyes of man had neuer séene neither in old Bookes had euer bin read the good Emperour Titus was amased and all the Romane people grewe astonied and did not presently imagine that the man and the Lion had bin of olde acquaintance and there knew ech other but that the slaue shoulde be a nigromantike and had inchaunted the Lion. And after the Lion and the slaue had played together renued their olde acquaintance and the people of Rome beholding a greate space the Emperour Titus commaunded the slaue to be cald before him the which comming to accomplish his commaundemēt the cruell Lion came after him so quiet and so gentle as if it had bin a house lamb brought vp by hand The Emperour Titus said vnto him these words tell me man what art thou of whence art thou what is thy name to whome didst thou belong what hast thou done what offence hast thou committed wherefore wast thou brought hither and cast vntoo the beastes may it happen that thou hast bred this most cruell Lion or hast thou known him by chaunce in times past wa st thou present when he was taken or hast thou deliuered him from any mortall perill perchaunce thou art a Nigromantike and hast enchaunted him I commaund thée that thou say vnto vs the truth what hath passed and deliuer vs of thys dout for I sweare vnto thée by the immortall gods this matter is so mōstrous so strange that it séemeth rather that we dreame it than behold it With a good courage with a hygh cleare voyce the slaue made aunswer to the Emperour Titus as followeth the Lion being layd at his foote and all the people in admiration Andronico recompteth by discourse all his life IT may please thée to vnderstande most victorious Caesar that I am of the countrey of Slauonia of a certayne place that is called Mantuca the which when they dyd rise and rebell against the seruice of Rome we were there al taken condemned to seruitude bondage My name is Andronico and my father was named Andronicus and also my grandfather This linage of Andronicos wer in our Countrey so noble and generous as Quintus Fabius and Marcus Marcellus be nowe in Rome But what shall I wretche do vnto fortune which do sée the sonnes of seruants there to be knightes and my selfe that was there a Gentleman in Rome become a slaue It is twentie six yeares since I was taken in my Countrey and so long agoe since I was brought vnto this Citie and also other twētie six since I was sold in the field of Mars and bought of a sawyer which when he perceyued that my armes were better giuen to handle a launce than to pull at a sawe he sold me to the Consull Dacus father to the Censor Rufus that is now aliue This Consull Dacus was sent by thy father Vespasian to a certain prouince in Affrica whiche is called Numidia as Proconsull to minister Iustice and as Captayne of the horsemen to vnderstande in causes of warre for that in verie trouth in the warres he had great experience and in gouernment muche wisedom Also great Caesar it may please thée to vnderstād that my maister the Consull Dacus ioyntely with the experience and wisedom that he had was on the other side proude in commaundemente and couetous in gathering together And these two things be brought to passe that he was yll serued in his house and abhorred in the common wealth and his principall entente was to gather money to make hym selfe riche so that although he had many offices and muche businesse he had no more in his house but my selfe and an other to do all the same in so muche I gathered and caste abroade did grynde fift and bake the breade And besides all this I dressed the meate I washed the clothes I swepte the house I dressed the cattel and also made beddes What wilt thou that I shal say more O most victorious Caesar but that his couetousnesse was so great and his pitie so little that he gaue me neither coate shoes or shirt and moreouer beside al this euery nighte he made mée to weaue two baskettes of Palmes which he made me to sell for eight Sextertios towardes his dispences And that night that I had not performed the same he gaue me nether to eate either left me vnwhipt But in the end séeing my master so continually to chide me so oft to whippe me to kéepe me so naked so to ouer worke me and so cruelly to deale with me I will confesse the troth vnto thée oh inuincible Caesar whiche is that séeing my selfe in so desperat a state and in a life so miserable I desired hym oftentimes that it mighte please him to sell me or else to giue order to kill me Eleuen yéeres continually I passed this wretched life with him without receyuing at his handes any rewarde or at his mouth any milde word And farther séeing in the Proconsul my master that euery day his anger increased and vnto me there was no trauell diminished and ioyntly with this féeling age cōming vpon me and my head to be hore mine eyes blinde my strength weake my health wanting and my hart desperat I determined with my selfs to runne away vnto the cruell deserts of Aegipt to the intent that some rauenous beast mighte eate me or that by pure hunger I might die And for that my master did not eate but what I drest him or drinke but what I broughte him wyth great suertie I might haue killed him and reuenged my selfe but that hauing more respect to the noblenesse of bloud from whence I was descended than to the seruitude that I suffered I thought it better to put my life in perill than to do treason to my noblenesse In the end my master the proconsull going to visite a certaine Countrey named Tamatha which is in the confines of Aegipt and Affrica when on a night he had supped and I saw him a bed I departed without knowing any high way but that I tooke care that the nighte might be very darke and did beholde the daye before whiche mountayne was most sharpe where I myght be most hidden and least sought for I caried with me but a payre of sandalles to weare a canuas shirt to put on a bottell of water to drinke and a little bunch of grapes to eate with whiche prouision I might haue bin
