allow'd of by the Law e For he that has no more regard to Honesty than just what the Laws of the Publick require and will scruple to do nothing so as he can escape their Cognizance can never be an Honest and Good Man The Laws and Dictates of Nature and Right Reason not only of the City he dwells in ought to be the Rule of an honest Man's Actions these being only a Shadow and faint Draught of that perfect Justice to which we are led by the other See chap. 17. for which I think he does not much deserve to be thank'd or commended If then to make pretence of that which never was and cunningly to dissemble the real Truth be pieces of Knavery there are but very few Actions that are altogether free from it And if he alone be an honest Man Who does all the Good he can and does no Injury to any body 't will be no easie matter to find one in the World The Result of what has been said is this To be Knavish and Wicked can never be Profitable because 't is attended with Baseness and f He does not mean that outward Dishonour which Men draw upon themselves by their wicked Actions when they come to be known for that is avoided when the Action is conceal'd whereas even then 't is infamous to be Wicked but he means the inward Reproach of Mens Consciences and the real Scandal and Dishonour that it is for a Man to do such things as are unworthy of and disagreeable to his Reason This follows every wicked Action tho' kept never so secret and can't be avoided but by living such a Life as becomes the great Rule of our Actions Reason Dishonour and it always must be Profitable to be Virtuous and Good because it always is Honest and Creditable CHAP. XVI The Care taken by the Romans to make the Seller tell the Faults of the thing to be sold. An Example or two of Cases of this nature a He proceeds to fome particulae Cases wherein Knavery was punishable by the Civil Laws Such as are concealing the Faults of an House or the like IN the Matter of buying and selling Estates 't is provided amongst us by the Civil Constitutions That he who 's the Seller should tell all the Faults that he knows of to the Purchaser For the XII Tables ordering no more than this That the Seller should be bound to make good those Faults which were expresly mention'd by word of Mouth in the Bargain and which whoever deny'd was to pay double Damages The b For tho' the XII Tables were the Ground and Foundation of the Roman Law yet the Learned by their Interpretations Inferences from 'em by their Formulae apply'd to particular Cases or the like added a great many new things to 'em which pass'd for a Rule in Judgments as well as the XII Tables Lawyers have appointed a Punishment for those who themselves don't discover the Defects of what they sell. For they so decreed That if the Seller of an Estate when he made the Bargain did not tell all the Faults in particular that he knew of it he should afterwards be bound to make 'em good to the Purchaser Titus Claudius Centumalus to give an Example had a House that stood upon the Coelian Hill and hindred the Augurs as they made their Observations from the c For making their Observations from the flights of Birds and that many times at a very great distance 't was necessary they should have some high Place and that nothing should be in the way to hinder their Prospect Capitoline Mount who therefore gave him orders to pull that down which was such an hindrance to their Business Instead of this Claudius puts a Bill over the Door That the House was to be sold and quickly put it off P. Calpurnius Lanarius being the Man that bought it The Augurs in a short time sent him the same Orders and he accordingly took care to perform them But afterwards coming to understand That Claudius had not set the House to sale till after he had been order'd by the Augurs to demolish it he brought in against him an Action at Law To receive such Satisfaction as in Conscience and Equity he was bound to make him Marcus Cato the Father of him that is now living for as others are distinguish'd by the Names of their Fathers so he that begot this incomparable Person should be nam'd from his Son sat as Judge in the Case and gave this Sentence upon the whole matter That since Claudius knew this Inconvenience before-hand and did not discover it when he sold the Estate he was oblig'd in Equity to make it good to the Purchaser He judg'd it therefore to be a part of Honesty That the Seller should fairly declare to the Buyer all the Faults which he knows in the thing to be sold. If then this Judgment were just and equitable neither the Merchant that brought the Corn nor the supposed Seller of the infectious House did well in concealing what either of 'em knew But all the particular sorts of Concealing could never be taken notice of by the Laws of the City however such as could were very carefully provided against M. Marius Gratidianus a d Son of one M. Gratidius of Arpinum whose Sister was Married to Cicero's Grandfather therefore he calls him his Kinsman He was adopted by M. Marius Brother of him that was seven times Consul He was afterward kill'd by Sylla's Order having been of Marius's Party against him Kinsman of mine had sold an House to Sergius Orata which he had bought of the same not many Years before The House it seems e A thing in Law is said Servire alicui when some one has a Right of using it some way or hindring some thing about it c. As I may be said to have a Servitus upon a Man's House or Ground when I can of Right demand a Way thro' it or hinder from Building higher c. lest he should hinder my Prospect paid a Duty to Sergius which Marius never once mention'd in the Bargain The Business came at last to a Suit in Law where f The two famous Orators mention'd above and brought in speaking in his de Oratore where he mentions this very Cause Lucius Crassus took part with Orata and f The two famous Orators mention'd above and brought in speaking in his de Oratore where he mentions this very Cause Anthony with Gratidianus Crassus insisted very much upon the Law which says That the Seller shall make good those Faults which he himself knew of and yet conceal'd 'em from the Buyer Anthony on the other side argu'd for Equity That Sergius could not but know that Incumbrance who had sold the House himself but a little while before and therefore what need was there of telling him of it That he could not complain of being any ways trick'd upon since he knew very well the condition
over-great Desire of any thing offends against this Virtue For this reason he advises here against the Desire of Money Honour c. as Vices opposite to Greatness of Soul He brought 'em in before Chap. 8. as Causes of Positive Injustice Desires that of Money should be avoided for nothing's a greater Sign of a narrow mean and sordid Spirit than to dote upon Riches nor is any thing on the contrary more Creditable and Magnificent than to contemn Wealth if you have it not and if you have it to lay it out freely in Acts of Bounty and Liberality The Desire of Glory as I before observ'd ought also to be avoided for it f For who are greater Slaves than those who stand for Places Or what Servant more depends upon the Beck of his Master than the ambitious Man upon the Humour and Good-will of the Multitude robs a Man wholly of his Freedom and Liberty which generous Spirits ought of all things in the World to maintain and defend Neither ought Places of Power to be sought after but at some times rather to be refus'd when offer'd at others be laid down if they can conveniently We should free our selves in short from all vehement Passions and Disorders of Mind not only those of Desire and Fear but also of Sorrow of Joy and Anger that so the State of the Mind may be calm and undisturb'd which will make the whole Life become graceful and g By Constantia here as in most other places he does not mean that which we commonly call Constancy but that which the Poets call Consistency in a Character i. e. an Uniformity or Agreement between all the Parts of it so that one doth not thwart and contradict another which can never proceed from any thing else but a perpetual Subjection of the Passions and Appetites to the Commands of Reason For the Passions are irregular and inconsistent with one another sometimes up and sometimes down sometimes hurrying a Man this way other times that See Note 2. on Chap. 29. uniform Now there both are and have been many who to gain this Repose of which I am speaking h 'T was before observ'd That this Virtue consists chiefly in Freedom from the Disorders of Mind c. This leads him to discourse of the several Ways Men have taken for the obtaining this Repose which are two 1st A retir'd and private Way of Living 2dly A Greatness of Power and Authority The former is either of Philosophers or private Gentlemen and this last is either of War or Peace So that according to our Author's Sence we may make four sorts of Fortitude or rather four ways of Life in which this Virtue appears The first we may call Contemplative or Monastick which consists in Contemplation and a bare Conquest of the Passions The second Rustick in managing one's private Estate well The third Civil in wisely and prudently Governing the State And the fourth Martial in Fighting bravely and well-carrying on the Business of War He gives Rules about each of 'em in the following Discourse have betaken ' emselves to a Life of Retirement and wholly withdrawn from all Business of the Publick Among these the noblest and most eminent of the Philosophers and some Men of rigid and severe Lives who misliking the Manners of the People or Governours have gone and withdrawn ' emselves into the Country pleas'd with the Management of their private Fortunes These Men propos'd the same End to themselves that Kings and Princes do viz. The Living so as to Want for nothing to be under the Power and Controul of none but to enjoy a full and perfect Freedom which consists in living so as one's i These words must be taken in a limited Sence not as tho' by Pleases were meant what our Passions or Fancy may suggest but what our Nature or Reason commands We ought to be Govern'd and Rul'd by this and not by our Lusts and sensual Appeties true Freedom consisting not in our being exempt from Law but in our being a Law to our own selves as a great Author speaks self best pleases CHAP. XXI Those who live a Publick and a Private Life aim both at Freedom Their Lives compar'd the former more useful the latter more safe In what Cases a Man may be excus'd from serving the Publick Those ought to serve it who are qualify'd for the Service Greatness of Soul more necessary for those in a publick than retir'd Life Two or three Rules to be obser'd before a Man enters upon Business THis then being the common Design and End of 'em both those who 're ambitious of Power and Authority think to obtain it by enlarging their Fortunes and Interests in the World but these whom I have mention'd as Men of Repose by contenting themselves with their own Condition tho' but humble and mean In which they are neither of 'em wholly in the wrong but the Life of the latter I mean the retir'd is both easier and safer and begets less of Trouble and Disturbance to others whereas that of the former who give ' emselves up to Affairs of State and the Management of great and important Concerns is more adapted to the Benefit and Good of Mankind and the getting of Credit and Reputation in the World a Having said there are two kinds of Life viz. Publick and Private wherein Men endeavour to arrive at this Virtue and compar'd 'em one with another he shews that all are oblig'd to the former as more useful to Mankind except in some cases mention'd Those People therefore are perhaps excusable who being of Parts and Capacities for Learning give ' emselves wholly to the Study of it and never at all meddle with Publick Business and so are those also who being disabled by Sickness and Infirmities or on any other good and allowable Account have separated ' emselves from the Administration of Affairs leaving the Power and Reputation of it in the hands of others But as for those People who have none of these Reasons and pretend to despise those Commands and Honours which most Men admire I am so far from thinking it a Virtue in 'em that I rather esteem it a very great Fault Thus far 't is true one can hardly condemn them in that they despise and make little account of Glory and Applause but their true Reason seems to be rather this That they don't care to suffer the Labour and Fatigue of 'em and are afraid of encountring with Rubs and Repulses as things that are attended with some Shame and Dishonour b This he adds as a Reason of the Words immediately foregoing He had just been saying That retir'd Men did well in despising and neglecting Places of Honour but that withal they were afraid of Shame and Disgrace which a Man of a great Soul ought not to be This might seem odd That one who despis'd Honour should yet be afraid of a little Disgrace to confirm it therefore he presently adds For
esse and in ditione esse pop Roman The latter denoting a loss of Liberty the former only some sort of Inferiority and Homage Empress so properly as the Protectress of all the World This Conduct and Method of managing the State began by little and little to wear off before but utterly vanish'd immediately after the Victory of b Luc. Sylla the Dictator He took up Arms against Marius and defended the Cause of the Nobility against the Commons in a bloody Civil War but after his Victory was inhumanly Cruel See his Life at large in Plut. Sylla for People began to think nothing could be unjust to their Confederates and Allies when once they had seen so great Cruelties exercis'd even upon their very Citizens This Man therefore was in a just Cause but which was follow'd by a cruel and most unjust Victory he having had the Boldness and Impudence to say when in full Market he was selling the Goods of some honest and wealthy Men and whom he himself knew to be Roman Citizens That he was going to make sale of his own Booty But there has come c He means Julius Caesar. one after him whose Cause was impious and his Victory yet more scandalous and inhuman who did not stop at selling of private Mens Estates but involv'd all our Countries and Provinces together in one common Calamity Hence we have seen after Havock and Devastation made in other Countries as it were by way of Praelude to the Loss of our own Empire the City d A City in France which had always taken part with the Romans in all their Wars on that side But declaring for Pompey in the Civil War 't was sack'd by Caesar who carry'd along a Figure of it as was their usual Custom with him in Triumph Marseilles drawn along in Triumph and that very place without whose Assistance our former Generals never brought Triumph from beyond the Alpes has now found one that could have so much Impudence as to Triumph over its own Destruction I might bring a great many other Examples of most impious Treatment that hath been shewn towards our Allies but this single Instance is abundantly sufficient being one of the basest that was ever committed before the face of the Sun The truth on 't is we have deserv'd these Misfortunes for if others had not ' scap'd without Punishment for their Wickedness this Man could never have arriv'd at that Insolence who tho' he has left but few Heirs of his Estate I am afraid will have a great many wicked ones of his Ambition For as long as some dissolute and profligate Fellows remember that e When Lucius Sylla sold the Goods of the Roman Citizens whom he had Out-law'd and caus'd to be Slain former inhuman Auction and are in hopes one day of seeing the same again they 'll always be for propagating Civil Dissentions Thus Publius Sylla who was so busie in that mention'd when his Kinsman was Dictator was never contented till he had manag'd f When Caesar sold the Goods of those who had been of Pompey's Party a worse and more inhuman Auction six and thirty Years after and g One Cornelius mention'd by Salust in Lepidus the Consul's Speech against Sylla another who was Scribe in that former Dictatorship in this latter was advanc'd to be Treasurer of the City By all which 't is easie enough to perceive that we are never to hope we shall be free from Civil Wars when People expect to make their Fortunes by ' em We have therefore only the Walls of our City remaining entire and even they as 't were expecting to feel the Effects of their abominable Wickedness but as for the Republick 't is absolutely sunk into Ruins and Nothing And all these Misfortunes have fall'n upon us that I may return to the Subject which occasion'd this Digression by our choosing to Govern rather by Fear than Love What then ought particular Persons to expect when Tyranny and Oppression could bring all these Evils upon the whole Roman Empire h Having shewn how convenient Love and how inconvenient Fear is for the advancement of our Interest it remains that he should shew how the former may be obtain'd To it he joyns Honour and Confidence the second and third Means mention'd Chap. 6. which three together make up true and perfect Glory See the next Chapter This then being so manifestly plain That Love 's a most powerful Motive to Obedience but Fear a most weak and dangerous one it follows in the next place that we should discourse of those Means whereby such a Love joyn'd with Honour and Confidence may most easily be gotten i Before he enquires how this Love is to be gotten he divides it if I may so say into Love of Friendship which consists in having some few good Friends and this he says all whether great or mean are almost equally concern'd to get and general Love which consists in the Kindness and general Good-will of all the Citizens and this is necessary but to some few Of the former he has spoken in his Laelius or of Friendship and therefore passes it by here The latter he gives some Rules about here as making up together with Confidence and Admiration true and perfect Glory Now this is what all Men don't equally stand in need of but each should consider his own way of living and accordingly judge what 's convenientest for him whether to be belov'd by the generality of Men or only by some few and select Persons This however we may lay down for certain as a first and most necessary Rule in this case to procure at least some faithful and sincere Friends who may have a true Kindness and Esteem for us k That is Tho' all don't stand in need of the general Love and Good-will of the Citizens yet particular and private Friends are as useful to the Meanest as to the Great and more Powerful As far as this reaches there 's very little difference between even the greatest and meanest of People and all sorts of 'em are almost equally concern'd to endeavour after it As for Honour Glory and the general Good-will of all the Citizens these indeed are things which aren't alike useful and necessary for all However for those that have been able to get 'em they are very good Helps as for most other Purposes so for the obtaining of faithful Friends But of Friendship I have treated in another Work which is entitled Laelius CHAP. IX What the Ingredients of true Glory are By what Means the Love of the People may be obtain'd How Men may be brought to place a Confidence in us Justice more powerful than Cunning to this End LEt us now proceed to discourse of Glory tho' that too is a Subject upon which I have a They are both lost He mentions them two or three times in his Epistles to Atticus two Books already extant however I shall touch upon it here in
must have waited a pretty many Ages for that 's a kind of Evil which but lately has begun to infest this Republick If Pontius therefore were so great a Man as he pretended to be I am very well satisfy'd with his being born when he was and not in those times which have lately happen'd 'T is not yet an Hundred and Ten Years ago since l L. Calpurnius Piso the first of those who were sirnam'd Frugi Tribune of the People when Censorinus and Manilius were Consuls about An. U. C. 603 Author of the Lex Calpurnia de pecuniâ—s repetundis Lucius Piso got a Law to be enacted against the Corruption of Magistrates whereas there had never been any one before But since that time there have been so m Junia Servilia Acilia c. vide Calv. de Leg. many Laws and still ev'ry new one more severe than the former so many Persons accus'd and condemn'd such n He means that which was call'd the Social War of which he only brings one and that a very remote Cause Livius Drusus Tribune of the People amongst several Laws about the Freedom of all Italy propos'd that all those who were suspected of Bribery should be made to answer for it Hereupon the Senators who were pretty Guilty misliking this one oppos'd and hindred all his other Laws This made the Italian Nations who thought to have been made Free of Rome but by this Means were frustrated rise up in Arms against the Romans upon which ensued the Social or Italian War of which see the Historians a War stirr'd up in the Bowels of Italy by those who were afraid of being brought to Punishment such shameful Extortion and Pillaging our Allies by those who have defied all Laws and Courts of Justice that we 're rather beholden to the Weakness of others than our own Strength or Virtues that we are not utterly ruin'd CHAP. XXII Examples of Contempt of Money among the ancient Romans The Danger c. of the opposite Vice The Honour gotten by this Virtue The Danger Folly c. of the Project of Levelling Estates PAnaetius highly commends a The second Scipio of that Name who raz'd Carthage and Namantia and was Scholar to Panaetius Africanus for his being uncorrupt as to the matter of Money 'T is a Virtue that very well deserv'd his Commendation but I think there were others in that great Person which deserv'd it much more to be untainted with Money being not so properly a Virtue of that Man as of those Times in general b He conquer'd Perseus King of Macedonia and led him in Triumph thereby putting an End to the second Macedonian War and that Empire together See his Life in Plut. Paulus Aemilius had all the Wealth of Macedonia in his Power which amounted to almost an infinite Value so that he brought such a Sum into the Treasury as that the single Booty of that one General superseded the Necessity of all Taxes for the future and yet he brought nothing into his own House but the eternal Memory of his Name and Atchievements c The same that was just now mention'd He was Son of Paullus but adopted by Scipio Africanus follow'd the Example of his Father and return'd nothing richer from the Overthrow of Carthage So Mummius who was afterwards his Partner in the Censorship did he make himself ever a farthing the Wealthier by razing d Corinth which was raz'd by Mummius the same Year that Carthage was by Scipio See Paterc Book 1. chap. 12. where the two Generals are very handsomly compar'd together one of the wealthiest Cities in the World No he rather chose to make Italy fine with the Spoils of his Enemies than his own House tho' in my Opinion the Fineness of Italy reflects a bright Lustre upon his own House too There is no Vice then that I may return to the Subject from which I have digress'd more detestable than Avarice more especially in Great Men and such as bear Sway in the Government of a State For 't is not only mean for a Man to make a Prey and Advantage of the Commonwealth but even impious and abominable That Oracle therefore of the Pythian Apollo's That nothing but Avarice should be the Ruine of Sparta doth not seem design'd for the Lacedaemonians only but for every wealthy and flourishing Nation e He has told us by Precept and from the Examples of the greatest Men That Governours of a State should be free from Covetousness and regardless of Money Here he adds That nothing so much recommends 'em to the Good-liking of the People as that Virtue Which brings him to discourse of a foolish Method that some Men have taken to this purpose viz. A Design of bringing all Estates to an Equality and making all Creditors remit their Debts which he shews to be unsafe unreasonable c. And as Avarice is thus very destructive to a State so to appear Upright and Regardless of Money is the certainest Method those in Power can make use of for procuring the Love and Good-liking of the People But those who designing to curry their Favour attempt new Laws about the Levelling Estates so as to force the right Owners from their lawful Possessions or propose to make Creditors remit all the Debts which in Justice are due to 'em f First He shews 't is destructive to a State by ruining Concord and Justice which are the Supports of it plainly undermine the two principal Pillars and Supports of the Government In the first place Concord and Unity among the Citizens which can never be kept up whilst some are depriv'd of what is justly their Due and others discharg'd from the necessity of Payment Secondly Justice which immediately must sink into Ruins and Nothing if Men can't be secur'd in the Possession of what 's their own For that as we before remark d is the chief End and Aim of Men's gathering into Societies and building of Cities that each one might freely enjoy what 's his Right without any danger or fear of being depriv'd on 't g Secondly 'T is foolish for it does not procure 'em that Good-liking of the People which they thought to get by it Beside this the Authors of these pernicious Designs never get that Good-will which they propose from their Citizens For as for those Men who are Losers by the Bargain 't is certain that they 'll be their Enemies for it and those who are Gainers will besure to pretend that they never desir'd it especially in the Business of having Debts forgiven there ev'ry one dissembles how glad he is of it for fear it should be thought that he was not able to pay ' em But those Men to whom such Designs are prejudicial will hardly forget 'em but shew a perpetual Grudge and Resentment And tho' the number of those who are thus wickedly Befriended be greater than of those who are injuriously Rob'd yet it doth not follow that therefore they
Guilt of so great a Sin they do really increase it by adding to their Iniquity the impudent Folly of Mocking God and Deceiving themselves that it aggravates it rather and makes it the more criminal This therefore was no more than a foolish piece of Craftiness impudently pretending to pass for Prudence Whereupon the Senate took care to order that my crafty Gentleman should be sent back in Fetters again to Hannibal But the gloriousest Action of the Senate was this Hannibal had c After the Battel at Cannae where Paullus and Varro the two Consuls were defeated by Hannibal eight Thousand of our Soldiers his Prisoners not such as had either been taken in Battel or had fled from any imminent Danger of their Lives but were left in the Camp by Paullus and Varro the then two Consuls The Senate decreed that these should not be Ransom'd tho' it might have been done with a small Sum of Money for no other end but to let our Soldiers see that either they must resolve to Conquer or Die Upon the News of which as the same Author tells us Hannibal presently began to be disheartned when he saw that the Senate and People of Rome had so great Resolution even in the midst of their Misfortunes Thus we see Honesty gets the better in the comparison against that which has only the Appearance of Profit But d A learned Roman who was Quaestor and Tribune of the People He writ the Annals of the Roman Empire in Greek which are thought to have been translated into Latin by Q. Claudius Quadrigarius and to be the Claudii Annales Aciliani quoted by Livy Acilius who has written an History in Greek says More of 'em return'd under this Pretence to the Camp hoping by such a Trick to get quit of their Oaths and that they were all of 'em branded with Shame and Dishonour by the Censors But let us now put an end to this third Head since from what has been said 't is apparently manifest That whatever is contrary to the Virtue of Fortitude that is to say whatever is done with a timerous mean disheartned abject Spirit can never be really and truly Profitable because it is wicked disgraceful and odious And such would this Action of Regulus have been had he either in delivering his Sence about the Captives spoke what was for his own not the Publick Security or afterwards chosen to remain at home instead of returning to fulfil his Oath CHAP. XXXIII Nothing contrary to Temperance c. can be truly Profitable Who those Philosophers were that made Happiness and Misery consist in Pleasure and Pain This Opinion ruins all Virtue Prudence Fortitude Temperance and Justice However these Philosophers endeavour to clear themselves of this Imputation but can't get well off Pleasure opposite to Honesty The Absurdity of those who would have made Happiness to consist in both these A short Recapitulation of this last Book How far Pleasure may be allow'd A Conclusion by way of Exhortation to his Son WE have now finish'd our third Head a He has shewn that nothing can ever be Profitable that 's contrary to three of the general Virtues Justice Prudence and Courage It only remains that he shew the same of the fourth Temperance which he endeavours to do in this Chapter the fourth and last remains only to be spoke to which contains in it Decency Modesty Moderation Continence and Temperance And can any thing be Profitable that is opposite to a Train of such excellent Virtues There hath been however a Sect of Philosophers Scholars of Aristippus who were call'd b Because Aristippus chap. 14. Book 1. was born at Cyrene a Town in Africk Cyrenaicks and others who had the Name of c So call'd from one Anniceris a Cyrenian Scholar of Paraebates a Cyrenaick He corrected a little the Cyrenaick Opinions and therefore was call'd Founder of a new Sect. See Menage on Laertius's Life of Aristippus where he shews there were two call'd Anniceris the former Contemporary with Plato and his Redeemer when a Slave in Aegina and the latter of this Sect. Annicerians given them that affirm all Good to consist in Pleasure and count Virtue it self therefore only desirable because of some Pleasure which it brings along with it But these being now almost worn out of Date Epicurus is mightily come into Vogue the great Supporter and as 't were second Founder of the same Opinions With these we must fight as they say with might and main if ever we think of supporting the Cause and maintaining the Interest of Virtue and Honesty For if what d An Athenian Scholar and most intimate Friend to Epicurus often mention'd by our Author Metrodorus has written pass for Truth That whatever can truly be call'd our Profit nay and all the Welfare and Happiness of Life consists in a firm Constitution of Body and a well-grounded Hope of its lasting Continuance it is certain this Profit nay this sovereign Profit for such they account it must sometimes be set in opposition to Honesty e He proceeds to shew That this Opinion ruins all the Virtues as first Prudence For what in the first place will be the Office of Prudence only to cater and look about for Pleafures How miserable a case is that Virtue in which is thus made a Servant and Pander to Pleasure But what shall be her Business in this Office to tast and distinguish ingeniously betwixt Pleasures Supposing this to be a pleasant Business 't is certainly the most scandalous one that could ever have been thought on Again Can he that makes Pain be the greatest Evil have ever such a Virtue as Fortitude in him the very Nature of which consists wholly in despising of Pains and Difficulties I know Epicurus upon several Occasions and this in particular speaks very couragiously as to the matter of Pain but we must not consider so much what is said as what ought to be said by a Man of his Principles who makes Pleasure and Pain to be the ultimate Bounds of Man's Happiness and Misery So again if you 'd hear him about Continence and Temperance he tells you abundance of extraordinary things in a great many places but he 's gravell'd as we speak and can never be able to acquit himself handsomly For with what Face of Reason can he commend Temperance who places his Happiness in the Enjoyment of Pleasures f That is Pleasure Epicurus's Happiness consists in indulging the sensual Appetite but Temperance consists in opposing this Appetite therefore Temperance and Pleasure can never agree and consequently Epicurus is inconsistent with himself when he commends Temperance and yet makes Pleasure his soveraign Good when the sensual Appetite follows after Pleasures and 't is the Business of Temperance to correct that Appetite g Having prov'd that this Opinion ruins all the Virtues he proceeds to shew how these endeavour to bring themselves off in each of them But still they endeavour