just Grievances is not the least Cause of my present Condition In which my Case though not my Abilities is somewhat like Cicero's For having now for many Years defended the Publick State of the Church and the Private of many Church-Men as he had done many Citizens when he by prevailing Factions came into danger himself ejus Salutem defendit nemo no Man took care to defend him that had defended so many which yet I speak not to impute any thing to Men of my own Calling who I presume would have lent me their just Defence to their Power had not the same Storm which drove against my Life driven them into Corners to preserve themselves The First Instance was in Mr. Shervil's Case in which Mr. John Steevens tells what I said to the Councel Pleading in the Star-Chamber which was that they should take care not to cause the Laws of the Church and the Kingdom to clash one against another I see my Lords nothing that I spake was let fall nor can I remember every Speech that passed from me he may be happy that can But if I did speak these Words I know no Crime in them It was a good Caveat to the Councel for ought I know For surely the Laws of Church and State in England would agree well enough together if some did not set them at Odds. And if I did farther say to the then Lord Keeper as 't is Charged that some Clergy-Men had sat as high as he and might again which I do not believe I said yet if I did 't is a known Truth For the Lord Coventry then Lord Keeper did immediately succeed the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in that Office But though I dare say I said not thus to the Lord Keeper whose Moderation gave me no Cause to be so round with him yet to the Councel at the Bar I remember well upon just occasion given that I spake to this Effect That they would forbear too much depressing of the Clergy either in their Reputation or Maintenance in regard it was not impossible that their Profession now as high as ours once was may fall to be as low as ours now is If the Professors set themselves against the Church as some of late are known to have done And that the sinking of the Church would be found the ready way to it The Second Instance was about calling some Justices of the Peace into the High-Commission about a Sessions kept at 〈◊〉 1. The First Witness for this for Three were produced was Mr. Jo. Steevens He says That the Isle where the Sessions were kept was joyned to the Church If it were not now a part of the Chuch yet doubtless being within the Church-Yard it was Consecrated Ground He says That Sessions were kept there heretofore And I say the more often the worse He says That I procured the calling of them into the High-Commission But he proves no one of these Things but by the Report of Sir Rob Cook of Gloucestershire a Party in this Cause He says again that They had the Bishop's License to keep Sessions there But the Proof of this also is no more than that Sir Rob. Cook told him so So all this hitherto is Hearsay Then he says the 88. Canon of the Church of England was urged in the Commission Court which seems to give leave in the close of the Canon that Temporal Courts or Leets may be kept in Church or Church-Yard First that Clause in the end of the Canon is referred to the Ringing of Bells not to the Profanations mentioned in the former part of that Canon Nor is it probable the Minister and Church-Wardens should have Power to give such leave when no Canon gives such Power to the Bishop himself And were it so here 's no Proof offered that the Minister and Church-Wardens did give leave And suppose some Temporal Courts might upon urgent Occasion be kept in the Church with leave yet that is no Warrant for Sessions where there may be Tryal for Blood He says farther That the Civilians quoted an Old Canon of the Pope's and that that prevailed against the Canon of Our Church and Sentence given against them All those Canons which the Civilians urged are Law in England where nothing is contrary to the Law of God or the Law of the Land or the King's Prerogative Royal And to keep off Profanation from Churches is none of these Besides were all this true which is urged the Act was the High-Commissions not mine Nor is there any thing in it that looks toward Treason 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Edward Steevens He confesses that the Sentence was given by the High-Commission and that I had but my single Vote in it And for the Place it self he says The Place where the Sessions were kept was separated from the Isle of the Church by a Wall Breast-high which is an evident Proof that it was formerly a Part of that Church and continued yet under the same Roof 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Talboyes who it seems will not be out of any thing which may seem to hurt me He says The Parish held it no part of the Church Why are not some of them examined but this Man's Report from them admitted They thought no harm he says and got a License But why did they get a License if their own Conscience did not prompt them that something was Irregular in that Business He says he was informed the Sessions had been twice kept there before And I say under your Lordships Favour the oftner the worse But why is not his Informer produced that there might be Proof and not Hearsay Upon this I said so he concludes That I would make a President against keeping it any more If I did say so the Cause deserved it Men in this Age growing so Bold with Churches as if Profanation of them were no Fault at all The Third Instance concerned Sir Tho. Dacres a Justice of Peace in Middlesex and his Warrant for Punishing some disorderly Drinking The Witnesses the two Church Wardens Colliar and Wilson two plain Men but of great Memories For this Business was when I was Bishop of London and yet they agree in every Circumstance in every Word though so many Years since Well what say they It seems Dr. Duck then my Chancellor had Cited these Church-Wardens into my Court Therefore either there was or at least to his Judgment there seemed to be somwhat done in that business against the Jurisdiction of the Church They say then That the Court ended Dr. Duck brought them to me And what then Here is a Cause by their own confession depending in the Ecclesiastical Court Dr. Duck in the King's Quarters where I cannot fetch him to Testifie no means left me to know what the Proceedings were and I have good cause to think that were all the Merits of the Cause open before your Lordships you would say Sir Tho. Dacres did not all according to
to give an easie Account for this But whereas I said the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason And they presently Replyed that they did not Charge the Repair upon me but the Manner of doing it by demolishing of Mens Houses To that I Answered as follows with this first that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse besides all my Care and Pains and now this heavy Charge to boot No one Man offering to prove that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use any one Penny given to that work or that I have done any thing about it without the Knowledge Approbation and Order of his Majesty or the Lords of the Council or both To the Particulars then For the three Orders taken out of the Council-Books I shall not need to repeat them But what is the Mystery that these Orders are reckoned backward the last first Is it to aggravate as if it rose by steps That cannot well be because the first Order is the Sourest if I conceive it right Besides here was real Composition allotted for them and that by a Committee named by the Lords not by me And I think it was very real for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds as appears upon the Accounts meerly to take down the Houses which had no Right to stand there before we could come at the Church to Repair it And if any thing should be amiss in any of these which is more than I either know or believe they were the Council's Orders not mine And shall that be urged as Treason against me which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour Besides the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes is reputed the Act of the whole not any one Man's And this I must often Inculcate because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular 1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton and 't is charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time That he was Promised relief but had none That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is and came with it to the Council and was referred to the Committee That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance That he resorted to me and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence To this my Answer was That this House which he says was his was as is confessed by himself taken down in King James's Time when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral but nothing done If he desired satisfaction he was to seek it of them who took down his House not of me If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference he was by the Lords of the Council or by me if to me it were Referred to be sent to the Sub-Committee because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care which was done so long before He says that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him But that 's no Proof that Sir Hen Martin told him so For 't is but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech And I hope Sir Henry neither did nor would do me such apparent Wrong He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with And he gave me all Encouragement And it may be when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man I might bid him go to King James for Recompence but 't is more than I remember if I did so And this Man is single and in his own Case and where lyes the Treason that is in it Besides least Consideration was due to this House For not many Years before the Demolishing of it it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery it was said to be the House of one Wheatly and after the Lottery ended finished up into a Dwelling-House to the great annoyance of that Church The Bishop and Dean and Chapter being asleep while it was done 2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere and that every Man reported the Bishop was the Cause of it Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere so she says And perhaps in a better Place and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock Where 's the Wrong Beside she is single and in her own Cause and no Proof but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him And it is Observable that in King James his Time when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses the Work was highly applauded and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest That now great Care hath been taken and great Sums of Money Expended about it yet I must be a Traytor and no less for doing it This makes me think some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses 3. The next that came in was Tho Wheeler He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee by my Direction above Eleven Years ago And that Word was brought him of it His House was pulled down but himself confesses it was by the Committee It was he says above eleven Years ago and the time limited in that Article is Six Years He says that Word was brought him that I was the Cause or gave the Direction Word was brought him but he Names not by whom nor from whom so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done It was replyed here That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant I should have procured Authority from Parliament I replyed to this Interruption That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission only in K. Ed. 3. time and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me till I might bring the †Record which was granted 4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls was the House of W Wakern who Witnessed that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation of which he paid 30 l. To this I gave this Answer That his Charge is true and that after he had received 100 l. Composition the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission It was thus The Skulls of Dead-Men perhaps better than himself were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught and part of the Foundation of the
thus That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion of which there was cause to fear Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince especially in point of Religion And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King as nothing could be greater Upon the matter it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People And had I not there consented to his Punishment I had deserved to be punished my self Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence laid this Charge upon me but spake not one Word to my Remembrance of this Answer given to it The Ninth Charge That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes and might justly have expected Thanks for it not such an Accusation But as for the Preface it was made and Printed at Oxford I medled not with it I could trust the University with little if not with the making of a Preface If they have done any thing amiss in it let them answer it The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days but no Effect came of the pains then taken Recruduit Labor says the Preface So that this I can answer for them There 's not a Word spoken of Religion but of Manners only and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following as Hers. For the Words to my remembrance are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only but must include the whole Interim or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes that is all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days which I think no Man can deny was Optanda Temporum Foelicitas Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me That was his Phrase But he added that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness Then he produced a Paper found in my Study Printed at Rome So were divers of my Books Printed there What of this They may Print what they will at Rome I cannot hinder it And I may have and keep whatever they Print no Law forbidding it Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford a great Traveller and a Man of great Worth As far as I remember his Letter came to me from Alexandria It was fit to be sent and kindly received as by me it was I desired it might be read Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion and that I concealed these Papers I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest Diaboli Impudentia the Devils Impudence and no less as S. Augustin speaks in another Case Did I conceal these Papers First the same Day that I received them I sent them by an Express to his Majesty I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell as I was commanded And this Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas knew For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me when he searched me at the Tower and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece Excepting the Slanders which he hath Jugled in of his own So soon as his Majesty came home I humbly besought him that he would be pleased to appoint a time and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business and this Examination continued till I was Committed What was after done I cannot account for Besides my Lords it appears by those Paprs that my Life was sought for because I would not give way to the Change of Religion and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this and yet now Mr. Nicolas from his Testimony presses these Papers against me But the King and the Lords and both Secretaries of State then present can witness that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned to have it sifted to the Bottom Notwithstanding all this Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing as if nothing had been said unto it And was so shameless as to say that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans But so soon as I found it was against the Papists I kept it secret till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers Where First there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it And Secondly I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers till I had sent them to his Majesty But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book alias Monsieur St Giles So they expressed it and I must follow the way they lead me First then they Charge that I had often Conference with him while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia No he never came to me till he was ready to Print that Book Then some Friends of his brought him to me His Suit then was That he might Print that Book here Upon Speech with him I found the Scope of his Book to be such as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it And so absolutely denyed it Nor did he ever come more at me after this but twice or thrice at most when he made great Friends to me that he might Print another Book to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right My Answer then was that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went in the Case of Episcopacy And howsoever that I would never give way that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling without calling in Aid from Rome and would in due time Maintenance he never had any from me nor did I then know him to be a Priest Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this 2. Secondly they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser and another at the end of the Book The Book was Printed at Lions where I could not hinder the Printing either of the whole or any part This might have been something had I Licensed it here But that I constantly denyed 3. Thirdly
Chamber-Fellow in Oxford when we were Boys together I am sure he was then no Priest and he was but a Boy when he left the College He confesses that I gave Order to observe who and how many resorted to Embassadours Houses and Signior Conn's and says he thought I could prove it But I believe he would never have confessed it but that he knew I could prove it And thereupon I shewed the Lords many Papers certifying me what Numbers were found resorting to each place respectively And Thomas Mayo's Hand to many of those Papers He says he took one Peter Wilford and brought him to me to Whitehall while Sir Jo. Lambe was with me But he confesses withal that Wilford then shewed Mr. Secretary Windebank's Warrant to Discharge him And then what could I do to him Nay I have some Cause to think he would never have apprehended him had he not known he had that Warrant Lastly he says that once at the Star-Chamber I told him he was too quick and nimble for me And I hope it is no Treason if I did say so Nor could I mean he was too quick in apprehending Priests for I found both him and his Fellows after Crosse's Death slow enough at that But if I said so it was because I could not tell how to trust his Shifting and his Wyliness 4. The Fourth Witness was Elizabeth Graye Wife to another Messenger And this is a very fine Witness For first she says Her Husband was committed by my Means And then with a Breath she says She doth not know by whom he was committed but she thinks by Secretary Windebank and me But since she doth not know but think only I hope her Thinking can be no Evidence She says that she delivered me a Petition and that I flung it away saying I would not meddle with any Priest-catching Knave The Witness single and I doubt doating and the Words far from Treason 5. The Fifth Witness was John Cooke a Messenger too and one that for his Misdemeanour had stood in the Pillory This I urged against him as unfit to witness against me My Witness that saw him in the Pillory was so threatned that he sent me word he durst not come I may not say from whom this Threatning came But the thing was so true that Cooke himself confessed it but excused the Cause And his Testimony received He told how Fisher the Jesuit was taken by Graye That when he was brought to the Council-Table Secretary Cooke and I went to the King to know his Pleasure about him That we brought back word from his Majesty to the Lords that he should be Banished All this while here 's no hurt done Then he says that notwithstanding this Order of his Majesty Graye and he met Fisher at Liberty by a Warrant from Secretary Windebank That hereupon Graye repaired to Secretary Cooke and to me and that Dell told him I would not meddle with it My Secretary must answer this I remember it not But if Mr. Dell received any such Answer from me that I would not meddle with it there were two apparent Reasons for it One that I would not meddle with it alone his Majesty's Order being to all the Lords The other that Fisher was the Man I had written against and Men would have been apt to say that when I could not answer I sought means to destroy So I no way fit alone at least to meddle with him of all Men. He says that Graye was committed to the Fleet for Railing on me in my own House Yet he confesses that he was not committed by me And I presume your Lordships will think there was Cause of his Commitment if he did Rail upon me And 't is confessed by Mr. Pryn though he had then received no Answer from my self that he said he saw now how the Game went and hoped e're long to see better Days c. He says that Smith alias Fludd desired Sir Kenelm Digbye as he was going to Lambeth to tell me that he could not Dine with me that Day but desired his Business might be remembred No such Man ever Dined at my Table to my knowledge And if any Priest would say so to Sir Kenelm how could I possibly hinder it And Sir Kenelm when this Cooke was Examined was a Prisoner in Winchester-House why was not he Examined to sift out this Truth If Truth be in it 6. The Sixth Witness was John Thresher a Messenger too He says that he took Mors and Goodwin two Priests and that Secretary Windebank took away his Warrant and dismissed them saying he would speak with me about it And that when he came to me I was angry with him about the Warrant Mr. Secretary Windebank will I hope be able to answer for his own Actions Why he dismiss'd the Priests I know not But he had great Reason to take away his Warrant And I a greater Reason to be angry with him for it For no Warrant can issue from the High-Commission Court but under three of their Hands at least Now Thresher having gotten my Hand to the Warrant never goes for more Hands but proceeds in his Office upon this unwarrantable Warrant Had not I Reason to be offended at this He says that at the same time I said that Graye was an ill-tongued Fellow and that if he kept him Company I should not regard him I had good Cause to say this and more considering how Graye had us'd me And I believe no Arch-Bishop would have born his Words Lastly he says that by a Warrant from me he Arrested Sir Toby Matthewe and that the Earl of Strafford stayed him from going to Prison saying he should answer it before the Lords Here by the Witness himself it appears that I did my Duty And Sir Toby did appear before the Lords as was assumed he should In the mean time I was complained of to the Queen And a great Lady who perhaps made the Complaint stood by and made her self Merry to hear me chid The Queen was pleased to send to the Lords and Sir Toby was released Where my Fault was in all this I do not yet see 7. The last of these famous Witnesses was Goldsmith Who says nothing but that one Day before the High-Commission Court began I forewarned the Messengers of that Court of Graye in regard he was openly spoken against at the Council-Table Which all things considered I had great Reason to do He says likewise that then Graye's Wife tender'd me a Petition which I rejected saying I would meddle with no Priest-catching Knaves I think his Carriage deserv'd no better of me than to reject his Petition But as for the Words I cannot own them let the Goldsmith look to it that he have not Forged them And I would very willingly know whether when the Apostle required that an Accusation should not be received against an Elder but under two or three Witnesses 1 Tim. 5. he had any meaning they should be such as