in bloud if they haue little and may doe little let them hold it for certaine they will estéeme them but little and therefore it were very good counsell that they shoulde rather remayne riche seruantes in their countries than to come to the Courts of Kinges to bée poore Gentlemen For after thys manner they shoulde in their countries be honored that now go in Court discountenaunced According to this purpose it came to passe in Rome that Cicero being so valiaunt of person and hauing so great commaundement and power in the common wealth they dyd beare him great enuie on all sides and beheld him with ouermuch malice Wherefore a certaine Romane magistrate said as if we should say vnto a frankling of Spaine tel me Cicero wherfore wilt thou cōpare with me in the Senat since thou knowest al others do know that I am descēded of glorious Romanes and thou of rusticall ploughmen where vnto Cicero made aunswer with very good grace I will confesse it that thou art descended of noble Romane magistrates and I procéede from poore ploughmen but ioyntly with thys thou canst not denie me but that all thy linage is ended in thée and all mine beginnes in me Of thys example your Lordship may gather what difference there is betwixt times betwixt linages and also betwixt persons Since we knowe that in Caius began the Augustus and in Nero ended the Caesars I would say by that which is saide that the want of noblenesse in many gaue an ende to the linages of the Knightes of the band and the valiantnesse of others gaue a beginning to other glorious linages that be now in Spaine bycause the houses of greate Lordes be neuer lost for want of riches but for want of persons I haue enlarged this letter much more than I promised and also more than I presupposed but I giue it all for well employed since I am sure that if I remaine wearied in writing thereof it will not be tedious vnto your Honour too reade it bycause therein are so many and so good things that of old Gentlemē they are worthy to be knowen and of yong gentlemen necessary to be followed From Toledo the xij of December 1516. A letter vnto the Constable of Castile sir Ynigo of Valesco in which is touched that the wise man ought not to trust his wife with any secret REnoumed and good Constable Sir Iames of Mendoza gaue me a letter from your honor written with youre hand and sealed with youre seale I would to God there were as good order taken with my letters that I aunswer you as is here vsed with such as you send me For I cannot say whether it be my hap or my mishap that scarcely I can write you a letter wherof al in your house vnderstand not As much as it doth please me that al men know me to be your friende so muche doth it gréeue me when you discouer of me any secret chiefly in graue and most waightie affaires for comming to the intelligence of youre wife and children that you communicat with me your delicat affayres they will make great complaint if to the profit of their substance I direct not your conscience My Lady the Duchesse did write vnto me aduertising to haue some scruple in me saying that I was against hir as concerning the house of Touare which I did neuer speake or thinke for the office that I do most boast myselfe of is to direct men that they be noble and vertuous and not to vnderstand in making or marring of heyres or Manor houses My Lorde Constable you do know that at all times when you discouer your selfe and take counsell of me I haue always sayd and do say that the Gentleman of necessitie must pay that he oweth and what he hath deuide at his will and that to make restitution there néedeth a conscience and too giue or deuide iudgement and wisdome if there passe eyther more or lesse betwixt vs two it is without néede that youre noblenesse should speake it or of my authoritie be confessed For the things that naturally be graue and do require secrecie if we may not auoyde that they iudge or presume of them at the least we may cut off that they knowe them not In that your Lordship hath let flie some words or lost some letter of mine my Lady the Duchesse is not a little offended with me and I do not maruell thereof in that she not vnderstanding the misterie of your spéech or the ciphers of my letters did kindle hir choller and raysed a quarrell against me Beléeue me my Lorde Constable that neither in iest or earnest you ought to put secret things in confidence of women for to the end that others shall estéeme them more they will discouer any secret I hold the husbands for very doltish that hide their money from their wiues and trust them wyth their secrets for in the money there is no greater losse than the goodes but in discouering their secretes sometime he loseth his honour The Consull Quintus Furius discouered al the conspiracie of the tirant Cateline to a Romane woman named Fuluia Torquata the which manifesting the matter to another friend of hirs and so from hande to hande it was deuulgate thorough all Rome whereby it happened that Quintus Furius lost his life and Cateline his life and honour Of this example your Lordship may gather that the things that be graue and effectuall ought not to be committed to the confidence of women muche lesse spoken in their presence