mens humours oft I fed Whilst hope this while a good opinion bred To learned Schollers I was something franck Not for the love that I to leaâ—ning bore But either to get praise or pick a thanke Of such as could the Musâ—s aide implore To consecrate my name for evermore For he is blest that so befriended dyes Whose praise the Musâ—s will immortalize You that desire to have your fame survive When you within your graves intomb'd shall lye Cherish those sacred Sisters while you live For they be daughters of Dame memory Of â—he thundâ—ing Monarch of the sky They have the gift to register with pen Th' eternall fame or infamy of men The Students of the Vniversity Oxford whereof I was the Chancellor That Nurse of science and Philosophy Knowing the greatnesse of my wit and power Did honour me as the faire springing flower That in the Princesse favour highly grew Whom she with showâ—rs oâ— gold did of bâ—dew At my command both Dee and Allen tended By Magick Art my pleasure to fulfill These to my service their best studies bended And why they durst not disobey my will Yea whatsoever was of secret skill In Oxford or in Cambridge to be sold I bought for love for feare or else for gold Doubtlesse the most renown'd Philosophers As Plato and Pithagoras have sought To learne the Hierogliphick Characters And secrets which by Magick skill are wrought Such as th' Egyptians sewes and Chaldees taught Th'art's not ill if men doe not abuse it No fault so bad but some men will excuse it Lopus and Iulio were my chiefe Physitians Men that were cunning in the Art to kill Good Schollers but of passing ill conditions Such as could ridde mens lives yet no blood spill Yea and with such dexterity and skill Could give a dram of poyson that could slay At end of the yeare the moneth the weeke or day I never did these wicked men imploy To wrong my Prince or my true loving friend But false deceitfull wretches to destroy And bring them to an vnexpected end Let them looke to it that did most offend Whose names are Registred in Pluto's scroules For I will never answer for their soules Knights and Esquires the best in every shire Did waite on me in England up and downe And some among them did my Livery weare My smiles did seeme to promise them renowne But dismall haps insu'd when I did frowne As when the starre Arcturus doth appeare Of raging Tempests Sea-men stand in feare As for the Souldiers and the men of warre At home in service some I did retaine Others I sent abroad not very farre At my commandment to returne againe These I with cost did secretly maintaine That if ought chanced otherwise then well I might haue sent my foes to heauen or hell Likewise I brought the Lawyers in some awe The worthy students of the Innes of court That then applied them to the common Law Did yeeld to me in matters of import Although sometimes I did the Lawe extoâ—t And whether right or wrong my cause once heard To plead against me made great Lords afeard So the Lord Barkley lost good lands by me Whereof perchance at fiâ—st he did not dreame Might many times doth overcome the right It is in vaine to strive against the streame When he that is chiefe subiect in the Realme Vpon his Princes favour rests him bold He cannot or he will not be controld Thus by the Queene my puissance was upheld And for my foes I euer was too strong The grace I had from her all feare expeld I might wrong others but not suffer wâ—ong So many men did unto me belong Which on my favour chiefely did depend And for my sake both goods and land would spend The best esteemed Nobles of the land On whose support the publique state relied Were linckt with me in friendships faithfull band Or else in kindred nerely were allied Their perfect loues and constant hearts I tried The inferior sort at our devotion stood Ready to execute what we thought good The Earle of Warwicke my owne loving brother My sisters Husband th' Earle of Huntington The bounteouâ— Earle of Bedford was another Of my best friends belov'd of every one Sir Henry Sidneys power in Wales well knowne And there the Earle of Pembroke chiefe of all Of kinâ—e my â—â—iend what ever thence might fall In Barwicâ— my wives Vncle had chiefe power The Lord of Hunsdon my assured fâ—iend In Ireland the Lord Grey was Governour Gernsey and Iersey likewise did depend Vpon such men as did my will attend Hopton my man Lieutenant of the Tower Was prompt to doe me service at an houre Sir Edward Horsey in the Isle of Wight And noble Sir George Câ—â—y next bore sway Men of great courage and no little might To take my part in any doubtfull fray In London the Recorder Fleetwood lay That often us'd good words that might incense The Citizens to stand in my defence The Premises did likewise take my part As I in private quarrels oft have tryde So that I had the very head and heart The Court and City leaning on my side With flattery some others with gifts I plyd And some with threats stern looks angry words I wonne to my defence with Clubs and Swords Thus I by wisedome and fine poilicie Maintain'd the reputation of my life Drawing to me the flowre of Chivalrie To succour me at need in civill strife Men that lov'd change in every place were rife And all the realme was with my power possest Think what this might have wrought but judge the best Like Claudius Marcellus drawne through Rome In his faire chariot which with Trophees deckt Crowned with Garlands by the Senates doome Whom they five times their Consul did elect That from their foes he might their lives protect When he wiâ—h conquest did his Country greet Loaden with spoyles lay prostrate at his feet So did I ride in tryumph through chiefe townes As if I had beene Vice-roy of this Land My face well grac'd with smiles my purse with crowneâ— Holding the reynes of honour in my hand I managed the state I did command My lookes with humble majesty repleat Made some men wish me a Kings royall seat Thus waxt I popular to purchase fame To me the common peoples knees did bow I could my humour still so fitly frame To entertaine all men to outward shew With inward love for few my heart did know And that I might not seeme puft up with pride Bare-headed oft through Cities I did ride While some cry'd out God save you gracious Lord Lord how they did my fame hyperbolize My words and gestures did so well accord As with their hearts I seem'd to simpathize I charm'd their eares and did inchant their eyes Thus I was reckoned their chiefe Potentate No poller but a piller of the stâ—te Then I was call'd the life and th' heart o'th'Court And some I wot wisht I had beene the head I had so great a trayne