Year 1634. 529 His Account for the Year 1635. 535 His Account for the Year 1636. 538 His Account for the Year 1637. 546 His Account for the Year 1638. 553 His Account for the Year 1639. 558 A Pamphlet published against the Arch-Bishop by Will. Pryn entituled Rome's Master-piece with the Arch-Bishop's Notes upon it 〈◊〉 Two Letters of the Arch-Bishop's then Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford to the Vice-Chancellor there charging him to enquire after prevent and punish the Practices of some Romish Emissaries in that Place 609 The Arch-Bishop's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby upon the News of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome 610 The Testimony of Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Joy expressed at Rome upon the News of the Arch-Bishop's Death 616 The Testimony of Mr John Evelyn concerning the same 616 AN INTRODUCTION To the Following HISTORY Containing the DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury EXTENDING From His Birth to the middle of the Year MDCXLIII Being the Seventieth Year of His Age. Faithfully and Entirely Published from the Original Copy Wrote with His own Hand The Latine part rendered into English and adjoined LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard 1694. AN INTRODUCTION To the following History CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1573. NATUS fui Octob 7 1573. Redingi In infantiâ penè perii morbo c. I WAS born Octob 7 1573. at Reading In my Infancy I was in danger of Death by Sickness c. Anno 1589. I came to Oxford July 1589. Anno 1590. I was chosen Scholar of St John's June 1590. Anno 1593. I was admitted Fellow of St John's June anno 1593. Anno 1594. My Father died April 11 1594. die Mercurii I proceeded Batchelour of Arts June 1594. Anno 1596. I had a great Sickness 1596. Anno 1597. And another anno 1597. Anno 1598. I proceeded Master of Arts July 1598. I was Grammar Reader that Year and fell into a great Sickness at the end of it Anno 1600. My Mother died November 24. 1600. I was made Deacon 4. Januar. 1600. comput Angl. Anno 1601. I was made Priest April 5. 1601. being Palm-Sunday both by Dr. Young Bishop of Rochester Viz. Both Orders were conferred by him Anno 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John's College anno 1602. It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye I was the last that read it Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond March 24. 1602. comput Angl. Anno 1603. I was Proctor of the University chosen May 4. 1603. I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire Septemb. 3. 1603. Adjecta est spes mea de A. H. Jan. 1. 1603. Which after proved my great happiness Incaepi sperare Januar. 21. 1600. comp Angl. Hope was given to me of A. H. Jan. 1. c. I first began to hope it Jan. 21. c. Anno 1604. I was Batchelour in Divinity July 6. being Friday 1604. Anno 1605. My cross about the Earl of Devon's Marriage Decemb 26 1605. die Jovis Anno 1606. The Quarrel Dr Ayry picked with me about my Sermon at St. Mary's Octob. 21. 1606. Anno 1607. I was inducted into the Vicaridge of Stanford in Northamptonshire November 13. 1607. Anno 1608. The Advowson of North-Kilworth in Leicestershire given to me April 1608. My acquaintance with C. W. began I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act anno 1608. I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile then Ld. Bishop of Rochester August 5. 1608. After my unfortunateness with T. whose death was in July 1604. the first offer in this kind that I had after was by M. Short June 1606. then by P. B. not accepted Anno 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobalds Septemb. 17. 1609. I changed my Advowson of North-Kilworth for West-Tilbery in Essex to which I was inducted Octob. 28. 1609. to be near my Ld. of Rochester Dr. Neile My next unfortunateness was with E. M. Decemb. 30. being Saturday 1609. A stay in this Anno 1610. My Ld. of Rochester gave me Cuckstone in 〈◊〉 Maii 25. 1610. I resigned my Fellowship in St John's Colledge in Oxford Octob 2 1610. and left Oxford the 8th of the same Month. I fell Sick of a Kenish Ague caught at my Benefice Novemb 5 1610. which held me two Months In the midst of this Sickness the Suit about the Presidentship of St John's began I left Kuckstone and was inducted in Norton Novemb 1610. by Proxy The Lord Chancellor Elsmere's Complaint against me to the King at Christmas 1610. He was incited against me by Doctor Abbot Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Elect. Anno 1611. My next unfortunateness was by S. B. Feb 11 1611. It continued long I was chosen President of St John's May 10 1611. The King sat in Person three hours to hear my Cause about the Presidentship of St John's at Tichburne Aug 29 1611. It was Dies Decollat S Johannis-Bapt The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Original Cause of all my Troubles I was Sworn the King's Chaplain Novemb 3. 1611. Anno 1612. My next unfortunateness was by S. S. June 13 1612. It ended quickly My next with A D which effected nothing and ended presently Septemb 1612. My great Business with E. B. began Januar 22 1612. It setled as it could March 5 1612. comp Angl It hath had many changes and what will become of it God knoweth Anno 1614. My great misfortune by M. S. began April 9 1614. A most fierce salt Rheume in my left Eye like to have indangered it Dr Neile then Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Prebend of Bugden April 18 1614. Anno 1615. Dr Neile the Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon Decemb 1 1615. Anno 1616. The King gave me the Deanry of Gloucester Novemb 1616. I resigned my Parsonage of West-Tilbery I set forward with the King toward Scotland March 14 1616. Stilo nostro and returned a little before him 1617. My acquaintance began with W Sta. March 5 1616. comp Angl Anno 1617. .... Cum E. B. July 28 1617. Die Lunae primè St John's Colledge on fire under the stair-case in the Chaplain's Chamber by the Library Septemb 26 1617. die Veneris Both these days of Observation to me I was inducted to Ibstock in Leicestershire Aug 2 1617. in my return out of Scotland and left Norton Anno 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May 2 1618. Et quid ad me My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618. The great Organ in St. John's Chappel set up It was begun Febr. 5. 1618. comp Angl. Anno 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham in my return from London April 2. 1619. Anno 1620. I was Installed Prebendary of Westminster Januar. 22. 1620. comp Angl. having had the Advowson of it Ten Years the November before Anno 1621. The King 's Gracious Speech unto me June 3. 1621. concerning my
sadness I was much concerned at the Envy and undeserved Hatred born to me by the Lord Keeper I took into my Hands the Greek Testament that I might Read the portion of the day I lighted upon the XIII Chapter to the Hebrews wherein that of David Psal. 56. occurred to me then grieving and fearing The Lord is my helper I will not fear what man can do unto me I thought an Example was 〈◊〉 to me and who is not safe under that Shield Protect me O Lord my God Januar. 31. A Commission passed under the Broad Seal of England constituted me among others a Judge Delegate in a Suit of Dilapidation between the Rev. Father in God Richard Neile Lord Bishop of Durham and Francis James Son and Heir of his Predecessor I attended the Execution of this Commission from Two to Five a Clock in the Afternoon on Saturday in the great Chamber at Doctors Commons Februar 1. Sunday I stood by the most Illustrious Prince Charles at Dinner He was then very merry and talked occasionally of many things with his Attendants Among other things he said that if he were necessitated to take any particular Profession of Life he could not be a Lawyer adding his Reasons I cannot saith he defend a bad nor yield in a good Cause May you ever hold this Resolution and succeed most Serene Prince in Matters of greater moment for ever prosperous Februar 4. Wednesday my Conference held with Fisher the Jesuit May 24. 1622. and put in writing at the Command of King James having been before Read to the King was this day put into the Press being Licensed by the Bishop of London I had not hitherto appeared in Print I am no Controvertist May God so Love and Bless my Soul as I desire and endeavour that all the never to be enough deplored distractions of the Church may be composed happily and to the Glory of his Name This day I waited on the Duchess of Buckingham That Excellent Lady who is Goodness it self shewed me a Form of Devotions which another Woman unknown to me had put into her Hands I Read it All was mean in it nothing extraordinary unless that it was more like to Poetry Febr. 6. Friday my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper Febr. 10. Shrove-Tuesday at the Commons Sentence in my Lord of Durham's Case Febr. 12. Thursday the Parliament was to begin but was put off to Monday the 16 of February Febr. 15. Sunday I Assisted at the Consecration of Dr Harmer Bishop of St. Asaph Febr. 16. Dies Lunae erat Dux Richmondiae subitâ Paralysi correptus mortuus est Hoc fatum rejecit Parliamentum in 19 Februarii Febr. 16. Munday The Duke of Richmond being seized suddenly with the Palsie died This accident put off the Parliament to the 19 of February Februar 18. Wednesday my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation and Submission of my Lord Keeper and that it was confessed unto him that his Favour to me was a chief Cause Invidia quo tendis c. At ille de novo foedus pepigit Februar 19. Thursday The Parliament began Februar 20. Friday The Convocation began Februar 22. Will. Fulwell Mr. of Arts of Qu. Coll. in Cambridge made Deacon Februar 24. Tuesday The Duke of Buckingham's Relation of the Negotiation with Spain about the Prince's Marriage to both Houses of Parliament Febr. 29. Sunday In the Evening the Duke of Buckingham's Coach overthrown between Exeter-House and the Savoy The Spanish Embassador lay there No Omen I hope more than that they thought to Soyl him Secretary Conway was in the Coach with him Mr. Bond came into the help and told it me March 7. Mid-Lent-Sunday I Preached at White-Hall March 14. Passion-Sunday I Preached at Westminster March 17. Lord Keeper his Complementing with me Will. Fulwell made Priest March 22. Munday Dismal day The Accident of my Lord of Rutland giving Not Content to the Form consented to in the Parliament House being the only Voice dissenting March 23. Tuesday The Censure of Morley Waterhouse and the Printer about the Petition against my Lord Keeper That Afternoon the King declared to the Committee that he would send a Messenger presently into Spain to signifie to that King that his Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties of the Match and the Palatinate and to give his Reasons of it and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he might Bonfires made in the City by the forwardness of the People for Joy that we should break with Spain O quoties tenuit me illud Psal. LXVII 31. Dissipa gentes quae bella volunt Sed spero quia coacti March 24. Wednesday Initium Regis Jacobi The Earl of Oxford practising a Tilt fell and brake his Arm. That Night inter horas 6. 7. a great Eclipse of the Moon March 25. Thursday The Recess of the Parliament for a Week Anno 1624. March 26. Good-Friday Viscouut Mansfeild running at Tilt to practice with the shock of the meeting his Horse weaker or resty tumbled over and over and brake his own neck in the place the Lord had no great harm Should not this day have other Imployment March 27. Saturday Easter-Even my Speech with my Lord Duke of Buckingham about a course to ease the Church in times of Payment of the Subsidy now to be given His Promise to prepare both the King and the Prince March 28. Easter-day Richard Earl of Dorset died being well and merry in the Parliament House on Wednesday the 24. Quà m nihil est vita Hominis Miserere nostri Deus His Grand-father Thomas Earl of Dorset died suddenly at the Council-Table His Grand-mother rose well and was dead before Dinner His Father Robert lay not above two days And now this Man Sir Edward Sackvill ...... March 29. Easter-Munday I went and acquainted my Lord Keeper with what I had said to my Lord Duke He approved it and said it was the best Office that was done for the Church this Seven Years And so said my Lord of Durham They perswaded me to go and acquaint my Lord's Grace of Canterbury with what I had done I went His Grace was very angry Asked what I had to do to make any Suit for the Church Told me never any Bishop attempted the like at any time nor would any but my self have done it That I had given the Church such a wound in speaking to any Lord of the Laity about it as I could never make whole again That if my Lord Duke did fully understand what I had done he would never indure me to come near him again I answered I thought I had done a very good Office for the Church and so did my Betters think If his Grace thought otherwise I was sorry I had offended him And I hoped being done out of a good Mind for the support of many poor Vicars abroad in the Country who must needs sink under Three
I had finished my Answer the Right Reverend Lancelot Lord Bishop of Winchester and I went together to the Country House which John Lord Bishop of Rochester hath by Bromley We Dined there and returned in the Evening June 8. Wednesday I went to Chelsey but returned with my Labour lost June 12. Sunday it was Trinity Sunday Queen Mary crossing the Seas Landed upon our Shore about Seven a Clock in the Evening God grant that she may be an Evening and an Happy Star to our Orb. June 13. Munday the Parliament waiting for the King 's coming adjourned again till Saturday the 18th of June June 16. Thursday the King and Queen came to London They arrived at Court at five a Clock It was ill weather and the day cloudy When they came by the Tower of London for they came by water instead of Coach the King led out the Queen to the outside of the Barge that she might see the People and the City But at the same time a violent shower of Rain falling down forced them both to return into the inward part of the Barge The shower continued until they had entred White-Hall and then ceased June 18. Saturday The first Parliament of King Charles which had been so often put off now began There were present at the opening of it the Duke of Shiveruz with other French Noblemen a Bishop also who Attended the Queen For fear of the Pestilence which then began to be very rife the King omitted the pomp usual upon that day lest the great conflux of People should be of ill consequence And the Sermon which had been imposed upon me to be Preached in Westminster Abbey at the beginning of this Session was put off to the next day that is to June 19. First Sunday after Trinity on which day I Preached it in the Chappel at White-Hall June 20. The Convocation began June 24. Was the Feast of St John Baptist. The King Commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with six other Bishops whom he then Named to advise together concerning a Publick Fast and a Form of Prayer to implore the Divine Mercy now that the Pestilence began to spread and the extraordinary wet weather threatned a Famin and also to beg the Divine Blessing upon the Fleet now ready to put to Sea The Bishops were London Durham Winchester Norwich Rochester St. Davids This was done June 25. Saturday All the Bishops who were then in Town were introduced together that they might wait upon Queen Mary and kiss her Hand She received us very Graciously July 2. Saturday The Fast was kept by both Houses of Parliament to set an Example therein to the whole Kingdom July 3. Sunday in my Sleep his Majesty King James appeared to me I saw him only passing by swiftly He was of a pleasant and serene Countenance In passing he saw me beckned to me smiled and was immediately withdrawn from my Sight July 7. Thursday Richard Montague was brought into the Lower House of Parliament c. July 9. Saturday it pleased his Majesty King Charles to intimate to the House of Commons that what had been there said and resolved without consulting him in Montague's Cause was not pleasing to him July 11. Monday The Parliament was Prorogued to Oxford against the first day of August July 13. Wednesday there having died in the former week at London 1222 Persons I went into the Country to the House of my good Friend Francis Windebank In going thither Richard Montague met me by chance I was the first who certified him of the King's Favour to him July 15. Friday I went to Windsor and performed some Businesses committed to my trust by the Right Reverend Bishop of Durham I returned that night The Court was there at that time July 17. Sunday I went again to Windsor I stood by the King at Dinner time Some Matters of Philosophy were the Subject of Discourse I Dined Afterwards I Eat in the House of the Bishop of Glocester Baron Vaughan was there present with his Eldest Son The next day one of the Bishops Servants who had waited at Table was seized with the Plague God be merciful to me and the rest That Night I returned being become lame on the sudden through I know not what humor falling down upon my left Leg or as R An thought by the biting of Buggs I grew well within two days July 20. Wednesday A Publick Fast was held throughout all England I Preached in the Parish of Hurst where I then abode with Master Windebanke July 21. Thursday I visited Sir Richard Harrison and returned July 24. Sunday I Preached in the Parish of Hurst July 29. Friday I entred into Oxford July 31. Sunday I fell down I know not how in the Parlour of the President 's Lodging at St. John's Colledge and hurt my left shoulder and hip Aug. 1. Monday The Parliament began at Oxford Presently after the beginning of it a great assault was made against the Duke of Buckingham Aug. 12. Friday The Parliament was dissolved the Commons not hearkning as was expected to the King's Proposals Aug. 15. My Relapse I never was weaker in the judgment of the Phisician It was Munday The same day I began my journey towards Wales Aug. 21. Sunday I Preached at Brecknock where I stayed two days very busie in performing some Business That Night in my Sleep it seemed to me that the Duke of Buckingham came into Bed to me where he behaved himself with great kindness towards me after that Rest wherewith wearied Persons are wont to solace themselves Many also seemed to me to enter the Chamber who saw this Not long before I dreamed that I saw the Dutchess of Buckingham that Excellent Lady at first very much perplexed about her Husband but afterwards chearful and rejoycing that she was freed from the fear of Abortion so that in due time she might be again a Mother Aug. 24. Wednesday and the Festival of St. Bartholomew I came safely thanks be to God to my own House at Aberguille Although my Coach had been twice that day overturned between Aber-Markes and my House The first time I was in it but the latter time it was empty Aug. 28. Sunday I Consecrated the Chappel or Oratory which I had built at my own charge in my House commonly called Aberguilly-House I Named it the Chappel of St. John Baptist in grateful remembrance of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford of which I had been first Fellow and afterwards President And this I had determined to do But another thing intervened of no ill Omen as I hope of which I had never thought It was this On Saturday the Evening immediately preceeding the Consecration while I was intent at Prayer I know not how it came strongly into my mind that the day of the Beheading of St. John Baptist was very near When Prayers were finished I consulted the Calendar I found that day to fall upon Munday to wit the 29th of August not upon Sunday I could have
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
not by Reports April 30. Sunday I Preached before the King at White-Hall May 1. Munday The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke of Buckingham and therein charged him with the same Crime and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers May 4. Thursday Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London May 8. Munday At Two a Clock in the Afternoon the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham consisting of 13. Articles May 11. Thursday King Charles came into the Parliament House and made a short Speech to the Lords concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons who had accused the Duke c. They were Eight who in this matter chiefly appeared The Prologue Sir Dudly Digges the Epilogue John Elliot were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower They were both dismissed thence within few days May 25. Thursday The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House nor the Cause of his detainment made known the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day On which day May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing until the Earl should be set free or at least a Cause given c. May 25. On which day these Troubles first began was the Feast of Pope Vrban and at this time Vrban VIII sitteth in the Papal Chair to whom and to the Spaniard if they who most desire it would do any acceptable service I do not see what they could better devise in that kind than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom June 15. Thursday After many Debates and Struglings private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed and stopped all publick Business Nothing was done but the Parliament was dissolved Junij 20. Tuesday His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th of July following July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us I Preached this day before the King and Nobility at White-Hall It was Wednesday July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon It was Saturday July 16. Sunday I presented that Sermon which was now Printed to his Majesty and returned July 26. Wednesday The King signed the Conge d' Eslire empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells July 24. Thursday In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff brought to me 〈◊〉 Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham The Letters were open and wrote partly in Characters The Duke sent them to me that I should consult one Named Swadlinge mentioned in those Letters as one who could read the Characters I was also named in them as to whom that Swadling was known having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford at what time I was President of that Colledge Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me whom from his leaving the Colledge to that day for almost 8. Years I had not once seen He bestowing some pains at length read the Characters and Aug. 4. Friday I and he went to the Duke He read them They were certain malicious things The Duke as was fit despised them We returned Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells being Wednesday the Letter D. Aug. 25. Friday Two Robin-red-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study as if one pursued the other That sudden motion almost startled me I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions partly Political partly Ecclesiastical in the Cause of the King of Denmark a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly to be sent through all Parishes Certain heads were delivered to me He would have them made ready by Saturday following Sept. 16. I made them ready and brought them at the appointed hour I read them to the Duke He brought me to the King I being so commanded read them again Each of them approved them Sept. 17. Sunday They were read having been left with the Duke before the Lords of the Privy-Council and were thanks be to God approved by them all Sept. 18. Munday My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed Sept. 19. Tuesday At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty who there presently restored me to the Temporalties from the death of my Predecessor What passed between me and the Lord Conway Principal Secretary to the King in our return Sept. 21. Munday about four a Clock in the Morning Died Lancelot Andrews the most worthy Bishop of Winchester the great Light of the Christian World Sept. 30. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal Octob. 2. Munday The Duke related to me what the King had farther resolved concerning me in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die c. Octob. 3. Tuesday I went to Court which was then at Hampton-Court There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel then granted to me I returned to London Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel in the Vestry before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it It was Friday Novemb. 14. Or thereabout taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of November I desired his Majesty King Charles that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers The most Religious King not only assented to this Request but also gave me thanks This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day Now thanks be to God it obtaineth Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom and that I stood by the Grave I awaked sad Decemb. 25. Christmas-day Munday I Preached my first Sermon as Dean of the Chappel-Royal at White-Hall upon S. John 1 14. part 1. Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve and Friday In the Night I dreamed that my Mother long since dead stood by my
me in my Sleep having been dead two Years before at least He seemed to me in very good plight and merry enough I told him what I had done for his Widow and Children He after a little thought answered That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies while he was yet alive And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning he added that it was so He moreover whispering in my Ear told me that I was the Cause why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour and to Court Apr. 4. Wednesday When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me I have wrote in my Heart with 〈◊〉 Characters and great 〈◊〉 to God and the King Apr. 7. Saturday Going to Court to wait upon the King at Supper in going out of the Coach my foot stumbling I fell headlong I never had a more dangerous fall but by God's mercy I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only Apr. 24. Tuesday There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon and what followed April 29. Sunday I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles God grant it may conduce to his Honour and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church May 13. Whitsunday I Preached before the King c. Junij 7 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph where I attended him June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick June 22. We came to London June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C. July 7. Saturday-night I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success Sunday August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor Sunday August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot Sunday September News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds The first fear of ill Success News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court I went to my Lord of Rochester to consider about A. B. C. and returned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Court 〈◊〉 King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber That if any did c. I c. before any thing should sink c. The business of Doctor Bargar Dean of Canterbury began about the Vicaridge of Lidd October The Commission to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and my self then Bath and Wells to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury The Dean of Canterbury's Speech that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree There must be a Parliament some must be Sacrificed that I was as like as any Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man by Sir Dudlye Diggs I told it when I heard it doubled Let me desire you not to trouble your self with any Reports till you see me forsake my other Friends c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree November My Lord Duke's return to Court The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall January 29. Tuesday A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy c. January 30. Wednesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born the Lord George New Moon die 26. February 5. Tuesday The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament March 17. but I continued lame long after saving that Februar 14. Thursday Saint Valentine's-day I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son the Lord George at Wallingford-House March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament but had much ado to stand it was Munday Anno 1628. June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at White-Hall June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause or Causes of all Grievances in the Kingdom June 12. Thursday I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords and the next day June 14. Being Saturday was Censured After his Censure my Cause was called to the Report And by God's Goodness towards me I was fully cleared in the House The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King One Head was Innovation of Religion Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self One in the House stood up and said Now we have Named these Persons let us think of some Causes why we did it Sir Edw. Cooke answered Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause and may we not be as bold with them June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday June 26. Thursday The Session of Parliament ended and was Prorogued to October 20. July 11. Tuesday My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London July 15. Tuesday St. Swithin and fair with us I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer August 9. Saturday A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye had almost put me into a Fever August 12. Tuesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell August 23. Saturday St Bartholomew's Eve the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton about Nine in the Morning August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester Ely and Carlile at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester with my Lord's Grace August 27. Wednesday Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty upon my Lord Duke's Death August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke which that Night was brought to London Sir W Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty written with his own Hand September 9. Tuesday The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham my dear Lord The Gracious Speech which that Night the King was pleased to use to me September 27. Saturday I fell Sick and came Sick from Hampton-Court Tuesday Septemb. ult I was sore