for to them it importeth nothing the knowledge of them and their husbāds it toucheth much if they be discouered There is no reason to thinke either is it iust to presume and say that all women are like for that we sée there are many of them honorable honest wise discrete and also secrete whereof some haue husbands so foolish and such buzardes that it shoulde be more sure to trust them than their husbands Not offending the gentlewomen that be discrete and secrete but speaking commonly of all I saye that they haue more abilitie to breede children than to kéepe secrets As concerning this let it bée for conclusion that it happen you not another day to talke before any man much lesse before any woman That whyche we haue cōmuned and agréed betwixt our selues there might rise thereof that your Lordship might remaine offended and I disgraced At this present there is nothing more newe in Court to write thā that I am not a little offēded of that your Lordship dare discouer troubled with the wordes that my Lady the Duchesse hath sent me for which cause I beséeche you as my good Lord and commaund you as my godsonne that you reconcile me with my Lady the Duchesse or commaund me to be forbidden your house From Valiodolid the eight of August .1522 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco wherein is touched that in the hart of the good Knight there ought not to raigne passion
a wype To the Father Prior of Corta caeli I sende a riche palia for my sake I pray you to cōmaunde that it bée giuen him in my behalf to visit him bicause I lodged long time with him am much bound affectioned vnto him No more but that our Lord be your protector and kéepe you from an euill lemman and heale you of your goute From Madrid the thirde of Marche .1527 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora Sir Anthony of Acuna wherein he is sharply reprehended for that he was captain of the commons that rebelled in Spaine REuerent and seditious Prelate Zalobrena the sergeant of your bande gaue mée a Letter of yours whiche presently I coulde not vnderstand but after I had read returned againe to reade the same I did sée it was no letter but a bill that the Bishop of Zamora had sente wherein he dyd desie and threaten that he woulde kill me or commaunde mée to be chastized The cause of this defiaunce your Lordshippe declareth to procéede for that in Villa Braxima I withdrew Sir Peter Giron from your parcialitie and counselled hym to cease to followe you and retire to serue the king I my Lorde doe accept your defiance and hold my selfe defyed not that wée kill our selues but that we examin our selues not to the ende wée goe vnto the fielde but to incommende our selues to reason Which reason as a viewer of our factes shall declare whether of vs is moste culpable I in followyng and obeying the Kyng or you in altering and reuolting the kingdome I remēber me being as thē but yong in Trecenon a manour house of Gueuara I did sée my vncle Sir Ladron sir Beltram my father mourne in black for your father in verie trouth my lord Bishop seeing you as I did sée you in Villa Braxima compassed with artillery accōpanied with souldiours and armed at al points with more reason we might weare gréen bicause you liue than black for that your father died The diuine Plato of two thinges did not discerne which first to bewayle that is to wit the death of good men or the life of the wicked for it is a most great grief vnto the heart to sée the good so soon to die and the wicked so long time to liue A certain Greeke béeing demanded for what cause he shewed so great sorow in the death of Agesilaus He answered I wéepe not bicause Agesilaus died but for that Alcibiades remaineth liuing whose life offendeth the Goddes and escandalizeth the world A certain Gentleman of Medina who is named Iohn Cnaso reported that being appointed to haue the ouersight of your bringing vp he was driuen to change foure Nursses in six moneths for that in nursing you were fierce wayware and importune in suckyng It séemeth vnto mée my Lorde Bishop that since in your childhoode you were so paynfull and in your lyfe so sedicious it were great reason that in your olde yeares as you shoulde be quiet if not for your deseruing yet to repose you shoulde seeke quietnesse holding as you haue in youre possession thrée score yeare completed ▪ and shortely maye boaste youre selfe of thrée score and tenne accomplyshed it seemeth to mée no euyll counsayle that you offer if it lyke you the flower to God for that you bestowed so muche branne in the worlde Since your gardein is blasted your vinedage ended youre floure fallen your primetyme finished your youthe passed you olde age come it were muche more conueniente to take order for amendment of olde sinnes reformation of youre life than to execute the office of Captaine ouer rebelling cōmoners If you will not followe Christe that made you yet folow sir Lewes of Acuna that begat you at whose gates many poore euery day did féede and at your gates we sée not but playing and blaspheming souldiours To make of souldiours priests it passeth but of priests to make souldiors is an acte moste scandalous whervnto I wil not say your Lordship consented but that you exactely haue perfourmed You broughte from Zamora to Tordissillas thrée hundreth Massing Priestes not to instructe the Kinges subiectes but to defend that Town against the King and to remoue your Lordship from euill toungs as also for the better saluation of their soules you brought them from Zamora in the beginning of Lent in such wise that like a good pastor an excellent