he were borne in Britaine out of English allegiance and so he was taken and judged by all the world at that day albeit after king Richards death his other uncle Iohn most tyrannously took both his kingdome and his life from him For which notable injustice he was detâ—sted of all men both abroad and at home most apparently scourged by God with grievous and manifold plagues both upon himself and the Realm which yeelded to his usurpation So that by this also it appeareth what the practice of our Countrey hath beene from time to time in this case of forraine birth which practice is the best intâ—rpreâ—er of our common English law which dependeth especially and most of all upon custome nor can â—he adversary alledge any one example to the contrary Their sixt is of the judgement and sentence of King Henry the seventh and of his Councell who being together in consultation at a certaine time about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughâ—er into Scotland some of his Councell moved this doubt what should ensue if by chance the kings issue male should faile and so the succession devolve to the heyres of the said Margaret as now it doth Whâ—reunto that wâ—se and most prudent Prince made answer thâ—t if any such event should be it could not be prejudicialâ— to Englâ—nd being the bigger part but rather beneficiall for that it should draw Scotland to England that is the lesser to the more even as in times past it happened in Normandy Aquitaine â—nd some other Provinces Which answer appeased all doubts and gave singular content to those of his Councell as Polidore writeth that lived at that time and wrote the speciall matters of that reigne by the kings owne instruction So that hereby wee see no question made of king Henry or his Councellors touching forraine birth to let the succession of Lady Margarets issue which no doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned assembly if any law at that time had beene esteemed or imagined to beare the same And these are six of their principallest reasons to prove that neither by the words nor meaning of our common lawes nor yet by custome or practice of our Realme an Alien may bee debarred fâ—om claim of his interest to the Crowne when it falleth to him by righfull descent in blood and succâ—ssion But in the particular case of the Queen of Scots and â—erson they doe adde another reason or â—wo thâ—reby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often and continuall mixture with English blood from the beginning and especially of late the Queens Grandmother and husband being English and so her sonne bâ—goâ—ten of an English father but also for two other causes and reasons which seeme in truth of very good importance The first is for that Scotland by all Englishmen howsoever the Scots deny the same is tâ—ken and holden as subject to England by way of Homage which many of their kings at divers times have acknowledged and consequently thâ— Queene and her son being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the allegiance of England and so no forrainers The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forrainers in the 25 yeare of King Edward the third is intitled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the body of the said statute the doubt is moved of children borne out of English allegiance beyond the seas whereby cannot bee understood Scotland for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas And all our old Records in England that talke of service to bee done within these two countries have usually these Latin words Infraquatuor mâ—ria or in French deins lâ—zquâ—tre mers that is within the foure Seas whereby must needs be understood as well Sâ—otland as England and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crowne of England In respect whereof it may be that it was accounted of old but one dominion or allegiance And consequently no man borne therein can bee accounted an alieâ— to Englaâ—â— And this shal suffice for the first point touching foragine Nativity For the second impediment objected whâ—ch is the testament of King Henry the eight authorized by Parliament wherby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but onely that they â—re put back behinde the succession of the hous of Suffolk For in that pretended Testament which after shâ—ll be proved to be none indeed King Henry so disposeth that after his own children â—f they shold chance to dye without issue the Crowne shall passe to the heires of Frances of Elenor his neeces by his yonger sister Mary Queene of France and after them deceasiâ—g also without issue the succession to returne to the next heire againe Whâ—rby it is evident that the succession of Margarâ—t Queene of Scotland his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back onely from their due place and order to expect the remainder which may in time be left by the yonger Whereof in mine opinion doe ensue some considerations against the present pretenders themselves First â—hat in King Henries judgement the former pretended rule of foraine birth was no sufficient impediment agaiâ—st Scotland for if it had bin no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleaged testament and thereby have utterly excluded that successioÌ„ But there is no such thing in the testament Secondly if they admit this testament which alotteth the Crown to Scotland next after Suffolk then seeing that all the house of Suffolk by these mens assertions is excluded by bastardy it must needs follow that Scotland by their own judgement is next so this testament wil make against them â—s indeed it doth in all points most apparantly but only that it preferreth the house of Suâ—â—olk before that of Scotland And therefore I think sir that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging this testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction will alleage or urge the testimony of this testament but rather some friend of the house of Sâ—ffâ—lk in whose favour I take it that it was first of â—ll fâ—rged It may be quâ—th the Gentleman nor will I stand obstinatly in the contrary for that it is hard sometime to judge of what faction each one is who discoursâ—th of these affâ—irâ—s But yet I marvel â—f it were as you say wâ—y Lâ—ycesters Father â—fâ—er K. Edwardâ— death made no mention therof in the favor of Suffolk in the other testament which then he proclaimed as made by K. Edward deceased for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters The cause of this is â—vident quoth the Lawyer for that it made not sâ—ffiâ—iently for his purpose which was to disinherit â—he two dâ—ughters of King Henry himselfe and advance the
other difference between us to judge or disceâ—ne with indifferency Nay truly sâ—id the Gentleman for my pâ—rt I thinke not so for that reason is reason in what religion soever And for my selfe I may protest that I beare the honest Papist if there be any no malice for his deceived conscience wheâ—of among others yâ—ur selfe can be a witnes maty hâ—s Practices against the state I cannot in any wise digest and much lâ—sse may the Common-wealth beare the same wherof we all depend being a sinne of all other the most hainous and least pardonable And therfore seeing in this you grant the Papist both in generall â—broad and at home and in particular such as are condemned execuâ—ed and named in this booke to be guilty how can you insinuate as you doe that there is more presumed or enforâ—ed upon them by this booke then there is just cause so to doe Good Sir said the otheâ— I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiours or to dâ—fend the guilty but wish hartily rather their puâ—ishment that have deserved the â—ame Only this I say for â—xplication of my former speech that men of a diffâ—rent religâ—on fâ—om â—he state wherin they live may be said to deale against the same state in two sorts the one by dealing for the increase of â—heir said different religion which is alwâ—ies either directly or indirectly against the state Dâ—ectly when the said religion containeth aâ—y point or article directly impugning the said â—aâ—e as perhaps you will say that the Roman Râ—ligion doth against the present state of England in the poâ—nt of Supremâ—cy and Indirectly for that every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governour and state â—o be of his religâ—on if he could and conseqâ—ently misliketh the other in respâ—ct of that and in this kind not only those whom you call busie Papists in England but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you whose difference from the state especially in matters of governement is very well known may be called all traytors in mine opinion for that every one of these indeed do labour indirectly if not more against the state in how much soever each one endâ—avoureth to increase his part or faction that â—â—siâ—eth a Governour of his own religion And in this case also are the Protestants in France and Flanders under Catholike Princes the Calvinists as they are called under the Dâ—ke of Saxony who is a Lutheran the Lutherans under Casimere that favoureth Câ—lvinists the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople under the Sophy under the great Chame of Tarraâ—y and under other Princes that agrâ—e not with them in religion All which Subjâ—cts doe wish no doubt in their hearts that thâ—y had a Prince and state of their owne religion instead of that which now governeth them and consâ—quently in this first sense they may be called all trâ—yâ—ors and every act they doe for advaâ—â—ement of their said diffeâ—ent â—eligion dividing between the state and them tendeth to treason which their Princes supposing do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punâ—shable for treason Buâ— yet so long as thâ—y bâ—eake â—ot forth unto the second kind of treason which containeth some actuall attempâ— or treaty against the life of the Prince or state by rebellion or oâ—heâ—wise Wee doe not properly condemne them for traytors though they doe some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his lawes who is of a different faith And so to apply this to my purposâ— I thinke Sir in good sooth that in the first kind of treason as well the zealous Pâ—pist as also the Puritans in England may well be called and proved traytors but in the second sort whereof wee speake properly at this time it cannot be so precisely answered for that there may be both guilty and guilties in each religion And as I cannot excuse all Pâ—ritans in this point so you cannot condemne all Papists as long as you take me and some other to be as we are I grant your distinction of treasons to be true said the Gentleman as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans as you call them not to want reason if there be any of them that mislike the present state as perhaps there be alâ—eit for my part I thiâ—ke these two kinds of treasons which you have put down be rather divers degrees then divers kinds wherin I will refer mee to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present whose skill is more in logicall distinctions But yet my reason is this that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other not differing in nature but rather in time ability or oportunity For if as in your former examples you have shewed the Grecians under the Turke and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion and as also the Papists and Puritans as you â—earme them in England for now this word shall passe betweene us for distinction sake have such alienation of mind from their present regiment and doe covet so much a governour and state of their owne religion then no doubt but they are also resolved to imply their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe their desires if they had oportunity and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason doe want but occasion or ability to breake into the second True Sir said the Lawyer if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you said the Gentleman when they shall have ability and oportunity to doe a thing which thâ—y so much desire Divers causes quoth the Lawyer but especially and above all other if it be at home in their owne Country the fear of servitude under forraine nations may restraine them from such attempts as we see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants would joyne together against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty And so thâ—y did against Charles the fifth And in France not long agoe albeit the Protestants were up in armes agâ—inst their King and could have been content by the help of us in England to have put him down and placed another of their own religion yet when they saw us once seazed of New haven and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states on that side the Sea thâ—y quickly joyned with their owâ—e Catholiques againe to â—xpell us In Flanders lâ—kewise though Monsieur were called thither by the Protestants especially for defence of thâ—ir religion against the Spaniard yet we see how dainty divers chief proâ—â—stants of Antwerp Gaunt and Bruges were in admitting him and how quick in expelling so soon as he put them in the least feare of