and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon
the whole matter I believe this Committee will prove the National Synod of England to the great dishonour of this Church And what else may follow upon it God knoweth March 22. Munday The Earl of Strafford's Trial began in Westminster-Hall and it continued till the end of April taking in the variation of the House of Commons who after a long Hearing drew a Bill of Attainder against him Anno 1641. March 25. Thursday A. Sh. performed his Promise to the uttermost May 1. Saturday The King came into the Upper-House and there declared before both Houses how diligently he had hearkned to all the Proceedings with the Earl of Strafford and found that his fault what-ever it was could not amount to High Tre ason That if it went by Bill it must pass by him and that he could not with his Con science find him Guilty nor would wrong his Conscience so fa r. But advised them to pro ceed by way of Misdemeanour and he would concur with them The same day after the King was gone a Letter was Read in the Upper-House from the Scots in which they did earnestly desire to be gone It was moved for a present Conference with the House of Commons about it The Debate about it was very short yet the Commons were risen beforehand Maij 12. Wednesday The Earl of Strafford beheaded upon Tower-Hill June 23. Wednesday I acquainted the King by my Lord of London that I would resign my Chancellorship of Oxford and why June 25. Friday I sent down my Resignation of the Chancellorship of Oxford to be published in Convocation July 1. Thursday This was done and the Earl of Pembroke chosen Chancellor by joint consent August 10. Tuesday The King went Post into Scotland the Parliament sitting and the Armies not yet dissolved Septemb. 23. Thursday Mr Adam Torles my Ancient Loving and Faithful Servant then my Steward after he had served me full forty two Years dyed to my great loss and grief Octob. 23. The Lords in Parliament Sequestred my Jurisdiction to my inferior Officers and Ordered that I should give no Benefice without acquainting them first to whom I would give it that so they might approve This Order was sent me on Tuesday Novemb. 2. in the Afternoon Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Troubles in Ireland the King being then in Scotland where there were Troubles enough also Novemb. 25. Thursday The King at his return from Scotland was sumptuously Entertained in London and great joy on all hands God prosper it Decemb. 30. Thursday The Arch-Bishop of York and eleven Bishops more sent to the Tower for High Treason for delivering a Petition and a Protestation into the House that this was not a free Parliament since they could not come to Vote there as they are bound without danger of their Lives Januar. 4. Tuesday His Majesty went into the House of Commons and demanded the Persons of Mr Denzill Hollis Sir Arthur Haslerig Mr John Pym Mr John Hampden and Mr William Stroude whom his Attorney had the day before together with the Lord Kimbolton Accused of High Treason upon seven Articles They had Information and were not then in the House they came in after and great stir was made about this Breach of the Priviledges of Parliament Febr. 6. Saturday Voted in the Lords House that the Bishops shall have no Votes there in Parliament The Commons had passed that Bill before Great Ringing for joy and Bonfires in some Parishes Febr. 11. Friday The Queen went from Greenwich toward Dover to go into Holland with her Daughter the Princess Mary who was lately Married to the Prince of Orange his Son But the true Cause was the present Discontents here The King accompanied her to the Sea Febr. 14. His Majesties Message to both Houses Printed by which he puts all into their Hands so God bless us Febr. 14. An Order came that the Twelve Bishops might put in Bail if they would and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday February 25 They went out of the Tower on Wednesday February 16 and were sent in again February 17 the House of Commons on Wednesday-night protesting against their coming forth because they were not in a Parliamentary way made acquainted with it Feb. 20. Sunday There came a tall Man to me under the Name of Mr Hunt He professed he was unknown to me but came he said to do me service in a great particular and prefaced it that he was not set on by any States-Man or any of the Parliament So he drew a Paper out of his Pocket and shewed me 4. Articles drawn against me to the Parliament all touching my near conversation with Priests and my Endeavours by them to subvert Religion in England He told me the Articles were not yet put into the House they were subscribed by one Willoughby who he said was a Priest but now come from them I asked him what Service it was he cou'd do me He said he looked for no advantage to himself I conceived hereupon this was a piece of Villany And bad him tell Willoughby he was a Villain and bid him put his Articles into the Parliament when he will So I went presently into my inner Chamber and told Mr Edward Hide and Mr Richard Cobb what had befallen me But after I was sorry at my Heart that my Indignation at this base Villany made me so hasty to send Hunt away and that I had not desir'd Mr Lieutenant to seize on him till he brought forth this Willoughby Feb. 25. Friday The Queen went to Sea for Holland and her Eldest Daughter the Princess Mary with her March 6. Sunday After Sermon as I was walking up and down my Chamber before Dinher without any Slip or Treading awry the Sinew of my Right Leg gave a great crack and brake asunder in the same place where I had broken it before Feb 5 〈◊〉 Orders about Stisted Anno 1642. It was two Months before I could go out of my Chamber On Sunday Maii 15 I made shift between my Man and my Staff to go to Church There one Mr Joslin Preached with Vehemency becoming Bedlam with Treason sufficient to hang him in any other State and with such particular Abuse to me that Women and Boys stood up in the Church to see how I could bear it I humbly thank God for my Patience All along things grew higher between the King and the Parliament God send a good Issue Maij 29. Four Ships came into the River with part of the Ammunition from Hull August 22. Munday the King set up his Standard at Nottingham August 24. The Parliament having committed Three Officers of the Ordinance and sent two new ones in the room This day they brake open all the Doors and possessed themselves of the Stores August 27. Saturday Earl of Southampton and Sir Jo. Culpepper sent from the King to have a Treaty for Peace refused unless the King would take down his Standard and recall his Proclamation which
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
Tyrannical Government contrary to Law I could not endeavour this my knowledge and judgment going ever against an Arbitrary Government in comparison of that which is settled by Law I learned so much long ago out of Aristotle and his Reasons are too good to be gone against And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council Table I kept my self as much to the Law as I could and followed the Judgment of those great Lawyers which then sat at the Board And upon all References which came from His Majesty if I were one I left those freely to the Law who were not willing to have their business ended any other way And this the Lord Keeper the Lord Privy Seal and the Councel Learned which attended their Clients Causes can plentifully witness I did never advise His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure levy Money of his Subjects without their Consent in Parliament Nor do I remember that ever I affirmed any such thing as is Charged in the Article But I do believe that I may have said something to this effect following That howsoever it stands by the Law of God for a King in the just and necessary defence of himself and his Kingdom to levy Money of his Subjects yet where a particular National Law doth intervene in any Kingdom and is settled by mutual consent between the King and his People there Moneys ought to be Levied by and according to that Law And by God's Law and the same Law of the Land I humbly conceive the Subjects so met in Parliament ought to supply their Prince when there is just and necessary cause And if an Absolute necessity do happen by Invasion or otherwise which gives no time for Counsel or Law such a Necessity but no pretended one is above all Law And I have heard the greatest Lawyers in this Kingdom confess that in times of such a Necessity The King 's Legal Prerogative is as great as this And since here is of late such a noise made about the Subversion of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Mens Lives called this way in question 't is very requisite that these Fundamental Laws were known to all Men That so they may see the danger before they run upon it Whereas now the Common Laws of England have no Text at all In so much that many who would think themselves wronged if they were not accounted good Lawyers cannot in many points assure a Man what the Law is And by this means the Judges have liberty to retain more in Scrinio Pectoris than is fitting and which comes a little too near that Arbitrary Government so much and so justly found fault with Whereas there is no Kingdom that I know that hath a setled Government but it hath also a Text or a Corpus Juris of the Laws written save England So here shall be as great a punishment as is any where for the breach of the Laws and no Text of them for a Man's direction And under favour I think it were a work worthy a Parliament to Command some prime Lawyers to draw up a Body of the Common Law and then have it carefully Examined by all the Judges of the Realm and thoroughly weighed by both Houses and then have this Book Declared and Confirmed by an Act of Parliament as containing the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And then let any Man go to Subvert them at his Peril 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous Design advised and procured divers Sermons and other Discourses to be Preached Printed and Published in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Vnlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesties Subjects is maintained and defended not only in the King but also in himself and other Bishops above and against the Law And he hath been a great Protector Favourer and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions I have neither advised nor procured the Preaching Printing or Publishing of any Sermons or other Discourses in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects maintained and defended Nay I have been so far from this that I have since I came into place made stay of divers Books purposely written to maintain an Absolute Power in the Kingdom and have not suffered them to be Printed as was earnestly desired And were it fit to bring other Mens Names in question and expose their Persons to danger I have some of those Tracts by me at this present And as I have not maintained this Power in the King's Majesty so much less have I defended this or any other Power against Law either in my self or other Bishops or any other Person whatsoever Nor have I been a Protector Favourer or Promoter of any the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions knowing them to be such Men. 3. He hath by Letters Messages Threats Promises and divers other ways to Judges and other Ministers of Justice interrupted and perverted and at other times by the means aforesaid hath indeavoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster and other Courts to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom whereby sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their Just Suits and deprived of their Lawful Rights and subjected to his Tyrannical Will to their utter Ruin and Destruction I have neither by Letters Messages Threats nor Promises nor by any other Means endeavoured to interrupt or pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Judges or other Ministers of Justice either to the Subversion of the Law or the stopping of the Subjects in their Just Suits Much less to the ruin or destruction of any one which God forbid I should ever be guilty of The most that ever I have done in this kind is this When some poor Clergy-Men which have been held in long Suits some Seven Nine Twelve Years and one for Nineteen Years together have come and besought me with Tears and have scarce had convenient Clothing about them to come and make their address I have sometimes underwritten their Petitions to those Reverend Judges in whose Courts their Suits were and have fairly desired Expedition for them But I did never desire by any Letter or Subscription or Message any thing for any of them but that which was according to the Law and Justice of the Realm And in this particular I do refer my self to the Testimony of the Reverend Judges of the Common Law 4. That the said Arch-Bishop hath Traiterously and Corruptly sold Justice to those that have had Causes depending before him by Colour of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as Arch-Bishop High-Commissioner Referree or otherwise and hath taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his
into the Hands of the Parliament His Words are concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church his Majesty is willing to declare that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament which he desires them to enter into speedily that the present Distractions about the same may be composed But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses that his Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left as well as what is fit to be taken away So here they are made Masters of all and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House So God bless the poor Church of England for I very much fear this can bode no good The same Day being Munday there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday Febr. 25. They were glad Men procured their Bayl and went out of the Tower on Wednesday Febr. 16. This Order of the Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough yet they would take no Notice of it nor offer to stay the Bishops But on Wednesday after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings they sent a Message to the Lords that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House Because being Impeached by them the Lords had Bayled them without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way This Message was very high and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis The Lords yielded And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday Febr. 19. I will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any This I am sure of that as this Business was carried though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands On Saturday Febr. 19. according to appointment the Twelve Bishops were all at the House and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons The Bishops said not much but their Counsel were very earnest that they might be presently Heard But they were not admitted to speak And so the Business was put off to Thursday Febr. 24. That Night when the Commons were returned into their own House there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill and not in the other Ordinary Way CAP. XIII ON Sunday Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman by the Name of Mr. Hunt to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide one of the House of Commons I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt When I came he professed that though he was unknown to me yet he came to do me service in a great Particular And Prefaced it farther that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man or by any of the Parliament nor did expect any Reward but only was desirous to serve me I wondred what the matter should be Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket and gave it me to read It contained four Articles fairly Written and drawn up against me to the Parliament All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England He told me when I had read them that the Articles were not yet put into the House They were subscribed by one Willoughby who he said was a Priest but now turned and come away from them I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me He said he left me to think on that but professed he looked for no advantage to himself I conceived hereupon this was some piece of Villany and bad him tell Willoughby from me that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper and for the Articles let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him for he meant me Service I reply'd that he came to me Civilly and used me in Speech like a Gentleman But Willoughby was in this as I had called him I left him and his Paper and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber There I told him and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb all that passed And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer and did think as I my self did that it was a Plot to intrap me After they were gone I sat thinking with my self and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him till he brought forth this Willoughby I am since informed that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles in which way had I complyed with him I had utterly undone my self But I thank God for his Mercy to me I am Innocent and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me On Friday Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were at Mr. Maxwell's namely Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield having formerly Petitioned were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves and they did so At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops which were in the Tower which was sent into that House upon the Example of the other two was read After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill But what it shall contain is not yet known So herein they departed not from their former Resolution On Sunday Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon I walked in a large Room of which I had the use before I went to Dinner And after I had walked a pretty while expecting some Company upon the sudden as I walked on I heard a great Crack as loud as the Report of a small Dag to my thinking And the Noise being near me I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder God knows how For I was upon plain Boards and had no uneven step
nor slip not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink This Tendon or part of the main Sinew above my Heel brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before Febr 5 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court But I recovered of it and could go strongly upon plain Ground God be merciful unto me now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther and to take from me the use of my Limbs the only Comfort under him in the midst of my Afflictions And this Lameness continued two whole Months before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self and long after before I received any competent Measure of Strength CAP. XIV ST Leonards Foster-Lane London is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster Mr William Ward the Incumbent had resigned and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament for Innovations and I know not what One Mr George Smith was tender'd it seems to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster How things were carried there I know not but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over and the Benesice was lapsed to me as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about March the 〈◊〉 In all this time Mr Ward had not the Providence to seek to the King for remedy or to the Original Patrons whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church was as I am inform'd good in Law This Benefice being now in my dispose the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton a great Patron of such Men obtain this Order following Die Jovis 17 Martij 1641. UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane London it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that Mr George Smith elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster and the Parishioners of 〈◊〉 Leonards Foster-Lane be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House that the said Mr Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St Lawrence John Brown Clericus Parliament This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens and some of the Parish on Saturday March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake Mr Ward and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me Especially considering that the Lords former Order though as I was informed against all Law yet was so moderate as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices so that the Men were without Exception I put them off till Monday In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel and other Friends All of them agreed in this That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me yet in regard of the Time and my Condition they perswaded me to give way to their Power and Present their Clerk On Munday Mar. 21. they repaired to me again I sent them to my Register to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament and advised them while that was in drawing to send Mr. Smith to me One of them told me very boldly that it was not in the Order of Parliament that Mr. Smith should come to me and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me Upon this unworthy Usage of me I dismissed them again having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came for it The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House and on Wednesday Mar. 23. procure another Order strictly commanding me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners This Order being setled the Earl of Holland made a Motion and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge and had long lain so That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it or otherwise have some end of my Troubles There was a great dispute among my Friends Quo Animo with what Mind this Lord moved it especially then when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent Howsoever I took it for the best desiring nothing more than an end and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me And if he did it with an Ill Mind God forgive him and preserve me But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was his Motion after some Debate begat a Message to the House of Commons to ripen my Business but it dyed again and nothing done The Order last above written concerning Mr. Smith the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me I shewed him the Order and he blessed himself to see it yet advised me to obey as my other Friends had done I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them which was this That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith when he came The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces So they went away On Thursday March 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me that I might see his Orders and examine his Sufficiency to both which I stood bound both in Conscience and by Law Upon reading of this Petition some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow not to come to me But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man and that he might go to me afterward but it was fit their Order should be obeyed And the Earl of Warwick added that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me only that I might pick a Quarrel with him to frustrate the Order of the House Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order commanding me to present Obedience So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards if he pleased and he came not at all which was as good as if he had come to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession But how worthy and fit he proved I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards Upon this Order according to the former Advice of my Friends I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners and if any thing proved amiss in the Man as after did in a high Measure or hurtful in the thing it self I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me CAP. XV. BEfore this time the Rectory of