Prelate you remoued thē from praying to fighting in the assault which the Gentlemē gaue at Tordessillas against your bande I saw with mine eyes one of your priests with an harquebuse ouerthrow eleuen men behinde a window the grace was that when he did leuell to shoote he blessed him selfe with his péece and killed them with the pellot I sawe also before the assaulte was ended the Souldiours of oure side that were without giue that good Prelate such a blow in the forehead with an arrow that the death of that caytise was so suddain as he had neither time to confesse his sinnes nor yet so muche as to blesse himselfe But nowe the soule of that Bishop that remoued that priest from his churche the soule of that priest that slew so many men what excuse can they haue before men and what accounte maye they make to God It were a sinne to take you from the warres but much greater to make you of the church since you be so offensiue in nothing scrupulous hereof we be most certain for that you make no account to fight to kill and also to be irregular I woulde gladly knowe in whether booke you haue read most which is to wit in Vegetius whiche entreateth of matters of warres or in S. Austine his booke of Christian doctrine and that whiche I durste auouche is I haue séene you many tymes handle a partisan but neuer anye booke and it séemeth vnto mée not a little gréeuous that to the souldioures that assaulted and fel at the taking of the fort of Impudia they say that you sayde So my sonnes vp fight and die beholde my soule for yours since you dye in so iust an enterprise and a demaunde so holye My Lorde Bishop you well knowe that the Souldiors that there were slayne were excommunicate for sacriledge traytours to the King robbers of churches théeues on high ways enemies of the common wealth and maintainers of ciuill warre It is most euident that the soule of that Bishop that speaketh suche blasphemie is not much scrupulous that desireth to die as a souldiour neither doe I maruell that he desireth to die like a desperate Souldiour that neuer made account of his estate as a Bishoppe If you had raysed this warre to reforme the common wealth or to haue made frée your countrey from some oppression and taxation it might séeme you had occasion although in déed no reason but your Lordship hath not risen against the king for the weale of the kingdom but to make exchange for a better Bishoprike
and to driue the Erle of Alua de Lista out of Zamora If you enter in reckening with all those of your bande which goe in your companie certainly you shall fynde that passion was your foundation not reason neither zeale of the common wealth but ouermuche desire in euery one to augment his owne house and estate Sir Peter Giron woulde haue the possession of Medina the Earle of Saluatiera commaunde the royall Pastures Fernando de Aualoes reuenge his iniurie Iohn de Padilia be maister of S. Iames Sir Peter Lasso the onely ruler in Toledo Quintanilla Controller of Medina Sir Fernando de Hulloa expell his brother out of Toro the Abbot of Compludo obtaine the Bishoprike of Zamora the Doctor Barnardine the Auditor of Valiodolid Ramir nimez the possession of Leon and Charles de Arrelano ioyne Soria with Vorobia The wise man sayeth hée séeketh occasion that will depart from a frend in like maner we may say that sedicious men séek not but rebellious times for that it séemeth vnto them whiche want are in necessitie while rebellion lasteth they may feed of the sweate of other mens brows and profit by their neighbors losse The arte séemeth not a litle gracious which you haue vsed to deceiue and persuade Toledo Burgos Valiodolid Leon Salamanca Auila and Segouia to rebell saying that by this meane they shal be established and made frée as Venize Geneua Florence Sena and Luke in suche wise that from hencefoorth they shall not bée named Cities but Seigniories Musing what was to be said in this matter a good space I had my pen in suspence and in the end I conceiued that vpon so great a vanitie and mischief neuer lyke heard of there is nothing to be sayd much lesse to be written For I hold it for certain and dare auouch that you make not those Cities frée but a praye not entitle them with seigniories but profit your selues with their riches Those the wil take in hand any enterprise that naturally is seditious or offensible haue not to consider of the occasion that moueth thē to ryse but only the good or euil end which therof may procéed for all famous offences haue had always a beginning of good respects Silla Marius and Cateline whiche were famous Romains and glorious Captaines vnder the coloure to delyuer Rome from euill gouernours made themselues tirants of the same At sometymes it is lesse euill in greate Cities to beare with some want of Iustice than to moue the people and therby to raise warre for that war is a certain net that catcheth away all weale from the common wealth The great Alexander being demaunded for what cause hée would be Lord of the whole worlde made answere All the warres that are raised in this worlde is for one of these thrée causes which is eyther to haue goodes many lawes or else many Kings therfore would I obtain the same to cōmaund throughout the whole worlde that they honour but one God serue but one king and obserue but one law But let vs now conferre your Lordship with Alexander the great and we shal finde that he was a King and your Lorship a Bishoppe he a Pagan and you a Christian he bred in the warres and you in the Church he neuer heard of the name of Christe you haue sworne to obserue his Gospell and with all these conditions he would not for the whole worlde haue but one king and your lordship wold haue seuen only for Castile I say vnto your Lordship that you wold establish seuen kings in Castile for that you would make the seuen Cities of the same seauen seigniories The good and loyal gentlemen of Spayn vse to remoue kings to make one king and such as be traytours and disloyall do vse to remoue the King to make kings For vs and our friends we wil no other God but Christ no other law but the Gospell or other king but the Emperoure Charles the fifth And if you and your commoners will haue an other king and an other lawe ioyne your selues with the Curate of Mediana which euery sunday doth establishe and take away kings in Castile And this is the case In a certain place named Mediana which is néere vnto Palomera of Auila there was a Biskay priest and halfe a foote whiche was moued with so great affection to Iohn of Padilia that at the tyme of bidding of beads on the holy days he recōmended after this maner My brethren I commend vnto you one Aue Maria for the most holy communaltie that it neuer decay I commende vnto you an other Aue Maria for the maiestie of king Iohn of Padilia the God may prosper him I cōmend vnto you an other Aue Maria for the Quéenes highnesse our mistresse and Lady Mary of Padilia that God may preserue hir for of a troth these be the true kings and all the rest before time were tyrantes These prayers continued aboute thrée wéekes little more or lesse After whiche tyme Iohn of Padilia with his menne of warre passed that waye and the souldiers that lodged in the priests house inticed away his woman drank his wine kilde his hennes and eate vp his bacon The sundaye folowing in the Churche he sayde It is not vnknowne vnto you my brethren howe Iohn of Padilia passed this way and howe his souldiors hath left me neuer a henne haue eaten me a flitch of bacon haue drunke out a whole tinage of wine and haue caried away my Cateline I say for that from hencefoorth you shall not pray vnto God for him but for king Charles and for our Lady Quéene Ione for they be the true Princes giue to the diuell these straunge kings Behold here my Lord Bishop how the Curate of Mediana is of more power than your Lorshippe for that he made and vnmade Kings in thrée wéekes whiche you haue not performed in eyght moneths and yet I doe sweare and prophesie that the King that you shall establish in Castile shall endure as little as that king whiche was made by the Curate of Mediana No more but that our Lorde be your protectour and lighten you with his grace From Medina del rio secco the .xx. of December .1521 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora sir Antony of Acunna in whiche the Author doth perswade him to turne to the seruice of the kyng REuerend disquiet bishop by the letter of Quintanilla of Medina I was aduertised in what maner your lordship receiued my letter and also vnderstoode that in the ende of reading thereof presentely you beganne to groue and murmuring sayd Is this a thing to be suffred that the tong of Frier Antony of Gueuara may bee of more power than my launce and that he be not contented to haue withdrawne Sir Peter Giron euen from betwixte oure hands but also now euen here doth write me a thousand blasphemies It hath much pleased me that my letter was so wel cōfected that with such swiftnes it
murdred and buried vpon whose Tomb was placed this Epitaph with his armes whiche englished importeth as followeth Here lyeth the valiant Athaolphus with sixe of his children issued of Gothick bloud this was the first that aduentured to enter Spayne with an Army slayne with his owne men and buried with great teares in the great Citie of Barcelone Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spayne and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic whiche was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spayne a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lord of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable wisedome named Caba Thys Damesell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the Countrey was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the king being surprised with hir loue when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The which when Count Iulian vnderstoode hée was hyghly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the ende he myght make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto King Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie whiche the King had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores whiche then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of his determinations with Muzza Liuetenaunt generall of that Prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supplye of souldiers hée woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hée gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Count but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his deuysed practize to effect The countrie béeyng néere the straites of Giberaltare was well furnished with men of great courage He then folowing fortune béeyng stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury whiche he had receyued reiecting all loue of his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as hée had imbarked his army of Moores in foure ships and strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniury which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waighty Wherevnto they assenting sent him aide both of men monie Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spaine and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic which was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spaine a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lorde of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable in wisedome named Caba This damsell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the cuntrie was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the King being surprised with louing hir when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir so as béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The whiche when Counte Iulian vnderstoode he was highly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the end he might make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto king Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie which the king had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores which then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of that which he woulde do with Muzza Auuenokair Liuetenaunt generall of that prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that is if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supply of souldiers hee woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hee gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Counte but also sent him a sufficient army to bryng his deuised practize to effect The Ilandes of this country beyng néere the straites of Giberaltare were wel furnished with mē of great courage He thē folowing fortune being stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury which he had receyued reiecting all loue to his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as he had imbarked his army of Moores in foure shippes strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniurie which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waightie Whervnto they assenting sent him aide both of men and monie so as he tooke all the coastes of Spaine and much of the cuntry for the Moores whiche was the firste entrie of the Moores into Spaine and was in the yeare of grace 712. When the miserable king Roderic had vnderstāding hereof that if with speede he ordered not his affaires he shoulde be in daunger to loose his realme and state with all the has●● possible he assembled an armie to encounter the Moores and made a nephew of his Captaine generall But the Moores giuing them the ouerthrow mangled him his men in péeces About which time another armie of Moores which the fornamed Muzza had placed in garison in places before subdued entred and tooke another countrye or prouince Whiche King Roderic vnderstanding and perceyuing the Moores daylye to aduaunce their force committing to fire and swoorde all the countrie that they subdued he gathered togither another army in whiche himselfe in person togither with all the Nobilitie of Spaine woulde go to searche out the Moores which then remayned at Seres and did so in déede where hée made greate slaughter both of the straunge Moores of his owne Christians But in fine the Christian army was vtterly destroyed the king loste in suche wise that afterwards he could neuer be founde quicke or deade From this tyme Spaine fell into the subiection of the Moores This battell was ended on a sunday the fourth of September in the yeare of our Sauiour 714. so as the Moores beeyng then victors might
custome to burie no dead man without burying a liue man with the same and if by chance ther were not that willingly would be buried with the dead for money a slaue was bought with violence to be buried with the same The Bractians whiche were a people very barbarous with smoke did cure the bodies of the dead as we now vse to smoke oure Bacon after at times in stead of Martelmas béefe by péecemeale to boyle the same in the pot The Thibirins did by industrie breede certayne most cruell Dogges the whiche at the last gasp of the dead were cast vnto the Dogs to be eaten torne to péeces in suche manner that the bowels of the Dogs was the place where the Thibirins did burie their dead And for that it shall not séeme that we speake of fauoure or at large your honor hath to read S. Ierome against Iouinian the Poliantea in the title of sepulture where you shal find al that I haue said and also much more which we haue omitted here to be written Of the sepulture of Belus of Minus of Semiramis of Promotheus of Ogiges and of the other kings of Aegipt Diodorus Siculus resiteth so many and so fabulous things the whych I thinke better to omitte than to wright to auoid his dishonor and mine owne trauell The Cithes did burie their dead in the fields incoffined with a certayn wood of Cithia incorruptible The Hebrues did burie their dead in their inheritances or vineyards vppon the same they erected a faire couer curiously wrought of stone of great choyce Commonly in olde time they did burie within their houses or in the mids of their possessions and so at this presēt appeareth in Italy that wheresoeuer ye shall find any Tombe of earth stone it signifieth that there hath bene erected some honorable sepulture Foure Sepultures haue bin in Rome most rich and stately that is to vnderstand of the great Augustus whiche at this presente is called the néedle of Adrian whiche now is the Castell Saint Angell of the good Marcus Aurelius whiche is erected in the fielde of Mars and of the valiant Seuerus which was placed in the Vatican Many Princes both Gréekes Latins Romayns Persiās Medes Argiues Hebrues and Germaines did make build many very stately temples but we reade of none that commaunded or gaue order for