subjection to the Frenâ—h And as for Portâ—gâ—ll â— hâ—ve heard some of â—he chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their Kingdome that rather then they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves and to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might befâ—ll them â—y that means rather then endanger their subjâ—ction to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in divers histories of the Grecians at this day who doe hate so much â—he name and dominion of the Latines as thâ—y had rather to endure all the miseries which daâ—ly they suffer under the Turke for their relâ—gion and otheâ—wise then by calling for aid from the West to hazard the subjection to the said Lâ—tines So that by these examples you see that feare and horrour of externall subjection may sâ—ay men in states and consequently also both Papâ—sts and Puritans in the state of England from pâ—ssiâ—g to the second kind or degree of treason albeit they were never so deepe in the first and had both ability time will and oportunity for the other Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech and said that this seemed to mee most cleare and that now I understooâ— what the Lawyer meant before when he affirmed that albeit the most part of Papists in generall might be said to deale against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance and increase of their religion and so to incurre some kind of treason yet perhapâ— not so far-forth nor in so deepe a degree of proper treason â—s in this booke is presumed or inforced though for my part said I I do not see that the book presumeth or inforceth all Papists in generall to be properly traytors but onely such as in particular are therein named or that are by law attainted condemned or executed and what will you say quoth I to those in particular Surely quoth he I must say of these much after the manner whiâ—h I spâ—ke before that some here named in this book are openly knowne to have beene in the secoâ—d degree or kind of treason as Weslmeâ—land Norâ—on Sanders and the like But divers others namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have sufâ—ered by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignements or heard protested by them at their deaths or gathered by reason and discourse of my sâ—lfe for that no forraine Prince or wise councellor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments I cannot I sâ—y but thiâ—ke that to the wise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason wherein no doubt they were was sufficient to dâ—spatch and make them away especially in such suspitious times as these are to the end that being hanged for the first thâ—y should never bee in daâ—ger to fall into the second nor yet to draw other men to the same which peâ—haps was most of all misdoubted After the Lawyer had spâ—ken this I held my peace to heare what the Gentle man would answer who walked up and down two whole turnes in the Gallery without yeelding aâ—y word again and then staying upon the sudden cast his eyes sadly upon us both and said My masters howsoever this be which indeed appertaines not to us to judge or discus but rather to perswade our selves that thâ— state hath reason to do as it doth and that it must oftentimes as well prevent inconveniences â—s remedy the same when they are happened yet for my owne part I must confesse unto you that upon some consideratâ—ons which use to come unto my mind I take no sâ—all griefe of these differences among us which you terme of divers and different religions for which we are driven of necessity to use discipline toward divers who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors I know the cause of this diffâ—rence is grounded upon a principle not easie to cure which is the judgement and conscience of a man whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affâ—ction whatsoever for a time he may otherwise â—issemble outwardly I remembâ—r your speech bâ—fâ—re of the doubtfull and dangerous inclination of suâ—h as live discontented in a State of a different religion especially when either in deed or in their owne conceipt they are hardly dealt withall and where every mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the whole I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity and the opinion of calamity moveth affection of mercy and compassion even towards the wicked the better fortune alway is subject to envie and he that suffereth is thought to have the better cause my experience of the divers reignes and proceedings of King Edward Queene Mary and of this our most gracious Soveraigne hath caught me not a little touching the sâ—quell of these affairs And finally my good friendâ— I must tell you plaine quoth he and this he spake with great asseveration that I could wish with all my heart that either these differences were not among us at all or else that they were so temperatly on al parts pursued as the common state of our country the blessed reigne of her Majesty and the common cause of true religion were not endangered thereby But now and there he brake off and turnâ—â— aâ—â—e The Lâ—wyer seeing him hold his peace and depart he stepped after him and taking him by the gowne said merrily Sir all men are not of your complexion some â—re of quicker and more stâ—rriâ—g Spirits and doe lâ—ve to fish in water that is troubled for that thâ—y â—oe partâ—cipate the Black-moores humour thâ—t dwâ—ll in Guinea whereof I suppose you hâ—ve heard and seene also some in this Land whose exâ—rcise at home is as some write the one to hunt catch and sell thâ— other and alwayâ—s â—he stronger to make money of the weakâ—r for the time But now if in Eâ—gland we should live in peace and unity of the state as thâ—y doe in Germâ—ny notwithstaâ—ding thâ—ir differences of Religion and thâ—t the onâ— shâ—ulâ— not prey upon the other theâ— shâ—ulâ— the great â—aulcons fâ—r the Fâ—eld I meane the favourites of the time faile whereon to fâ—ed which wâ—re an inconveniencâ— as you knâ—w Truly Siâ— said the Gâ—ntleman I thâ—nke you rove neerer the maâ—ke then you weeâ—e for if I be not deceived the vâ—â—y ground of muâ—h of thâ—se broiles whâ—reâ—f we talke is but a very pâ—â—y nâ—t in the minds of the Prâ—ncâ— or State whâ—se inâ—entions no doubt be most jâ—st and holy bâ—t in the greedy imagiâ—â—tion and suâ—tâ—le conâ—â—t of him who at this prâ—sâ—nt in râ—spâ—ct of oâ—r sinnâ—s is pâ—rmitted by God to tyranâ—ize both Prince aâ—d State and beâ—ng himsâ—lfe of no religion feedeth notwithstandiâ—g upâ—n our differencâ—s in â—â—ligion to the fatting of â—imsâ—lfe and
would not a little have trembled Scotland hâ—d bâ—en quiet our compâ—tâ—tors in England would have quâ—kâ—d and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes Oâ—r â—iffâ—rences in religion at home hâ—d been â—ither lâ—ssâ— â—r no gâ—eater thâ—n now thâ—y are for that Moâ—sieur beâ—ng but a moderate Pâ—pist and notâ—ing vâ—hement in hâ—s opâ—niâ—ns was content with veâ—y reasonable conditioâ—s for hâ—msâ—lfe and hâ—s strâ—ngers onâ—ly in use of thâ—ir conscience not unlikely truly but that in time he might by Gods grace and by the great wisdome and vertue of her Mâ—jesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospell as King Ethelbâ—rt an heathen was by noble Qâ—een Bertha his wife the first Christian of our English Princes Unto all which fel city if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royall bodies as was not impossible when fiâ—st this noble match was movâ—d we then doubtlâ—ssâ— had been the most forâ—unate people under heaven and might hâ—ve beâ—n perhaps the meane to hâ—ve restored thâ— Gospell thâ—oughout all Europe besides as our Brethren of France well coâ—sidered and hoped Of all whâ—ch singular benefits boâ—h present and to come boâ—h in Re and Spâ— his tyrant for his own private lucre fâ—aring lâ—st heâ—eâ—y his ambition might be râ—strained and his treacheâ—y râ—veâ—led hâ—th bereaved the Realme and done what in him lyeth besides to alienate for â—ver and make our mortall enemy this great Prince whâ— souâ—ht the love of hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty with so muâ—h hâ—nour confidâ—ncâ— as never Prince the like putting twâ—câ— his ownâ— pâ—rson in jâ—opardy of the sâ—â— and to the pâ—rill of his maâ—â—â—â—ons envioâ—s heâ—e in England for her Mâ—jâ—sties sake When yâ—u spâ—ak â—f 〈…〉 Lawyâ—r I cannot but â—â—eaâ—ly b◠〈…〉 thâ—se considâ—rations wâ—ll 〈…〉 â—lso fâ—r some oâ—hâ—r espâ—cially 〈…〉 you will thiâ—ke me 〈…〉 for thâ—t I spâ—â—ke it oâ—â—ly in 〈…〉 and good of my Countrey aâ—d thâ—t is 〈◊〉 Mâ—â—siâ—urs 〈◊〉 wâ—th our noble Princâ—ssâ— â—â—â—ides thâ— hope of issâ—e whâ—ch was the principâ—ll thâ—re wâ—nted not also probabâ—lity that sâ—me 〈◊〉 or lâ—â—tle tâ—lâ—ration in religion between you and us might have been procured in this state as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good Which thing no doubt would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from forraine Princes would hâ—ve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realme wheras now by this breach with France we stand alone as me seemeth without any great uniâ—ion or friendship abroad and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then evâ—r before Upon which two heads as also upon infinit other causes purposâ—s â—râ—fâ—s and pretences there doe ensue daily more deepe dangerous and desperate practises evâ—ry man using either the commodâ—ty or necessity of the time and state for his owne purpose â—specially now when all men presume that her Mâ—jâ—sty by the continuall thwaâ—tinâ—s which have beâ—n â—sed against all her marriage is not like to leave unto the Realme that precious jewell so much and long desired of all Englâ—sh hâ—arts I meane the Royâ—ll heires of hâ—r â—wne body Thwartiâ—gs call you the defeating of all her Mâ—jâ—stiâ—s â—â—st honourâ—ble offâ—r of marriage said the othâ—â— truly in my opinion you should have used anâ—ther word to â—xpâ—essâ— the nature of so wâ—cked a fact wherâ—y â—lone if there were no other this uâ—fortunate man hath dâ—â—e more hurt to thiâ— Câ—mmon weâ—lth â—hâ—n if hâ— hâ—d murdered mâ—ny thoâ—saâ—ds oâ— her sâ—bjects â—r bâ—trâ—yd whole aâ—â—ieâ— to the profâ—ssâ—d 〈…〉 remember well my sâ—lfe foure 〈…〉 pâ—â—pose undâ—â—mined by his meâ—nes the fiâ—st wâ—th the Swethâ—n King the sâ—cond with 〈…〉 of Austrâ—â— tâ—e third wâ—th 〈…〉 France that now reignâ—th and the fourth wâ—â—h thâ— in other and hâ—ire of the said Kingâ—â—mâ— For 〈…〉 maâ—y other secret motions maâ—e by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose but these foure are openly known and therefore I name them Which foure are as well knowne to have been â—ll disturbed by this Daweâ— as they were earnestly pursued by the other And for the first thâ—ee Suters he drove them away by protesting and sweâ—ring that himsâ—lfe wâ—s contracted unto her Majesty wherof hâ—r highnesse was sufficiently advertised by Cardinâ—ll Châ—tâ—lian in the first treâ—ty for France and the Cardinall soone after puâ—ished as is thought by this man with pâ—yâ—on But yet this speech he gâ—ve out then every where among his friends both strangers and others â—hat he forsooth was assuâ—ed to her Majesty and consequently thâ—t all othâ—r Princes must give over their suits for him Whereunto notwithstanding when the Swâ—den would hardly give care this man conferred wiâ—h his Privado to make a most unseemly and â—isloâ—al proof therof for the otheâ—s satisfaction whiâ—h thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence for honour to the parties who are touched therein as also I am to concealâ— his said filâ—hy Pâ—ivado â—hough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displâ—yed to the world but my Lord himsâ—lfe I am sure doth well remember bâ—th the man and the matter And albeit there was no wise man at thâ—t time who knowing â—y Lord suspected not the fâ—lsâ—hood and hâ—s arrogant â—ffirmation touching â—his contract with her Mâ—jesty yâ—t some both abâ—oad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps but now of late by hâ—s knowne mâ—rriage with his Minion Dâ—me Lâ—ttice of Essex he hath declâ—red manifestâ—y his owne most impudent and disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report For that report quoth the Lawyer I know that it was common and maintained by many for divers yeeres yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof seeing it came onely from himsâ—lf and in his own bâ—hâ—lfe Neither was it credible that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as Europe hâ—th not the like would make choice of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is noble onely in two descentâ— and both of thâ—m stained with the block from which also himselfe was pardoned but the other day being codemned therunto by law for his deserts as appeareth yâ—t in publiâ—k records And for thâ— widow of Essâ—x I marvaile sir quâ—th he how you call her his wife sâ—eing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage wâ—thin the Realme Oh said the Gentlâ—man laughing you meane for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journâ—y from Ireland You must think that Dâ—ctor Dale will dispence in that mattâ—r as he did at his Lordships appointment wâ—th his Italâ—an physiâ—ian Doctor Iulio to have two wives at once at the leâ—stwise the matter was permitted and born out by them both publiquely as all the world knoweth and that against no lâ—sse persons then the Archbishop of Canterbury himsâ—lfe whose overthrew wâ—s principally wrought by thâ—s tyrant for contraâ—ying his will in so beastly a demand But for this controversie whether the marriâ—ge be good