's no Proof at all but his Belief Lastly here can be no Treason but against Dedham or Sherman that I can discover The next to Sherman comes in my great Friend Alderman Atkins and he Testifies That when he was brought to the Council-Table about the Ship-Money none was so violent against him as I was and that this Pressure for Ship-Money was before the Judges had given Sentence for the King And that at another time I pressed him hard to lend Money the King being present At which time he conceived that I favoured Alderman Harrison for Country sake because himself was Committed and not the other To this I must confess I did use to be Serious and Zealous too in his Majesty's Service but not with any the least intention to violate Law And if this here instanced were before the Judgment given for the King yet it was long after the Judges had put the Legality of it under their Hands And I for my part could not conceive the Judges would put that under their Hands to be Law which should after be found unlawful Therefore in this as I Erred with Honourable Company at the Council-Table so both they and I had as we thought sufficient Guides to lead us As for the 〈◊〉 which he puts upon me in preserving my Country-man Alderman Harrison from Prison First he himself durst not affirm it upon his Oath but says only that he Conceives I favoured him but his Conceit is no Proof Secondly if I had favoured him and done him that Office 't is far short of Treason But the Truth is Alderman Harrison gave a modest and a civil Answer but this Man was Rough even to Unmannerliness and so far as I remember was Committed for that And whereas he says I Pressed him hard to lend Money and that none was so violent as I he is much mistaken For of all Men in that Fraternity I durst never Press him hard for any thing least of all for Money For I knew not what Stuffing might fly out of so full a Cushion as afterwards 't is said did when being a Colonel he was pressed but not hard in a little Skirmishing in Finsbury-Fields Then it was urged that I aggravated a Crime against Alderman Chambers and told him that if the King had many such Chambers he would have never a Chamber to Rest in That in the Case of Tunnage and Poundage he laboured to take Bread from the King And that I Pressed upon him in the Business of Coat and Conduct-Money To this I gave this Answer That by the Affection Mr. Chambers then shewed the King I had some Reason to think he desired so many Chambers to his use that if the King had many such Subjects he might want a Chamber for himself or to that effect And the violence of his Carriage in that Honourable Assembly gave just Occasion to other Men to think so But as for the Business of Tunnage and Poundage and of Coat and Conduct-Money I conceived both were Lawful on the King's part And I was led into this Opinion by the express Judgment of some Lords present and the Silence of others in that behalf none of the great Lawyers at the Table contradicting either And no Witness to this but Alderman Chambers himself The sixth Particular was That I urged the business of Ship-Money upon Alderman Adams To this my Answer was That I never pressed the Ship-Money but as other Lords did at the Council-Table nor upon other grounds Nor doth Alderman Adams say any more than that he was pressed to this payment by me and others And to me it seems strange and will I hope to all Men else that this and the like should be a common Act of the Lords at the Council-Table but should be High-Treason in no body but in me And howsoever if it be Treason 't is against three Aldermen Atkins Chambers and Adams The Seventh Particular was that I was so violent about the slighting of the King's Proclamations as that I said A Proclamation was of as great force or equal to a Statute-Law And that I compared the King to the Stone spoken of in the Gospel That whosoever falls upon it shall be broken but upon whomsoever it falls it will grind him to powder And for this they brought three Witnesses Mr. Griffin and Tho. Wood and Rich. Hayles 1. This was in the Case of the Soap-business and the two Witnesses were Soap-boylers They and their Company slighted all the Proclamations which the King set out and all the Lords in the Star-Chamber were much offended as I conceive they had great Reason to be at the great and open daring of that whole Company And whatsoever Sentence passed upon them in that whole Business was given by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me For the Words First these Men have good Memories that can punctually being plain ordinary Men Swear Words spoken full Twelve Years since And yet as good as their Memory is they Swear doubtfully touching the time as that the Words were spoken in May 1632 or 33. 2. Secondly my Lords 't is impossible these Words should be spoken by me For I think no Man in this Honourable Presence thinks me so ignorant as that I should not know the vast difference that is between an Act of Parliament and a Proclamation Neither can these Gentlemen which press the Evidence think me so wilfully foolish so to speak considering they accuse me here for a Cunning Delinquent So God forgive these Men the Falshood and the Malice of this Oath 3. For the Words spoken of the Stone in Scripture 't is so long since I cannot recal whether I said it or no Nor have I any great Reason to believe these Angry Witnesses in their own Cause But if by way of Allusion I did apply that place to the King and them 't is far enough from Treason And let them and their like take heed lest it prove true upon themselves For seldom do Subjects fall upon their King but in the end they are broken and if it so happen that he falls upon them they are ground to powder And Salomon taught me this Answer where he says The Anger of a King is Death And yet I would not be mistaken For I do not conceive this is spoken of a King and his Natural Anger though it be good Wisdom to stir as little Passion in Kings as may be but of his Legal Anger According to which if the Stone roul strictly few Men can so Live but for something or other they may be in danger of grinding 4. And for these Soap-boylers they have little cause to be so vehement against me For if the Sentence passed against them in the Star-Chamber were in any thing illegal though it were done by that Court and not by me yet I alone so soon as I heard but muttering of it was the only means of resetling them and their Trade which none of all the Lords
be the Letters mentioned were sent down for Poole And if the Lord Keeper that now is then his Majesty's Solicitor could not or durst not meddle but gave back his Fee as was farther urged his Lordship is living to tell the Cause himself for here was none set down though it were urged as if he did it because I was a Referree And in the mean time this is but a bare Report concerning him If the thirteen Lords to whom it was after referred were of another Opinion that was nothing to us who without any touch of Corruption did as our Knowledge and Conscience guided us And my Lords it seems this Title was very doubtful for after all this it came into this Parliament was referred to a Committee where Mr. Rich was very willing to compound the Business And well he might for I was since certified by a Gentleman a Lawyer that understood well and was at the Hearing of that Cause that it was one of the foulest Causes on Rich's side that ever he heard And out of this I took the Summ of my Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he Summed up my Charge The Witnesses to this Charge were Mr. Rich his Brother and my good Friend Mr. Talboys But this latter witnesses nothing but that he heard me say that Poole's Behaviour was unfit so there I checked the one Party And that upon some words given me by Rich I should say do you throw dirt in my face And why might I not ask this Question if his words deserved it So upon the Matter here is Rich single in his Brother's Case and nothing throughout that looks like Treason Here I had a snap given me that I slighted the Evidence whereas they as 't was said did not urge these Particulars as Treason but as things tending to the violation of Law and should be found to make Treason in the Result The Truth is I did then think within my self that such Evidence might very well be slighted in an Accusation of Treason But I thought better to forbear and so in my continued patience expected the next Charge Which was Mr Foxlie's Imprisonment about Popish Books That he was tender'd the Oath ex Officio then brought before the Council and imprisoned again by a Warrant under my Hand and others and my Hand first to the Warrant his Wife not suffer'd to come to him till he was sick that the chief Cause of all this was the Impropriations because he desired to Name the Men for the Feoffment My Lords This Man confesses he was called in question about Popish-Books but expressing no more I cannot tell what to make of it nor can I tell how to Accuse him of Popish Books For I cannot tell which is least his Understanding of them or his Love to them And for tendring him the Oath ex Officio that was the usual proceeding in that Court When he was brought before the Lords of the Council he says the Warrant for his Imprisonment was under my Hand and others This was according to course So the Commitment of him was by the Lords not by me But my Hand was first so was it in all things else to which I was to set it And the restraint of his Wife from coming to him was by the same Order of the Lords And upon her Petition when her Husband was sick both of them confess she had admittance But whereas he says The chief Cause of his Commitment was the Feoffment he is much mistaken Himself says before it was about Popish Books This I am sure of the Feoffment was not so much as mentioned against him Though he freely confesses that he got twelve Men to undertake that Feoffment which was a great deal more power than he could take to himself by Law And his Wife speaks not one word to the Cause of his Imprisonment So he is single and in his own Cause and no Treason unless it be against Mr. Foxlye The next Charge of this day was Mr Vassall's Imprisonment And to save Repetition I shall weave all the circumstances of Aggravation and my Answer together First he is single in all both Substance and Circumstance Secondly he says that he conceives I was the cause of his Imprisonment But his Conceit is no proof He says again that I said at the Council-Table whither he was called Why sit we here if we be not able to Judge It may be my Lords I said so I remember not now but if I did say so it was of such things only as were fit and proper for that Honourable Board to judge of Then he Charged me that I should there say That he did eat the Bread out of the King's Childrens Mouths and that if he were in another Country he would be Hang'd for it I doubt this Gentleman has borrowed some of Sir Hen. Vane's Memory But I remember no such thing Yet if I did say it it was no Treason For if I did say he might be Hang'd for the like in some other Country it was because the Laws and Customs of other Countries and this of ours differ in many things So that by this Speech he was to thank the Law of the Land for his preservation notwithstanding his opposition against Majesty which where the Laws were not so favourable to the Subject would not be indured He says He was fain to deposite 300 l. into the Hand of Sir Abra. Dawes and that it was taken out the next day But he says withal it was done by a Decree at the Council-Board and I hope I shall not be held Author of all Decrees which passed there He says that I called him Sirrah A high Crime if I did so High Treason at least But sure this Gentleman's Spleen swell'd up Sir into Sirrah For that is no Language of mine to meaner Men than Mr. Vassal is The main of this Charge is Words and those if utter'd hasty not Treasonable And as M. Lepidus spake in the Case of C. Lutorius Priscus Vana à scelestis dicta à maleficiis differunt vain things differ from wicked and words from malicious deeds and let any Man else be sifted as I have been for all the time I have been a Bishop which is now upon the point of Twenty and three Years and I doubt not but as high Words as these will be heard fallen from him upon less occasion and of greater Personages than Mr. Vassal is Besides Mr. Vassal at the end of his Testimony desired the Lords he might have Reparation which altogether in Law infirms that which he Testified After this followed a Charge about a Grant passed from his Majesty to one Mr. Smith The difference was between Mrs. Burrill and him As far as I can recall it was thus The King had made a Grant to Mr. Burrill in his Life time of a Wharf or something else belonging to the Thames Mr. Smith conceals this and gets a Grant from his Majesty over the Head of the
the Warrants The next Witness concerning this Charge was Tho. Edwards He says That three Hampers of Mr. Pryn's Books were taken out of his House whither it seems they were conveyed for Safety and no Warrant shewed to take them The weaker Man he to let his Friends Books go so But this Witness hath not one Word of me 4. The next Witness was William Wickens he says he knew of no Warrant neither but that License was given by the Sheriffs about Six Years since Here 's never a Word concerning me nor am I to Answer for the Sheriffs Act. And whereas it is an Aggravation in the Charge That all Mr. Pryn's Books were sold Tho. Edwards says there were but Three Hampers of them and this Witness says he bought them for Two and Thirty Pounds And these neither by Number nor Price could be half of Mr. Pryn's Books if I have heard Truth of his Library 5. After this Man's Testimony comes Mr. Pryn himself in his own Cause He made a long relation of the Business and full of Bitterness against me This I doubt not was purposely done to represent me as Odious as he could to the Lords and the Hearers But I shall assume nothing to my self that was done by Order of the Court of Star-Chamber Whatsoever was done there by Common Consent was their Act not mine and if any Treason be in it they are as guilty as I for Treason admits no Accessories Nor will I meddle with the Language God forgive him that and what ever else he hath done against me Only I shall answer to all such particulars of his as seem to touch upon my self 1 First then he says he brought a Prohibition An. 1629. and that was the Ground of my Hatred against him For Prohibitions I shall Answer when they are Charged But as I remember not this so I bare him no Hatred and bearing him none it could not be for that Cause Nor doth he so much as offer to prove it was 2 Next he says I gave Direction to Mr. Attorney Noy and that Dr. Heylin drew some Informations for him Dr. Heylin was well acquainted with Mr. Attorney but how long or upon what grounds I know not Nor did I give Mr. Attorney any direction What Dr. Heylin did if he did any thing is nothing to me unless I set him on which is not Proved nor Sworn 3 He farther says That Mr. Attorney read his Book twice over and said that he found nothing amiss in it I know not what Mr. Attorney said to him nor what he may say of Mr. Attorney now he is dead This I am sure of and 't is well known to some of your Lordships he said far otherwise in open Court 4 He says That his Book was Licensed to the Press and after that seized and that the Messenger told him it was done by me This was done by Warrant of the High Commission not by me Nor doth he offer any Proof against me but that the Messenger told him so which is a bare Hearsay and no Proof 5 Then he says That there was another Order given about his Business and that I did it But he brings no Proof for this but that Mr. Ingram the then Keeper of the Fleet told him so But this is as bare a Hearsay as the former and Mr. Ingram not produced to make out the Proof 6 Then he says He writ me a Letter and that I sent it to Mr. Attorney to have him yet farther proceeded against 'T is true my Lords he did Write unto me but whether it were a Letter or a Libel I leave other Men to Judge This Letter I did send to Mr. Attorney but only to let him see how I was used not to have any farther proceeding against him But Mr. Attorny was so moved at the sight of it that when he saw me next he told me he would call him Ore tenus for it Therefore it seems somewhat was very much amiss in it call the Writing what you will 7 He says Mr. Attorney thought he had not kept the Letter but he was deceived for he had it But how was Mr. Attorney deceived I 'le tell your Lordships what himself told me When Mr. Attorney saw that I would not agree to any farther Prosecution he sent for Mr. Pryn shewed him the Letter and thought after he had Read it to give him some good Counsel to desist from that Libelling Humour of his But Mr. Pryn after he had got the Letter into his Hands went to the Window as if he meant to read it and while Mr. Attorney was otherwise busied he tare it into small Pieces and threw it out at the Window and then said unto him This shall never rise in Judgment against me Now he confesses he hath the Letter still and that Mr. Attorney was deceived Belike he tare some other Paper for it and put the Letter in his Pocket But that you may see the Honesty of this Man and what Conscience he makes of that which he speaks upon his Oath Here he says he had the Letter still and that Mr. Attorney was deceived And yet after this when he sets out his Breviate of my Life he confesses in an unsavoury Marginal Note That he Tare it Mr. Attorney having need of such a Paper And for this Breviate of his if God lend me Life and Strength to end this first I shall discover to the World the Base and Malicious Slanders with which it is fraught 8 He went on and said There was an Order made against him when Term was done so that he could have no Remedy This is directly against the Court and their Order not against me 9 Then he cites out of the Epistle before my Speech in the Star-Chamber that I Censured him for having his Hand in the Pamphlets of those times and yet was doubtful of it The Words are For I doubt his Pen is in all the Pamphlets But first 't is acknowledged I gave no Vote at all in his Censure And if I did not Judicially Censure him then sure I was not doubtful and yet Censured Secondly he was Censured upon his own Pamphlet And his Hand was certainly in his own what doubt soever I might make of it's being in theirs And Thirdly if the Words be extended to their Pamphlets also that 's nothing to prove I doubted of the Justness of the Sentence For the Words are not I doubt his Pen is in all those Pamphlets of Mr. Burton and Dr. Bastwick but in all the Pamphlets whether their Libels or any others so I might be doubtful of the one and yet certain enough of the other 10 And whereas he adds That he was joyntly Charged with Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Burton yet could not be suffered to speak together for a joynt Answer and that his Cross Bill was refused All this was done by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me And your Lordships know well the Lord Keeper managed the Affairs of that Court not
confessed that in the first Business the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me but that then the Bishop began again as the former Witness declared Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came As for my Answer to himself that under Favour is quite mistaken For I did not say That in this Particular but that in his General Proceedings in his Diocess the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular For how could I say that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court he began with them again upon the same Cause Besides my Lords this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington First for the point of Religion And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way and yet saith he they were thus heavily Sentenced for that which I my self hold indifferent But first this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop not by me Secondly the more indifferent the thing was the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary And had it not been a thing so indifferent and without danger of advancing Popery would Queen Elizabeth who banished Popery out of the Kingdom have endured it in her own Chappel all her time Thirdly the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess to Example other Men's Obedience Secondly for the same Point as it contained Matter against Law I answered Mr. Browne as I had before answered the Lords The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds Lumbard-street where old Mr. Pagett is Parson The Witnesses are Two 1. The first is Mr. Symms who says that after a Verdict Mr. Pagett the Incumbent upon a pretenc that these Tenements were Church-Land got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer and my self My Lords we procured not the Reference But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand we could not refuse to sit upon it Upon full Hearing we were satisfied that the Cause was not rightly stated and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal and for Costs to the Barons of that Court. And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he instanced in this Case He says the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so If Men may get Land from others by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses they may get an easie Purchase And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses or not is the thing to be tryed in Law and not to be Pleaded to us He complains that I would not hear his Petition alone And surely my Lords I had no reason since it was referred to another with me And yet I see though I was not in the Reference alone nor would hear it alone yet I must be alone in the Treason And here I desired that Mr. Pagett the Incumbent might be heard 2. The other Witness was Mr. Barnard He says he was present at the Hearing and that Mr. Symms said he was undone if he must go to a new Tryal But my Lords so many Men say that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others He says that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees If that be so 't is no fault of mine He says the Reference was made to us only to Certifie not to make any Order in it If this be so here 's no Proof so much as offer'd that we did not Certifie as we were required and then had Power given to order it which we did And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing before ought was done The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment of one Grafton an Upholster in London The Witnesses Three Of which 1. The first is Grafton in his own Cause and 't is much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself He says first That twelve Years ago he was Committed and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners By others my Lords therefore not by me And an Act of the High Commission by his own Words it appears to be He says He was continued in Prison by my procurement as he verily believes First as he verily believes is no Proof And the ground of his Belief is as weak For he gives no reason of it but this That Dr. Ryves the King's Advocate spake with the Barons But he doth not say about what or from whom He adds farther that Mr. Ingram Keeper of the Fleet would not give way to his Release notwithstanding the Barons Orders till he heard from me Here 's no Man produced that heard Mr. Ingram say so Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie Lastly he says that he then made Means in Court and so repaired to the Barons again but all in vain And that Baron Trevor cryed out O the Bishop O the Bishop First here 's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges So belike they may have Means made to them so it be not by me For the Particular I did humbly desire the Baron being then present might be asked He was asked he blushed and fumbled the Lords laughed and I could not hear what he said 2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall But he said nothing but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty which is not denied 3. The third was Mr Rivett He says that Mr. Ingram said that Grafton was a Brownist and must be brought into the Fleet again because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram it no way concerns me And a Separatist he is from the Church of England but whether a Brownist or no I cannot tell there are so many Sects God help us And much harm he hath done among weak People For most true it is which S. Cyril observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received As for this Man he was in his way cunning enough for under pretence that he suffer'd by me he got Madam Vantlett and other of the French to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf And this I found that sometimes when her Majesty knew not of it they sent to the Barons for Favour for him And yet I never heard that Baron Trevor ever cryed out O the French O the French Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry and
opened it so wide in the other when we moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings Where I humbly desire this Passage of the Law may be considered In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day and for not coming to Church The Words of the Law are For due Execution hereof the Queens most Excellent Majesty the Lords Temporal and all the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled do in God's Name earnestly require and Charge all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges as they will answer before God c. Now if I do not this here 's an apparent Breach of the Law And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book then the Judge who by this Law should assist me Cries O the Bishop and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne when he Summ'd his Charge against me The Fifth Charge of this Day was Mr. John Ward 's Case in a Suit about Symony in the High Commission He says for he also is in his own Cause That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington His Majesty trusted me with the Titles which did accrew to him in that kind and because Symony had been so rife Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title And this I conceive was no Offence Though this be that which he calls the heaviness of my Hand upon him He farther says That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich to admit the King's Clerk the Church being void 7. Junij 1638. Nor do I yet see my Lords what Crime it is in me trusted especially as before to send to the Bishop to admit when the Church is void Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony before Proof And Mr. Bland produced as a Witness also says that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich not to admit And I hope an Arch-Bishop and trusted therein by his Majesty may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk as any Lay-Lord may write against it But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring but adds That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas Junij 12. And that thereupon I said it was to no purpose for us to sit there if after a long Tryal and Judgment given all might be stopped If I did say so I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject But if the Law will have it otherwise we cannot help that Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law Then he says a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission to the Judges to revoke the Ne admittas and that I was forward to have the Letter sent How forward soever I was yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court not by me And let the Letter be produced it shall therein appear that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas but to desire the Judges to consider whether it were not fit to be revoked considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation or a mistake in the Cause the Judges being still free to judge according to Law both for the one and the other And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges and therefore I think Legally But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void whereas this Letter to the Judges says it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all For after the Tryal past and the Symony proved the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court and Read the Church was not void as touching those Legalities which as I humbly conceive do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop yet that was better thought on in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges He says lastly That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth it was found that the King had no Right Why my Lords if different Courts judge differently of Symony I hope that shall not be imputed to me In the Court where I sate I judged according to my Conscience and the Law and the Proof as it appeared to me And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas Let Dr. Ryves answer it The Witness himself confesses that Dr. Ryves says the Command to the Cursitor was from the Lord Keeper not from me And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication and the Suits which followed it As it will appear in the Witnesses following which were four 1. The first was Mr Hen. Dade the Commissary then before whom the Cause began And he confesses He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall as in many Churches Sentences of 〈◊〉 are written But he tells your Lordships too that this Sentence was My House shall be called the House of Prayer but ye have made it a Den of Thieves The Commissary's Court was kept as usually it is at or toward the West-end of the Church And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall meerly to put a scorn and a scandal though I hope an unjust one upon that Court He was commanded to blot it out He would not because it was Scripture as if a Man might not Revile and Slander nay speak Treason too if he will be so wicked and all in Scripture-Phrase Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd To your Tents O Israel c. Upon this he was Excommunicated and I cannot but think he well deserved it For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber the Motion that Mr. Attorney would leave him to the common Prosecutor