themselues to be buried therein but in the fieldes and their Temples they did dedicate vnto their Gods. More than thrée hūdreth yeares after the foundation of the Christiā fayth none at any time were buried within the Church whereof it procéedeth that it is not found in any of the ancient Legends of the martirs but that such a martyr was buried in Cimiterie of Pretexato either of Calisto or els in the house or inheritance of some faithfull Christian Long time after the great Constantine this custome was brought into the catholike Church to be buried in the same it is to be thought that it rather procéeded of the deuotion of the faithfull than for any interest to the Cleargy Also your honor sayth in your letter that you hold me for a man both carefull and curious for whiche cause you suppose for that I haue passed diuers times with Caesar into Italy and haue many ways traueled through Spayne I shuld haue collected and recouered some Epitaphs of Sepultures worthy to be séene and notable to be red I cannot denie but that after the manner of a Drunkarde that venteth for the best wine so doth mine eyes stare and wander to find out some old Sepulture that may contayne some thing to reade or sentēce or Epitaph worthy the writing and as I haue trauelled many diuers lands prouinces I haue sene many very anciēt sepultures in which I haue found some writings graue some sharpe others deuout some malitious some gracious some foolish in suche wise that some are to be noted some to be skoft and others to be laughed at If I had thought that any would haue bene so curious as to haue craued or demaunded them as I haue bin carefull and curious to search and find them I would haue held them in more estimatiō and also haue commended them to more safe kéeping for of them I haue lent giuen lost and some haue bin stolen and othersome I haue reserued But the case shall be thus I will send vnto your Lordship all manner of Epitaphs whiche is to vnderstand suche as bée graue malicious foolish and some that be gratious for that in the good your honor hath to note in the other wherat to laugh In an Hospitall of the incurable that is in Naples Caesar vppon a certayne festiuall day did heare seruice where I saw in the great Chappell a Tombe of a yong gentleman whereon his old mother had placed this lamentable Epitaph Quae mibi debebas supremae munera vitae Infelix soluo nunc tibinate prior Fortuna inconstans lex varabilis aeui Debueras cineri iam superesse meo In the same kingdome and Citie of Naples vppon another festiuall day Caesar wēt vnto a stately Monasterie of Nunnes of S. Clare wher I found a Tombe of a certaine gentlewomā betrothed which hapned to die the same wéeke she shuld haue bin married vpon whome hir parents bestowed this lamentable Epitaph Nate beu miserum misero mibi nata parenti Vnicus vt fieres vnica nata dolor Nam tibi dum virum taedas thalamumque parabam Funera inferias anxius ecce paro In the Citie of Capua I found a Sepulture very old and in a manner defaced in which these letters were ingrauen although very short yet comprehending much Fui non sum Estis non eritis In the Citie of Gaieta one of the strongest vpon the Sea coast in all Italy being there with Caesar I met with a Sepulture not of the oldest vpon which were written these words Siluius Paladius Vt moriens viueret Vixit vt moriturus In Rome walking the stations of Saint Paule passing at greate leasure beholding the Churche I encountred with an old Sepulchre vppon the ground on the stone whereof these words were ingrauen Hospes quid sim vides Quid fuerim nosti Futurus ipse quid sis cogitae In the Monasterie of Minerua in Rome whiche be of the order of Preachers I sawe in a certaine Tombe written these words O mors O mors O mors Aerumnarum portus Et meta salutis Caesar being in the warres of Africa the Viceroy of Cicilia died which was called the Earle of Monteleon Lord of Calabria And for that by iustice he did cutte the throte of the Earle of Camarato and with him many others the Cicilians did deadly hate him for the same The cause was thus being buried in Saint Frauncis of Mezina by night they added this title vpon his Sepulchre as I was aduertised by the warden of the house Qui propter nos homines Et propter nostram
which wanne Belgra Hūgaria Buda and Rhodes Semiramis Queene of Babylon set this Epitaph vp in the name of hir husbād Ninus The Epitaph of Cata Mālia that was buried liuing The Epitaph of Athaolphus king of the Gothes The deflouring of a maidē was cause of the ruine of Spaine or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The deflouring of a maidē was cause of the ruine of Spayne or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The Moores being Lordes of all Spaine except Biscay the Mountaines which is Astiria Cantabria diuided it into kingdomes as Cordubia Carthage suche like A necessarie consideration betwixt will and necessitie A harde comfort An accompte to be made not what wee liue but howe we liue A counsell of Horace the Poet. Errors of mans life A superfluous care A sound coūsell A smal boast of Anchises S 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 thi 〈…〉 Th 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 thei 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 eni 〈…〉 ceas 〈…〉 amō 〈…〉 A straunge Sepulture A violence without all reason An art most barbarous An vse of the Chibirins most inhumayne The foure notable Sepultures in Rome A commendable manner of drunkennesse An amplification vpon a small cause An exposition of the .25 chapiter of Exodus A necessary maner to expounde the Scriptures A description of the Tabernacle A question An imperfection of all estates A note for the Pope and papistes An example not to be forgotten No smal part of iustificatiō to confesse our sinnes And yet vnperfect without correctiō Contempt of amendement yeldeth vtter confusion A chaunge of fashion The vnderstāding of the snuffers of most pure and fine golde The snuffers of leade or yron to bee noted Notable qualities of a magistrate A notable example of king Dauid To be incommended to the memory of Princes A note for Iudges An excellent expo●●tion An example to be imbraced For that God pardoneth sinners it is conuenient that sinners do pardon eche other To rowe agaynste the streame and fishe agaynste the winde The notes of Vertue The garmēts wherewith a foole is clad An extreme excesse cōmitted of Christ Thirste ceasseth not to cōmit excesse Loue of effect more than of affection Wante of power but not of will is accepted Loue hath his maintenance by good workes Weake causes to obtayne the loue of God. Agaynst the heare of mundaine loue A diuine loue not vsed among men A most soueraine vnremouable loue Christ extended an ardent loue vnto vs before we had being A great cause of hope A loue neuer hard of An euerlasting loue The manner and frute of life in the Court of Spayne The commodities of the Court of Spayne A good rule for a Byshop A matter without remission The Gaditains be those of Caliz A possession and a secret commission to be noted A description of the situation of Carthage A most vnfortunate report of a neighbor A duble fute of a vertuous Lady An answer of a noble vertuous minde A chiefe point of Ladies of chast renowne A spectacle for yong Captaynes Scipio of singular continencie A rendred raunsome giuen to the mariage of an enemie A recompence for curtesie receyued Newes To be obstinate and opiniatiue expresseth enimitie to the troth The wise is knowen by the manner modestie of his talke The Inis dispute with their fists Psalme 63. King Dauid did Prophesie the errours and false interpretation of the Inis The Gētiles be excused of false interpretation of the scripture The Turks Moores and Sarasins were not acused by the prophesy of King Dauid to be false interpreters The Christians be defended of false interpretation of the Scriptures A manifest proofe that the Prophet only chargeth the Iewes of false interpretation Ieremy 31. A comfort vnto Christians The weale of the Christian is faith Many be saued without reading but not one person without beleeuing Loue is the law of Christians Chapter .49 A report as true as miserable An heauy destenie Nothing left but lies Nothing left but dregs Nothing but lies Nothing but dregges Nothing but lyes The beginning and ending of the Hebrew tong described The Iewes lost both the forme of their life and the maner of their speeche A maruelous desolation How where when and by whom the scriptures were falsifyed Aliama a troup or company A prohibitiō amongst the Iewes to reade the scriptures The Iewes doctors aleaged A most wicked exchange The apostles accused by the Iewes and defended by Christ A cause of error in the scripture Cōgregatiōs or Common wealthes The three cursed sectes Asees Saduces and Pharises The auctor knoweth the secretes of the Iewes The Iewes began to conuert Christians The Iewes cōdemne and dury the trāslation of Abemiziel doubting the conuersion of the Iewes to Christ The firste traslatiō after the incarnation of Christ The seconde translation The thirde translation The fourth translation allowed in the Christian Churche A fifth trāslatiō by Origen after Christ One of the great manifest causes of the false beleefe of the Iewes A Cruell suggestion of the Diuell Vanities affirmed by the Iewishe doctors This prophecie of Dauid verified vpon the Iewes This prophecie of Esay verified vpon the Christians Psal. 2. Psal. 30. Psal. 119. Psal. 20. ¶ The Table of the familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Gueuara AN Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon at the triumphes vvhen the french king vvas taken fol. 1 An Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon on the daye of kinges vvherein is declared hovv the name of kinges vvas inuented fol. 4. A discourse or conference vvith the Emperour vpon certaine and most auncient stampes in metalles 12 A relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lavves of the philosopher Licurgus 20 A letter vnto Sir Alonso Manrique Archbishop of Ciuile and Sir antony Manrique Duke of Nauara for the iudgemēt of a matter in cōtentiō 21 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynnigo of velasco vvherin the Author doth persvvade in the taking of Founterabie to make profe first of his vvisdome before he experiment his fortune 38 A letter vnto sir Antony of cuninga Prior of saint Iohn in vvhich is saide that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended there ought not to be cause of reproch 41 A letter to the Earle of Miranda vvherin is expounded that text of Christ vvhich saith My yoke is svveete 45 A letter vnto sir Peter Giron vvherin the Author doth toutch the manner of auncient vvriting 53 A letter vnto sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile vvherein th' author doth teach the breifnes of vvriting in old time 59 A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara vvherein the Author doth note vvhat a captaine ought to be in the vvarres 66 A letter vnto sir Allonso Albornos vvherein in is touched that it is a poynt of euill manner not to aunsvvere to a letter vvritten vnto him 72 A letter vnto sir