the good provâ—dence of God recovering againe letâ—ed the execution of the bargain and my Lord of Huntington having occasion to joyne amity with Leyâ—ester had more respect to his owne commodity then to his friends security as commonly in such persons and cases it falleth out and so discovered the whole device unto him who forgat not after from time to time to plague the deviser by secret means untill he had brought him to that poore estaâ—e as all the world seeth though many men be â—ot acquainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and bad fortune To this answered the Lawyer Iâ— good faith Gentlemen you open great mysteries unto me which either I knew not or considered not so particularly before and no marvell for that my profession and exercise of Law restraineth me from much company keeping and when I happen to be among some that could tell mee much herein I dare not either aske or heare if any of himselfe beginne to talke lest afterward â—he speech comming to light I be fâ—tched over the coales as the proverb is for the same under pretence of another thing But you who are not suspected for religion have muâ—â— greatâ—r priviledge in such matters both to â—eare and speake agâ—ine which men of mine estate dare not doeâ— Onely this I knew before that throuâ—hout all England my Lord of Leycester is taken for Dominus fac totum whose excellency above othâ—â—â— iâ— infinâ—te whose authority is abâ—oluâ—e whose coÌ„â—â—ndment is dreadfull whose dislâ—ke is dâ—ngâ—roâ—â— and whose fâ—vour is omnipotent And for his will though it be seldome Law yet alwayeâ— is his power above lawâ—â— anâ— thâ—refore wâ—e Lawyers in all cases brought unto us have as greâ—t râ—gâ—rd to his inclination as Astronomers have to thâ— Plâ—net dominant or as Seamen have to the North Pole For as thâ—y â—hat faile doe direct â—heir course according to thâ— situation and dirâ—ction of that starrâ— whiâ—h guideth them at â—he Pole and as Astronomers who make Prognostications doe foretell things to come according to the aspect of the Planet dominant or bearing rule for â—he time so we doe guide our Clients baâ—ke anâ— do prognosticate what is like to ensue of his cause by the aspâ—ct and inclination of my Lord of Lâ—ycester And for that reason as soone as â—ver wee heare a case proposed oâ—r custome is to ask what part my Lord of Lâ—yâ—â—ster is lâ—ke to favour in â—he matter for in all mâ—ttâ—rs lâ—ghtly of aâ—y â—â—portance he hath a parâ— or what may be gathered of his inâ—linatiâ—â— therein and accordâ—ng to that we give a guess more or lesse what end will ensue But this â—y Masters is from the purpose and thâ—refore returning to youâ— former speech agaâ—â—e I do say that albâ—6it I was not privy before to the particulâ—r pâ—ovâ—sions of my Lord and hiâ— frâ—ends in such and such places yet seeing him acâ—ompted Lord Generall over all the whole Realme and to have at his commandement all these severall commodities and forces pertainiâ—g to her Majesty which you have mentioned before and so many more as be in the Realme and not mentioned by yâ—u for in fine he hath al I could not but account him as hee is a potent Prince of our State for all furniture needfull to defence or offence or rather the onely Monarch of our Nobility whâ— hâ—th sufficient nâ—edfull to plunge his Pâ—ince if he should bee discontented especially for his abundance of money which by the wise is tearmed the Sinewes of Martiall actions wherein by all mens judgements hee is better furnâ—shed at this day then ever any subject of our land either haâ—h beene heretofore or lightly may be hereafter both for bankes wiâ—hout the Realme and stuffed coffers within Insomuch that being my selfe in the last Parliament when the matter was moved for the grant of a Subsidie after that one for her Majesty had given veâ—y good reâ—sons why her Highnesse was in want of money and consequently needed the assistance of her faithfull subjects therein another that sate next me of good account said in mine eare secretly these reasons I doe well allow and am contented to give my part in money but yet for hâ—r Majesties need I could make answer as one answered once the Emperour Tiberius in the like case and cause Abundè ei pecuniam fore si à liberto suo in soâ—ietatem recipiâ—tur that her Majesty should have Money enough if one of her servants would vouchsafe to make her Highnesse partaker with him meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester whose treasure must needs in one respect be greater then that of her Majesty for that he layâ—th up whaâ—soever he getteth and his expences he casteth upon the purse of his Princesse For that said the Gentleman whether he doe or no it importeth little to the matter seeing both that which hee spendeth and that he hordeth is truly and propâ—rly his Princes Treasure and seeing hee hath so many and dâ—vers wâ—yes of gaining what should he mâ—ke accouâ—â— of his own private expences if hee lay â—ut onâ— for a thousand what can that make him â—hâ— poorer hee that hath so goodly land possâ—ssiâ—â—s Seigniories and rich â—ffiâ—es of his owne as he is knowne to have hee that hath so speciall fâ—vour and authority wiâ—h the Prince as he can obtaine whatsoeveâ— he listâ—â—h to demand hâ—â—hâ—t â—ath his part and pâ—rtion iâ— all sures besides that 〈◊〉 grace or els for the most pâ—rt are endeâ— by Lâ—w he thâ—t may â—hop and change what lanâ—s hee listeth with hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty 〈◊〉 them of al their woods and other câ—mmoâ—ities and rack them afterward to the uttermost penny and then returne the sâ—me so tenter-stretched and bare shorne into hâ—r Majesties hands againe by fresh â—xchange rent for rent for other lands never 〈◊〉 sâ—d before hee that possesâ—eth so many gainfull Lâ—cences to himselfe alone of Wine Oylâ—s Curranâ—s â—loath Velvets with his new office for Licence of alienation most pernicious unto the Commonwealâ—h as hee useâ—h the same with many other the like which were suffiâ—ient to enrich whole Toâ—nes Coâ—porations Countries and Commonwealths he that hath the art to make gaiâ—â—ull to himselfe every offence displeasure and fâ—lling ouâ— of her Majesty with him and every angry countâ—nance cast upon him he that hath his share in all offices of great profit and holdeth an absâ—lute Monopâ—ly of the same he that dispâ—sâ—â—h at hâ—s will the Ecclesiâ—sticâ—ll liviâ—gs of the Realme maketh Bishops nâ—ne but suâ—h as will doe reason or of his Chaplains whom he listeth and retaineth to himselfe so much of the living as liketh him best hee that sweepeth away the glebe from so many Benefices throughout the Land and compoundeth with the person for the râ—st He that so scoureth the University and Collâ—dâ—â—s where he is Câ—ancellouâ— and selleth both Heaâ—ships and Scholâ—rs places and all oâ—hâ—r offices roomes and dignities thaâ— by art or violâ—nce may
yâ—eld money he thaâ— makâ—th title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ— same same he that â—akeâ—h in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâ—lfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppâ—â—sseth whomsoever hee lâ—st taketh fâ—om any whâ—t hee lâ—â—t and maketh his owne claime suiâ— and end as he list he thâ—t selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâ—th the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâ—lue both in Jewels Plâ—te aâ—l kinde of Furniture and reâ—dy Come this man I sâ—y may easily beare his owâ—e expences and yet lay up sâ—fficiently also to weary hâ—â— Prince when need shall require You hâ—ve said much sir qâ—oth â—hâ— Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâ—th her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at â—he barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâ—s gaining by her Mâ—jesties favour both at home and abâ—oad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that â—hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ— sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâ—h as all the Princes and Potentaâ—es round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâ—r Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câ—edâ—t to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâ—s betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâ—ry and King Phiâ—ip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâ—eâ—t stead at â—hat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâ—luded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ— which was one of the most impiâ—us facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâ—tter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâ—wes â—hat they filled up the measure of their Faâ—hers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâ—g Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâ—ther before him sold Bulloâ—gâ—e â—o the French by like treachery For it wâ—s dâ—livered up upon compositâ—on wâ—thout necessiâ—y or reason thâ— five and twentieâ—h of April in â—he fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaâ—â— Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâ—cell whom he listed as namâ—ly thâ— Earlâ—s of Aâ—undel and Southâ—mpton and so invaded the whole government himseâ—fe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchâ—ndise of the Sâ—aâ—e for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâ—wyer but yâ—t Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhâ—t more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâ—jesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâ—ssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offâ—â—ce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ— Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ— know that every falling out must have an attonement agâ—ine whereof hee being suâ—e by the many â—nd puissant meanes of his frâ—ends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâ—ive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aâ—â—onement and in perfâ—ct reconciliation on hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sties part she must gâ—ant my Lord some suâ—â— or other which he will have alwayeâ— ready pâ—ovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well â—ble to reward his friends that laboured for his â—ecoâ—cilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ— Realâ—e obsâ—rvâ—th the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâ—sed For if her Hâ—ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâ—h to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâ—ty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâ—ses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâ—h as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ— playeth the Broker in all hiâ— affâ—ires and maketh the uttermost pâ—nny of her Mâ—jesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâ—fore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether â—hey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâ—e oppression or
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
hee was going towards the place of his appoynted destiny there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason with request to read the same presently which he upon confidence omitted to doe Wee read also of Alexander the great how hee was not onely forbidden by a learned man to enter into Babylon whither he was then going for that there was treason meant against him in the place but also that he was foretold of Antipaters mischievous meaning against him â—n particular Buâ— the yong Prince hâ—ving so well deserved of Antipatâ—r could not bâ— brought to mistâ—ust the man that was so deaâ—e unto him and by that meanes was poysoned in a banquâ—t by three sons of Antipater which were of most credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber Here truly my heart did somewhat tremble with feare horror and detâ—station of such events And I said unto the Gentlemâ—n I beseech you Sir to talke no more of these matters for I cannot well abide to heare them named hoping in the Lord thâ—t there is no câ—use nor ever shâ—ll be to doubt the like in England especially from thâ—se mâ—n who are so much bound to her Majesty and so forward in seeking out and pursuing all such aâ— may be tâ—ought to be dâ—ngerous to her Majesties peâ—son as by the â—undâ—y late executions wee have have seâ—n and by the punishments every way of Papists we mâ—y perceive Truth it is quoth the Gentlemâ—n that justice hath bin done upon divers of late which contenteth me gâ—eatly for the terrouâ— and râ—straint of others of what sect or religion soâ—ver they be And it is most necâ—ssary doubtles for the compressing of paâ—tiâ—s that greâ—t vigilance be used in thaâ— behalfe But when I consider that only one kind of men are touched heâ—ein and that all speeâ—h regard doubt distrust â—nd watch is of them alone without reflection of eye upon other mens doings or dâ—signements when I see the double diligence and vehemency of câ—rtaine instruments which I like not bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people feare terrour and attention to the dâ—inâ—s sayings and meanings of one part or â—action alone and of that namely and only which these conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves I am beleeve me often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure and that these men deale as wolves by nature in other Countries are wont to do Which going together in great numbers to assaile a flocke of sheep by night doe set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far off who parly by their sent and oâ—her bruteling which of purpose they make may draw the dogs and shepheards to pursue them alone whiles the other doe enter and slay the whole flock Or as rebels that meaning to surprize a Town to turne away the Inhabitants from considering of the danger and from defence of that place where they intend to enter doe set on fire some other parts of the Towne further off and doe sound a false alarme at some gate where is meant least danger Which art was used cunningly by Richard D. of Yorke in the time of King Henrie the sixt when he to cover his owne intâ—nt brought all the Realme in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset his enemy But Iohn of Northamberland father to my Lord of Leycester used the same art much more skilfully when hee put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friends as though nothing could be safe about the yong King untill they were suppressâ—d and consequently all brought into his owne authority without obstacle I speake not this to excuse Papists or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend but onely to signifie that in a Countrey where so potent factions bee it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursuit of the other as afterwards the Prince must remaine at the devotion of the stronger but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrarie humours if all cannot be purged the best Physick is without all doubt to reduce and hold them at such an equality as destruction may not be feared of the predominant To this said the Lawyer laughing yea marry Sir I would to God your opinion might prevaile in this matter for then should wee bee in other tearmes then now we are I was not long since in company of a cetaine honourable Lady of the Court who after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present of some apprehended and some executed and such like affâ—ires brake into a great complaint of the present time and therewith I assure you moved all the hearers to griefe as women you know are potent in stirring of affections and caused them all to wish that her Majesty had beene nigh to have heard her words I doe well remember quoth she the first dosen yeares of her Highnesse reigne how happy pleasant and quiet they were with all manner of comfort and consolation There was no mention then of fâ—ctions in religion neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause so otherwise his conversation were civill and couâ—teous No suspition of treason no talke of bloudshed no complaint of troubles miseries or vexations All was peace all was love all was joy all was delight Her Mâ—jestie I am sure took more Recreation at that time in one day than shee doth now in a whole week and wee that served her Highnesse enjoyed more contentation in a weeke than we can now in divers yeares For now there are so many suspitions every where for this thing and for that as we cannot tell whom to trust So mâ—ny melancholick in the Court that seem male-contented so many complayning or suing for their friends that are in trouble others slip over the Sea or retire themselves upon the suddaine so many tales brought us of this or that danger of this man suspected of that man sent for up and such lâ—ke unpleasant â—nd unsavorie stuffe as we can never almost bee merry one whole day together Wherefore quoth this Lady wee that are of her Majesties traine and speciall service and doe not onely feele these things in our selves but much more in the grief of her most excellent Majesty whom we see dayly molested herewith being one of the best natures I am sure that ever noble Princesse was indued withall wee cannot but mone to behold contentions advanced so far forth as they are and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come these matters might passe with such peace friendship and tranquillity as they doe in other Countryes where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship or fidelity And with this in a smiling manner she brake off asking pardon of the company if she had spoken her opinion over boldly like a woman To whom answered a Courtier that
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâ—ians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâ—ng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couâ—t A demonstration of Leycesteâ—s tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâ—eâ—nes danger againe Anno Regni 3â— Leyâ—esters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediâ—â—on of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ— violence with the Prince her sâ—lfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ— power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâ—den Wales Sir Henâ—y Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey †Her Maiesty â—s he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ— possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâ—wyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ— Vniveâ—sity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ— Leycesters home gaine by heâ— Maâ—esties faâ—our A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâ—gne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pâ—t out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâ—ge of lands wiâ—h her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâ—lkes and Velvetâ— The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâ—dleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâ—man Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasâ—rer Caâ—bridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâ—s * At Diâ—â—ies house in Warwick shiâ—e dame Lettice 〈◊〉 and some othâ—â— such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ— The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâ—e hanged for hâ— pleasure by Leycesters auâ—hority Gentleâ—â—n Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and â—eicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ— demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâ—d Lee. Ludowick Grâ—vel George Witney â—ord Barkley Archbâ—shop of Caâ—terbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ— of Leycestâ—r declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of â—he Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâ—ceâ—ely for Huntâ—ngton or for himselfe The words of thâ— Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâ—ent the Nature of ambâ—tion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ— of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâ—ture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâ—s Wife A new Triumvirâ—â—â—â—tween â—â—tween Leycester Talbot and â—hâ— Coâ—ntesse of Shrâ—veâ—bury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâ—cester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aâ—t 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ— meane in her Majesties dayes â—oure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâ—stor 5. The Peâ—cies The two Neviles Leycesteâ—s hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâ—ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâ—es life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her