I confess to your Lordships I could never like that Seats should be set above the Communion Table If that be any Error in me be it so For the Words I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general but of such as I did conceive very Illegal as for ought I yet know this must have been And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr Brown when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition the High-Commission Court being above all But he confesses he knows not the time when this was spoken Let him look to his Oath for I am as Confident he knows not the thing And I farther believe that neither he nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant as to say the High-Commission Court was above all 7. Francis Nicolas says that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition and was committed for it To this Quaterman comes in and says more than Nicolas himself For he says he delivered it in upon a Stick and was Committed for it First if he were Committed it was not for bringing the Prohibition but for his unmannerly delivery of it and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it was no Handsom way of Delivery And one that brought a Prohibition whether this Man or no I cannot certainly say threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court that it bounded on the Table and hit me on the Breast as I sat in Court. Howsoever his Commitment was the Act of the Court not mine And for Quaterman he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court as hath appeared to the World many ways 9. Mr Edwards was called up next and he says it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels which brought Prohibitions And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness where 's the Fault And I pray mark this is still the Act of the Court not mine 10. Mr. Welden says That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man which brought a Prohibition But more he says not Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission by the bringers of Prohibitions I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it till the Prohibition be seen and considered 11. The next Witness is Mr. Ward And he is an angry Witness for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony That which he says is That An. 1638 He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts was laid by the Heels But he himself confesses the Court then declared that they were affronted by him And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage not for bringing the Prohibition He says farther that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition For my directing Attendance upon the Judges I think I did what well became me For there came a Rule before the Prohibition which required the Court so to do And Mr. Pryn objected because this was not done and now I am Accused because I gave direction to do it And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition it must needs follow that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause or if not that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong and not we 12. The last Witness about Prohibitions was Mr. Wheeler He says that in a Sermon of mine long since I used these Words They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven And he says he writ down the Words that he might remember them If this Gentleman will tell me what Text I then Preached on I will look upon my Sermon if that with my other Papers be not taken from me and shew the place In the mean time with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do So the words I spake must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions For they which are Legal do only stop the Church from doing wrong but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also and I gave him this Answer Nevertheless I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth that he was so careful to write this Passage and so ready to come to witness it against me considering how many Years I have known him and how freely he hath often come to my Table and been welcome to me yet never told me this Passage in my Sermon troubled him It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day Here having thus answered all Particulars I humbly craved leave of their Lordships to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions As first that there was a great Contestation about them between my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Bancroft and the then Judges and this before King James and the Lords of the Council and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides No final End made that I could ever hear of This calling them all in Question was far more than ever was done by me or in my time and yet no Accusation at all much less any of Treason put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this Secondly I have here Papers Attested of all the Prohibitions which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches and Audience And I find there are as many if not more admitted in my Seven Years time as in any Seven Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission the Records are all taken from us else I make no doubt but it would soon appear by them that as many have been admitted there also Thirdly There is a great difference touching Prohibitions and the sending of them since the Times of Reformation and before For before the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions both in regard of the King's Power and the Subjects Indempnity But since the Reformation all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts is from the King as well as the Temporal so that now there neither is nor can be so much Cause as formerly was And yet all that I did humbly and earnestly desire was that
I hope your Lordships will not think that not to suffer the Printers to turn out a deserving Man at their pleasure is to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate The business my Lords was this This Corrector was principally entertained for the Latin and Greek Press especially which I had then not without great pains and some cost Erected They were desirous to keep only one for the English and him at the cheapest Among them their negligence was such as that there were found above a Thousand faults in two Editions of the Bible and Common-Prayer-Book And one which caused this search was that in Exod. 20. where they had shamefully Printed Thou shalt commit Adultery For this the Masters of the Printing-House were called into the High-Commission and Censured as they well deserved it As for this Corrector whom they would have heaved out they never did so much as complain of him to any that had power over the Press till this fell upon themselves for so gross an Abuse Nor did they after this proceed against him to make him appear faulty and till that were done we could not punish And for this Business of the Press he is single too And I have told your Lordships that which is a known Truth And Hunsford being bit in his Credit and Purse and Friends by that Censure for so gross an abuse of the Church and Religion labours to fasten his Fangs upon me in this way 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Bland But all that he says is that there was once a dismission of this Cause out of the Court and that though I disliked it yet I gave way to it because all Parties were agreed And no word of proof that I was any cause of bringing it back into the Court again What 's my fault in this 3. The Third Witness was Thorn in his own Cause And 't is plain by his own words that this Cause was depending in Court before my time And I believe were the Records of the Court here Mr. Lewis would not be found so great an Offender as Mr. Thorn would make him This I am sure of both the High-Commission and my self have been quick enough against all Ministers which have been proved to be debauched in their Life and Conversation And he says nothing against me but that I sided with his Adversaries which is easie to say against any Judge that delivers his Sentence against any Man But neither of these come home to Hunsford The next Charge is in the Case of one Mr. Tomkins about the Taxing of a Minister in a Case of Robbery and Repayment by the Country To this Mr. Newdigate is produced who says as he remembers that I should speak these words That Ministers were free from such Taxes and I hoped to see the Times in which they might be free again First this Gentleman is single Secondly he speaks not positively but as he remembers Thirdly this Tax I do humbly conceive is not by Law to be laid upon any Minister For no Man is subject to this Tax but they which are to keep Watch and Ward which Ministers in that kind are not bound unto And this I learned of the Lord Keeper Coventry at the Council-Table So I might well then hope to see Ministers free from all such Taxes by the right understanding and due Execution of our own Laws without assuming any Papal Power The last Instance of this Day was the bringing of Sir Rich Samuel into the High-Commission for doing his Office as Justice of the Peace upon some Clergy-Men First for this this Gentleman is single and in his own Case Secondly himself confesses that his bringing into the High-Commission was long after the Fact Therefore in all Probability not for that nor doth he say that I caused his bringing in He says farther That one Article for which he was called into the Commission was that he was an Enemy to the Clergy But he doth not say that I preferred these Articles against him Nor doth he tell or can I remember what the other Articles were which with this may be bad enough to merit what was there laid against him And whatsoever was done appears by his own Narration to be the Act of the High-Commission or the Council-Table and so not Chargeable upon me alone And whereas he says I blamed him much at the Council-Table Let him tell why and then I 'll give him a farther Answer And sure if I did blame him I had just Cause so to do Lastly he says I did use the Word Base to him when he came to me Sure I cannot believe I did It was not my Language to meaner Men. If it did slip from me it was in Relation to his Enmity to the Clergy not to his Person or Quality And I conceive 't is no Gentile part for a Man of Place and Power in his Country to oppress poor Clergy-Men which neighbour about him In which kind this Gentleman Pessimè Audiebat heard extreamly ill CAP. XXX THis Day thus ended I was ordered to appear again on Monday April 22. I came and my former Answers having taken off the Edge of many Men for so I was told by good Hands the Scorns put upon me at my Landing and elsewhere were somewhat a bated though when it was at best I suffered enough After I had attended the Pleasure of the House some Hours I was remitted without Hearing and commanded to attend again upon Thursday April 25. But sent back again then also and ordered to appear on Tuesday April 30. And when I came I was sent away once more unheard No Consideration had of my self or the great Charge which this frequent coming put me to I was then ordered to appear again on Saturday May 4. Then I was heard again And the Day proceeded as follows My Eighth Day of Hearing To raise up Envy against me Mr. Nicolas falls first to repeating the Titles which were given me in Letters from Oxford to which I gave answer the Day before From thence he fell again upon the former Charge My Endeavour to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Power And very loud he was and full of sour Language upon me To this General I answered with another more true That I never did attempt to bring the Temporal Power under the Clergy nor to free the Clergy from being under it But I do freely confess I did labour all I could to preserve poor Clergy-Men from some Lay-Mens Oppression which lay heavy on them And de Vi Laica hath been an old and a great and too Just a Complaint And this I took to be my Duty doing it without Wrong to any Man as sincerely I did to the best of my Knowledge And assuring my self that God did not raise me to that Place of Eminency to sit still see his Service neglected and his Ministers discountenanced nay sometimes little better than trampled on And my standing thus to the Clergy and their
Law But what is the Heart of this Charge It is say they That I Commanded Dr. Duck to prosecute them And what fault was in this For if it were Just why should not Dr. Duck go on with his Prosecution If Dr. Duck and I were both mistaken in the Particular 't was easy getting a Prohibition Yea but they say I said If this must be so Sir Thomas Dacres shall be Bishop of London and I 'll be Sir Tho. Dacres For ought I see in the Weight of it this whole Charge was but to bring in this Speech And truly my Lords my old decayed Memory is not such as that I can recall a Speech Thirteen or Fourteen Years since But if I did say it I presume 't is not High Treason for a Bishop of London to say so much of Sir Tho. Dacres Mr. Browne in the summing up the Charge against me laid the weight of the Charge in this That these Church-Wardens were Prosecuted for Executing the Warrant of a Justice of Peace upon an Ale-House-Keeper for Tipling on the Sabbath-Day contrary to the Statutes Jacobi 7. Caro. 3. To which I Answer'd That those Statutes did concern the Ale-House-Keepers only nor were the Church-Wardens called in question for that but because being Church Officers and a Church-Man Tipling there they did not complain of that to the Chancellor of the Diocess Mr. Browne replied there was no Clergy-Man there I am glad I was so mistaken But that excuseth not the Church-Wardens who being Church Officers should have been as ready to inform the Bishop as to obey the Justice of Peace The Fourth Instance was about Marriages in the Tower which I opposed against Law The Witness Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant of the Tower He says that I did oppose those Marriages And so say I. But I did it for the Subject of England's sake For many of their Sons and Daughters were there undone Nor Banes nor Licence nor any means of fore-knowledge to prevent it Was this ill He says that when he spake with me about it I desired him to speak with his Majesty about it because it was the King's House What could I do with more moderation He confesses he did so and that he moved the King that the Cause might be heard at the Council-Table not at the High-Commission To this his Majesty inclined and I opposed nothing so the general Abuse might be rectified Then he says Mr. Attorney Noye said at the Council-Table it was the King's Free-Chappel and that no Pope in those times offer'd to inhibit there First if Mr. Attorney did so say he must have leave to speak freely in the King's Cause Secondly as I humbly conceive the Chappel for ordinary use of Prisoners and Inhabitants of the Tower where these disorderly Marriages are made is not that which is called the King's Free-Chappel But another in the side of the white Tower by the King's Lodgings Thirdly if it be yet I have herein not offended for I did all that was done by the King's leave not by any assumption of Papal Power Then he tells the Lords that in a Discourse of mine with him at Greenwich about this business I let fall an Oath I am sorry for it if I did But that 's no Treason And I know whom the Deponent thinks to please by this Interposition For to the matter it belongs not In conclusion he says truly that the King committed the business to some Lords and Judges that so an end might be put to it And in the mean time Ordered that till it were ended there should be no more Marriages in the Tower How this business ended I know not It began I am sure by Authority of his Majesty's Grant of the High Commission to question and punish all such Abuses Tam in loois Exemptis quam non Exemptis And his Majesty having Graciously taken this Care for the Indempnity of the Subject I troubled my self no more with it My aim being not to cut off any Priviledges of that Place but only to prevent the Abuses of that Lawless Custom And if cui bono be a considerable Circumstance as it uses to be in all such Businesses then it may be thought on too that this Gentleman the Lieutenant had a considerable share for his part out of the Fee for every Marriage Which I believe was as dear to him as the Priviledge The next Instance is broke out of the Tower and got as far as Oxford The Witness Alderman Nixon He says the Mayor and the Watch set by him were disturbed by the Proctors of the Vniversity and a Constable Imprisoned The Night-Walk and the keeping of the Watch is the ancient known and constant Priviledge of the University for some Hundred of Years and so the Watch set by the Town purposely to pick a quarrel was not according to Law He adds That when the Right Honourable the Earl of Barkshire would have referred the business to the King's Councel Learned I refused and said I would maintain it by my own Power as Chancellor If I did say this which I neither remember nor believe I might better refuse Lawyers not the Law but Lawyers than they a Sworn Judge of their own Nomination which they did The Case was briefly this There were some five or six Particulars which had for divers Years bred much trouble and disagreement between the Vniversity and the City of which to my best remembrance this about the Night-Watch and another about Felons Goods were two of the chief The Vniversity complained to me I was so far from going any by-way that I was resolved upon a Tryal at Westminster-Hall thinking as I after found that nothing but a Legal Tryal would set those two Bodies at quiet The Towns-Men liked not this Came some of the Chief of them to London Prevailed with their Honourable Steward my Lord the Earl of Barkshire to come to me to Lambeth and by his Lordship offer'd to have all ended without so great Charge at Law by Reference to any of the Judges I said I had no mind to wrong the Town or put them to Charge but thought they would fly off from all Awards and therefore stuck to have a Legal Tryal After this some of the chief Aldermen came to me with my Lord and offer'd me that if the Vniversity would do the like they would go down and bring it up under the Mayor and Aldermens Hands that they would stand to such end as Judge Jones who rode that Circuit should upon Hearing make They did so And brought the Paper so Subscribed and therefore I think Alderman Nixon's Hand is to it as well as the rest upon this I gave way the Vniversity accepted the Judge heard and setled And now when they saw my Troubles threatning me they brake all whistled up their Recorder to come and complain at the Council-Table his Majesty present And I remember well I told his Lordship then making the aforesaid Motion to refer to the
there present p. 28 32 35 42. Nay more this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis is allowed to the Governours of the Church in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time which would never have been allowed had it then been thought such a dangerous Business as 't is now made against me 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure by Fine and Imprisonment This also I shewed in the old Commission Fol. 37. and is as I conceive in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded For the King says there Fol. 13. And so 't is in the new That he grants this Power by Vertue of his Supream Authority and Prerogative Royal and of the said Act. Nay farther 't is added in this latter Commission and by our Authority Ecclesiastical which is not expressed in the former And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added had I any Plot as 't is urged either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity or to usurp Papal Power which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King And as for Fine and Imprisonment if that Power be not according to Law why was it first admitted and after continued in all former Commissions 3. The Third Clause was the Non Obstante which he said was against all Law and of such a boundless Extent as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England And he here desired the Lords that he might read it which he did with great Assurance of a Triumph But after all this Noise which Mr. Nicolas had made I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission 〈◊〉 62. Word for Word which I humbly desired might be read and compared It was so The Lords looked strangely upon it Mr. Nicolas was so startled that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply which he saw impossible to be made but interrupted me and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly that I need not stand upon that for he did but name that without much regarding it And yet at the giving of the Charge he insisted principally upon that Clause and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed Had such an Advantage been found against me I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together or Extreamly Impudent if I did 4. The Fourth Exception was That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical First whatsoever Power the High-Commission had was not taken by them till given by his Majesty and that according to Use and Statue for ought hath been yet declared Secondly they have not Power of Life or Limb therefore not so great Power as other Courts have Thirdly they may have more various Power in some respects but that cannot make it greater As for the Expression in which 't is said I took this Power that is put most unworthily and unjustly too to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying that I took on me the Power of both Swords But this was only ad Faciendum Populum For he knows well enough that to take both the Swords as the Pope takes them is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place Not to take both as under the Prince and given by his Authority and so not I alone but all the Commissioners take theirs 5. Fifthly To prove that this vast Commission as it was called was put in execution Mr. Burton is produced He says that when he was called into the High-Commission he appealed to the King and pleaded his Appeal and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known And it was our Duty considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court to inform his Majesty of it and we did so The King declared that he should submit to the Court as is confessed by himself Then he says because he would not submit to the Court he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal And he well deserved it that would not be ruled by his Majesty to whom he had appealed And the Commission had Power to do what they did Besides himself confesses all this was done by the High-Commission not by me Nor doth he urge any Threat Promise or Solicitation of mine any way to particularize the Act upon me and farther he is single and in his own Cause Then followed the last Charge of this Day which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St Pauls cryed out upon as Illegal and Extorted from the King and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years for which time it was granted This is the Fourth time that St Pauls is struck at My Lords let it come as often as it will my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable to both Church and Kingdom of England No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny or Pennyworth to other use than was limited to me I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service but of Humane Frailty And whereas 't is said this Patent was extorted from his Majesty as there is no Proof offered for it so is there no truth in it For his Majesty's Piety was so forward that nothing needed to be extorted from him Thus went I on Bonâ Fide and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent The Lord Keeper Coventry Mr. Noy and Sir Henry Martin And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it it cannot be imputed to me who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception And I marvel what security any Man shall have that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant And whereas it was said this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King That 's nothing so For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work yet these being inseparable from him may be used by him notwithstanding this or any other Patent And if these be inseparable as 't is granted they are no inseparable thing can be taken away or if it be taken 't is void in Law and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right both for Justice and Mercy And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me and as for that
