maister and pilot and boteswayne himself to gouerne the barke at his pleasure for he admitteâ—â— no iudge no interpreter no authoritie no antiquitie nor anie other manner of triall which is the greatest madnes and malediction that euer could happen amonge men of reason And I haue byn the longer in this first blessing for that it is the head and welspring of all other spirituall miseries insued by this alteration vpon vs which now in haste I will runne ouer as men are wont to drinck a medicine with as litle stay or reflexion as may for the euil sauour After assurance stabilitie and vnion in beleef the next greatest spiritual benedictions that can be expected of any doctryn are the good effects of vertue which it woorketh in mens myndes and manners as it was foretold by Esay the prophet that Christes doctrine should so alter mens conditions and natures that such as were most fearce sauadge and wicked before should by this doctryn become most humble kinde and gentle The wolfe sayth he shall dwell with â—he lambe and the parde shall lye with the goat the calfe lyon and sheep shall abyde together and a litle childe shalbe able to gouerne them all VVell then hath the protestantes doctryn wrought these effects of peace meekenesse mansuetude and agreement I haue touched before the bloody tragedies raysed in Fraunce Flaunders Scotland and other places vpon the first rysing therof I might adde Swizerland and Germanie where their owne stories do testifie that aboue a hundreth thowsand people were slayne within one yeare by the rebellion and warres of the countrie-men agaynst their Lordes for the controuersie of religion such humilitie obedience and meeknes of hart imâ—rinted presently this new doctryn when it came But let vs see other effects Christes doctrine exhorteth to Peâ—ance to Mortification of the flesh to Continencie Virginitie Faâ—ting Praying Almes voluntarie Pouertie renouncing of the world the lyke Are there more of these effects now adayes in England or before Or are there more in Sir Francis and his men then in ours doth he and his ghospellers pay their debtes better then Catholiques doe or keepe better Howses or more Hospitalitie or â—rayse their Rentes lesse or take lesse Fines or vse their Tenantes â—etter or lend their Neighboures more money without vsurie Or doe they helpe to Marrye more Poore mens daughters and other such like good VVoorkes of Charitie Is Pryde in apparayle Glutâ—onie Dronkennesse Lecherie Swearing and For swearing Coueâ—ousnesse Crueltie Falsehood Deceipte Theeuerie Lack of Conâ—cience Oppressing of poore men more of lesse noweadayes in vre or before when yet this change was not made Let Sir Francis anâ—were me to this and not he only but the whole countrie rouÌ„d about him and then let him tell me with wittnesses whether they be Spirituall blessinges or curses that haue insued vpon this change of Religion so much commended by him and so I shâ—l passe to weigh his temporall benedictions which perhappes he esteemeth farre more then these spirituall For better vnderstanding whereof men are wont to bring into consideration two poyntes First what was likely to haue bin or â—allen out if the the change of ReligioÌ„ had not bin made in her Maâ—esties tyme and then what hath insued vpon the change made To the first they saie that if as her Maiestie entered most happily and ioy fullie into the Crowne of England by generall consent of all and promoted especiallie by the peculier forces of Catholiques that were at that day moste potent without comparison and that as her Maiestie entered Catholiquely that is to say shewing herâ—self in all poyntes of religion and behaueour à Catholique according as she had done also before in her sister Q. Maries râ—â—gne and was now crowned and anoynted Catholiquely by a Catholique bishop at a Catholique masse and other like circumstances iâ— she had continued that course still not yeelded to the persuasionâ— of some new counsellors agaynst the iudgement of all her olde aâ— in deed she was hardly brought to yeelde therunto at the beginning for that she foresawe by her wisdome diuers of the inconueniences that sythence haue insued then say these men if this had bynâ— so both her Maiestie and the realme had byn moste happie at this day And in particuler they alleadge these benefytes following which of all probabilitie would haue fallen vpon vs. First her Maiestie at this day had had a moste florishing kingdome vnited both to her and among themselues in Religion iudgment affection fidelitie and frendshippe as other realmes Catholique of the worlde are seen to be and as ours for aboue a thowsand yeares together with much honour and felicitie is knowne to haue remayned Here of had insued that none of these feares and terrors of Conquestes Inuasions Assaultes Treasons Conspiracies and the like which this Wach-man indeuoreth to lay before vs had euer come in consideration For that England vnited in it self hath euer since iâ— was a Monarchie made other Kingdomes and Prouinces rownâ— about it to feare her forces as by matters happened in FraÌ„ce Ireland and Scotland for many ages is euident and she neuer greatlie feared any Thirdly England had had her Maiestie at this day by all likelihood a ioyfull mother of many fayre and princely children for thaâ— the principall cause of her graces not marying is to be presumed to haue proceeded of the different Religion of forrayne Princes who desired the same on the on side and on the other the inequalitiâ— of blood in her owne subiectes for such aduauncemeÌ„t For to attribute this great resolution of her Maiestie to the onlie loue of sole lyfe and Mayden head I doubt how it can be iusâ—ifiable seing that among Catholiques where such professioÌ„ is more praised and practised they vse sometymes to draw out euen vowed Nunnes from their Cloisters to mariadge for so weightie a cause as is the sauing of succession in so great a crown as England is known to be And among protestants virginitie is not of that necessitie or merit as for it to incurr so great inconueniences notwithstanding the base and seruile flatterie of this crowching Knight who casteth in now and then the memorie of a Mayden Queen without respecting the deadly wound which his countrie receiueth thereby Fourthly of this had followed the sure establishment of the succession of this Imperiall crown in the blood and race of the vnited Royall Howses of York and Lancaster and of the lyne of the Noble King Henry the seuenth which lyne being now to end with her Maiestie in the direct discent is lyke to bring great dangers to the realme For albeit there want not of collateral branches yet their causes are otherwise so implicated for diuerse respects but espetiallie by difference of religion which had neuer happened if the change had not byn made as no man can tell what wilbe the end and most men do â—eare extreme calamities therby Fifthly if religion in England had not byn changed we had had no breach with Rome nor consequently had the excommunication followed whereof so great noise
together for that some of the sayd Councell had opposed themselues against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretique which he took very vnkindly and then indeed heâ— foretold them freely what would insew of this their partial manneâ— of proceeding Wherby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresie remaining and not touched was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry within the land in which number perhaps your brother the Earle and your self also â—id enter then of lady Elizabeth at that day for that in deed she was not the root then nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards but of those other inferior roots which I haue menâ—ioned But yet let vs graunt further for arguments sake that he did speak those woords as a Counseller in those dayes and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Maries time yet do I aske why should they be made treason or punished for such in this Queens raign was not her Maiestie as subiect then and the D. as a Counseller and therby bound to speak freely that which â—he thought surest for his prince and realme at that day it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady and yet perhaps not that neither seing the father in such a case doth speak often times against his only sonne or daughter but treason in no rigor right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Gouerment of her Maiestie that now is to speak what he thinketh freely about any person that may pretent to the crowne heerafter Wherefore though all this were true which this man aleadgeth as many arguments proue them to be fals yet D. Storie leauing afterward his counâ—rie going ouer the seas either with licence or without when there was no statute to the contrary and being brought home again by force â—nd trechery of a shipman that alured him into his ship and so caried him away all this I say maketh neither treason nor any other trespas of moment in the sight of indiferent men and consequently neither his hasty araignment condemnation and execution vpon his return â—wherof this cruel harted knight triumpheth doth so much proue that he was guilty of great crymes as that he had potent passionate enemies as Christe had before Pilate that by shoots clamors sought his blood by any means whatsoeuer for that he had bin a more zelous catholique then some other of his coat and degree in Queen Maries â—aign foâ— which catholique men think that he is to receiue a great â—rown of glory and fame also eternall vpon earth And so the trial of this matter lyeth stil in the darke to be examined by that great iudge when he cometh to look ouer the iudgments of mortall men and reâ—eal that which is amiss And so much for this matter Next after D. stories affair commeth in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus with the excomunication of her Maiesty which serueth for a â—ommon bugg against all catholiques euery where as well at barres benches and places of iustice where other particuler and personal accusations do want as also in pulpits schooles sermons books and declamations for making vp the complet furniture of those places still it is so vrged as though all english catholiques must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope and so be participant also of the offence giuen therby against her Maiestie if any way they beleeue or admit his Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and authoritie which consequence notwithstaÌ„ding is so apparently fals and cauillous in it self for that all catholiques were not priuie to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf and it hath bin so euidently refuted heretofore by diuers most cleer and manifest reasons and treatises that I mean not to stand at this present vpon that point especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is in matter of dispute whose ridiculous proposition in this place that no mortall child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms or to depose princes or to dispence with subiects for not obeying c. semeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and storie but of so base a brest also and seruile a cogitation as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality And no doubt but if such a knight had liued in Nero or Caligula his time that would needs be Gods he had bin a fit fellow to fal down and adore them and tell the people most religiously with both handâ— held vp to heauen as he doth heer that no mortal childe of man had power to iudge of their doings being great and high princes or to deny them obedience in any matter hauing once sworne obedience in temporal affairs for this is our case heer whether a prince once admitted and established may be towched afterwards or disobeied in any matter or for any cause either of religion or otherwise and that by any mortall childe of man and our tender conscienced knight resolueth the case that he cannot and consequently that the romanes did euill in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once receiued for what cause soeuer for all this enseweth of his fond and heathenish position But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark read ouer the four books of kinges and he shal see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men and the same alowed also by God himself And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchie both before and since the conquest he 〈◊〉 haâ— finde very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men seing they are now dead that made them which yet he must approue for good and lawful except he will impugne the succession of her Maiestie that now is which is not likely seeing the poore man flattreth so seriously with all the arte and power he can And therfore leauing this matter as ouer long an argument for me to â—andle in this place I shall only consider briefly of three points vpon this his speach that may yeeld sufficient light to the matter in haÌ„d The first is that wheras this accuser affirmeth the Catholiques of England to haue begun to fret and chafe against her Maiestie as soon as she was in full possession of her crown and consequently to practis treasons by the Pope of Rome let it be noted out of our own chronicles what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came foorth and therby they shall see how many years which were a dozen at the least passed after her Maâ—esties coronation befoâ—e any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her Maiesties state and diadem as this
great Saint for his Christian libertie and constancie S. Chrysostome in lyke manner shalbe condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal Lordes Arcadius and Honorius Christian Emperours and with their wyues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with king Henry the second For he prâ—ached agaynst them publiquely with great vehemencie and thundred out excomunication agaynst them and was twyce banished and driuen out of his Bishoprike by their disfauor and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singuler holy man and Theodosius the yonger son of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnitie honour and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the sinnes of his pareÌ„tes in persecuting so blessed a man And as the story sayth made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers sinnes As did also often our king Henry the sonne for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Wel then to conclude this matter treason there was none nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas agaynst king Henry for it was donn with all due respect of the Archbil hopes parte and according to the lawes ecclesiastical both of churche realm And as for the mannes behaueour and actions in the rest of his lyf if we beleeue three or foure historiographers together of greate credit and sanctitie that liued at the same tyme and conuersed with him they were admirable in all kynd of vertue His death was by wilfull murder without iustice or commaundment of king or any magistrate as all the world knoweth His canonization was presently vpon his death by diligent inquiry of all factes and circumstances and by vniuersal applause of all christendom King Henry the second excused himself of the murder admitted his canonization builded his shryne and sepulcher adorned the same with greate giftes came thither in person and not only denyed as I haue sayed that his intention euer extended to his murder but also tooke seuere punishement and pennaÌ„ce of himself for the vniust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceyued agaynst so holy a man of which penance of the kings one that liued at the same tyme and saw it wryteth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulcher and receyued first fyue ierkes at fyue Bishops handes and fourescore and three at so many monks â—andes and after lay on the bare ground and other such circuÌ„stances as in the author you may read All those that had byn enemies to the blessed man or had had parte in his death came after to greate miserie by Gods iust iudgmentes And fynally all the Christian world for these foure hundred yeares haue holden him for a glorious martir and builded many a churche to God in his memorie in other countries many great moâ—arches haue come to England of purpose to visit his sepulcher and others haue sent great presentes and donaries Many miracles haue â—yn recorded by graue authors and publique testimony of the whole â— land to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher in witnes of his â—anctitie All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred yeares together let any man iudge whether they ought â—ot to be of more weight with a wyse and pious Christian then this â—raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hoat spurr that knoweth â—ot what he sayth and much lesse careth or indeuoureth how to â—roue it But let vs see now his third position that he feigneth to be among â—s as a grouÌ„d of religioÌ„ These two irreligious prophane grouÌ„des saith he â—eing layd though you haue seen that the knight hath layd them as fiâ—ions of his own grownds of ours they proceed to a third set it down â—r a Popish ground also that it was a dangerous and deadly sinne for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his cleargie in any of their orders inioyned and commanded in such reuerence and regard must he and his cleargie be had that the meanestâ— masse Priest comming with authority from him must be obeyed vnder payn of damnation though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God in Christians and disloyal to men in subiects This is his narration from which if ye separate a manifest lye oâ— two with some fond exagerations for without this kynde of leuiâ— the poore knight can make no batch as for example that the Pope anâ— his Cleargie must be obeyed though they commaund blasphemies against God and disloyalty against princes which is a shameles slander and that the disobedience if he speake of omission in any one order inioyned by Pope and Cleargie is a deadly sinn and the lyke if you separatâ— I say these ouer lauishings of the hastie knight all the rest he obiecteth is rather commendation of Catholique religion then any reproche at all for in that he saith wee obey the meanest preest as the highest if he come with authoritie of the highest he sheweth therby that we haue among vs true obedience and subordination and thaâ— for conscience sake Not respecting so much the person that commandeth as him for whome and in whose name and authoritie hâ— commandeth and therin we fulfill the precept of S. Paule Obedite praâ—positis vestris subiacete eis ipsi enim peruigilant quasi rationem pro animabuâ— restris reddituri Obey your Prelates and humble your selues vnto them he distinguisheth not betwene high and lowe for they keep diligent watche ouer your soules as men that must render account theroâ— to God And in other places he sayth that this obedience must bâ— with such reuerence humilitie and inward affection as vnto Chryâ—â— himself whose substitutes our spiritual superiours be though neuer so mean or contemptible in mannes sight And again S. Paul sayth this obedience must be non solum propteâ— iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience that is vnder pain of deadly sinne or of damnation though this wise knight do iest at the phrase which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place saying qui autem resistuâ— damnationem sibi acquirunt those that resist to obey procure damnation to themselues And this is answere sufficient for so ydle an obiectionâ— that we obey the meanest masse Priest coÌ„ming with authority of the highest in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spirituall poinâ— of doctrine if he were capable of it and most true to witt that the meaner the substitute is that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior the greater honor is donn to the sayd prince or superior and the greater vertue is argued therby to be in him that obeyeth for that he is not induced by any talent or commendation of the sayd substitute to obey him but only for loue
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen