otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâ—echings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aâ—rarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâ—s to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâ—quence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
done nothing of himself but by the impulsion of the State among whom such was his condition that the people had as great authority over him as he himself had in regard of the people who were likewise inforced to this war because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galles whereof his smal means might be a sufficient argument For his experience was not so little to think himself able with so small a power to overthrow the people of Rome but it was a generall appointment throughout all Gallia upon this day to assault all Caesars garrisons to the end that one legion might not give relief unto another Galles could not easily deny the request of Galles especially when it concerned their publick liberty Now having satisfied that duty which he owed to his Country he had respect to Caesar his benefits in regard whereof he admonished them and prayed Titurius for the hospitality that had been between them that he would look to the safety of himself and his souldiers There was a great number of Germans that had already passed the Rhene and would be here within two days and therefore let them advâ—se themselves whether they thought it good before the next borderers percâ—ived it to depart with their souldiers out of their wintering-places either to Cicero or Labienus of whom the one was not past fifty mile off and the other a little further For his own part he promised them thus much and confirmed it by oath that they should have saâ—e passage through his territories for so he should both do a pleasure to his countrey in disburthening it of garrisons and shew himself thankfull to Caesar for his benefits This speeâ—h being ended Ambiorix departed and Carpineius and Junius made report thereof to the Legates OBSERVATION LEander his counsell to use the Foxes skin where the Lions faileth doth shew that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour then the powers of our body are overcome with force For oftentimes the mind is so disquieted with the extremity of perturbation that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions nor the judgement determine of that which is most for our good but according as any passion shall happen to reigne in our disposition so are we carried headlong to the ruine of our fortune without sense of errour or mistrust of well-succeeding whereas the body continueth firme in his own strength and is subject onely to a greater weight of power by which it may be subdued and overthrown It behoveth us therefore to take good heed that our surest hold be not unfastned by the subtilty of the Fox when it hath continued firm against the force of the Lion and that the treachery of the spirit do not disadvantage those meanes which either our own power or opportunity hath gained in our actions Wherein a Commander cannot have a better rule for his direction then to beware that violence of passion do not hinder the course of sound deliberation and withall to be jealous of whatsoever an Enemy shall either by speech or action seem to thrust upon him how colourable soever the reasons may be which are alledged to induce him thereunto For first if the mind be not confâ—â—med by the vertue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions it may easily be seduced either by fear or vain imagination diffident conceptions or over-easie credulity with many other such disturbing powers from that way which a good discretion and an understanding free from passion would have taken First therefore I hold it necessary to have the consistory of our judgement well setled with a firme resolution and with the presence of the mind before we enter into deliberation of such things as are made happy unto us by good direction And then this amongst other circumstances will give some help to a good conclusion when we consider how improbable it is that an Enemy whose chiefest care is to weaken his adversary and bring him to ruine should advise him of any thing that may concern his good unlesse the profit which he himself shall thereby gather do far exceed that which the contrary part may expect I grant that in civile waâ—s where there are many friends on either party and have the adverse cause as dear unto them as their own there are oftentimes many advertisements given which proceed from a true and sincere affection and may advantage the party whom it concerneth as well in preventing any danger as in the furtherance of their cause and therefore are not altogether to be neglected but to be weighed by circumstances and accordingly to be respected whereof we have many pregnant examples in the civile wars of France particularly in Monsieur lâ— Noâ— his discourses but where there are two Armies different in nation language and humour contending for that which peculiarly belongeth unto one of them where care to keep that which is dearest unto them possesseth the one and hope of gain stirreth up the other there is commonly such an universall hatred between them that they are to look for small advantage by advertisements from the enemy Which if the Romans had well considered this subtle Gall had not dispossest them of their strength nor brought them to ruine CHAP. XI The Romans call a councell upon this advertisement and resolve to depart and joyn themselves to some other of the Leâ—ions THe Romans being troubled at the suddainnesse of the matter albeit the things were spoken by an Enemy yet they thought them no way to be neglected but especially it moved them for that it was incredible that the Eburones being base and of no reputation durst of themselves make war against the people of Rome And therefore they propounded the matter in a councell wherein there grew a great controversie among them L. Aurunculeius and most of the Tribunes and Centurions of the first orders thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashly nor to depart out of their wintering-camps without expresse commandment from Caesar forasmuch as they were able to resist never so great a power yea even of the Germans having their garririsons well fortified an argument whereof was that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the Enemy and given them many wounds Neither wanted they any victualls and before that provision which they had was spent there would come succour from other garrisons and from Caesar And to conclude what was more dishonourable or â—avoured of greater inconstancy then to consult of their weightiest affairs by the advertisement of an Enemy Titurius urged vehemently to the contrary that it then would be too late for them to seek a remedy when a greater power of the Enemy accompanied with the Germans were assembled against them or when any blow were given to any of the next wintering-camps He took Caesar to be gone into Italy for otherwise the Carnutes would not have adventured to kill Tasgetius neither durst the Eburones have
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sâ—n Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
that a Commander must expect to meet with times wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity being troubled rather with strong apprehensions then for any danger of the thing feared CHAP. XII Curio disputeth the matter in a Councell of war FOr which causes a Councell of war being called they began to deliberate what course was to be taken I here were some opinions which thought that it was very expedient to assault and take Varus Camp for that there was nothing more dangerous then idlenesse for the breeding and increase of such imaginations as the souldiers had conceived Others said It were better to try the fortune of a battel and to free themselves by valourous endeavour rather then to be forsaken and abandoned of their own party and left to undergo most grievous and extreme torments There were others which thought it fit to return about the third watch of the night to Cornelius Camp that by interposing some respite of time the souldiers might be better settled and confirmed in their opinions and if any mischance further happened they might by reason of their store of shipping with more ease and safety return back to Sicily Curio misliking both the one and the other said That there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion as abounded in the other for these entered into a consideration of a dishonourable unbeseeming flight and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequall and disadvantageous place For with what hope saith he can we assault a Camp so fortified both by Nature and Art Or what have we gained if with great losse and damage we shall go away and give it over As though things well and happily atchieved did not get to the Commander great good will from the souldier and things ill carried as much hate Concerning the removing of our Camp what doth it inferre but a shamefull retreat a despair in all men and an alienation of the Army For it is not fit to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised to imagine that they are distrusted nor on the other side to the ill-disposed that they are redoubted or feared and the rather because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill and abate the endeavour of good men in well deserving And if saith he these things are well known unto us already that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the Army which for mine own part I think either to be altogether false or at least lesse then in opinion they are thought to be is it not better to dissemble and hide them then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us Ought we not as we do hide the wounds of our bodies to cover the inconveniences of an Army least we should minister hope or courage to the Adversarie But some there are that advise to set forward at midnight to the end as I imagine that such as are desirous to offend may perform it with more scope and licentiousnesse For such disorders are repressed and reformed either with shame or fear to both which the night is an enemy And therefore as I am not of that courage to think without hope or means that the Enemies Camp is to be assaulted so on the other side I am not so fearfull as to be wanting in that which is fitting but am rather of opinion that we try all things before we yield to that and do assure my self that for the most part we are all of one mind concerning this point OBSERVATIONS AS in matter of Geometry Rectum est Index sui obliqui a straight line manifesteth both it self and a crooked line being equall to all the parts of rectitude and unequall to obliquity so is it in reason and discourse For a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts as it doth not only approve it self to be levelled at that which is most fitting but sheweth also what is indirect and crooked concerning the same matter and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and opinions and so hardly hit upon in the lame discourse of common reason that Plato thought it a piece of divine power to direct a path free from the crookednesse of errour which might lead the straight and ready way to happy ends And the rather forasmuch as in matter of debate there are no words so weighty but do seem balanced with others of equall consideration as here it happened from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature convicted Idlenesse for the Authour of their variable and unsettled minds and as Xenophon hath observed very hard to be endured in one man much worse in a whole family but no way sufferable in an Army which the Romans called Exercitus ab exercitio from exercise For remedy whereof they propounded labour without hope of gain and such service as could bring forth nothing but losse Others preferring security before all other courses as believing with Livie that Captains should never trust Fortune further then necessity constrained them perswaded a retreat to a place of safety but upon dishonourable tearms Which unevennesse of opinions Curio made straight by an excellent Maxime in this kind thinking it convenient to hold such a course as might neither give honest men cause of distrust nor wicked men to think they were feared For so he should be sure in good tearms of honour neither to discourage the better sort nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse And thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words as knowing that to be true of Annius the Praetor that it more importeth occasions to do then to say being an easy matter to fit words to things unfolded resolved upon he brake up the Councell CHAP. XIII Curio calleth a generall assembly of the souldiers and speaketh unto them concerning their fear and retraction THe Councell being risen he gave order for a Convocation of the Army and there called to remembrance what they had done for Caesar at Confinium how by their favour and furtherance he had gained the greatest part of Italy to be on his side For by you saith he and by your endeavour all the rest of the Municipal towns were drawn to follow Caesar and there fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him and the adverse party conceived as great indignation spight against you For Pompey was not forced away by any battel but being prejudiced by your act he quitted Italy Caesar hath recommended me whom he held near unto himself together with the Provinces of Sicily and Africk without which he cannot defend the City and Italy to your trust and fidelity There are some which solicite and perswade you to revolt from my command for what can they wish or desire more then to make
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gâ—â—idius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
night time six thousand men or there abouts of the Canton called Verbigene whether moved through fear of being executed after their Arms were given up or induced with hope of escaping as thinking that amongst such a multitude of people that were there to be rendred their flight should not be missed or at least would be concealed did in the beginning of the night leave the Helvetian Camp and made towards the Rhene and the confines of the Germans Caesar understanding through whose territories they passed commanded them to seek them out and bring them back again if they would be blamelesse in that behalfe And being brought back dealt with them as enemies All the rest after Hostages Arms and fugitives were given in he received to mercy and commanded the Helvetians Tulinges and Latobriges to return into their Country from whence they came And forasmuch as having lost all their provision of Corn there remained nothing at home to satisfy hunger he gave order to the Allebroges to supply them with Corn and willed the Helvetians to reedify their Towns and Cities that they had before destroyed and forsaken Which he did specially for this cause that the Germans inhabiting beyond the Rhene might not be invited with the richnesse of that soil to seat themselves so near neighbours to the Province of Gallia and the Allobroges The Boij at the mediation of the Heduans as knowing them to be men of great valour were permitted to dwell in their Country to whom they gave lands and possessions and received them into the same liberties and immunities as they themselves injoyed In the Helvetian Camp was found a List or Register writ in Greek and brought to Caesar containing by pole the whole number that left their Country how many of them were able to bear Arms and in like manner the boyes old men and women were inrolled apart by themselves The summary whereof was that the whole number of the Helvetians amounted to two hundred sixty three thousand the Tulinges to thirty six thousand the Latobriges to fourteen the Rauracks to twenty three the Boii to thirty two Of these there were that bare Arms one hundred ninety two thousand The totall of all were three hundred sixty eight thousand A view being taken by Caesars appointment of those that returned home there were found one hundred and ten thousand OBSERVATION THe directions concerning their rendry and return were very sound and of good consequence For first in that he commanded them to attend his coming in the place where they were he took away all motions of new trouble which often removes might have caused by the opportunity of some accident which might have happened assuring himself that their aboad in that place would increase their miseries and consequently ripen that desire of peace which they made shew of considering that the Langones in whose territories they were durst not for fear of Caesars displeasure furnish them with any necessaries in that extremity Touching the security which the Romans required of the loyalty of such people as they conquered their manner was to take as hostages a sufficient number of the men-children of the chiefest men of that Nation whose lives depended upon their Parents fidelity and ended with the first suspicion of their rebellion Which custome besides the present good promised the like or better security to the next age when as those children by conversation and acquaintance should be so affected to the Roman Empire that returning to their own country their actions might rather tend to the advancement thereof then any way be prejudiciall to the same And least the love of liberty and freedome should prevail more with them then that affection which Nature had injoyned them to bear to their children he did what he could to take away the means and instruments of their rebellion by causing them to deliver up such Arms and weapons as were there present and so to become sutable to that petition of peace which they had made The summe of all is this he corrected the insolency of a furious people and reduced them to a feeling of their own madnesse He kept them from sacking the possessions of many thousands in the continent of Gallia and sent them back again to continue their name and Nation in the place where they first inhabited which continueth unto this day And thus we see that there is no humour so head-strong nor so backt with strength of circumstances but it may meet with a remedy to qualify the insolency thereof and make it subject to correction and controulment Chap. XII The States of Gallia congratulate Caesars victorie they call a councell and discover their inward grief concerning Ariovistus and his forces THe Helvetian war being thus ended the Princes and chief men of all the States of Gallia came to Caesar to congratulate the happinesse of this victory insomuch as they well understood that albeit the people of Rome had by the course of this war revenged the injuries which heretofore they had done unto them yet neverthelesse the issue thereof did redound no lesse profitable to the peace of Gallia then to the Roman Empire forasmuch as the Helvetians left their houses and Country abounding with all plenty and prosperity for no other purpose but to invade the whole Country of Gallia and to bring it in subjection to themselves and choosing out of that large Continent some fit and fruitfull place of habitation to make the rest of the States their Tributaries They required further that with his good leave they might call a generall assembly at a day prefixed of all the States of Gallia forasmuch as they had matters of great importance to be handled which they desired with a common consent to preferr to his consideration Which being granted and the day of meeting appointed they bound themselves by oath not to reveal the causes of their assembly but to such as should be designed by common counsel The Parliament being broken up the same Princes returned to Caesar and desired that they might in secret treat with him of the safety of themselves and all the rest which being granted they cast themselves in lamentable manner at his feet contending with a great earnestnesse that those things which they delivered might not be revealed as they did to have their petition granted forasmuch as they saw that the discovery of such declarations as they propounded would necessarily pull upon them most grievous afflictions Divitiacus the Heduan in the name of the rest delivered That Gallia was divided into two factions the Hedui were the head of the one and the Arverni of the other These two States contending many years for the principality the Arverni with the Sequans their Clients hired the Germans to take their part of whom at first there passed over the Rhene some fifteen thousand but afterwards these barbarous people having tasted the plenty and civility of the Galles drew over many more that now there were no lesse then one hundred
and twenty thousand With these the Hedui and their Clients had once or oftener fought but the successe sorted to their own calamity and the utter overthrow of their Nobility and Senate with which losses they were so broken and decayed that whereas heretofore as well by their own credit as by the favour of the people of Rome they struck a great stroke throughout all Gallia they were now driven to deliver the chiefest of their State as pledges to the Sequans and to bind themselves by oath never to seek their release or freedome nor to implore the aid of the people of Rome nor to seek means to free themselves from their soveraignty onely himself of all the Heduans could not be brought to take that oath or to give his children as hostages for which cause he fled to Rome and besought help of the Senate being no way obliged to the contrary either by oath or hostages But it so fell out that the victory became more grievous to the Sequans then to the Heduans for that Ariovistus king of the Germans was planted in their territories and being already possest of a third part of their Country which was the best part of all Gallia did now require the Sequans to forgo another third part for that a few months before there were come unto him twenty four thousand Harudes to whom lands and possessions were to be allotted Whereby it would come to passe within a few years that all the Galles would be driven out of their dwellings and all the Germans would come over the Rhene for there was no comparison between Gallia and Germany either in richnesse of soil or fashion of life Concerning Ariovistus after he had once defeated the Galles in a battel near Amagetobrig he carried himself very cruelly and insolently requiring the children of all the Nobility for hostages and shewing strange examples of torture upon them If any thing were done not according to his command or desire he would easily shew himself to be a barbarous fierce and hasty man whose tyranny they could no longer endure and unlesse there were help to be found in Caesar and the people of Rome all the Galles must as the Helvetians did forsake their Country and seek new houses and seats of habitation far remote from the Germans and try their fortunes whatever befell them If these things should haply be discovered to Ariovistus he would doubtlesse take a severe revenge of all the pledges in his custody Caesar might by his own authority or the presence of his Army or by the renown of his late victory or by the countenance of the people of Rome keep the Germans from transporting any more Colonies into Gallia and defend it from the injuries of Ariovistus This speech being delivered by Divitiacus all that were present with much weeping besought Caesar to give them relief Caesar observed that onely the Sequans of all the rest did no such matter or were so affected as the others were but with their heads hanging down looked mournfully upon the ground and wondering at it asked them the cause thereof To which they made no reply but stood silent with the same countenance of sorrow And having oftentimes iterated his demand without gaining any word of answer Divitiacus the Heduan replied that the state of the Sequans was herein more miserable and grievous then the rest that they of all others durst not complain or implore aid although it were in secret as having before their eyes the crueltie of Ariovistus being absent no lesse then if he were present And the rather for that other men had safe means of flying away but the Sequans having received Ariovistus into their Countrey and made him Master of their townes were necessarily to undergo all miseries These things being known Caesar incouraged the Galles with good words and promised them to have a care of that matter as having great hope that by his meanes and power Ariovistus should be forced to offer no further injuries And thereupon dismissed the Councell OBSERVATIONS IN this relation there are divers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are willing to be directed by other mens misadventures As first into what extremities ambition doth drive her thirsty favourites by suppressing the better faculties of the soul and setting such unbridled motions on foot as carry men headlong into most desperate attempts For as it had deserved commendation in either faction so to have carried their emulation that by their own means and strength applied to the rule of good government their authority might wholly have swayed the inclination of the weaker states so was it most odious in the Sequani to call in forraign forces to satisfy the appetite of their untempered humour and in the end they were accordingly rewarded Secondly it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrel which civile dissension hath broached when the party that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance upon occasion as he was willing to entertain it for advantage Lastly the often discontents of these States shew the force of a present evil which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soul that any other calamity either already past or yet to come how great soever seemeth tolerable and easy in regard of that smart which the present grief inflicteth So the Sequani chose rather to captivate their liberty to the Barbarisme of a savage Nation then to indure the Hedui to take the hand of them And again to make themselves vassals to the Romans rather then indure the usurping cruelty of the Germans And finally as the sequele of the history will discover to hazard the losse of life and Country then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the Romans So predominant is the present evil in mens affections and so it prevaileth at the seat of our judgement Chap. XIII The reasons that moved Caesar to undertake this war MAny were the inducements which moved him to take that businesse to heart As first that the Heduans who were oftentimes stiled by the Senate with the title of Brethren Cousins and Allies were in the servitude and thraldome of the Germans and that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequans which in so great a soveraignty of the people of Rome he took to be very dishonourable both to himself and the Commonweal As also for that he saw it very dangerous for the Roman Empire that the Germans should accustome by little and little to stock in such multitudes into Gallia Neither did he think he could moderate or restrain such fierce and barbarous people but that having possessed all the Continent of Gallia they would as the Cimbri and Teutons had done before break out into the Province and so into Italy especially the Sequans being divided from the Province but with the river Rhone These things he thought fit with all speed to prevent and the rather for that Ariovistus was grown
by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity and by discourse which fear had interrupted in them to put down a usurping passion which had so troubled the government of the soul recalling it to the mean of true resolution which was to moderate audacity with warinesse but not to choak valour with beastly cowardice for these Oratory inducing perswasions were not the least point of their discipline considering how they framed the inward habite of the mind being the fountain and beginning of all motion to give life and force to those actions which the severity of outward discipline commanded For as laws and constitutions of men inforce obedience of the body so reason and perswasions must win the souls consent according to that saying Homines duci volunt non cogi Chap. XVI Caesar his speech to the Army concerning this fear CAesar being informed of these things called a Councell of war admitting all the Centurions of what degrees or orders soever unto the same And being thus assembled he greatly blamed them First that any should be so inquisitive as to imagine to themselves whither upon what service they were carried Concerning Ariovistus he had in the time of Caesars Consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of Rome and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty For his own part he was verily perswaded that if Ariovistus once knew his demands and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him he would not easily reject his friendship or the favour of the people of Rome But if he were so mad as to make war upon them why should they fear him or why should they despair either of their own prowesse or of Caesars diligence For if it came to that point the enemy that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before first in the memory of their fathers when the Cambri and Teutonâ— were vanquished by Marius at what time the Army merited no lesse honour then the Generall and now of late again in Italy at the insurrection of the Bondmen who were not a little furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the Romans Whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause being naked and unarmed the same men afterwards although well armed and Conquerers withall they nobly overcame And to be short these were no other Germans then those whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts and not only in their own Country where the Helvetians dwelt themselves but also even at home at their own doors and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their party good against our Armies If any man were moved at the flight and overthrow of the Galles upon inquiry he should find that being wearied with continuall wars after that Aâ—â—ovistus had for many months together kept himself within his Camp in a boggy and fenny Country and despairing of any occasion of battel he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed and so overcame them rather by policy then by force Which although it took place against savage and unskilfull people yet was not Ariovistus so simple as to think that he could insnare our Armies with the like subtilties As for those that fained the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of Corn and the dangerousnesse of the way they seemed very arrogant in their conceits in presuming to direct their Generall as if he had not known what pertained to his duty The Sequans and Lingons had undertook that charge besides that Corn was almost ripe every where in the fields and what the wayes were should shortly be seen Whereas it was given out that the souldiers would not obey his Mandates nor advance their Standards he little valued it for he was well assured that if an Army refused to be obedient to their Generall it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises or else for that he was notoriously convicted of Avarice but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocency and the overthrow of the Helvetians his happinesse And therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time he would now put in execution out of hand for the night following at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence that without further delay he might understand whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them then fear or cowardise And though he wist that no man else would follow him yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone of whom he had no doubt or suspicion and would take them as a guard to his person Caesar had chiefly favoured this legion and put much trust in them for their valour Vpon the making of this speech the minds of all men were wonderfully changed for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the war And then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions of the first Orders to give Caesar satisfaction protesting they neither doubted nor feared nor gave any censure of the issue of that war but alwayes left it to the wisdome of the Generall Their satisfaction being taken and a view being made of the wayes by Divitiacus whom of all the Galles he best trusted and report being by him made that in fetching a compasse of fifty miles he might carry his Army in open and champain Countries in the fourth watch of the night according to his former saying he set forward THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the speech it self are presented many specialities both concerning their discipline and Military instructions which deserve examination amongst which I note first the extraordinary number admitted to the Councell Omnium ordinum ad id concilium adâ—ibitis Conturionibus whereas there were usually no more admitted to their councell of war but the Legates Questor Tribunes and the Centurions of the first Orders which I understand to be the first Hastate the first Priâ—â—eps and the first Piluâ—â— of every legion And this is manifestly proved out of the fiâ—th Commentary where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix in which amongst other there were two valiant Centurions Puisio and Varenus between whom there was every year great emulation for place of preferment jam primis ordâ—â—bus 〈…〉 saith Caesar that is they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion and were very near the dignity of the first cohort wherein as in all the rest there were three maniples and in every maniple two orders THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe first motive which he useth to recall
man shall apprehend the terrour of the danger and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it And albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul as the piety and respect of aged parents the tender affection towards wife and children are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution yet the motives are of such weight as will rather make them dissident of their own worth as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth forasmuch as the terrour and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind then the hope of victory can afford them joy Hence therefore groweth the difference between him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of Arms and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour For the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate which affrighteth and troubleth having no other reward propounded unto him and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming which much increaseth his valour without any losse or disadvantage if he chance to be put to the worst And therefore there is alwayes great odds between him that hath already lost his goods and is by that means become desperate having nothing further to lose and another that yet keepeth his substance but is in danger to lose it for fear will so dismay his mind that he will rather distrust his own ability then entertain a resolution of valour To prove this we need not seek other examples then those imperiall Cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved For when Hannibal was come into Italy and had defeated Sempronius the Consul at Trebia the Romans were driven into such an extasy of terrour that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the City neither had they any hope or aide in themselves to keep or defend the same On the other side Scipio was no sooner landed in Africk but there was such a tumult in Carthage as though the City had been already taken neither could the opinion of victory which Hannibal by a conquering Army in Italy had confirmed for sixteen years together prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger And then that which Fabius borrowed of Nature to teach the Romans that first men ought to defend their own before they seek other mens possessitons was carefully followed by the Carthaginians for with all speed they sent for Hannibal out of Italy to be their Champion against young Scipio If therefore other things be correspondent as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either Nation to be considered I take it much better for a Prince to invade an enemy in his own country then to attend him at home in his own kingdome THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe last circumstance which I note in this speech was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion being in it self peradventure as faulty as any other wherein he shewed great Art and singular Wisdome For he that hath once offended and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men can hardly be perswaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction And although the punishment be remitted yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any vertuous action but still remaineth to cast dishonour upon the offender and to accuse him of disloyalty And therefore it oftentimes happeneth that an errour being once rashly committed through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency but either draweth on more grievous crimes confirming that of the Poet Scelere scelus â—uendum est or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacy as it is said of the Lion that being found by Hunters in a Cave he will rather dy in the place then quit it for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge and therefore his property is thus expressed ingrediendo caecus exeundo protervus This did Caesar wisely prevent by clearing the tenth legion of that of which he accused the rest of the Army which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation inasmuch as they were witnesse to themselves of a common errour and the other legious envying at their fortune resolved to shew as great alacrity in the sequele of the war and to deserve more then the judgement of the Emperour had imputed to their fellows Chap. XVII The treaty between Caesar and Ariovistus THe seventh day as he continued on his march his Espials brought him word that Ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place who as soon as he understood of Caesars coming sent Embassadours unto him declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer and that he might do it without danger he was content to admit of a parlee Caesar refused not the offer thinking now to find him reasonable in that he offered of his own accord what he had formerly denied at Caesars request and thereby was in good hope that understanding what was required he would in the end consider of the many favours he had received from the people of Rome and desist from such wilful courses The fifth day following was appointed for the Treaty In the mean time there passed often Messages reciprocally between them Ariovistus required that Caesar would not bring any footmen to the parlee for that he feared to be circumvented by treachery and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their Cavalrie otherwise he would not give meeting Caesar not willing to put off the Treaty for any such cause nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the French horse thought it most convenient to leave the French Riders behind him and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion whom he best trusted upon their horses that if he stood in need he might have a faithfull guard of his friends about him Whereupon one of the souldiers said prettily that Caesar had done more for them then he had promised for he had said before he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person and now he had inrolled them all for horsemen There was a great and open Plain and in the midst thereof a rising Mount which was almost in the mid way between both the Camps and thither according to the agreement they came to parlee The legion which Caesar had brought with him on horseback he placed two hundred paces from the said Mount and likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood in the same distance Ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback and bring each of them ten persons to the conference At their meeting Caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the Senate had done unto him in that he was by their authority intituled by the name of a King and a Friend and thereupon
suffice the front of his battel and having both the sides of the hill so steep that the enemy could not ascend nor climb up but to their own overthrow he made the back-part of the hill strong by Art and so placed his souldiers as it were in the gate of a fortresse where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure Whereby it appeareth how much he preferred security and safety before the vain opinion of fool-hardy resolution which savoureth of Barbarisme rather then of true wisedome for he ever thought it great gain to loose nothing and the day brought alwayes good fortune that delivered up the Army safe unto the evening attending untill advantage had laid sure principles of victory and yet Caesar was never thought a coward And now it appeareth what use he made by passing his Army over the river and attending the enemy on the further side rather then on the side of the state of Rhemes for by that means he brought to passe that whatsoever the enemy should attempt in any part or quarter of the land his forces were ready to trouble their proceedings as it happened in their attempt of Bibrax and yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunity of making slaughter of them as they passed over the river For by the benefit of the bridge which he had fortified he transported what forces he would to make head against them as they passed over and so he took what advantage either side of the river could afford him THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd here the Reader may not marvell if when the hils are in labour they bring forth but a mouse for how soon is the courage of this huge Army abated or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour but being hastily carried together by the violence of passion were as quickly dispersed upon the sight of an enemy which is no strange effect of a sudden humour For as in Nature all violent motions are of short continuance and the durability or lasting qualitie of all actions proceedeth from a slow and temperate progression so the resolutions of the mind that are carried with an untemperate violence and savour so much of heat and passion do vanish away even with the smoak thereof and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentance And therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures to qualify their hasty resolutions with a mistrustfull lingering that when their judgement is well informed of the cause they may proceed to a speedy execution But that which most bewrayeth their indiscreet intemperance in the hot pursuit of this enterprise is that before they had scarce seen the enemy or had opportunity to contest him in open field their victuals began to fail them for their minds were so carried away with the conceit of war that they had no leisure to provide such necessaries as are the strength and sinew of the war It was sufficient for every particular man to be known for a souldier in so honourable an action referring other matters to the care of the State The States in like manner thought it enough to furnish out fourty or fifty thousand men apiece to discharge their oath and to save their hostages committing other requisites to the generall care of the confederacy which being directed by as unskilfull governours never looked further then the present multitude which seemed sufficient to overthrow the Roman Empire And thus each man relied upon anothers care and satisfied himself with the present garbe So many men of all sorts and qualities so many helmets and plumed crests such strife and emulation what state should seem in greatest forwardnesse were motives sufficient to induce every man to go without further inquiry how they should go And herein the care of a Generall ought especially to be seen considering the weaknesse of particular judgements that having the lives of so many men depending altogether upon his providence and engaged in the defence of their state and country he do not fail in these main points of discipline which are the pillars of all warlike designes To conclude this point let us learn by their errour so to carry a matter especially of that consequence that we make it not much worse by ill handling it then it was before we first took it to our charge as it here happened to the Belgae For their tumultuous armes sorted to no other end then to give Caesar just occasion to make war upon them with such assurance of victory that he made small account of that which was to follow in regard of that which had already happened considering that he should not in all likelihood meet with the like strength again in the continuance of that war And this was not only gravius bellum successori tradere to leave a more considerable war unto his successour as it often falleth out in the course of a long continued war but to draw a dangerous war upon their heads that otherwise might have lived in peace Chap. VI. The Belgae break up their Camp and as they return home are chased and slaughtered by the Romans THis generall resolution being entertained by the consent of the whole councell of warre in the second watch they departed out of their camp with a great noise and tumult without any order as it seemed or government every man pressing to be formost on his journey and to be first at home in such a turbulent manner that they seemed all to run away Whereof Caesar having notice by his spies and mistrusting some practise not as yet perceiving the reason of their departure he kept his Army within his Camp In the dawning of the day upon certain intelligence of their departure he sent first his horsemen under Q. Pedius and L. Aurunculcius Cotta two Legates to stay the rereward commanding Labienus to follow after with three legions these overtaking the Belgae and chasing them many miles slew a great number of them And while the rereward staâ—ed and valiantly received the charge of the Romans the vantguard being out of danger and under no government assoon as they head the alarm behind them brake out of their ranks and betook themselves to flight and so the Romans slew them as long as the sun gave them light to pursue them and then sounding a retreat they returned to their Camp OBSERVATION IT hath been an old rule amongst souldiers That a great and negligent errour committed by an enemy is to be suspected as a pretence to treachery We read of Fulvius a Legate in the Roman Armie lying in Tuscâ—nie The Consul being gone to Rome to perform some publick duty the Tuscans took occasion by his absence to try whether they could draw the Romans into any inconvenience and placing an ambuscado near unto their camp sent certain souldiers attired like shepherds with droves of cattell to passe in view of the Roman Army who handled the matter so that they
government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâ—s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâ—d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
OBSERVATION IT now plainly appeareth by this negligent and ill-ordered march and the unlooked for incounter which the Galles gave them that fear had ratified in the judgement of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix with an approbation of a certain truth and layed that for a principle which a discourse free from passion would have discerned to be but weak and of no probability which so much the more amazed Titurius by how much his apprehension had erred from the truth and betrayed good counsell to a course full of danger which as Caesar noteth must needs fall upon such as are then to seek for direction when the businesse requireth execution I have handled already the inconveniences of disappointment and therefore at this time will but bring it only into remembrance that we may take the greater care to prevent an accident of that nature wherein as the best remedy for an evil is to foresee it according to the saying Praevisa pereunt mala evils foreseen fall of themselves so the greatest mischief in an evil is when it cometh unthought of and besides our expectation for then it falleth upon us with a supernaturall weight and affrighteth the mind with a superstitious astonishment as though the divine powers had prevented our designments with an irremediable calamity and cut off our appointment with a contrary decree although peradventure the thing it self carry no such importance but might be remedied if we were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen It were no ill counsell therefore what resolution soever be taken to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions as that which is likely to happen from the direction of our chiefest projects and so we shall be sure to have a present mind in the midst of our occasions and feel no further danger then that which the nature of the thing inforceth CHAP. XIII The Romans cast themselves into an Orbe and are much discouraged BUt Cotta who had before thought that these things might happen by the way and for that cause would not be the authour of the journey was not wanting in any thing that concerned their common safety for both in calling upon the souldiers and incouraging them he executed the place of a Commander and in fighting the duty of a souldier And when they found that by reason of the length of their troup they were not able in their own persons to see all things done and to give direction in every place they caused it to be proclaimed that they should all for sake their baggage and â—ast themselves into an Orbe Which direction although in such a case it be not to be reproved yet it fell out ill favouredly for it both abated the courage of the Romans gave the Enemy greater incouragement inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken but upon a great fear and in extremity of perill Moreover it hapened as it could not otherwise chuse that the souldiers went from their Ensignes to take from the carriages such things as were most dear unto them and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings But the Barbarous Galles were not to learn how to carry themselves For their Commanders caused it to be proclaimed that no man should stir out of his place for the prey was theirs and all that the Romans had laid apart was reserved for them and therefore let them suppose that all things consisted in the victory The Romans were equall to the Galles both in number of men and valour and albeit they were destitute of good Captains and of good fortune yet they reposed in their manhood all the hope of their safety and as often as any cohort issued out they failed not to make a great slaughter of the Enemy on that part THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have already handled the nature of an Orbe with such properties as are incident to a Circle wherein I shewed the conveniency of this figure in regard of safe and strong imbattelling I will now add thus much concerning the use thereof that as it is the best manner of imbattelling for a defensive strength and therefore never used but in extremity so we must be very carefull that the sudden betaking of our selves to such a refuge do not more dismay the souldiers then the advantage of that imbattelling can benefit them For unlesse a Leader be carefull to keep his men in courage that their hearts may be free from despair and amazement what profit can there arise from any disposition or body soever when the particular members shall be senselesse of that duty which belongeth unto them For order is nothing but an assistance to courage giving means to manage our valour with advantage In the war of Africk we reaâ— that Caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies were forced to make an Orbe but he quickly turned it to a better use by advancing the two Cornets two contrary wayes and so divided the Enemy into two parts and then beat them back to their great disadvantage THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Need not stand upon this order which the Galles here took concerning pillage that no souldier should forsake his station or disrank himself in hope of spoil which is a thing that from the very infancy of wars hath often changed the fortune of the day and sold the honour of a publick victory for private lucre and petty pilfering Amongst other examples let that which Guicciardine reporteth of the battel of Taro suffice to warn a well-directed Army as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name King of France received at that time as by the losse which the Italians felt by that disorder not to seek after pillage untill the victory be obtained THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe insufficiency of these Commanders whereof Caesar now complaineth as the only want which these Romans had to clear themselves of this danger bringeth to our consideration that which former times have made a question which is Whether is were the vertue of the Roman Leaders or the valour of their souldiers that inlarged their Empire to that greatnesse and made their people and Senate Lords of the world Polybius weighing the causes of a victory which the Carthaginians gained of the Romans by the counsell and good direction of one Zantippus a Grecian having before that time received divers overthrows during the time of those wars in Africk concludeth that it was more in the worthinesse of the Commanders then in any extraordinary vertue of the souldiers that the Romans atchieved so many conquests And besides the present example of Zantippus he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of Hannibal who from the beginning of the second Punick war still gained of the Roman Empire enlarging the territories of Carthage and streightning the jurisdiction of mighty Rome untill it had got a Leader matchable to that subtle Carthagiman and found a Scipio to confront their
each others life in such sort as it was not to be judged which of them deserved greatest honour OBSERVATION CAesar inserteth this accident of the two Centurions as worthy to be related amongst the deeds of Armes contained in these Commentaries Wherein we are first to observe the grounds of this quarâ—ell which was their continuall strife for place of preferment which they sought after by shewing their valour in time of danger and approving their worth by the greatnesse of their desert a contention worthy the Roman discipline may serve for a pattern of true honour full of courage accomplished with vertue For these Simultates which desire of honour had cast between them brought forth emulation which is the spurr of vertue far from enmitie or hatefull contention for the difference between these two qualities is that enmitie hunteth after destruction only rejoyceth in that which bringeth to our adversary utter ruine dishonour or ill atchievement but emulation contendeth only by well deserving to gain the advantage of another mans fame that useth the same â—eans to attain to the like end and is alwayes mixed with love in regard of the affinity of their affections and the sympathy of their desires not seeking the overthrow of their Competitour but succouring him in time of danger and defending him from foul and unfortunate calamity that he may still continue to shew the greatnesse of his worth by the opposition of inferiour actions which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour A vertue rare and unknown in these dayes and would hardly find subjects to be resident in if she should offer her help in the course of our affairs or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositions of our times For we can no sooner conceive the thoughts that breed emulation but it turneth presently to hatred which is followed to the uttermost of our malice and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner then with thousand of Trophies deservedly erected to our honour Which maketh me wonder when I look into the difference of these and those ages whether it were the discipline of that time which brought forth such honest effects of vertue to their glory and our ignominy having learned better rules then were known unto them or whether the world weakened with age want strength in these times to bring forth her creatures in that perfection as it did in those dayes or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent and our better faculties so remisse and negligent that vertue hath no part in us but words of praise our whole practice being consecrated to actions of reproach The injuries murthers scandalous carriages of one towards another which in these dayes are so readily offered and so impatiently digested will admit no satisfaction but private combate which in the first Monarchies was granted only against strangers forreign enemies as the only objects of Arms and wrath and capable of that justice which the private sword should execute for they well perceived that these single battels were as sparkles of civile discord and intestine wars although not so apparent in the generall view of their State yet as odious in particular and as dishonourable to good government And if there were a true record of such as have been either slain or wounded within these fourty years either in this kingdome or in France or in Germany by this licentious and brutish customâ— I make no question but they would amount to a number capable of that fearfull stile which is attributed to Civile wars Neither is there any law how rigorous or hard soever that can give reliefe to this disorder but the restraint will draw on as great enormities and as intolerable in a good governmen◠〈◊〉 King of the Lumbards forâ—ade his subjâ—â—ts this manner of combate but shortly afteâ— he was constrained to recall the Edict for the avoiding of greater evils although he protested the thing to be both inhumane and barbarous The like Edict was published in France by Philip the Fair but was within two years revoked again at the instant request of his Suâ—jects in regard of the murthers and assasinats committed in that kingdome The onely remedy that I find to take effect in this case was that of late time which the Prince of Melphe in Piâ—moâ—t invented to prevent this evill for perceiving how ordinary quarrels and bloud-shed were in his camp he assigned a place between two bridges for the performance of the Duâ—ilum with this charge that he that had the wâ—â—st should alwaies be slain cast from the bridge into the water The danger joyned with dishonour which by this Decree attended such as undertook private combate made the souldiers wiser in their carriage and put an end to their sedition and civile discords But that which is yet worst of all is that custome hath now made it so familiar that every 〈◊〉 seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a private combate a crosse look calleth another mans honour in question but the word Lye is of as great consequence as any stab or villany whatsoever Whereat we may well wonder how it happeneth that we feel our selves so much exasperated at the reproach of that vice which we so ordinarily commit for in the custome of these times to cast upon us the Lye is the greatest in jury that words can do unto us and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth It may be a property in our nature to stand chiefly in the defence of that corruption unto which we are most subject I speak not this to qualifie the foulnesse of this vice for I hold a Lyer to be a monster in nature one that contemneth GOD and feareth man as an ancient Father saith but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition in disdaining to acknowledge that fault which we so commonly commit But I would fain learn when honour first came to be measureD with words for from the beginning it was not so Caesar was often called to his face thief and drunkard without any further matter and the liberty of invectives which great personages used one against another as it began so it ended with words And so I think our Lie might too for I take him that returneth the Lie and so letteth it rest untill further proof to have as great advantage in the reputation of honour as the former that first gave the disgrace CHAP. XXI Ciâ—â—ro findeth means to advertise Caesar of this Accident who hasting raiseth the siege and putteth the Enemy to a great â—laughter AS the siege grew daily hoter aâ—d sharper and specially for that a great part of the souldiers were laid up with wounds and the matter brought into a few mens hands that were able to make any defence so they sent out Letters and Messengers the more often to Caesar of whom some were taken and in the sight of our souldiers tortured to death There
to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended and were carried unseasonably upon a service he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts as common and usuall duties and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards At the siege of Gergovia as it followeth in the seventh Commentary L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself And so for the most part it falleth out that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded do as seed sown in good ground multiply the increase of like vertuous actions And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction he borrowed mony of the Tribunes Centurions gave it in largess to the souldiers whereby he gained as he saith two advantages quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit largitione redemit militum voluntates for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers CHAP. III. Caesar summoneth a generall Councell and carrieth his army against the Senones A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned according to his first resolution in the beginning of the Spring whereas all the rest saving the Senones Carnutes and Treviri made their appearance he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection and thereupon setting all other things aside he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them but were held clear of this confederacy This thing being published from the Tribunall the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones and by great journeys came into their country His coming being known Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence but as they endeavoured before it could be accomplished news was brought that the Romans were already come whereby they necessarily left off their purpose and sent Ambassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour They used the mediation of the Hedui whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon and accepted their excuse forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him rather then in matter of question and judgement and having commanded an hundred pledges he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes whose clients they were received the same answers Caesar ended the Councell and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall wherein all the states of Gallia or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty presented their fealty and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance Concerning which we are to understand that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being depending upon motion and function of parts so specially States and Commonweals as sympathizing with naturall causes have no certain continuance in one and the same being but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune and do passe the ages of a naturall life from infancy growing to better strength untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it and then decaying again by like degrees even to the period and death of that policy For remedy whereof and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body or so possesse any part thereof as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable amongst other helps these councels and meetings have been thought necessary wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present as well to open their grievances if any were and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the Prince should think meet for their government For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned so is it also as a treaty or parlee and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning for the noisome and superâ—luous humours being by this means purged and abated the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies there were many necessary businesses concluded and many things agreed unto serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions as namely the leviâ—s and supplies of horse and foot granted by this Councel as a subsidy which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries and particularly in this book But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen as the flower of their strength and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war wherein the Galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations and have continued the same reputation even unto this time Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them or what other cause it hath I know not but this I am sure of that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is the time wherein it was summoned which was the beginning of the Spring rather then any other part of the
which is stirred up by an eagernesse to fight this a Generall should not crush but cherish So that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custome that the whole army should make a noise and raise a generall shout whereby they supposed as the enemies were affrighted so their own men were incouraged Two contrary effects proceeding from a cause which to common sense carrieth no shew of any such efficacy Vox praeterea nihil a bare voice and nothing more as one said of the Nightingale in another sense But such as do seriously look into the reasons thereof shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser Cato Verba plus quam gladium voces quam manum hostes territare in fugam vertere Words will do more then Swords and Voices sooner then Hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight The ear as I have already noted will sooner betray the soul to the distresse of fear then any other of the five senses Which Josephus well understood although peradventure he applyed not so fit a remedy when he commanded his men to stop their ears at the acclamations of the Roman legions lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat The reason may be for that our discourse diligently attending upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question and valuing every circumstance at the utmost doth alwayes presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance For these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy and are so availeable that they deceive both parties for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is none at all whereby it happeneth Hostes terreri suos incitari that the enemies are affrighted and our own men encouraged as Caesar noteth Besides these examples I might alledge the authority of Holy Writ but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities I will therefore content my self with a practice of our time at the battel of Newport where after divers retreats and pursuits either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appointment and as it often falleth out in such confrontments at last commandement was given to the English to make head again and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout which being accordingly performed a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroak and being charged home were so routed that they made not head again that day For the prevention of such a disadvantage there can be no better president then that which Plutarch noteth touching the battel between the Romans and the Ambrons a part of that deluge of people which came down into Italy with the Cimbri and Teutones for these Ambrons coming out to give battel to the end they might strike fear into the Romans made an often repetition of their own name with a lowd sounding voice Ambrons Ambrons Ambrons The Italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the Ligurians inhabiting the coast of Genoa who hearing this noise and plainly understanding them made answer with the like cry sounding out their own name Ligurii Ligurii Ligurii Whereupon the Captains of both sides made their souldiers cry out altogether contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest and so both sides were encouraged and neither of them disadvantaged Clamore utrinque sublato whilst both sides continued the cry THE THIRD OBSERVATION THis Labienus was a great souldier and well acquainted with Caesars manner in leading an army and made many good fights while he continued under his command but after he betook himself to Pompeys part and joyned with a faction against his first master he never atchieved any thing but losse and dishonour Dux fortis in armis Caesareis Labienus erat nunc transfuga vilis Once Labienus was a Captain stout On Caesars side now a base Turn-about And upon that occasion he is often mentioned as a memoriall of his disloyalty to prove that good successe in matter of war doth follow the Generall rather then any inferiour Captain For it is observed of divers whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some commanders and as unlucky under other leaders like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds and bear store of fruit but being transplanted do either dye or become barren And doubtlesse there may be observed the like sympathy or contrariety in the particular courses of mans life wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes according to the course of their first imbarking And therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successfull ends shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again or to seek by-paths whose ends are both unknown and uncertain and herein the French saying may serve to some purpose Si vous estes bien tenez vous la If you find your self well hold your self there CHAP. VI. Caesar carrieth his army over the Rhene into Germany Caesar being come from the Menapii to the Treviri did resolve to passe the Rhene for two causes the one was for that the Germans had sent succours and supplies to the Treviri the other that Ambiorix might have no reception or entertainment among them Upon this resolution a little above that place where he carried his army over before he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fashion which by the great industry of the souldiers was ended in a few dayes and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge least any sudden motion should rise amongst the Treviri he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot The Ubii which before time had given hostages and were taken into obedienâ—â— sent Ambassadours unto him to clear themselves from imputation of disloyalty and that the Treviri had received no supplies from their State they pray and desire him to spare them least the generall distast of the Germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty and if he would ask more hostages they would willingly give them Caesar upon examination of the matter found that the supplies were sent by the Suevi and thereupon he accepted the satisfaction of the Ubii and inquired the way and the passages to the Suevi Some few dayes after he understood by the Ubii that the Suevi had brought all their forces to one place and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion that they should send them forces of horse and foot Upon this intelligence he made provision of corn chose a sit place to encamp in He commanded the Ubii to take their cattel and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields into their towns hoping that the barbarous and unskilfull men
be done forasmuch as neither the Legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their Generall nor the Generall come to the Legions without a convoy To conclude they held it better to die in fight then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war and the liberty left them by their predecessors OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter discovereth such sparkles of revolt rising from the discontentment of the conquered Galles as were like to break out into an universall burning and within a while proved such a fire as the like hath not been seen in the continent of Gallia For this sommers work verified the saying of the Samnites Quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset That peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage then warre is to free men and was carried on either part with such a resolution as in respect of this service neither the Galles did before that time ingage themselves seriously in their countries cause nor did the Romans know the difficulty of their task But as Epaminondas called the fields of Boeotia Mars his scaffold where he kept his games or as Xenophon nameth the city of Ephesus the Armorers shop so might Gallia for this year be called the Theatre of war The chiefest encouragement of the Galles at this time was the trouble and dissension at Rome about the death of Clodius and the accusation of Milo for killing Clodius This Clodius as Plutarch reporteth was a young man of a noble house but wild and insolent and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice which the Ladies of Rome did celebrate in Caesars house by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench which he did for the love of Pompeia Caesars wife whereof being openly accused he was quitted by secret means which he made to the Judges and afterwards obtained the Tribuneship of the people and caused Cicero to be banished and did many outrages and insolencies in his Tribuneship which caused Milo to kill him for which he was also accused And the Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo being a bold-spirited man and of good quality would move some uproar or sedition in the city they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed as well in this cause as for other offences that the city might be quiet and the commonwealth suffer no detriment Whereupon Pompey possest the market-place where the cause was to be heard with bands of souldiers and troups of armed men And these were the troubles in Rome upon the death of Clodius which the Galles did take as an occasion of revolt hoping thereby that Caesar being in Gallia Cisalpina which province was allotted to his government as well as that Gallia Northward the Alpes would have been detained from his army CHAP. II. The men of Chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉 under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conctodunus THese things being thus disputed the men of Chartâ—es did make themselves the chief of that war refusing no danger for the common safety of their country And forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage lest the matter should be discovered they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath and by mutuall collation of their miâ—â—tary ensignes which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them having made an entrance and beginning to that war The men of Chartres being commended by the rest and the oathes of all them that were present being taken and a time appointed to begin they brake up the assembly When the day came they of Chartres under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conetodunus two desperate fellowes upon a watchword given ran speedily to Genabum and such Roman citizens as were there upon businesse namely C. Fusius Cotta a knight of Rome whom Caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn they slew and took their goods The report thereof was quickly spread over all the States of Gallia for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth they signify it through the country by an out-cry and shout which is taken by others and delivered to the next and so goeth from hand to hand as it happened at this time for that which was done at Genabum at Sun-rising was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the Arverni which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant OBSERVATIONS THis manner of out-cry here mentioned to be usuall in Gallia was the same which remaineth in use at this present in Wales although not so frequent as in former times For the custome is there as often as any robbery happeneth to be committed or any man to be slain or what other outrage or riot is done the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard and there they make an out-cry or howling which they call a Hooboub signifying the fact to the next inhabitants who take it as passionately and deliver it further and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country It is a very ready way to put the country in arms and was first devised as it seemeth for the stay and apprehension of robbers and outlaws who kept in strong holds and lived upon the spoil of the bordering inhabitants but otherwise it savoureth of Barbarisme rather then of any civile government CHAP. III. Vercingetorix stirreth up the Arverni to the like commotion and revoâ—t IN like manner Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus of the nation of the Arverm a young man of great power and authority whose father was the Commander of all Gallia and because he sought a kingdome was slain by those of his own State calling together his followers and clients did easily incense them to rebellion His purpose being known every man took arms and so he was driven out of the town of Gergovia by Gobanitio his unckle other Princes who thought it not safe to make triall of that fortune And yet he desisted not but enrolled needy and desperate people and with such troups whom soever he met withall of the State he did easily draw them to his party perswading them to take arms for the defence of common liberty And having at length got great forces together he expelled his adversaries out of the town by whom he was himself before thrust out He was called of his men by the title of King and sent Embassages into all parts adjuring them to continue constant and faithfull The Senones the Parisii the Pictones the Cadurci the Turones the Aulerci the Lemovicâ—s the Andes and all the rest that border upon the Occan were quickly made of his party and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him Which authority being offered him he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those States and a certain number of
of Arms which Caesar had atchieved by his valour and impatient of any partner in point of Lordship found means first to draw two legions from him under colour of the Parthian war and afterwards got a Decree of Senate to send him a successour before his time was expired and withall to return as a private person to Rome to render an account of his Actions during his imployment Which Caesar taking as an assurance of his downfall gave huge sums of mony to gain Paulus Aemilius one of the Consuls and C. Curio a Tribune of the people to resist this Decree Howbeit the succeeding Consuls being both his enemies having no farther hope of repealing the same he intreated in the end that he might hold only Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum with two legions untill he should obtain the Consulship which was the effect of these Letters delivered by Fabius And being denied by Pompey's faction in these partiall and tumultuous assemblies of the Senate caused him to forfeit his loyalty to the State verifying the old saying That oftentimes an injury maketh way to a greater fortune THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the opposition of the Tribunes it is to be understood that the people eaten up with usurie and other grievous exactions forsook both the City and the Camp when the State had war with the Volsci and the Aequi and taking themselves to a Mountain near unto Rome would not return from thence untill the Senate had given order for their grievances In which transaction it was agreed that there should be Magistrates chosen out of the body of the people to counterpoise the power of the Senate and to restrain the boundlesse authority of the Consuls which office was reckoned in the number of their holiest things never to be violated either in word or deed but the offender should redeem it with the losse of his life Their whole power consisted in letting and hindering As when either the Senate or any one Senatour went about a matter which might be prejudiciall to the people in generall or to any one of the commonalty in particular then did the Tribunes interpose their authority to frustrate and avert the same which was availeable albeit the matter was gain-said but by one Tribune only By which intervention they kept the Senate in awfull moderation and were alwayes profitable to the State but when they happened upon factious and turbulent persons howbeit their power was bounded with the walls of Rome and extended no further then the gates of the City Their doors were never shut but stood open night and day for a refuge to such as should fly to them for succour neither was it lawfull for them to be absent from Rome a whole day together The robes of their Magistracy were of Purple as Cicero intimateth in his oration Pro Cluentio This Tribunitian power began about the year of Rome 260 was supprest by Sylla restored by Pompey and utterly taken away by the Emperour Constantine If it be demanded what kind of Common-wealth this Roman government was it is to be understood that upon the expulsion of their Kings the sovereignty rested in their Consuls For as Livie saith there was nothing diminished of kingly government save only for the better establishing of liberty that the Consular dignity was made Annuall But that held not long for Publicola imparted this sovereignty to the Communalty making it lawfull to appeale from the Consuls to the people Whereby the Consular sovereignty was dissolved and the people took occasion to oppose themselves against the Fathers Hence grew the reciprocall invectives between the Senate and the Tribunes and when the Consul sent a Serjeant to the Tribune the Tribune would send a Pursevant to the Consul And so the Commonwealth halted between an Aristocracy and a Democracy untill at length the vogue of the Communalty drew it to a perfect Democracy and made their Acts of Senate of no value unlesse they were ratified by the people Howbeit the Senate afforded alwayes many famous and eminent men such as having inlarged the bounds of their Empire and kept on foot their ancient valour and were the flower of that people which Cyneas called a town of kings were consequently so engaged in the businesses of the State that matters were for the most part carried as they stood affected as appeareth by this passage of Caesar THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe that violence and partiality are the bane of all consultations especially when the common good is shadowed with private respects And albeit the gravity of the Roman Senate far exceeded all that can be spoken of other Councels of State rectifying the inordinate affections of any Catiline that would lift up his head higher then his fellowes yet here it suffered equity and indifferency to be suppressed with faction giving way to violence which governeth all things untowardly and with cords of private hate oftentimes draweth the Common-wealth into utter desolation For prevention whereof the Athenians swore their Senatours to make the common good the chiefest scope of all their counsels Implying thereby that private respects are alwayes offensive to publick ends and the State ever suffereth when favour prevaileth against the common profit Tully going about to direct a Councellour in this behalf only wisheth a man to deliver sincerely what he thinketh of any matter although he happen to stand alone in his own conceit for the issue of a businesse doth not so much concern a Councellour as to speak truely his opinion thereof And to that end the custome of the Roman Senate was that the youngest and such as came last in place should declare themselves first that they might not be forestalled in their opinions nor put besides that they would have spoken together with the equality which it made of their voices for things first spoken do alwayes stick fastest in our apprehensions And for that cause Theodorus a Greek Tragedian would never shew himself on the stage after any other Actour as holding the first passages to affect most the Spectatours Notwithstanding which custome it is reported that Caesar in favour of Pompey after their new-made alliance would take his voice first thereby to anticipate the opinion of others that should follow The Emperours as it seemeth took what place they pleased for Tiberius in Marcellus cause said that he would sentence openly and upon oath that other men might do the like Whereunto Cn Piso replied What place wilt thou take to declare thy self Caesar for if thou speak first I know how to follow if last I am affraid I shall dissent from thy opinion But that which is most blameable in matter of counsell is when they come to the Senate house as to a prize of flattery Wherein L. Piso is deservedly commended for that he never willingly shewed himself of a servile opinion but when necessity forced him he tempered it with wisdome
abhorred the name of Peace and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain that were deceived by a shew of treaty And therefore it had befallen them as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned Neither would he take the advantage of this their submission or of any other opportunity of time either to augment his power or to strengthen his party but he onely required that those Armies might be discharged which for many years together had been maintained against him For neither were those six Legions for any other cause sent into Spain nor the seventh inrolled there nor so many and so great Navies prepared nor such experienced and skilfull Commanders selected and appointed for none of these needed to keep Spain in quiet nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the Province which by reason of their long continuance of peace needed not any such assistance All these things were long ago provided in a readinesse against him New forms of government were made and ordained against him That one and the same man should be resident at the gates of Rome have the whole superintendency and direction of the City business and yet notwithstanding hold two warlike Provinces for so many years together being absent from both of them Against him and for his ruine were changed the ancient Rights and Customs of Magistracy in sending men at the end of their Pretorship or Consulship to the government of Provinces as was alwaies accustomed but in lieu of them were chosen some that were allowed and authorised by a few Against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour were now called out to command Armies To him onely was denied that which was granted to all other Generalls that when they had happily brought things to an end they might dismisse their Armie and return home with honour or at the least without dishonour All which things he notwithstanding both had and would suffer patiently neither did he now go about to take their Army from them and retain them in pay for himself which he might easily do but that they should not have means to make head against him And therefore as it was said before they should go out of the Provinces and discharge their Army if they did so he would hurt no man But that was the onely and last means of peace OBSERVATIONS THere is not any one vertue that can chalenge a greater measure of honour or hath more prerogative either amongst friends or enemies then fidelity For which cause it is that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the behoof of others then they can well be if the same things concerned themselves And yet neverthelesse there is a Quatenus in all endeavours and seemeth to be limited with such apparency as true affection may make of a good meaning and was the ground which Afranius took to move Caesar for a pardon Non esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum quod fidem erga Imperatorem Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint sed satis jam fecisse officio satisque supplicii tulisse c. That he was not to be angry either with him or the souldiery for being faithfull to their Generall Cn. Pompeius but that now they had sufficiently done their duty and as throughly smarted for the same c. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune For as Cominaeus hath observed Men in fear give reverent and humble words and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witnesse of our fortune On the other side Caesar produced nothing for his part but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted As first injuries done by them and that in the highest degree of blame against his souldiers that went but to seek for peace Injuries done by their Generall in such a fashion as spared not to evert the fundamentall rights of the State to bring him to ruine and confusion Whereby he was moved to indeavour that which Nature tieth every man unto Propellere injuriam to repell an injury from himself and having brought it to these termes wherein it now stood he would give assurance to the world by the revenge he there took that he entred into that warre for his only end that he might live in peace and so required no more but that the Army should be dismissed CHAP. XXVIII The execution of the Articles agreed upon THe conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the souldiers as might appear by them for being in the condition of vanquished persons and thereupon expecting a hard measure of Fortune to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of Arms was more then they could expect insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dismission they all generally standing upon the rampier signified both by their speeches and by their hands that their desire was it might be done instantly for it could not be provided by any assurance that it would continue firm if it were deferred untill another time After some dispute on each side the matter was in the end brought to this issue that such as had houses and possessions in Spain should be discharged presently and the rest at the River Varus It was conditioned that no man should be injuried that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn under Caesar's command Caesar promised to furnish them with Corn untill they came to the river Varus adding withall that what soever any one had lost in the time of the warre which should be found with any of his souldiers should be restored to such as lost it and to his souldiers he paid the value thereof in money If any controversy afterward grew amongst the souldiers of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before Caesar As when the Souldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay the Commanders affirming the pay-day was not yet come Petreius and Afranius required that Caesar might understand the cause and both parties were contented with his arbitrement A third part of the Army being dismissed in those two dayes he commanded two of his legions to march before their Army and the rest to follow after and continually to incamp themselves not farre from them and appointed Q. Fusius Calenus a Legate to take the charge of that businesse This course being taken they marched out of Spain to the River Varus and there dismissed the rest of their army OBSERVATIONS THe River Varus divideth Gallia Narbonensis from Italy and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the Army whereby there might be an end made of that warre Wherein if any man
multitude ran out to hear the news which being once known there was such a generall mourning and desolation as though the town were instantly to be taken by the Enemy Notwithstanding they left not off to make ready such necessaries as were requisite for defence of the same OBSERVATIONS The benefit a Town besieged receiveth from an open in-let by sea cannot be better manifested then by the siege of Ostend for by that occasion specially it indured the most famous siege that was in Christendome these many years This L. Nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause then a fortunate Admirall for afterwards he refused not to take the like overthrow for Pompey the son at Leucades as he did now for the father And surely it falleth out whether it be through the uncertainty of sea-faring matters or that men have fairer pretences at sea to avoid occasions of hazard then are found at land or that Pauca digna nascuntur in Mari few things of value come from the Sea according to the proverb or for what other cause I know not that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind who have attained the least part of their desires And yet neverthelesse some there are of famous memorie as Barbarussa a terrour of the Levant seas Andreas Auria of Genua renowned for his great exploits upon the Turk together with divers of our own Nation as namely Sir Francis Drake who for skill and fortune at sea is held matchable with any other whatsoever besides Mr. Candish for voyages to the South and Sir Martin Frobisher for discoveries to the North. Howbeit these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages through the invention of the Sea-compass with the Needle which was found out little more then three hundred years ago by one Flavus born in the kingdome of Naples without which no ship can shape a course in the Ocean and to which nothing can be added more then to find a perfect and ready direction for longitudes CHAP. IIII. The works which the legionary Souldiers made against the Town IT was observed by the legionary souldiers that had the charge of the right part of the work that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the Enemy if they built a tower of Brick under the town wall in stead of a Hold or Receptacle which at first they made low and little onely for the repelling of suddain assaults Thither they usually retreated and from thence if they were over-charged they made defence either by beating back or prosecuting an Enemy This tower was thirty foot square and the walls thereof five foot thick but afterwards as use and experience is the master of all things it was found by insight and industrie of men that this tower might be of great use if it were raised to any height which was accordingly performed in this fashion When it was raised to the height of a story they so framed the floor that the ends of the â—oysts did not â—ittâ—e out beyond the sides of the tower least any thing might be thrust out on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold and then paved that floor with as much brick as the Mantelets and Gabions would suffer to be laid Upon this tarras thus made they laid crosse beams along the sides as a foundation to an upper story for the top and covering of the tower And upon these beams they raised crosse timbers thwarting each other for the sides of the tower and coupled them at the top with side beams These crosse timbers were longer and bare further out then the square of the tower that there might be means to fasten coverings and defences against the blows and darts of the Enemy whilest the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building The top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay that no fire might fasten on it and laid Matteresses on the top thereof to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of Engines nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of Catapults Moreover they made three nettings or mats of Hawsers equall in length to the sides of the tower and four foot in breadth And upon those three sides which confronted the Enemie they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower which kind of defence they had in other places tried to bâ— of proof and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine And as one part of the tower came to be covered finished and fortified against any violence of the enemy they carried their Mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished The top of which tower they framed upon the first story and then raised it up with wrinches or scrues as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence And so covered with these shelters and safeguards they built up the sides with brick and then again scruing up the top higher they fitted the place to build the sides higher and as they came to the height of a story they laid the joysts of the floor in such sort as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick and so from that story they proceeded to another by scruing up the top and raising their netting By which means they built very safely six stories without any wound or other danger at all and left windows and loop-holes in the sides for the putting out of Engines in such places as they thought convenient When by means of that tower they were in hope to defend the works near about it they then made a Musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length and of two foot timber square to conveigh them safely from this tower of Brick to another of the Enemies and to the town wall whereof this was the form They cut two side groundsils of equall length and made the space between them to contain four foot upon them they erected little columns of five foot high and joyned them together putting braces of an easie sloping in such distances as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square fastning them both at the ridge and at the eavings with plates and bolts of Iron They lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomly fashioned the top was laid all over with clay to keep the Mouse from burning and then covered with tiles which were fenced with leather to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water which might be laid to fall upon them And least those hides should be spoiled either with fire or great stones they laid Matteresses upon them This work being wholly finished near unto the tower through the help and means of defensive mantelets gabions suddenly before
were far off he appointed storehouses and Magazines in certain places and imposed carriage of Corn upon the Countrey bordering about them In like manner he commanded what grain soever should be found at Lissus Parthenia or any other place to be brought unto him which was very little forasmuch as the Countrey thereabout was rough and mountainous and afforded no Corn but that which was brought in from other places as also that Pompey had taken order in that behalf and a little before had ransacked the Parthinians and caused his horsemen to carry away all the Grain which was found amongst them OBSERVATIONS THe first thing that Caesar did after their approch near one unto another was to offer battel as the best Arbitrator of the Cause in question and most fitting the usance of the ancient Romans But forasmuch as the endeavours of such as are in action are alwaies ordered by him that is the Sufferer and that Pompey refused to accept thereof knowing himself to be much stronger in forces better accommodated having a far greater party in the Countrey and the Sea wholly at his command which advantages were like to end the business without hazard of a battel Caesar bethought himself of some other project which might take away the scorn of that refusall by undertaking such things as much imported the state of his Adversarie For in such cases when an Enemy will not fight somewhat must be done to cast dishonour or greater inconveniences upon him or at least to make overtures of new opportunities And therefore he took a course either to draw Pompey to fight or to force the Town wherein all his provisions of war were stored up or otherwise to cut him off from the same The least of which was a sufficient acquittance of any disgrace which the neglect of this offer might seem to inferre having thereby occasion to use that of the Poet Jam sumus ergo pares now we are even CHAP. XVI Caesar goeth about to besiege Pompey CAesar being informed of these things entered into a deliberation which he first took from the very nature of the place wherein they were for whereas Pompey's Camp was inclosed about with many high and steep Hills he first took those Hills and built Forts upon them and then as the condition of each place would bear he made works of fortification from one Fort to another and determined to inclose Pompey about with a Ditch and a Rampier And especially upon these considerations for that he was greatly straightened through want of Corn and that Pompey being strong in horse he might with lesse danger supply his Army from all parts with provision as also to the end he might keep Pompey from forraging and so make his Cavalry unserviceable in that kind and further that he might abate and weaken the exceeding great reputation which Pompey had attained unto amongst forreign Nations when it should be noised throughout the world that he was besieged by Caesar and durst not fight Pompey would by no means be drawn to leave the commodity of the Sea and the town of Dyrrachium having there laid up all his provision of war Arms Weapons Engines of what sort soever besides Corn which was brought from thence to his Army by shipping Neither could he hinder Caesar's fortifications unlesse he would accept of battel which for that time he was resolved not to do Only it remained as the last thing he could think of to possesse himself of as many Hills as he might and to keep as much of the Country as he could with good and strong guard and by that means to distract as much as possibly he might Caesar's forces as accordingly it fell out For having made twenty four Castles and Forts he took in twenty five miles of the Country in circuit and did forrage within that space and there caused many things to be set and planted by hand which in the interim served as food for horses And as our men perceived their fortifications to be carried and continued from one Castle to another without intermission they began to fear least they had left some places to sally out and so would come upon them behind before they were aware And the reason they made their works thus perfect throughout the whole inward circuit was that our men might not enter in upon them nor circumvent them behind But they abounding in number of Men exceeded in their works having also on the inside a lesse compasse to fortifie And as Caesar went about to take any place albeit Pompey was resolved not to fight or interrupt him with all his forces neverthelesse he sent out his Archers and Slingers of which he had great numbers by whom many of our men were wounded and stood in great fear of the arrowes and almost all the souldiers made them coats either of quilt or stiffening or of leather to keep them from danger To conclude either Party used all force and means to take places and make fortifications Caesar to shut up and streighten Pompey what he could and Pompey to inlarge himself and possesse as many hills as conveniently he might which gave occasion of many skirmishes and encounters OBSERVATIONS VVE may here take notice of the strangest enterprize that ever was undertaken by a judicious souldier For where else may it be read or understood that a weaker Party went about to besiege a strong adversary and to inclose a whole Country by Castles and Towers and perpetuall fortifications from hill to hill to the end he might shut him up as he lay incamped in the field But herein appear the infinite and restlesse endeavours of a Roman spirit and the works they wrought to atchieve their own ends and yet not besides the limits of reason For if that of Seneca have any affinity with truth That a man is but a common or rather contemptible thing unlesse he raise himself above ordinary courses it is more specially verified in a Souldier whose honour depending upon the superlative degree must seek out projects beyond all equality and the rather upon such inducements as are here alledged which shew good reason he had to be so mad CHAP. XVII A Passage that happened between both Parties about the taking of a Place AMongst these fights and encounters it happened as Caesar's ninth Legion had taken a certain Place and there began to fortify Pompey had posâ—est himself of the Hill next adjoining thereunto and began to hinder our men from their work And having from one side an easy access unto it first with Archers and Slingers afterwards with great troups of light-armed men and engines of Battery he began to disturb them in their businesse Neither were our men able at one and the same time to defend themselves and go on with their fortifications Caesar seeing his souldiers wounded and hurt from all parts commanded them to fall off and leave the Place But forasmuch as they were to make their retreat
of the reasons hear expressed by Caesar which are the true motives of undertaking a siege The first is drawn either from the weakness of an Enemie or as he is daunted with fear or overcome in battel For having thereupon no confidence in his own power he resteth himself in the strength of the Place which he holdeth and possesseth which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his Hold and either to force them or shut them up like women The second is when one State hath offered injurie to another which alwaies importeth losse beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them For revenge whereof the other side laieth siege to some of their Towns to repair themselves by taking in the same And thirdly the finall cause of all sieges is to keep an Enemy from victuall and other manner of provisions and so to take them by the belly when they cannot take them by the ears which is a part so violent in requiring that which is due to Nature as it hath made the Father and the Son fall out for a Mouse as it happened at Athens besieged by Demetrius THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing worthy our consideration is the patience and deportment of Caesar's souldiers in their so great wants and necessities As first in helping themselves with this root called Chara described by Dioscorides to be a little seed tasting somewhat like Anise-seed good to help digestion and having such a root as a Caret which being boiled is very good meat and is the same which our Physicians call Caraway-seed wherewith they served their turn with such contentment as they seemed to have been trained up in the School of Frugality a vertue worthy of all regard and the onely means to make easie the difficulties of war being as necessary for a souldier as the use of Armes and is that which was aimed at in the answer of Cyrus to shew the services in a souldiers diet Forbeing demanded what he would have made ready for supper Bread saith he for we will sup at the Fountain Neither hath it been thought fit to give way to the naturall loosness of the stomacks appetite upon any occasion but to use the like moderation in the time of plenty For Zeno took the answer of them that would excuse their liberall expenses by their ability of means for no better paâ—ment then they themselves would have taken the excuse of their Cooks for putting too much salt on their meat because they had salt enough Caesar punished his Baker for giving him better bread then his souldiers had And Scipio cashiered a couple of Romans at the siege of Carthage for feasting a friend in their Tent during an assault Which austerity of life raised the Romans to that height of honour and made them Masters of the world from the East to the Western Ocean Secondly as a consequent of this contentment we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege purposing rather to eat the bark of trees then to suffer Pompey to escape their hands It is an excellent point in a Generall to keep himself from irresolution being a weakness of ill consequence and not unlike the disease of the Staggers variable uncertain and without bottom or bound whereas constancy to purposes produceth noble and worthy ends An instance whereof is Fabius Maximus who notwithstanding the reproach and scandall cast upon him continued firm in his determination to the saving of his Country And if it be so well beseeming a Leader it is of much more regard in the souldier especially considering that of Xenophon Non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo qui necessaria non subministrat He cannot easily keep his souldiers in obedience which does not provide them necessaries For as the same Author observeth in another place Nullus est adâ—o fortis aut validus qui possit adversus famem aut frigus pugnando militare There is no man so stout and valorous that can fight against cold and hunger THE THIRD OBSERVATION AMongst all the parts of the Roman discipline their Watch deserveth a particular description supplying in the Army the office of the naturall eye in the bodie which is to give notice of any approaching danger for the preventing of the same Polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner Of each sort of the Legionary foot as namely the Hastati Principes and Triarii and likewise of the horse there was chosen one out of the tenth and last Maniple that was made free from watch and ward This party as the Sun began to decline came daily to the Tent of the Tribune and there had given him a little Tablet wherein the watch-word was writ which Tablet they called Tessera and then returning to his Company delivered it to the Centurion of the next Maniple and that Centurion to the next and so in order untill it came to the first and chiefest Company which was lodged next unto the Tribunes and by the Centurion thereof was returned to the Tribune before Sun-setting And if all the Tablets were brought in then did the Tribune know the word was given to all If any wanted they made inquirie and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing they punished the default as they saw cause And this was their watch-word by which their Party was distinguished from an Enemy and in likelihood for Polybius doth not affirm so much was by the Centurion given to such of his Maniple as were to watch that night Their night-watches were thus ordered A Maniple or Company was alwaies appointed to watch at the Generalls Pavilion The Treasurer had three watches and every Legat two A watch consisted of four men according to the generall division of their night into four parts each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot for the first second third or fourth watch and the rest sitting by The Velites kept watch without the Camp and the Decuries of horse at the gates Besides every Maniple had private watch within it self Of those that were appointed to watch a Lieutenant of each Maniple did bring to the Tribune in the evening such as were to keep the first watch of the night and to them were delivered lesser Tablets then were given out at first called Tesserulae appropriated to every particular watch one for himself and three other for his fellows The trust of giong the Round was committed to the horsemen for it belonged to the first Commander of horse in each legion to give order to his Lieutenant to appoint before dinner four young men of his troup to go the Round the next night and in the evening to acquaint the next Commander to appoint Rounders for the night following These horsemen being thus appointed did cast lots for the first second third and fourth watch and then repaired to the Tribune of whom they had order
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâ—ers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pâ—rats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a