another Instituted else Church-Men were in a miserable Condition for their Livelyhood Excommunication is in many Cases void in Law Ipso Facto and yet ante latam Sententiam till Sentence be orderly pronounced against it no Man shall be subjected to those fearful Consequences which follow upon it And upon this ground of Natural Equity that in the Statute concerning the Uniformity of Common-Prayer proceeds where 't is said that a party once Convicted for depraving the Common-Prayer Book and relapsing into the same Crime shall be deprived of all his Spiritual Promotions Ipso Facto But how without any Legal Proceedings No God forbid For the Words preceeding immediately in the Statute are that he must be first Legally Convicted of that Criminal Relapse and then follows Ipso Facto and not before And therefore the superinstitution before the Simony tryed and judged was Illegal beside the great danger to the Parishioners while two Parsons and their several Friends are scambling for the Tithes Secondly Fautrye was not Censured for the Original cause of Simony but for an Intruder and Colluder too with Jeames to Abuse the Kings grant of the Benefice Thirdly it seems Fautrye had no better Opinion of his own Cause for he went to his Benefice in Jarsey and set not his Title on Foot again till after Seven Years and that I think was when he heard that Mr. Johnson was a Pretender to it And his Bond upon the Sentence was to make a final Peace For the Prohibition which he says was refused I have answered that before in the Charge about Prohibitions Besides it appears by Law that as Prohibitions may be granted in some Cases so in some Cases they may be refused For Dr. Beal there is not the least shew of Proof offered that I brought him in if to do so be a Crime Thus far Mr. Fautrye went As for Mr. Johnson's Title He says That the Lords ordered it for him and declared that we in the High-Commission could put no Man out of his Freehold Where first if your Lordships have Ordered this Business I must crave to know how far I shall have leave to speak to it For if there be any Errours Charged upon the Sentence given in the High-Commission if they may not be spoken to they cannot be satisfied This I am sure of the Commission hath Power to deprive For the Statute gives it Power to use all Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Censures of which Deprivation is known to be one And that Power is expresly given to deprive some Offenders of all their Spiritual Promotions by the Statute following Therefore I think it follows necessarily either that we have Power over Freehold in that Case or else that a Benefice is not a Freehold But I have no reason howsoever to speak any thing were I left never so free against your Lordships Order which very honourably left Dr. Beal to the Law as 't is confessed by Johnson Besides these two in their own Cause one Mr. Jenkins is produced but to what end I know not unless it be to bespatter Dr. Beal He says That Seven Years since Dr. Beal was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge that in his Sermon then he inveighed bitterly against the Power of Parliaments and named some unsavoury Speeches of his both concerning their Persons and Proceedings Surely if Dr. Beal did as is Testified he was much to blame But what is this to me If it be said I did not punish him How could I punish that I knew not And I profess I heard not of it till now at Bar. If it be said I did Prefer him That I do absolutely deny and neither Mr. Jenkins nor any other offers the least Proof that I knew the one or did the other The Sixth Charge was concerning the Statutes of the University of Oxford in which and the Cathedrals of the New Erection Mr. Nicolas says I took on me to be an Vniversal Law-giver Many such Offices he bestows upon me which God knows and I believe he too that I never affected No my Lords the great Necessities of that Vniversity called upon me for it Their Statutes lay in a miserable confused Heap When any Difficulty arose they knew not where to look for Remedy or Direction Then into the Convocation-House and make a new Statute and that many times proved contrary to an Old one concerning the same business Men in the mean time sworn to both which could not possibly be kept together By this means Perjury was in a manner unavoidable And themselves confess in their Register which is now in Court that till this was done they did in a sort Swear that they might be Forsworn Besides my Lords I did not abolish any the Old Books in which the Statutes lay so confused some in one Book and some in another but left them all entire in the Vniversity in Case in any after-times any use might be made of them Nor did I with them as some Ancient Philosophers are said to have done with the Works of some that went before them That is make them away to advance their own Honour the more as if without any help of former Pains they had done all themselves Holding it Honour more than enough for me that God had so highly Blessed me in this Work as to finish and settle those Statutes which the greatest Men in their times Cardinal Wolsey first and after him Cardinal Pool assayed but left as imperfect as they found them Neither did I any thing in this Work but by the consent of the Vniversity and according to an Act and a Delegacy thereby appointed of their own Convocation Mr. Nicolas says There is a Rasure in one of the Acts and supplied in other Ink. I told your Lordships then presently being loath to lye never so little under such an Imputation that if there be any such it must be Charged upon the Vniversity not upon me for those Records were never in my Hands nor is it so much as said they were And since I withdrew to make my Answer I have viewed the Record and an Alteration or Addition there is and 't is a known Hand 'T is Dr. Duppa's Hand now Lord Bishop of Salisbury and then Vice-Chancellor who I doubt not but is able to give a good account of what he did therein and why And for ought appears 't is nothing but the amendment of some slip which their Ignorant Register French had failed in and the Vice-Chancellor thought it safest to mend with his own Hand And for my own part if ever I did any thing worth Thanks from the Publick in all my Life I did it in this Work for that Vniversity And I wish with all my Heart the times were so open as that I might have the Vniversity's Testimony both of me and it Since I cannot a great Lord present in the House when this Charge was laid against me supplied in part their Absence For he was over-heard say to another Lord I
told the Lords that when Sir Nathaniel Brent was imployed in my Visitation he had Instructions for particular Churches of which some were Tacit Intimations and some Express I know not to what end this was spoken for no Coherent Charge followed upon it But sure he thinks Sir Nathaniel Brent very skilful in me that he can understand my Tacit Intimations and know to what Particular Church to apply them And as I said no more at the Bar so neither did I think to say any more after yet now I cannot but a little bemoan my self For ever since Mr. Maynard left off who Pleaded though strongly yet fairly against me I have been in very ill Condition between the other two For from Mr. Nicolas I had some Sense but extream virulent and foul Language And from Serjeant Wilde Language good enough sometimes but little or no Sense For let me answer what I would when he came to Reply he repeated the Charge again as if I had made no Answer at all Or as if all that I Expressed never so plainly had been but Tacit Intimations which I think he understood as much as Sir Nathaniel Brent In the Fourth Charge he told the Lords he would not trouble them with repeating the Evidence but only put them in mind of some things in the Case of Ferdinando Adams of Ipswich Of the Men of Lewis suffering in the High-Commission Of the Parishioners of Beckington and some others heard before but would leave the Lords to their Memory and their Notes Yet read over the Sentences given in the High-Commission and made a Repetition of whatsoever might but make a shew to render me odious to the People And this hath been their Art all along to run over the same thing twice and again as they did here in the second Charge about the Picture of the Blessed Virgin To the end that as the Auditors changed the more of them might hear it and that which wrought not upon some might upon others In all which I patiently referred my self to my former Answers having no other way to help my self in regard they pretended that they renewed the same Instances but not the same way but in one place as against Law and in another as against Religion But why then did they in both places run over all Circumstances appliable to both And on they went too with the Men of Lewis where one Mr. Parnlye they say was Censured cruelly in the High-Commission for not removing the Communion-Table The Business was but this Sir Nathaniel Brent and his own Ordinary Dr. Nevill Ordered the remove of the Table He would not For this Contumacy he was Censured but injoyned only to make his Submission to Dr. Nevill Which I think was a Sentence far from any Barbarous Cruelty as 't is called 2. Another Instance and the next was Mr. Burket He says he was Censured also about removing the Communion-Table and for that only But first this was not simply for removing the Holy-Table but it was for abetting the Church-Wardens to remove it back again from the place where lawful Authority had set it And secondly whereas he says he was Censured for this only the very Charge it self confutes him For there 't is said that this about removing of the Communion-Table appears in the Sixth Article that was against him Therefore there were Five other Articles at least more against him And therefore not this only 3. The Third Instance was in Mr. Chancye And he likewise is said to have suffered very much only about Railing in of the Communion-Table But this is not so neither For he confesses that he spake Reproachful Words against Authority and in Contempt of his Ordinary That he said the Rails were fit to be set up in his Garden That he came Fifty Miles from his own Church on purpose to Countenance this Business And all this he acknowledges upon his Oath in his Submission And yet nothing laid upon him but Suspension and that no longer than till he submitted And all this the Act of the High-Commission not mine And so I answered Mr. Brown who urged this against me also And the Truth of all this appears apud Acta though they were taken away and kept ever since from my use yet many things done in that Court have been Charged against me And here stepped in a Testimony of Mr. Genebrards That I threatned openly in the High-Commission to suspend Dr. Merrick And why might I not do it if he will be over-bold with the Proceeding of the whole Court I have known e're now a very good Lawyer Committed from the Chancery Bar to the Fleet. Though I shall spare Names 4. The fourth Instance was in Mr. Workman's Case Charged as if he were Sentenced only for Preaching a Sermon to the Judges against Images in Churches 1. The first Witness in the Cause was Mr. Langly He says Mr. Workman was Censured for this Sermon and other things Therefore not for this Sermon only The High-Commissioners were no such Patrons of Images He says that when I was Dean of Gloucester I told them in the Chappel that King James had heard of many things amiss in that Church and required me to take care of them 'T is true he did so He says farther that hereupon I placed the Communion-Table Altar-wise and Commanded due Reverence at the coming into the Church This I did and I have given my Reason often already for it out of the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth He says that Bishop Smith took offence at this and would come no more to the Cathedral First my Lords this Gentleman was then Schoolmaster there and had free Access unto me He never discovered this Secondly the Bishop himself never said a word to me about it If he had I would either have satisfied his Lordship in that or any thing else that I did Or if he had satisfied me I would have forborn it He says that Mr. Workman after he was put from his Lecture was not suffered to teach Children First if he had been suffered this Man had been like to make the first Complaint for decay of his own School But secondly The Commission thought it no way fit to trust him with the Education of Children who had been Factious among Men. Especially not in that place where he had so shewed himself And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who in Summing the Evidence stood as much and inveighed as earnestly against this Cruel proceeding with Mr. Workman as upon any one thing in the Charge At which time he added also that he would not be suffered to Practise Physick to get his Living But First no Witness Evidenceth this that he was denied to Practise Physick And Secondly he might have taught a School or Practised Physick any where else But he had done so much Harm and made such a Faction in Gloucester as that the High Commission thought it not fit to continue him there and he was not willing to go
Secondly he confesses that when Dr. Bray made stay of them he never complained to me and I cannot remedy that which I do not know Thirdly he confesses that all the time he was in Lambeth-House my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor I do not yet know But he said that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott and desired to be advised by him what he should do And that he Answer'd he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business more than my Predecessors had done Be this so yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books makes such a great Noise as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons warmly insisted upon this Particular I thought it necessary to Answer as follows That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images I knew not nor could I now know my Chaplain being Dead But that this I was sure of that else-where in those very Sermons there was as plain a passage and full against Images left in And in another place a whole Leaf together spent to prove them Idolaters and that as gross as the Baalists and so he terms them Yea and that the Pope is Antichrist too and not only called so but proved by divers Arguments And not so only but in plain Terms that he is the Whore of Babylon And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons And many other-like to these there are So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages Where so many upon as good Cause were left in But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books and the overview of them to my Chaplains it was then urged That the Commissary of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham being then in the King's Service And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act whom I might put away when I would than he for his Commissary who had a Patent and could not be put out at pleasure Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me But first there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop and he in the King's Service of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender And Secondly the Bishop and his Official call him Chancellor or Commissary or what you will make but one Person in Law and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction and the Bishop may be answerable for it But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will yet that cannot help what is past if ought have been done amiss by him And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown Upon my entrance on this days Defence I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal and another Pamphlet of the Week wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me as if it were fully proved never so much as mentioning what or how I Answer'd And that it troubled me the more because as I conceived the passages as there expressed trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received but there they dyed and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath CAP. XXXV The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day was the Opinion which was held of me beyond the Seas The first Witness was Sir Henry Mildmaye who as is before related told me without asking That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome that ever sate in my See since the Reformation Now he denied not this but being helped on by good Preparation a Flexible Conscience and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation he minced it And now he says that there were two Factions at Rome and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England But the other Faction spake as well of me because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome But first my Lords this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General That I was hated at Rome not of a Party or Faction there And my Servants heard him at the same time and are here ready to witness it that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning and but that he was something taller he was as like Auditor Philips who was then at Dinner with me as could be But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome One Faction hates me because I aim at too much Power And the other loves me because I would draw England nearer Rome Why if I went about to draw England nearer Rome can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great For if I used my Power for them why should any there Condemn me And if I used it against them why should any here Accuse me Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus These things suit not with the Times or the Dispositions of Rome But the plain Truth is I do not think that ever he was at Rome I after heard a whisper that he only stepped into France for another Cure not to Rome for Curiosity which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither 2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner He says not much of his own knowledge but of Fame that tatling Gossip yet he told the Lords I was a very Obscure Man till within these Fifteen Years Be it so if he please Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years And 't is Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome A strong Opinion but a weak Proof For it was an Opinion of Enemies and such as could easily believe what they over-much desired He farther said that some of them were of Opinion that I was a good Roman-Catholick and that
that Troubles him S Luc 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches I answered then upon Memory that he did not find fault simply with Consecrations of Churches but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein And this since upon perusal of the Place I find to be true For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations he adds that yet for want of Piety or Prudence their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum peragendi Difficultate Taedio 〈◊〉 amentiâ So these were the things he found fault with not the Consecration it self which he could not well do himself being then a Consecrated Bishop 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope He says That he agrees with the former Witness and saw all and the throwing up of the Dust c. Since he agrees with the former Witness I give him the same Answer Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath The former Witness says that at the beginning of this Action I took Dust and threw it up This Man agrees with him and saw all and almost in the very next Words confesses he was not there at the beginning Not there Yet he saw it My Lords if you mark it this is a wholsom Oath He says That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self It was ever so the one Act must follow the other though both done the same Day For the Places being different the Act could not pass upon them at the same time Then he said there were Fees required and a good Eye had to the Money This is a poor Objection against me If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule or beyond President let them answer for it But for that which was said to belong to me I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords Lastly he said they were not New Churches Let him look to his Oath again for 't is notoriously known they were both New Built from the Ground and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation The Third Charge was laid on me only by Mr. Nieolas and without any Witness It was That I out-went Popery it self for the Papists Consecrated Churches only but I had been so Ceremonious that I had Consecrated Chappels too My Lords the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one it must needs be for the other And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time And he Flourished about the Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity and for any Prohibition of them there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it The Chappels they instance in are Three First they say I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's I did so and did no harm therein As for the touch given by the way upon that Honourable Person he is gone to God I have nothing to do with it Secondly they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building 'T is true I Consecrated that too but that was a Parish-Church Built in the Place where he was born and it was in my Diocess and so the Work proper for me The Third Instance was in my own Chappel in my House at Aberguilly when I was Bishop of St. Davids the Room lay waste and out of Repair and I fitted it at my own Cost and Consecrated it into a Chappel that House having no Oratory before Here they farther aggravated many circumstances As First that I named it at the Dedication The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel in Memory of the College where I was Bred which bears the same Name but I dedicated it to God and his Service And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches for distinction sake and for the Honour of their Memory is very Ancient and Usual in the Church as appears in S. Augustin and divers others of the Fathers but Dedicated only to God Which in the midst of Superstitious times the School it self confesses So yet no Offence Secondly That I did it upon the 29th of August And why might I not do it that Day as well as upon any other But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did I the rather made choice of that Day both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S John the Baptist and because as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford by King James of ever blessed Memory So yet no Offence Thirdly there was a Paper read and Avowed to be mine in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture and Rich Plate and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel and Wafers for the Communion At the reading of this Paper I was a little troubled I knew I was not then so Rich as to have such Plate or Furniture and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper So soon as I saw it I found there was nothing in it in my Hand but the Indorsement which told the Reader plainly that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel with the Furniture Plate Ceremonies therein used and all Things else And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop This I laid open to the Lords and it would have made any Man ashamed but Mr. Pryn who had delivered upon Oath that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly contrary to his Conscience and his own Eye-sight of the Paper And for 〈◊〉 I never either gave or received the Communion but in Ordinary Bread At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used but as a thing indifferent As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester it might well have been spared he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England and the Protestant Cause The Fourth Charge was the Publishing the Book of Recreations And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness by my Breath upon Places and to take it away from Days But I did neither the King commanded the Printing of it as is therein attested and the Warrant which the King gave me they have And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers yet it was God's Blessing not my Breath that gave the Holyness And for the Day I ever laboured it might be kept Holy but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness And First it was said That this was done of
from the Press both Old and New and expunging some things out of them 1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time but allowed by Authority in neither And King James said plainly That he thought the Geneva Translation was the worst and many of the Notes very Partial Vntrue Seditious and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits And gave Instance This passage I then read to the Lords And withal told them that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes than formerly and that that was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness and said he was called into the High Commission about these Books But he confesses it was not only for them He says the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes But he adds as he supposes And his Supposal is no Proof Besides he might have added here also that the restraint was not for the Notes only For by the numerous coming over of Bibles both with and without Notes from Amsterdam there was a great and a just fear conceived that by little and little Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom For the Books which came thence were better Print better Bound better Paper and for all the Charges of bringing sold better Cheap And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer that might have a better more Cheap And to preserve Printing here at home as well as the Notes was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys the Letter written to me and now produced against me But makes for me as I conceive For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English one with Notes and the other without And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home What should I do Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these and from such a hand Especially since he sends word also that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England So my Care was against all underminings both at home and abroad of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England for which I am now like to suffer And I pray God that point of Arminianism Libertas Prophetandi do not more Mischief in short time than is expressible by me 2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the 〈◊〉 concerning Printing Four Articles of this Decree were read namely the 1 2 18 24. What these are may be seen in the Deecree And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary So under your Lordships Favour I think those Four Articles as necessary as any Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes two Stationers Witnesses in this Particular say That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree and that Judge Bramston said he could not do it without me I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day why was not he examined but these Men only who oppose all Regulating of the Press that opposes their Profit And sure that grave Judge meant he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church almost Pressed to Death by the Liberty of Printing The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books was only for matter of Charges But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath which was that he makes no doubt but that all was done by my Direction and yet adds that he cannot say it So he swears that which himself confesses he cannot say And manifest it is in the Preface that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court and so by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall And the end of it was to suppress Seditious Schismatical and Mutinous Books as appears in the First Article 3. The Third Instance was That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam writ to me expressing therein that since the Proclamation made by the States no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels against either the State or Church of England Where 's the Fault For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church in procuring that Proclamation For till this was done every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam against either And if he had any Direction from me about it which is not proved I neither am nor can be sorry for it And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing proceeded from the Proclamation of the States not from any Power of mine 4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs But that was but named to Credit a base Business an Almanack made by one Mr. Genebrand In which he had left out all the Saints Apostles and all and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox And yet not all them neither for he had left out the Solemn Days which are in Fox as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23. In this Particular Mr. Genebrand Brother to this Almanack-maker witnesseth that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack If her Majesty did send to me about it as 't is probable she would disdain the Book is that any Crime in me Could I prevent her Majestys sending who could not know so much as that she would send He says his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court If I did say so surely my Lords I saw some practising by him in this new-found way He says the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks and burnt them It seems he could not hinder that nor I neither unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack For when he hath bought him he may burn him if he please But since the Book of Martyrs was named I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it It is well known how easily Abridgments by their Brevity and their Cheapness in short time work out the Authors themselves Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs But I still withstood it as my Secretary here present can Testifie upon these two Grounds The one lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse And the other lest if any Material thing should be left out that should have been charged as done of purpose by me as now I see it is in other Books
short of Treasons the application to those Generals cannot make them Treasons We shall only single out Two Particulars and in those be very brief in that most which hath been said to the former Generals is appliable to them inasmuch as none of them is declared to be a Treason by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other Law enacted 1. The first of these in the 10th Original Article viz. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome Which if it be any Treason must be a Treason within the Statute of 5 Jac. Cap. 4. whereby is provided That if any Man shall put in practice to Reconcile any of his Majesty's Subjects to the Pope or See of Rome the same is enacted to be Treason which we conceive clearly is none of this Charge 1. First For that here only is Charged an Endeavour there a Putting in Practice 2. Here a Reconciling of the Church of England with the Church of Rome there a Reconciling some of his Majesty's Subjects to the See of Rome And a Reconciling with may as well be a Reducing of that of Rome to England as England to Rome The Second in the 7th additional Article for wittingly and willingly Receiving and Harbouring divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely Sancta Clara and Monsieur St. Gyles Which Offence as to the Harbouring Priests and Jesuits born within his Majesty's Dominions by the Statute of 27 Eliz. Cap. 2. is made Felony not Treason and extends only to Priests English born which these are not charged to be My Lords We have now gone through those Articles wherein we conceive the Treasons Charged were intended and have endeavoured to make it appear That none of the Matters in any of the Articles Charged are Treason within the Letter of any Law And if not so then they cannot by Inference or Parity of Reason be heightned to a Treason It is true the Crimes as they are laid in the Charge are great and many Yet if the Laws of this Realm which have distinguished Crimes and accordingly given them several Names and inflicted Punishments raise none of these to a Treason That we humbly conceive will be worthy of your Lordships Consideration in this Case and that their Number cannot make them exceed their Nature And if they be but Crimes and Misdemeanours apart below Treason or Felony they cannot make a Treason by putting them together Otherwise the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. which we have so much insisted upon had been fruitless and vain if after all that exactness any Number of Misdemeanours in themselves no Treason should by complication produce a Treason and yet no mention made of it in that Law much less any Determination thereby that any Number or what Number and of what Nature of Crimes below Treason should make a Treason It is true my Lords That by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. there is a Clause in these Words It is accorded That if any other Case supposed Treason which is not therein specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to Judgment of the Treason until the Cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament Whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony And that hereby might seem to be inferred That there should be some other Treasons than are mentioned in that Law which may be declared in Parliament But my Lords we shall observe 1. If such Declaration look only forward then the Law making it Treason preceeds the Offence and is no more than an Enacting Law If it look backward to the Offence past then it appears by the very Clause it self of 25 Edw. 3. it should be at the least a Felony at the Common Law and that a Crime or Crimes below a Felony were never intended to be by this Law to be declared or to be heightned to a Treason And we find not any Crime declared Treason with a Retrospect unless it were a Felony before And in the late Case of the Earl of Strafford Attainted by Bill there is a Treason within this Law charged and declared by the Bill of his Attainder to have been proved 2. Secondly We are not now in case of a Declaration of a Treason but before your Lordships only upon an Impeachment and in such case we humbly conceive the Law already established as it hath been so it will be the Rule Thus my Lords we have gone through that Part which belongs to us directed us by your Lordships viz. Whether in all or any the Articles exhibited before your Lordships there is contained any Treason by any established Law of this Kingdom without medling at all with the Facts or Proof made of them which together with our weak Endeavours we humbly submit to your Lordships great Judgment And for any Authorities cited by us are ready if so Commanded to produce them Here this Day ended and I had a few Days rest But on Tuesday October 22. being a Day made Solemn for Humiliation my Chamber at the Tower was searched again for Letters and Papers But nothing found After this there went up and down all about London and the Suburbs a Petition for the bringing of Delinquents to Justice and some Preachers exhorted the People to be zealous in it telling them it was for the Glory of God and the Good of the Church By this means they got many Hands of Men which little thought what they went about In this Petition none were named but my self and the Bishop of Ely so their Drift was known to none but their own Party and was undoubtedly set on foot to do me mischief Whose Design this was God knows but I have cause to suspect Mr. Pryn's Hand in it This barbarous way of the Peoples clamouring upon great Courts of Justice as if they knew not how to govern themselves and the Causes brought before them is a most unchristian Course and not to be endured in any well-governed State This Petition with a Multitude of Hands to it was delivered to the House of Commons on Munday Octob. 28. Concerning which I shall observe this That neither the Lord Mayor nor the Sheriffs made any stop of this Illegal and Blood-thirsty Course though it were publickly known and the People exhorted to set Hands to it in the Parish-Churches What this and such-like Courses as these may bring upon this City God alone knows whom I humbly pray to shew it Mercy CAP. XLV THis Day being All-hallan-day a Warrant came to the Lieutenant from the House of Commons to bring me to their Barr to hear the Evidence formerly summed up and given against me in the Lords House I knew no Law nor Custom for this for though our Votes by a late Act of Parliament be taken away yet our Baronies are not And so long as we remain Barons we belong to the Lords House and
impossibilitatis Neque enim talis casus aut extit it aliquando aut contingere potest nisi fallat nos Dominus qui promisit Portae Inferorum non praevalebunt c. THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy The Speech begins thus MY Lords I have waited to find you free from greater Businesses that I might crave leave to speak of something that concerns my self And this I have the more desired since my Lord of Canterbury's last Speech who expressing his Troubles and 〈◊〉 the Misery of his Condition and of the Condition of the Church of England for he would needs join them together which I think he may as the Cause and the Effect for the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from him he insisted much upon this That these Troubles had befallen him through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries and by those he said the Church was greatly afflicted MY Lords and all Christian Readers those great Businesses which my Lord speaks of are now ended and I hope as you are free from Business so you will be free from Prejudice while I also crave leave to speak something concerning my self And this I also have the more desired since I saw this Honourable Lord had put his Speech in Print which I find as much if not more against me than for himself This Speech was not put in Print till near six Months after it was Spoken and I conceive was Printed then to renew the Business and to whet the Malice of those Sectaries against me 'T is true that after I was Impeached by the House of Commons for High Treason there came no Articles up against me in full Ten Weeks after then they came up in Generals only and I was called to the House to hear them on Friday February the 26th 〈◊〉 Now by these Articles I found that there was great but I humbly praise God for it causeless Jealousie of me in point of Religion This made me labour more to clear my self from that than from any thing else objected against me as ever hating to seem other in Religion than what I truly and really am For of all Simulations or Dissimulations that is the basest when a Man for poor Temporary fading ends shall shift his Religion or his Judgment concerning it with the Time if not with the Tide As if at all times he had somewhat to seek before he would express Whereas it is most true which St. Hilary speaks in Matter of Religion Non opus est intervallo aliquo inter Cor Os There 's no need of a distance between the Heart and the Mouth as if a Man were to bethink himself of some faithless ambiguity before he would speak that which belonged to the Profession of his Faith Now if seeing my self under so great a pressure and the Church of England so hard lay'd at as then it was I did bewail the Condition of both I think I did what became me And I hope I offended no Man in joyning our Conditions together And whereas this Honourable Lord thinks that I might well joyn them as the Cause and the Effect I think so too my self but in another Sense For his Lordship says too peremptorily that the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from me No certainly The Miseries of this Church have proceeded from the Separatists and from such as for private at least if not for worse ends have countenanced them and their strange Proceedings against the Government and Governours of the Church And this so long till they brought the Church's Condition which flourished before to be the Cause of my Condition such as it now is And I fell into this Condition by labouring by all good Means to uphold the Church of England from that Misery into which I fear it is now falling And I doubt not but God will open the Eyes of all Good Men to see clearly in time that this was the Cause which laid both me and this Church so low and not any Actions much less Practices of mine This being so if I insisted much upon this that these Troubles have befallen me through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries as this Honourable Lord says I did I had great Reason so to do For certainly the Church of England is greatly afflicted by them and I pray God in the end it be not torn in pieces between them That which I then said in my sudden Speech to the Lords to this Particular was as follows I am very Unfortunate in this Business between the Malignity of two Parties against me the Papist and the Separatist And shall I suffer on both sides at once Shall I be accounted a deadly Enemy to the Papist as I am reputed by them both at Home and Abroad and in the mean time accused for no less than Treason for favouring and complying with them Well If I do suffer 't is but because Truth usually lyes between two sides and is beaten on both sides as the poor Church of England is at this day by these Factions But in this and all things else and in despight of Malice Truth shall either be my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer and by God's gracious Assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing This or to this effect I then spake and I hope without any Offence sure I am without reflecting upon any particular Person Yet my Lord seems to think otherwise For he says How far this Man will extend this Word Sectary and whom he will comprehend under it I know not but I have some cause to fear that I may lie under some Misapprehension in respect of Matters of this nature which how far it concerns him your Lordships will perceive by what I shall say My Lord it seems knows not how far I will extend the Word Sectary Truly no farther than the Church of Christ extended it ever since Sects and Schisms broke in upon it to help dispoil it of Peace and Unity And a Sectary is he ..... The next thing which my Lord knows not is Whom I will comprehend under that Name and that his Lordship may easily know For I comprehend none under it but such as divide from the Church and either make or follow a Breach where no just cause is given by the Church or where though cause were given Ways of Division are preferr'd before Ways of Peace But that which troubles my Lord about these things which he professes he knows not is That he hath some cause to fear for so he confesses that he may lie under some Misapprehensions in respect of Matters of this nature And this I think may
Times as well as now may be true enough And yet in those Ancient Times none thought Schism or Separation from the Church howsoever charged to be but a Theological Scare-crow But caused it to be examined to the bottom as 't is fit nay necessary that it should For else the most dangerous Separation that can be may go away free with this That it is but a trick of the prevalent Party to fright other Men into their Opinions by charging them with Separation Now the most dangerous Separation in a Church is where the Church it self hath little or no Power to punish Separatists And where they of the Separation are by the great Misfortune of the State become the potent and prevalent Party And whether this be not or at least were not the condition of the State and Church of England when my Lord Printed this Speech of his I leave to the indifferent Reader to judge My Lord hath Printed no more than this and therefore I will take notice of no more But yet Iam told by a very good Hand that his Lordship upon this quotation of Mr. Hales his Manuscript was pleased openly in that Honourable House of Parliament where he spake it to lend Mr. Hales one Wipe and me another But since my Lord is pleased to pass it over at the Press I shall do so too Yet with this that if my Lord did give that Gird I will make it plainly appear whenever he shall publish it that there is no shew of Truth in it But now that my Lord hath done with Mr. Hales he proceeds and tells us his own Judgment Secondly I say that there is a two-fold Separation one from the Vniversal or Catholick Church which can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith for Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion And I say so too that there is a two-fold Separation and that one of them is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church But that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith I doubt comes short of Truth First because there is a great difference between Schism and Apostacy And every Apostacy is a Separation but every Separation is not Apostacy For a Man is not an Apostate properly till he fall away by denying the whole Faith But a Man may be in Heresie Schism and Separation upon the denyal of any one Article of the Faith received by the Catholick Church Secondly because should a Man agree in all and every Article of the Faith with the Catholick-Church yet he may maintain some false Opinion and incongruous both to the Verity and the Practice of Religion and Judgment of the Universal Church And be so in Love with these as that for these Opinions sake he will Separate from the whole Body Therefore Denyal of the Faith is not the only Cause of Separation from the Catholick Church since this Separation can be otherways made And my Lord within the space of Three Lines crosses himself For First he says that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith And in the very next Words he tells us that Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion Two Requisites to that Communion with the Universal Church therefore two Causes of Separation from it Therefore by my Lord 's own Confession he that is so out of Charity with the Universal Church for some Opinions or Practices which he dislikes as that he will not Communicate with it is in Separation though he do not deny the Faith The other my Lord tells us is a Separation from this or that particular Church or Congregation And that not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love But in dislike only of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would enjoyn upon others In this other Particular Separation I shall meddle with neither Congregation nor Conventicle Meeting allowed or disallowed by Church or State but that Separation which is or is not made by my Lord and his Followers from the National Church of England as it stands Setled and Established by Law Not as her Service may be mangled or otherwise abused in any particular Parish or Congregation whatsoever And if this Lord dislike any the Service as 't is used in some one Parish or other and yet will come to the Service as it is Established by Law in other either Cathedral or Parochial Churches my Lord hath had great Wrong to be accounted a Separatist But if my Lord will not come to the Prayers of the Church of England by Law Established let his Pretence be what it will a Separatist he is But my Lord says that this Particular Separation is not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love Where First you may observe on the by that in my Lord's Judgment Publick Breach in Charity as well as in Faith may be Cause of this Separation too as well as of that from the Vniversal or Catholick Church before mentioned Next that this particular Separation if it be not in respect of Difference in Faith or Love in what respect is it then Why if we may herein believe my Lord 't is only in dislike of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would injoyn others Well First I 'll pray for my Lord that there be no difference in Faith and Charity but I do very much doubt there is Next either there are such Corruptions in the External Worship and Liturgies as his Lordship hath just Cause to dislike or there are not If there be not why doth he Separate from them If there be or probably seem to be why doth he not complain to the King and the Church that these Corruptions may be considered on and amended if Cause appear And this he ought to do before he Separate For I hope Christianity is not yet come to that pass though it draw on apace that a Powerful Lay-Man or two shall say there are Corruptions in the set Service of God and then be Judges of such Corruptions themselves Nor doth the Church of England admit of Corruptions in her Liturgy or labour to injoyn them upon others Now my Lord tells us farther That This is a Separation not from their Persons as they are Christians But from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled And this Separation every Man that will keep himself Pure from other Mens Sins and not Sin against his own Conscience must make This will not yet help my Lord For say this be not a Separation from their Persons as they are Christians which yet it too often proves to be And I believe if this Lord would impartially examine himself he would find to be true in himself and his Comportment But that it is from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled First these Corruptions are
so many innocent Souls from imminent Danger To whose monitions he willingly consented and delivered the following things to be put in Writing out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace may be clearly explicated and demonstrated 1. First of all that the Hinge of the Business may be rightly discerned it is to be known that all those Factions with which all Christendom is at this Day shaken do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham of which four Orders abound throughout the World Of the First Order are Ecclesiasticks whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion Of the second Order are Politicians whose Office it is by any means to shake trouble reform the State of Kingdoms and Republicks Of the Third Order are Seculars whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes to insinuate and immix themselves in Court Businesses bargains and sales and to be busied in Civil Affairs Of the Fourth Order are Intelligencers or Spies Men of Inferiour condition who submit themselves to the services of great Men Princes Barons Noblemen Citizens to deceive or corrupt the Minds of their Masters 2. A Society of so many Orders the Kingdom of England nourisheth For scarce all Spain France and Italy can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits as London alone where are found more than Fifty Scottish Jesuits There the said Society hath elected to it self a seat of Iniquity and hath conspired against the King and the most faithful to the King especially the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and likewise against both Kingdoms 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self that the forenamed Society hath determined to effect an universal Reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland Therefore the determination of the end necessarily infers a determination of means to the end 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany the said Society dubbed it self with the Title of The Congregation of propagating the Faith which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College and Cardinal Barbarino his Substitute and Executor 5. The chief Patron of the Society at London is the Popes Legat who takes care of the business into whose Bosom these Dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences Now the Residence of this Legation was obtained at London in the name of the Roman Pontif by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarino to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom For none else could so freely circumvent the King as he who should be palliated with the Pope's Authority 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Pope's Legat an universal Instrument of the conjured Society and a serious promoter of the business whose secrets as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers the present good Man the Communicator of all these things did receive and expedite whither the business required Cuneus set upon the chief Men of the Kingdom and left nothing unattempted by what means he might corrupt them all and incline them to the Pontifician Party He inticed many with various Incitements yea he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures Antiquities Idols and of other Vanities brought from Rome which yet would prevail nothing with the King Having entred familiarity with the King he is often requested at Hamptoncourt likewise at London to undertake the cause of the Palatine and that he would interpose his Authority and by his Intercession persuade the Legat of Colen that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of Peace might be inserted into the Conditions which verily he promised but performed the contrary He writ indeed that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things yet he advised not that they should be consented to lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince In the mean time Cuncus smelling from the Arch-Bishop most trusty to the King that the King's Mind was wholly pendulous or doubtful resolved That he would move every Stone and apply his Forces that he might gain him to his party Certainly considing that he had a means prepared For he had a command to offer a Cardinal's Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the Name of the Pope of Rome and that he should allure him also with higher Promises that he might corrupt his sincere Mind Yet a sitting ocasion was never given whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop for the Scorpion sought an Egg Free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel likewise by Secretary Windebank The intercession of all which being neglected he did fly the Company or familiarity of Cuneus worse than the Plague He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank well known to him neither yet was he moved 7. Another also was assayed who hindred access to the detestable wickedness Secretary Cook he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits from whom he intercepted access to the King he entertained many of them according to their deserts he diligently enquired into their Factions by which means every incitement breathing a Magnetical attractive power to the Popish Party was ineffectual with him for nothing was so dear unto him that might incline him to wickedness Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy he was endangered to be discharged from his Office it was laboured for three Years space and at last obtained Yet notwithstanding there remained on the King's part a knot hard to be untied for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy interposed himself as a most hard Rock When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishop's part that he had laboured in vain his Malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot Soon after Ambushes began to be prepared wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken Likewise a Sentence is passed against the King for whose sake all this business is disposed because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion but especially when he had opened his Mind that he was of this Opinion that every one might be saved in his own Religion so as he be an honest and pious Man 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken the Criminal execution at Westminster caused by some Writings of Puritans gave occasion of the first Fire Which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans that if it remained unrevenged it would be thought a blemish to their Religion the Flames of which Fire the subsequent book of Prayers increases 9. In this heat a certain Scottish-Earl called Maxfield if I mistake not was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party with whom two other Scottish Earls Papists held correspondency He ought to stir up the People
Ear-witness of his Destiny from the Legat's own Vaunt will inform his Majesty and all his Protestant Subjects who will tremble at the very apprehension of it that they have an Indian poisoned Nut reserved for him amongst this Jesuitical Society or if it be lost a poisoned Knife perchance or some other Instrument to dispatch him out of the World and to get the possession and protection of the Prince whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion which how possible how probable it is for them considering their present Power and Endeavours to effect it their poisoning of the Emperour Henry the Seventh in the sacred Host of King John in the Chalice their stabbing of Henry the Third of France with a Knife in the Belly of Henry the Fourth his Successor first in the Mouth next in the Heart-strings though all of their own Religion because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable Demand though Henry the Fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein he was bred restored the Jesuits formerly banished out of France rased the Pillar erected in Paris as a standing Monument of their Treasons against their Sovereigns and built them a stately College to secure his Life from their Assassination which yet would not save him from their Butchery Together with their pistolling of the Prince of Orange and poisoning of King James himself as the Legat boasted may inform his Majesty and all his faithful Protestant Subjects especially such as by their confederating with them in these their Wars have done nought but executed their fore-named Designs whom it concerns now very nearly to prevent if possible such a sad Catastrophe of that bloody Tragedy which hath been acted over-long in Ireland and England by these Conspirators fore-plotted Treasons The execrable Horrridness and Reality whereof made the very Discoverer of the Plot out of remorse of Conscience to desert the Conspirators Conspiracy and that bloody Religion which begot it and therefore should much more incite all such in his Majesty's Army who are cordially faithful to their Sovereign Religion Country Posterity and have hitherto ignorantly acted these Conspirators Treasonable Designs under colour of serving the King to consider with remorse of Conscience whose Instruments they have thus long been whose Treasons they have ripened what Protestant Blood they have shed how much they have weakened impoverished betrayed their own Protestant Party who have really stood for God Religion King Country Parliament against these Romish Conspirators and what Hopes what Advantages they have given these Confederates both in England and Ireland to over-top suppress and ere long utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion themselves and all others who cordially profess it as they have done many thousands of them already And then upon all these sad most serious Considerations the very Thoughts whereof should cause their Souls to bleed and tremble speedily to desert these traiterous Papists ere they get all into their Power and unite all their Heads Hearts Hands Forces to the Parliament's Party who had so good cause to take up defensive Arms to prevent the imminent ruin which otherwise is like to befal both King Kingdom Religion Parliament Liberty Property Posterity ere we be aware especially since the most cowardly unworthy yielding up of Bristol a fit Inlet for the Irish Rebels who have conspired to come over hither with all expedition and Welsh Papists to cut all our Throats Eleventhly That those Protestants who now side with Popish Conspirators when they have accomplished their Designs whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves shall find no more Mercy or Favour from them than the greatest Roundheads if they comply not with them in all things and even in Popery it self For if they will not spare the King 's own Person and Life after so many Favours Graces extended to them as they will not if we believe this Relation or the late Story of King Henry the Fourth of France yet fresh in memory what inferiour Person can think to be secure to fare better than the King himself And if Con the Legat to insinuate himself into the King's and Palatine's Favours at the first when he had no interest in them would not so much as advise the Legat of Cologne to mediate for the Palsgrave lest peradventure the King of Spain should report that the Pope had Patroniz'd an Heretical Prince as the Relation attests though he promised the King effectually to do it How can Prince Rupert Maurice or any other Commanders in the King's Army when they have fully accomplished the Pope's and these his Instruments Designs under whose Banner they ignorantly yet really militate and promote his Cause instead of the King 's and Kingdoms to whom they and others have been so much engaged hope to receive the least Dram of Favour Pity much less any Recompence from the Pope and Popish Party if they continue Hereticks still notwithstanding all their present goodly Promises Will they part with any other Inheritances to them then who will not so much as now mediate for them to regain their own Will these who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland in England even before they were sure of the Day without any provocation given spare any Mother's Son of them alive if they once erect their Trophies over them Certainly the Experience of all former Ages compared with the present may fully resolve all That the very tender Mercies of these wicked ones will be nought but extream Cruelty and if they prevail we all must perish without distinction sooner or later unless we will turn Apostates and lose our Religion God Heaven Souls to save our transitory Lives Finally Therefore let the serious Consideration of all the Premises instruct us to learn Wisdom from these our Adversaries let their indefatigable Industry subtil Policy sincere Fidelity chearful Constancy bountiful Liberality fraternal Unanimity undaunted Magnanimity indissolvable Confederacy and uninterrupted Pertinacy in prosecuting establishing propagating their Antichristian Religions Treasons Designs excite all Protestants according to their several late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten to equalize if not transcend them in all these in defending securing propagating our true Christian Religion protecting our King Kingdoms Parliament Laws Liberties Posterities all we yet have or hereafter hope for from that imminent ruin which these Popish Conspirators threaten to them Fore-warn'd fore-arm'd If now we perish through our own private Dissentions Folly Cowardise Covetousness Treachery or Security or monstrous Credulity that these Conspirators and Papists now in Arms fight only for the King and establishment of the Protestant Religion as it was in Queen Elizabeth's days against whom they plotted so many Treasons even for her very Religion and the Powder-Plot since against King James and the whole Parliament our Blood shall rest upon our own Heads who would not take timely notice of our incumbent Dangers nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY
Legat should be so familiar with the King and the King make much of him instead of banishing him is a Riddle * The Archbishop therefore and he had some familiarity and acquaintance at first * This offer appears under the Arch Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value than an Italian Cardinalship But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven Jesuits cannot indure neuters If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage and greatest advancement of Popes designs * He means the Scottish Prayer-book the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy under the Arch-Bishop's own hand when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him †Now practised in Oxford Wales and the Northern parts by open toleration * The more shame and pity and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it †The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings †The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned belike by some of their Instruments * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers if not their Confederates All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome * A meet Guerdon for such a Service Jesuits will not give over acting till they 〈◊〉 their Designs Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland lying in the midst between both The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards for being seducing Instiuments The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome from hence can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 There are more Popish Chapel in and about London than are 〈◊〉 known Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion should make us liberal to defend it Jesuits are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope made her frequently to visit his Legat The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 No wonder theEarls Debts be so great A School of Nunns Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber now keeper of the great Seal Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more Papists spare no cost The other Conspirators Names A sit Cover for such a Dish It seems their Purses were strong and their hopes great A good Caveat for England now †Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes it s a Miracle that they should favour them or harbour any of their Agents now neer them a I did all I could and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords his Majesty being present And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 or one employed from him b Yet by 〈◊〉 c Most false d This is added * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither f Most false g I could not prosecute him Nor the Author of this Tract had he been in my place h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume if any thing i These Words are not mine Besides take the whole Sentence and then c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. 4. ‖ See the English Pope k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 And if they were yet c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees There it is Hoc est corpus meum c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 p I hope I shall not answer for other Men if they prove not as they should * See the Articles against him in Parliament q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids s My Chaplains have answered their Faults or may when 〈◊〉 t Who told you so u Vtterly False x I helped on that Parliament And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it for ought I know y When 't is prepared it shall be welcome to me to have any end * 〈◊〉 Eccles. 〈◊〉 p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit ult p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 4 5. * See 1 2 Phil. Mary c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 11 12 13. †2 Joh. 10 11. * Gratian. caus 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out * Gen. 3. †1 King 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 peribit in co * Chamberlain Cardinal Richelieu his Agent * Now a Prisoner in the Tower and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland * Grimston in his Life Fox Speed †General History of France * 〈◊〉 Grimston †See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 * It should seem that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person then a Member of the Vniversity who perhaps being absent at that time might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford For from Dr Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully or that he was in the least inclined to Popery * His Name is Weale Ethic. l. 1.
Epiphaniae dies Veneris nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse deductis paululum stragulis hilarem in me aspexisse laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum quem ego dum vixit novi amavi Jacuisse videbatur ille humi laetus satis sed rugoso vultu Nomen ei Grove Dum paro salutare evigilavi Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum quam dedit ei Mater Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae c. Januar. 14. Die Solis versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit abiit nec assequi potui Januar. 16. Die Martis Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 quòd quum esuriit abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei Dum parat comedere ego dum alii aberant Calicem ei de more porrigebam Potum attuli non placuit Iterum adduxi sed poculo argenteo Dicit Serenissimus Rex Tu 〈◊〉 me semper è vitro bibere Abeo iterum evigilavi Januar. 17. Die Mercurij Ostendi Rationes Regi cur Chartae Episcopi Winton defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino praelo tradendae sint contra illud quod miserè in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae Episcopus Lincoln significavit Regi sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall Feb. 9. Die Veneris nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ vix digito me retinere potuisse donec opem peterem c. Feb. 20. Die Martis Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum ubi tum Rex fuit Martij 3. Dies Saturni erat Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae Cancellario istius almae Academiae alijs Comitibus Baronibus Incorporatus ibi fui sic primus qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci tum sedenti in domo Congregationis ipse fui Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis Academicè celebriter Redimus Martij 6. Die Martis Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato ego versùs Londinum Martij 8. Die Jovis Veni Londinum Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae Hoc anxiè me habuit miratus sum 〈◊〉 unde accidit Nec solum mihi molestus fui propter Errores illius Ecclesiae sed etiam propter scandala quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent Sic turbatus insomnio dixi apud me me statim iturum confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam voluit impedire Sed indignatione motus me in viam dedi Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus evigilavi Tales impressiones sensi ut vix potui credere me somniâsse Martij 12. Die Lunae cum Rege concessi Theobaldas Redij die proximo Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum Horâ noctis ferè mediâ sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius ferè quatuor mensium Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday D. B. sent me to the King There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses which c. His Majesty thanked me March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House both by himself and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Palace at White-Hall He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham c. In the Convocation held that Day there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding being the fifth Sunday of Lent April 5 Wednesday The King sent in the Morning commanding the Bishops of Norwich Litchfeild and St Davids to attend him I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country We received the King's Commands about c. and returned April 12. Wednesday at 9. in the Forenoon we met together viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester Durham and St Davids being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon which Dr Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th Sunday in Lent last past We advised together and gave this Answer to the King That some things were therein spoken less cautiously but nothing falsely That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England That the best way would be that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again at some time to be chosen by himself and should then shew how and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors That Night after 9. a Clock I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th of April and of other things relating thereto Among the rest concerning restoring Impropriations The King spoke many things very graciously therein after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it April 14. Friday The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever April 19. Wednesday The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords It was very sharp and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties April 20. Friday King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby to the House of Parliament April 21. Saturday the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer and he to the Duke Lord be merciful to me thy Servant April 22. Sunday The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon We waited upon him 14. in number Then his Majesty chid us that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church and did not make known to him what might be Useful or was Prejudicial to the Church professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church He then commanded us that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences being led by Proofs
any inclination to Popery with a perswasion of the which the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign A Faithful Servant to the last By means whereof as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges That the Men which he slew at his Death were more than they which he slew in his Life So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King at the Hour of his Death than he had given them in his whole Life before But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury spoken at his Death upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill Jan. 10. 1644. Good People THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith who for the Joy that was set before him endured the Cross despising the Shame and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God I have been long in my Race and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith he best knows I am now come to the End of my Race and here I find the Cross a Death of Shame But the Shame must be despised or no coming to the Right Hand of God Jesus despised the Shame for me and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him I am going apace as you see towards the Red-Sea and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it an Argument I hope that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise for that was the way through which he led his People But before they came to it he instituted a Passover for them a Lamb it was but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs I shall obey and labour to digest the Sour Herbs as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord 's Passover I shall not think of the Herbs nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them but look up only unto him who instituted that and governs these For Men can have no more Power over me than what is given them from above I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me and I have prayed with my Saviour Vt transiret Calix iste That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me but if not God's Will not mine be done And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases and enter into this Sea yea and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me But I would have it remembred Good People that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea and Aaron amongst them the Egyptians which persecuted them and did in a manner drive them into the Sea were Drowned in the same Waters while they were in pursuit of them I know my God whom I serve is as able to deliver me from the Sea of Blood as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace and I humbly thank my Saviour for it my Resolution is now as theirs was then they would not Worship the Image the King had set up nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel And as for this People they are at this Day miserably misled God of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way for at this Day the Blind lead the Blind and if they go on both will certainly fall into the Ditch For my self I am and I acknowledge it in all Humility a most grievous Sinner many ways by Thought Word and Deed I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me a poor Penitent as well as for other Sinners I have now and upon this sad Occasion ransacked every corner of my Heart and yet I thank God I have not found among the many any one Sin which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges for if they proceed upon Proof by valuable Witnesses I or any other Innocent may be justly Condemned And I thank God though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me I am as quiet within as ever I was in my Life And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop but the First Man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way though not by this means For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his Head by the Danes and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows Before these St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman and St. Cyprian Arch-Bishop of Carthage submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword Many Examples Great and Good and they teach me Patience for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here And some Comfort it is to me not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations but also that my Charge as foul as it is made looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple i. e. Religion And like that of S. Stephen Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave i. e. Law and Religion the Holy Place and the Temple ver 13. But you will then say Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen No far be that from me I only raise a Comfort to my self that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their Time as I am now And it is memorable that St. Paul who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen did after fall under the very same himself Yea but here is a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery I shall answer that more fully by and by In the mean time you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself if we let him alone all men will believe in him venient Romani and the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation Here was a causeless cry against Christ that the Romans would come And see how just the Judgment was they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them God punishing them
with that which they most feared And I pray God this Clamour of venient Romani of which I have given no cause help not to bring them in For the Pope never had such an Harvest in England since the Reformation as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us In the mean time by Honour and Dishonour by good Report and evil Report as Deceivers and yet true am I passing through this World 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of And First this I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery but in my Conscience of which I shall give God a very present Account I know him to be as free from this Charge as any Man living and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant according to the Religion by Law Established as any Man in this Kingdom and that he will venture his Life as far and as freely for it And I think I do or should know both his Affection to Religion and his Grounds for it as fully as any Man in England The Second Particular is concerning this great and Populous City which God bless Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom the Parliament and Clamour for Justice as if that Great and Wise Court before whom the Causes come which are unknown to many could not or would not do Justice but at their appointment A way which may endanger many an Innocent Man and pluck his Blood upon their own Heads and perhaps upon the City 's also and this hath been lately practised against my self the Magistrates standing still and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without any Check God forgive the Setters of this with all my Heart I beg it but many well-meaning People are caught by it In St. Stephen's Case when nothing else would serve they stirred up the People against him And Herod went the same way when he had killed St. James Yet he would not venture on St. Peter till he found how the other Pleased the People But take heed of having your Hands full of Blood for there is a time best known to himself when God above other Sins makes Inquisition for Blood and when that Inquisition is on foot the Psalmist tells us that God remembers that 's not all he remembers and forgets not the Complaint of the Poor That is whose Blood is shed by Oppression ver 9. Take heed of this It is a fearful thing to fall into the Hands of the Living God but then especially when he is making Inquisition for Blood And with my Prayers to avert it I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed Jer. 26. 15. The Third Particular is the Poor Church of England It hath Flourished and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches when Storms have Driven upon them But alas now it is in a Storm it self and God only knows whether or how it shall get out And which is worse than the Storm from without it is become like an Oak cleft to Shivers with Wedges made out of it 's own Body and at every Cleft Profaneness and Irreligion is entring in while as Prosper speaks in his Second Book de Contemptu Vitae cap. 4. Men that introduce Profaneness are Cloaked over with the Name Religionis imaginariae of Imaginary Religion For we have lost the Substance and dwell too much in Opinion And that Church which all the Jesuites Machinations could not Ruine is fallen into Danger by her own The last Particular for I am not willing to be too long is my self I was Born and Baptized in the Bosom of the Church of England Established by Law in that profession I have ever since lived and in that I come now to Die This is no time to dissemble with God least of all in matters of Religion And therefore I desire it may be remembred I have always lived in the Protestant Religion established in England and in that I come now to Die What Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church all Men know and I have abundantly felt Now at last I am Accused of High-Treason in Parliament a Crime which my Soul ever abhorred This Treason was Charged to consist of two Parts An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land and a like Endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion Established by Law Besides my Answers to the several Charges I protested my Innocency in both Houses It was said Prisoners Protestations at the Bar must not be taken I can bring no Witness of my Heart and the Intentions thereof therefore I must come to my Protestation not at the Bar but my Protestation at this Hour and Instant of my Death in which I hope all Men will be such Charitable Christians as not to think I would Die and Dissemble being Instantly to give God an Account for the Truth of it I do therefore here in the Presence of God and his Holy Angels take it upon my Death that I never Endeavoured the subversion of Law or Religion And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my Innocency in this and from all Treasons whatsoever I have been Accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments No I understand them and the Benefit that comes by them too well to be so But I did mislike the Misgovernments of some Parliaments many ways and I had good Reason for it For Corruptio Optimi est Pessima there is no Corruption in the World so bad as that which is of the Best Thing within it self for the better the thing is in Nature the worse it is Corrupted And that being the Highest Court over which no other hath Jurisdiction when it is misinformed or misgoverned the Subject is left without all Remedy But I have done I forgive all the World all and every of those Bitter Enemies which have persecuted me and humbly desire to be forgiven of God First and then of every Man whether I have offended him or not if he do but conceive that I have Lord do thou forgive me and I beg forgiveness of him And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me Which said with a distinct and audible Voice he Prayed as followeth O Eternal God and Merciful Father look down upon me in Mercy in the Riches and fulness of all thy Mercies look down upon me But not till thou hast nailed my Sins to the Cross of Christ not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ that so the Punishment due unto my Sins may pass over me And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost