proceed We have now seen our Author's Principles and how he has supported them from Reason and Scripture and other Authority I should now shew you how widely these are different from his former Principles but I will leave that till we have occasion to give an Account of him together with others of his Brethren The Matters of Fact related by this Author We will go now to consider his Matters of Fact Errors in Judgment may befall good Men but any wilful Mistake in Matters of Fact is past all Excuse and is not reconcilable to an honest Intention especially where we protest before God as this Aâ—thor does pag 239. That we have not aggravated nor misrepresented any thing against our Adversaries Before I enter upon this Disquisition I desire to obviate an Objection I know will be made as if I were about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of K. J's Ministers have done in Ireland especially before this Revolution began and which most of any thing brought it on No I am far from it I am sensible that their Carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion to K. J's Enemies than all the other Male-Administrations which were charged upon his Government But after K. J. came in Person into Ireland there was no Act which could properly be called his that was not all Mercy and Goodness to the Protestants and as many of them as do retain the least sense of Gratitude do acknowlege it Of which you will see several Instances in clearing the Matters of Fact which this Author Produces And I must do that Justice even to the Lord Tyrconnel that I have heard several Irish Protestants say That the Objections they had against him were for his Carriage towards them before the beginning of this Revolution but that afterwards he manag'd with Moderation and Prudence and more Favour to the Protestants than they expected And that he was against repealing the Acts of Settlement I cannot say I have examined into every single Matter of Fact which this Author relates I could not have the Opportunity But I am sure I have the most material and by these you will easily judge of his Sincerity in the rest which could not all come to my Knowlege But this I can say That there is not one I have enquired into but I have found it false in whole or in part aggravated or misrepresented so as to alter the whole face of the Story and give it perfectly another Air and Turn Insomuch that though many things he says are true yet he has hardly spoke a true Word that is told it truly and nakedly without a Warp Wh◠〈◊〉 the Aâ—grâ—â—sâ—rs 〈…〉 But let us come to the Test I will begin with that Matter of Fact which is of most Importance that is who were the Aggressors in Ireland in that miserable Destructâ—on which was brought upon that Kingdom and begun Anno 16â—8 Because the Aggressor is not only answerable for the Mischief he does to another but for what hâ— receives himself And this Author positively avers c 3. 〈◊〉 8. n 3. p. 9â— That it was the unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants â—n the Kingdom of Ireland that they would not be the Aggressors and that they held stedfastly to their Resolution And yet in the same Sect. n. 9. p. 104. he tells of those who did not keep to that Resolution and that by way of an Excuse He pleads in behalf of these Protestants That the Shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except what was done at Eneskillen where they refused to Quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy This was modestly worded for they not only refused to quarter them but marched out in Arms against them to the number of 200 Foot and 150 Horse and drove them away before they came near the Town as we are told by Mr. Hamilton in his Actions of the Eneskillen-men p. 3. who was himself one of them and then present in the Action But what does he mean by saying That this was all that was done by the Protestants was not this enough To seize the King's Forts to Enlist and Array Soldiers and march in Arms against the King's Forces Did our Author reflect what Construction the Law puts upon all this Was this keeping stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors Was this the so deep a Sense of Loyalty and mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority which made them abhor any thing that lookt like an Insurrection against the Government as this Author just before in the same Sect. n. 2. expresses it And yet he confesses that this was acting in Opposition to the Government For he says That this was all that was done by any Protestant in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England and yet as above That ALL the Protestants in Ireland held stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors But he proposes some Advantage by adding this Qualification That this was all done before K. J. deserted England Here he would bring in the Point of Abdication which he by this supposes did commence upon K. J's going out of England and thereby he would justifie all that was done after that time in Ireland First He has by this yielded the Cause against himself for he confesses that Derry and Eneskillen had opposed the Government in Arms before that time and I will shew you by and by many more Instances besides those of Derry and Eneskillen Secondly This Author will not venture for these Reasons to limit K. J's Abdication to his leaving England for as I have quoted him before p. 14. he avers That K. J. by endeavouring to destroy us in that very Act did Abdicate I will not repeat what I have said before upon that Point of Abdication That even in the Sense this Author and some others take it it ought to be declared by their own Principles in some Convention Parliament or Judicial manner before private Men can lawfully act upon it And the Abdication was not determined in the Convention till February 1688. long before which time the Irish Protestants were in Arms. But take it as this Author here puts it to refer to the time of K. J's going out of England His first leaving Whitehall when he went to Feversham was the 11th of Dec. 88. but he came back to London and did not go out of England till Dec. 23. 88. And it was a good while after before they knew of it in Ireland This therefore can be no excuse for what the Protestants in Ireland had done long before But to come home to our Authors Assertion Was there nothing done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except that of Derry and Eneskillen I am told by persons who say they
were Eye-witnesses That long before K. J. left England the Protestants in the North of Ireland were generally all in Arms appointed themselves Officers Inlisted Men Arm'd and Array'd them they Regimented themselves and had frequent Rendevouzes they appear'd in the Field with Drums beating and Colours flying they chose Governors of Counties and appointed Councils and Committees to carry on their Business they Disarmed the Irish and such of the Protestants as they suspected not to be Cordial to their Cause I need not mind you that all this was not only without any Authority from the King but that it was not so much as pretended on the contrary iâ— appears by what they did after and boast of here as their Merit that all this was intended at least by many of them in direct Opposition to the King You cannot imagine that they could in a moment march out Horse and Foot in good Order and all Officer'd as they did at Eneskillen against those two Companies that were sent to quarter there It is therefore certain that sometime before this they had Marshall'd themselves Inlisted their Men chosen their Officers c. which was Treason by the Law tho they had not entred upon Action and I believe no Man in the World but our Author will deny this to be in Opposition to the Government What Government would not think it so Therefore the shutting up of Derry Gates against the E of Antrim's Regiment and Eneskillen refusing to quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy was not all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England as our Author words it Their former Preparations in order to that Resistance they then made was as much Treason in the eye of the Law tho not so great Treason as the Resistance it self But when did they begin to make these Preparations We are told in one of the Accounts Printed by the Irish Protestants intituled A faithful History of the Northern Affairs of Ireland from the late K. James ' s Accession to the Crown to the Siege of London-Derry by a Person who bore a great share in thâ—se Transactions We are told in this Account p. 7. That they began to Arm and to engage themselves in Associations about Sept. 88. before those written Associations which were afterwards published In the Prosecution of which Affair the Lord B. in the Counties of Armagh and Monaghan and Sir A. R. in Down and Antrim appeared most forward This was when the report grew hot of the P. of O's design'd Expedition into England they then as that Author says p. 6. did presume too far upon the Opinion of their own strength and finding the Affairs of England run successfully on the Protestants side rashly fancy'd themselves able enough to attempt their Deliverance I am the rather inclin'd to believe him not only because he says that himself bore a great share in those Transactions but I find him so far from being a Friend to K. James or writing on his side that he dips his Pen in Gall against him and represents him even with Virulence and he writes on purpose to vindicate their Proceedings in the North of which himself he says bore a great share and therefore not likely to speak with any Design to Prejudice their Cause and he tells us quite contrary to our present Author That the Protestants in the North of Ireland began very early two Months before the P. of O. Landed here and were from that time gathering strength Arming Marshalling and Training their Men to the Discipline of War and the use of their Arms in which I am told they were very diligent till at length they were able to make that first opposition which our Author speaks of at Derry and Eneskillen This was before the P. of O. came into England and I find a little after viz. about the end of Novemb. 88. When the happy tydings of the P. of O. Landing had reached our Ears in Ireland says Mr. J. Boyse in his Vindication of Mr. Osborn in reference to the Affairs of the North of Ireland p. 11. Mr. Osborn was entrusted by his Brethren the Nonconformist Ministers and other Gentlemen of Note and Interest in the Province of Ulster to get some Gentleman or other sent over from Dublin to the Prince with these following Instructions sign'd by those two whose names are subscribed in the name of the rest 1. That in our Name you congratulate the arrival of the P. of O. into England and his success hitherto in so glorious an undertaking to deliver these Nations from Popery and Slavery 2. That you Represent the Dangers and Fears of the Protestants in Ireland and particularly in the Province of Ulster and humbly beseech him to take some speedy and effectual care for their Preservation and Relief 3. That you Represent our readiness to serve him and his Interest in Prosecution of so glorious a Design as far as we have access Subscribed ARCHIBALD HAMILTON ALEXANDER OSBORNE Accordingly on Dec the 8th they sent over a Gentleman now in Town says the Book who in pursuance of these Instructions delivered in a memorial enlarging on these heads for they begg'd no particular favour for a Party to the then P. of O. the Originals of both which Papers are in my hands says Mr. Boyse whose Words these are Now I must inform you that the Nonconformists are much the most numerous Party of the Protestants in Ulster which is that is called the North of Ireland some Parishes have not ten not six that come to Church While the Presbyterian Meetings are crowded with thousands covering all the Fields this is ordinary in the County of Antrim especially which is the most populous of Scots of any in Ulster who are generally Presbyterians in that Country in other of the Northern Counties the Episcopal Protestants bear a greater Proportion some more some less But upon the whole as I have it from those that live upon the Place they are not One to Fifty nor so much but they would speak within Compass From hence we may conclude That the abovesaid Address to the P. of O. may be said to be the Address of the Protestants of Ulster especially considering that none of the others did Discent from it I suppose many Joyn'd in it for the Contest then was who should be most forward in shewing their Affection to the Cause and who could first meet his Highness thought they had most title to his favour And this our Author knows was before King James deserted England and I suppose he will not have the hardiness to say That this was nothing done in opposition to the Government I will give one Instance more We have heard and this Author could not but know of the great Alarm of an intended Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland upon the Ninth day of Decemb. 1688. The whole of this arose from a Letter said to be found in Cumber-street
has an Inuendo of a higher Nature than this It imports no less than that the Protestants of Ireland conquering the Irish there gives them a Title to Ireland independent on the Crown of England He places the Scene indeed in another Reign but the Application is too obvious to be mistaken I suppose none will deny but K. C. 2. at his Restauration in the year 1660. to the Crown of England had thereby a good Title to Ireland But this Author plainly insinuates as if the English Rebels who Conquer'd Ireland as he calls it under Oliver had thereby gained a Right to it for themselves and therefore makes it not a Duty but a meer Act of Generosity in them to call home K. C. 2. and says That they bestow'd Ireland upon him c. These are his words viz. The Conquerers viz. Oliver's Army joined in bringing home K. C. 2. and generously gave up themselves together with the Kingdom of Ireland without Articles or Conditions into his hands Where observe They had a Right to have kept him out and not to have admitted him without such Articles and Conditions as they thought fit And our Author does not seem to approve of their receiving him without such Articles as he does not the King 's restoring the Conquered under certain Qualifications to a part of the forfeited Lands Kings are in a good condition when all their Actions are thus to be Arraign'd by every one who can take the Boldness to call them to an Accouâ—â— and Publish their Censure of Majesty to the World The same Language is now in many of their mouths as to the present Reduction of Ireland and they grudge the Articles of Limerick and Galloway c. not considering that there is no Government but by the necessity of their Affairs may be forced sometimes to take Measures which may alarm some sort of People and if for this People have liberty to attack the Government in every Coffee-house and Cabal what Peace can be lasting tho' they should do it by such discreet Inuendo's as this Author Kings now indeed are upon their good Behaviour as this Author of late loyally expressed it on the Thirtieth of January in Christ-Church Dublin applying it to that Day to shew the glorious Change of his Principles But for a Noble stroke both for speaking at Random for Inuendo's and for weight of Argument see C. 3. S. 12. n. 21. p. 165. It is thus stil'd in the Heads of Discourse Protestants lost more in Ireland than all that favour K. J 's Cause in England are worth In the Section it self he adds Scotland too This is a Discovery the Parliament would thank him for at least Mr. Fuller I dare not ask this Author by what means he came to know more than King and Parliament or any in England pretend to to find out all the Jacobites in England and Scotland and the value of their Estates Well it must pass by Inuendo and that cannot be disprov'd But he inuendo's in the Jacobites Thoughts too as well as their Estates And I suppose says he it would put them the Jacobites out of conceit with Him K. J. or any other King there he handsomly brings in K. W. and shews the Opinion as he believes of the Williamites at least you may conclude it is his own that should take away but one half of their Estates from them There the Government has the stint of his Obedience But has not this Author's Intelligence brought him the News yet of the Deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops and Clergy with a greater Number in Scotland who have lost the whole of their Estates and it is believed would lay down their Lives too for what they think to be their Duty to their King And there are many Lay-Jacobites as resolute even as they Did this Author never hear that Mr. Ashton suffered Death and would not own this to be a Fault And that the Bishops of Chichester and Worcester asserted it upon their Death-beds and that they would have gone to the Stake rather than have forsaken their Passive Obedience or taken the present Oaths How is it possible that a Man so well read as the Author in the Primitive Persecutions should think losing but half ones Estate so mighty a Matter in asserting the Principles of our Religion But these things we can better hear than where he would impose upon us such Incredible Stories as would not pass at a Country Wake Incredible Matters of Fact Such is that c. 2. s 8. n. 4. p. 33. where he gives us such an Idea of the Wild Irish as he that said he had seen some of them so tame that they would eat Meat out of his hand He says that it seemed an unreasonable Hardship to those of them who were Landlords That they should be called to an account for killing or robbing their Tenants or ravishing their Daughters I confess this so startled me from an Author of his Gravity and living in that Country that it put me upon the Curiosity of enquiring of some Gentlemen of that Country who told me it was just as true as their having Hair upon their Teeth That there were ill Men among them and Murthers and Rapes have been committed as in other places but that they were so savage and ignorant at this time of day as not to expect to be called to an account for such horrible Crimes is an Assertion that astonishes every body that hears of it If he means that in the time of this War such Crimes went unpunished others have the same to say Witness Dr. Gorge's Letter But the Author 's Topick in this place is not of the time of the War but of the manner of these People before so that it is an egregious Imposition upon our English Understandings to think to pass this upon us It is almost as strange as this what he tells c. 3. s 11. n. 8. p. 138. That Colonel Luttrel Governor of Dublin condemned Mr. Piercy a Merchant to be hanged for saying very calmly That he was not willing to part with his Goods if he could help it And as strange that Mr. Piercy should escape because the Governour could not find any of the Provoes If you can hardly believe that Mr. Piercy should be condemned for speaking such innocent words and that very calmly you will be no Proselyte to this Author who as confidently and with as little Voucher that is none at all tells in the same place That Mr. Bell a Protestant Merchant was confined to close Prison and no body allowed to speak to him for I would have the Reader guess the Crime less if it could be than that of Mr. Piercy It was without any Crime so much as alledged against him says our Author We say It is easie to find a Stick to beat a Dog Were the Protestants so Loyal to K. J. or the Irish so dull that they could make no pretence of a Fault when
in Ireland while King James was there will attest the Truth of what I have said I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq who was then Sovereign of Belfast the grearest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland whether upon his Application to King James his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James's Officers and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections they were not severely punished upon the first Application to the King or those commanding under him This is likewise attested by Colonel John Hill present Governor of Fort-William at Innerlochy in Scotland but living at that time in Belfast in his Letter from Belfast to the Sovereign of Belfast then in Dublin inserted No. 25. Appendix and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to shew to none and therefore spoke his mind in it and not to flatter the Government There he tells how well Grievances were redressed and King James's Army kept to strict Discipline I demand further Whether the said Mr. Pottinger did not upon his application to King James obtain leave for the Merchants of Belfast and of the Country about to return from Scotland and other places whither they had fled even after the time limitted by His Majesties Proclamation for their Return And whether upon a second application to His Majesty and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side King James did not grant them time to return without stinting them to any day while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their delay And whether he the said Mr. Pottinger did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Merchants and others then in Scotland And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August 89 yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that time by King James's Order still expecting their Return And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return Nay ever when Schomberg landed and King James was obliged to remove from that Country and leave it to the Enemy Whether he did not give special Directions to Major-General Maxwell then Commanding in Belfast not to suffer any of the Goods of the Protestants to be plundered nor any of the Country to be burnt upon their leaving it And whether these Commands of His Majesty were not punctually observed not only at Belfast but at Lisburn Hillsborough and all that Country and even at Dundalk it self which King James left in good Order for Schomberg to encamp in and make his Frontier his first Campagne Neither will Mr. Pottinger deny That Mr. Thomas Crocker Merchant of Yoghall in the Province of Munster in Ireland and several other Merchants of Yoghall Cork and other places of that Province did complain to him That their Friends which stay'd behind in Ireland while King James was there did make no application in their behalf to King James whether out of negligence or stubbornness which if it had been done they did not doubt but they would have had their Goods preserved for them as they had at Belfast and other places in the North of Ireland indeed in all places which desired it And I likewise desire Mr. Pottinger to tell whether the several Protections he obtained for these parts of the Country about Belfast were not given gratis without any Fees And whether there was any Conditions so much as an Oath required of those who returned and took the benefit of His Majesties Grace And though their taking the Oath of Fidelity to King James was named in one of the Protections granted to Belfast and the Country about here inserted n. 23. Appendix yet whether upon Mr. Pottinger's representing to my Lord Melfort That the Oath might perhaps startle some and hinder their Return his Lordship did not allow Mr. Pottinger and the other Magistrates not to require the said Oaths And whether accordingly the Retinning Protestants and others were not received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them King James had tried the Security of Oaths before They are certain Snares and a very uncertain Security Mr. Pottinger can likewise give Attestation to the Truth of what Secretary Gorge has told in his Letter of King James's not only keeping his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but of the extraordinary kindness he upon all Occasions expressed to the English How several English Ships which came into Belfast some from the Indies who knew not of the War others by stress of Weather or other Causes and were seized by the Irish were always Released by King James were suffered to unload and to load again and pursue their Voyage to England Mr. Pottinger can tell the Ships their Burthen aad their Masters Names Nay King James did not only release particular Ships upon their application but gave general Orders to Major-General Maxwell and others Commanding on the Sea-Coasts in the North and we suppose the like in other places That no English Ship should be disturb'd which came thither Many more Instances might be given but these are sufficient to demonstrate that King James did not only freely grant and inviolably keep his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but extended it likewise to as many of the English as came under his Power though against their Will The French Fleet which carried King James into Ireland took some English Merchant-men while His Majesty was on board and some of the Masters were brought before King James who expecting nothing but Death fell down upon their knees begging their Lives which brought Tears into the King's Eyes and he not only restored them their Ships with all their Effects but ordered two Frigats to attend them and see them safe through all the French Fleet. Dr. Gorge has told you of some severe Examples made in Dublin to shew King James's positive Resolution to protect the Protestants and Mr. Pottinger whom I have quoted as to the North can tell how Lieutenant-General Hamilton when he marched into Lisburn after the Break of Drommore was so far from taking the Plunder of the Country that he caused a Soldier to be shot in the Streets of Lisburn for taking a Silver Spoon from one Mrs. Ellis thâ—â—â—â— Mrs. Ellis and many more of the Protestant Inhabitants did beg his Life The 15th of March 88. the day before the Break of Drommore when the Protestants were generally fled and the Irish thought the Plunder was their own the Lieutenant-General upon Mr. Pottinger's Representation sent immediately his Protection to Belfast which preserved it from 400 Men of the Garison of Carrickfergus which is but 8 miles distance who were on their march to have Plunder'd Belfast but they obeyed the Protection The 23d the Lieutenant-General gave Mr. Pottinger another Protection for Town and Country The 3d of June following Mr. Pottinger had that Protection from King
as Nevil Pain c. their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled and Episcopacy Abolished Though they say that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland Dated at the Hague 10. Octob. 88. Promises to preserve their Church as then Established among them From any Alteration And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North which is the most Episcopal and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland And therefore such sent no Representatives That at the first Meeting of the Estates they refused when it was moved to adjourn for eight Days as they did in England to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North to get to Edenbrugh But did precipitate Matters before they came That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament or any Judicature before they can sit or vote there were without Law laid aside By which means the Anti-Monarchical and Fanatical Party were let into the House That several Noble-men and Gentle-men who had been Forefaulted for Treason and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland were admitted as Members of this Convention before their Forfeitures were Rescinded even by this Convention and so were made the King's Judges to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them And that one of these viz. the Earl of Argyle was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange by Act of Convention 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off which was not done till 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous And framed such a Committee of Elections as for any or no Cause turn'd out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name and Richard Rumbold an English-man who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house and in publick Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I. That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the publick and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills Bothwell-brig Monmouth and Argyle and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews those Furies incarnate were all as many as were alive enabl'd to be Members of Parliament and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660. But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament They would not expresly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W. That the Fanatical Mob who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy were Armed and made the Guard of that Convention and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs witness Sir George Mackenzy that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession who was forced to fly from their Fury to save his Life it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sate and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there That the Bishops who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament were excluded from sitting in that Parliament before they were a Parliament by vertue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated 31 May 89. in these words You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen Barons and Burgesses Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sate was turned into a Parliament 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy and the Act 7 June 90. setling Presbyterian Church-Government Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned They first tell us That the major part of Scotland and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry are Episcopal and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland That several Reasons are given above why it was not so in the late Convention there That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy and drive them by violence from their Churches and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble and continue the Possession and likewise make use of this as an Argument That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people That the Rabbling began in December 88. and to make way for it a Report was industriously spread abroad as in England That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway and marching forward with Fire and Sword Upon which the Fanaticks took Arms and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible That they drove them from their Churches plundered their Houses assaulted their Persons pricking some with Bodkins c. till they have gone distracted in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College an Episcopal Clergy-man who had been thus served by that Rabble That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses to shift as they could upon which many of their Children dy'd and their Wives miscarried A Presbyterian but who abhorr'd the Brutality of these Proceedings told me that he was at the Rabbling at Air and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife who had been but three or four days delivered turned out with her Children into the Streets and all People shut their Doors upon them insomuch that this Gentleman mov'd with so lamentable a Spectacle bestirr'd himself in Compassion to them and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor Cabbin to give them shelter That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph tearing their Gowns which they called the Rags of the Whore and burning the
P. 34. l 36. r. in reckoning P. 51. l. 19. r. from the Sabbath P. 52. Margin r. his Principles P. 61. l 5. r. worse P. 91. l. 8. r. in that same Proclamation P 92. l. 1. r. against Robbers l. 35. r. 89. P. 96. l. 17 r to want P. 100. l. 9 r. came to Dublin P. 120. l. 25. r. their Apostacy P. 128 l. 31 r. Corban P. 151. l. 11. r. the day after P 160 l. 10. r. so far P. 167. l. 6. after other add P 171 l. 32. r. in his Penitentials P. 175. l. 2 r. as of P. 188. l. 26. r new-made Officers P. 191. l. 1. r. the Case of Page 161 and 162. are double pag'd Appendix P. 5. l. 1. r. how faithfully P 28 l. 13 14. r. 27 March 1689. P. 58. l. 3. r. Edinburg 20. Apr. 92. P. 67. l. 17. r. 3d of May. P. 72. l. 19. r. pollute our Altars P. 76. l. 8. r. at the Boot Page 35 and 36 are misâ—ag'd and page 48 is printed 42. AN ANSWER to a BOOK Intituled The State of the Protestants in Ireland under the late King James's Government c. THIS Book I am about to Answer does not only undertake to Vindicate those Protestants in Ireland whose Cause it defends from the Imputation of Rebellion in this present Revolution and as the Ground-work of their justification to cast the blackest Aspersions upon King James But if I can Reason aright it is calculated for the Dostruction of Mankind by setting up such Principles as countenance Eternal Rebellions and afford Pretences for War and Confusion to the end of the World and makes Settlement and Peace impracticable among Men. If this Charge can be made good for which I must refer to what follows then the Pains I have taken must be computed not only as a Just Vindication of K. J. from those Aspersions which are falsly laid upon Him but as a Service to Mankind to these Nations in an especial manner who of late Ages have most of all the Nations on the Earth been subject to Rebellion and Revolution And if that has been chiefly occasion'd by such Principles as are set out in this Book then the Discovery may be of use to those who are still pursuing of them blindfold and a Caution to others not to engage to the Destruction of Soul and Body or if engaged to Repent and Return If Learned Men think their Time and Labours well bestowed in rectifying Mistakes in Ancient Histories meerly for the Truths sake much more is it incumbent on us to examin into those Matters of Fact by which we guide our present Actions and for which we shall be accountable at the Day of Judgment as likewise that we suffer not Untruths and False Representations to descend to Posterity unreproved especially of our own Natural Kings whose Fame and Reputation we are in Conscience obliged to Defend as well as their Persons so far as is consistent with Truth and to be silent in such a Case is bearing False Witness at least virtually and slandering the Footsteps of God's Anointed K. James has been loaded with more Calumny by this Author than in all the scurrilous Pamphlets since the Revolution put together which is the Reason this Book of his has been so industriously propagated it goes now in its Fourth Edition and his other Narrative and bitter Invective called a Thanksgiving-Sermon of which I shall have occasion to speak has been spread in all shapes and sizes through the Nation from a Quarto to a Two-penny Duodecimo But I will detain you no longer nor seek to anticipate your Judgment I divide this Book of our Author 's into his Principles and Matters of Fact Division of the Book into Principles and Matters of Fact His Principles hard to be collected Not set down in Method First For his Principles It is no easie Matter to know what they are For tho his Book is digested into great exactness of Method that is not as to his Principles which he no where sets down in plain and express Terms but leaves us to collect them from small Hints and Inuendo's which are scattered immethodically up and down his Book And this was not done by chance but he was asham'd all of a sudden to disown his former Principles nemo repente It is natural for Men to endeavour not to be thought Changeable and Unconstant and to hide or gloss it all they can This we may reasonably suppose to be our Author's Case They are the old Commonwealth Principles For the Principles which he exhibits yet endeavours to conceal in this Book are all the old Rotten Rebel Commonwealth Principles which we formerly exploded in De Jure Regni Rex Lex and other Fanatical Authors condemn'd in the Decretum Oxoniâ—â—se and the Universal Current of the Divines of the Church of England by none more than this Author as you will see hereafter Therefore it is not to be wonder'd that he lets these Principles of his which he has so lately embrac'd drop from him in a covert way as if they were not clean and would foul his Fingers Yet something he must say to them to clear his Passage The Doctrine of Passive Obedience must be remov'd To perform which he employs his Introduction page 1. containing as he tells us an Explication of the Doctrine of Passive Obedience and stating the true Notion and Latitude of it And yet he does nothing else in it but to tell us what some People thought of it He begins It is granted by some and then gives three or four Quotations without telling his own opinion otherwise than as you may gather it from his more favourable Representing one side than another In the Heads of the Discourse he promises much fairer than you find the Performance in the Book Numb 1. of the Introduction is That a King who designs to destroy a People abdicates the Government of them Which Position does need a great deal of Explication and stating the true Notion and Latitude of it because a mistake in it would prove of most destructive consequence But our Author leaves it all in the Generals make of it what you can By what I can collect out of him his principle is the same with Bradshau in his Speech upon the Tryal of King Ch. I. viz. That all Power is from the People That Kings are but their Deputies and therefore are accountable to the People and may be deposed by them Against this Dr. Sherlock inveights most bitterly in his Sermon before the House of Commons last 30th of Jan. 91. page 18. where he reckons it as one of the most Fatal Evils of such Examples as that of the day that it infects Mens Minds with loose Notions of Government and Obedience which are at first invented to justifie such Actions and which People are sooner taught than untaught As that all Power is radically in the People and therefore but a Trust which a Prince must give an
Government yet disarming such of these as the Government could come at this Author proves by his usual Climax to be a Design even of Massacre For had they not reason says he p. 115. to believe that they were disarm'd purposely that they might be the more easily Robb'd or Massacred And p. 112. he calls that Disarming perfect Dragooning terrible Dragooning Now consider what a Scheme of Government this Author has given us viz. That if the Government have a Design against our Lives the Government is dissolv'd And if they take a Peny from us or so much as dispute the Charter of any Town or presume but to Disarm any of their Subjects though they be actually in Arms against them this shall be improv'd into a Design of Massacre and then we owe no more Obedience to the Government It is dissolv'd c. The Author's Rule of Abdication consider'd I come now to the Third Point that is of Abdication and the only true Notion of it by all Civilians is A King 's Voluntary Resignation of the Crown to the next Heir But take it in that Sense which by some of late has been put upon it and it will by no means help this Author's Cause For I suppose none even of them will allow that it is left to every private Person to determine what sort of Withdrawing himself shall be judged an Abdication in the King so as to Dissolve the Government and Absolve the Subjects from their Allegiance King Charles the First fled to Scotland to save his Life from those who pretended to make him A GLORIOUS KING King Charles the Second withdrew himself into foreign Countries for several Years yet neither of them was ever said to have Abdicated And it was debated strongly in the Convention Whether King James the Second's Withdrawing was an Abdication or not This shews that they thought the Decision of some Regular Assembly necessary to settle that Point and that it was not lest to every Man to decide so great a Matter whereon the Safety of the Nation does depend Therefore this Author 's justifying what his Protestants of Ireland did upon the Account of King James's Abdication will do them no Service upon that Notion of Abdication set up by the Convention in England because they were up in Arms against King James before the Convention in England declared him to have Abdicated and even before his Withdrawing himself upon which they pretended to ground their Sentence of Abdication But this Author must not stay for that He gives every Man Authority to pass Sentence of Deprivation against his Sovereign when he pleases C. 1. n. 8. p 10. he says By endeavouring to destroy us he the King in that very Act abdicated the Government and therefore in all Equity we are absolved from Oaths made to him as Governor In that very Act Nay even his Design as you have heard to take a Peny from us or to bring a Quo Warranto against a Charter that is to take the Benefit of the Law against any of his Subjects in a Legal manner shall be a Dissolution of the Government and Absolution from our Oaths c. Fifth Reason as to the dissolving Oaths of Allegianee Here is very good Learning as to the Nature of Oaths and Arguments most convincing He goes on in the same Section n. 10. p. 11. That King James consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland proved either that be designed to Release us from the Peculiar Obligation arising from them our Oaths of Allegiance as too strict or else that he did not design to depend on our Oaths for our Loyalty whoever does will be mistaken you have given demonstration and therefore laid them aside as of no force to oblige us either of which must proceed from an Intention to destroy the Ancient Government with which he was entrusted Now let us suppose with this Author That King James having seen and experimented the little Security Oaths were to Government against the Byass of Interest or Inclination were willing to remove such a Stumbling-block for the future and that Men should Swear no more would this absolve the Oaths that were taken before Again most know the Objection which the Papists have against our Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy viz. That it depresses the Pope's Power in Spirituals Now because K. James Repeals this our Author would infer That he meant to Release the Protestants from their Allegiance to himself in Temporals Does this Author think That K. James Repeal'd this Oath because it was too full of Loyalty or because there was something else in it which K. James thought was against the Tenets of the Church of Rome I am asham'd to ask the Question none are ignorant of the Reason of it Our Author will find this Argument of his Verbatim almost in the Writings of the Cameronian Presbyterians I know not if he had it from them but at least he sees how near he is come to them for when Men jump in the same Principles it is likely they will find out the same Arguments These Cameronians do prove That K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant did thereby Remit the Subjects Allegiance by annulling the Bond of it Vid. The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence Printed at London 1692. p. 49. This Covenant was Established by Act of their Parliament as well as General Assembly and K. Charles II. consented to it and took it and swore by his Coronation Oath in Scotland to maintain it and it swore Faith and Allegiance to him and therefore this Author would do well to think of a Disparity 'twixt his Argument and that of the Cameronians 'twixt K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant and K. James II. consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy Each Oath was to Establish a Supremacy over the Church the one a Lay-Regal the other a Lay-Elder and Presbyterial Supremacy And the one King might think the one as faulty as the other thought the other But that either of these Kings meant to weaken the Allegiance of his Subjects by taking away these Oaths the one is as true as the other Our Author has one Argument more why this Allegiance to K. James did cease He K. James having left none no Oath of Allegiance that we know of in this Kingdom which any Law obliges us to take And what then Is there no Allegiance due where there is no Oath Our Allegiance is due by the Law of England prior to the King's Oath to us or ourâ—s to him Oaths in that Case do not create the Duty they are only in Confirmation of what was our Duty before In the Eastern Monarchies they do not use Coronation Oaths nor Oaths of Allegiance And Augustus was so wise says the Unreasonableness of a new Separation on account of the Oaths p. 40. as when they offered him their Oaths he refused them for this Reason Dio. l. 54. He consider'd well saith Dio that if they gave
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
that none should withstand him or rise up against him and that nothing can be more pernicious to the Commonwealth in any Government than that the Subjects should have a Power of taking up Arms to defend their Liberty and Religion All these are Dr. Hicks his Words in the same Chapter our Author quotes and whether they all relate only to private Injuries and the ordinary Male-Administration of Government as our Author would have you believe I will not provoke your Patience to say any more towards it than barely setting down the Words But for the Homilies it may be more material to know if they make for his purpose because they are every Word confirm'd by Act of Parliament and Convocation which this Author and all the Clergy have subscribed and which is more Julian Johnson himself the Patron of Resistance says that it is the next best Book to the Bible Let us see therefore whether what they say relate only to private Injuries or the ordinary Male-Administration of Government From the Homilies And first for the Original of Government the first Homily against wilful Rebellion tells you That it cometh neither of Fortune and Chance as they term it nor of the Ambition of mortal Men and Women climing up on their own accord to Dominion that there be Kings Queens and Princes and other Governors over Men being their Subjects but all Kings Queens and other Governors are specially appointed by the Ordinance of God But to come to our Author's Purpose The Case is put of Kings that seek to Ruine and Destroy and Undoe their People and these Scriptures are quoted When the Wicked do Reign then Men go to Ruine A foolish Prince destroyeth the People and a covetous King undoeth his Subjects And the Question is put Whether Subjects may Resist such Princes Which is ruled absolutely in the Negative with a God forbid and many Reasons are given particularly that Rebellion is the greatest of all Mischiefs and that the naughtiest and lewdest Subjects are aptest to find Faults and that it would be unreasonable to let them be Judges what Princes were Tolerable and what were Evil and Intolerable That a Rebel is worse than the worst Prince and Rebellion worse than the worst Government of the worst Prince that hitherto hath been That such Lewd Remedies are far worse than any other Maladies and Disorders that can be in the Body of a Commonwealth But to leave no room for a Reply the Objection is farther urged What if the Prince be Indiscreet and Evil indeed and it is also evident to all Men's Eyes that he is so Neither is this allow'd for a Cause of Resistance but on the contrary we are admonished to Reflect That it is our Sins have brought such a King to Rule over us God saith the holy Scripture maketh a wicked Man to Reign for the Sins of the People Job 34.10 for Subjects to deserve through their Sins to have an evil Prince and then to Rebel against him were double and treble Evil by provoking God more to Plague them Nay let us either deserve to have a good Prince or let us patiently suffer and obey such as we deserve And that you may not think these were only Moderate and Tolerable Evils or Private Injuries or not Universal enough immediately after the Case is put of the Christians under Caligula Claudius or Nero and the Jews under Nebuchodonosor who slew their Kings Nobles Parents Children and Kinsfolks burn'd their Country Cities yea Jerusalem it self and the Holy Temple and carried the Residue remaining alive Captives with him into Babylon And then is shewn how both Christians and Jews by the Command of the Apostles and Prophets were not only barr'd from Resistance but were obliged to Pray for these Cruel Heathen Tyrants Murtherers and Oppressors of them and Destroyers of their Countrey with a Confession that their Sins had deserved such Princes to Reign over them Yet all this is not thought so bad nor mischievous to a Country as Resistance which as this Homily says does more mischief than Foreign Enemies would or could do And the mischief is more Universal for the Homily says Such Rebels do not only Rise against their Prince against their Natural Country but against all their Country-men Women and Children against Themselves their Wives Children and Kinsfolk and by so wicked an Example against all Christendom and against whole Mankind of all manner of People through the wide World The second Homily inlarges upon the Case of Saul and David and then puts the several Pretences for Rebellion into Questions or Demands which are all resolved from the Command and Example of David Viz. Shall not we specially being so good Men as we are Rise and Rebel against a Prince hated of God and God's Enemy and therefore likely not to Prosper either in War or Peace but to be hurtful and pernicious to the Commonwealth Shall we not Rise and Rebel against so unkind a Prince nothing considering or regarding our true faithful and painful Service or the safeguard of our Posterity Shall we not Rise and Rebel against our known mortal and deadly Enemy that seeketh our Lives Shall we not assemble an Army of such good Fellows as we are and by hazarding our Lives and the Lives of such as shall withstand us and with all hazarding the whole Estate of our Country Remove so Naughty a Prince Are not they some say lusty and couragious Captains valiant Men of Stomach and good Mens Bodies that do venture by force to kill and depose their King being a Naughty Prince and their Mortal Enemy They may be as Lusty and Couragious as they list yet saith Godly David they can be no Good nor Godly Men that so do And so having answered all the above Queries in the negative after his own Example and the Command of God at last this Quere is put What shall we then do to an Evil to an unkind Prince and Enemy to us hated of God hurtful to the Commonwealth c. Lay no violent hand upon him saith David but let him live until God appoint and work his End either by Natural Death or in War by Lawful Enemies not by Traytorous Subjects Thus would Godly David make answer and St. Paul as ye have heard willeth us also to Pray for such a Prince These are the Rules this Homily sets down concerning Rebelling against Evil Princes Unkind Princes Cruel Princes Princes that be to their Subjects mortal Enemies Princes that are out of God's favour and so hurtful and like to be hurtful to the Commonwealth And to shew that all this is not meant only of Particular Persons but of the whole Nation it is thus expressed at the end of this Homily viz. That the whole Jewish Nation being otherwise a stubborn People were to be obedient to the Commandment of a Foreign Heathen Prince and this doth prove that Christian Rebels against Christian Princes are far worse than the stubborn Jews whom we yet account
This is the Author's Quotation wherein I find fault first with his Translation of Grotius and leaving out some of his Words on purpose to hide his meaning and next I will shew that it is nothing to his purpose if it were as he would have it First The Case which Gratius cites out of Barclay is Si Rex vere Hostili animo If a King really with a â—ostile Mind that is as an open Enemy in totius Populi exitium feratur do attempt the Destruction of his whole People Now our Author to bring this Case nearer to his Design and to pass upon the English Readers instead of a truly hostile Mind which is being a perfect Enemy words it only the King having Malice in his Mind a malicious Design which may be easier pretended and infer'd from a hundred things than an open hostile Attempt to cut off a whole Nation if it be not true for Peoples Eyes will undeceive them in that But what would our Author make of this a King's Design to destroy the whole People Grotius says in the above-quoted place That it is hardly possible to enter into the heart of a King who is not mad And our Author does not so much as pretend it against King James but only that he design'd to destroy the Protestant Interest in Ireland Therefore we must come to the other part of what Grotius says viz. That if a King Govern many People it may happen that in favour of one People he may desire the other were destroy'd Thus our Author But Grotius gives his Reason in the Words which our Author conceals viz. Ut Colonias ibi faciat which governs what he said before viz. That a King may design to root out a People where he intends to make a Colony That is so far as to make room for his Colony as it is with our Plantations in Ireland and in America which no Man will stretch farther than to bring the Natives under Subjection not to destroy them all And take notice that these Words Ut Colonias ibi faciat are all the Words which remain of that Section our Author has quoted viz. De Jure Belli Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. § 11. Our Author has repeated every Word of that Section except these four Words which do conclude it and shew plainly Grotius's meaning to be quite different from what our Author would have us believe why otherwise he should be at the pains of Transcribing that Section and putting it verbatim in his Margin and omit only the four last Words he will give us a Reason in his next Besides Grotius consents to Barclay in that Case of a King 's designing to destroy his Whole People that he thereby demits the Government of them because as he rightly infers a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together but he does not say that a King may not destroy a part to preserve another Part or that if he does he does thereby Abdicate the Government of those whom he so seeks to destroy There is no such thing in Grotius and there is nothing else would have been to this Author's purpose Remember the Reason of the Thing we were upon before we are now only upon the Quotations And Grotius in this Quotation as set down by our Author puts the Case not only of a Governor's Design to Destroy his People but that he Professes himself an Enemy to his whole People And this is the Act which Grotius says supposes him to be mad and to abdicate his Kingdom which will no ways serve our Author's purpose unless he prove that King James did not only design but profess himself an Enemy to his People nor can you make him Abdicate by this Quotation unless you make him to be mad at the same time But I have said enough as to Grotius From Hammond the next Authority he produces is Dr. Hammond who this Author says in his Vindication of Christ's reprehending St. Peter from the Exceptions of Mr. Marshal approves this Passage of Grotius And so he might without making any Thing for this Author's purpose as I have shewn but how does Dr. Hammond approve it Dr. Hammond says That Grotius mentions some Cases wherein a King may be Resisted as in Case a King shall Abdicate his Kingdom and manifestly Relinquish his Power then he turns Private Man and may be dealt with as any other such Dr. Hammond says That Grotius said so but does Hammond approve of it No not in that place but he brings it as an Objection of his Adversaries which they Quoted out of Grotius against him and he thought it made so little against him that he said they would find little Joy in it and other their like Quotations our of Grotius whom the Doctor in the same place strongly vindicates And indeed what Joy could Mr. Marshal or the Author find in that Saying of Grotius to serve their Principle of Resistance For if a King should voluntarily and manifestly Relinquish his Power and Abdicate his Kingdom and becomes thereby a Private Man and though he may then be Resisted Will it follow that a King may be Resisted That would make this sort of Argument viz. Because a Private Man may be Resisted therefore a King may be Resisted and as Dr. Hammond said I wish our Author Joy of this Quotation But pray tell me if you can imagine what it was could possess our Author to appeal to Dr. Hammond Will he abide by Dr. Hammond's Judgment in this Cause No certainly he will not he writes in flat opposition to him What then Did he think to pick up some odd scrap out of him to give credit to his Cause by naming Dr. Hammond on its side Whereas every one that reads him must see that he runs diametrically opposite to the Principles for which he is produced Nay in the very Paragraph which this Author quotes Dr. Hammond is vindicating Grorius's Principles for maintaining That neither Publick nor Private Persons may lawfully wage War against them under whose Command they are and That it was the greatest injury that could be done to the Ancient Christians to say That it was want of Strength not of Inclination that way that they defended not themselves in time of most certain danger of Death and much more to the same purpose From Hicks The next Man this Author quotes is as unlucky for his Design It is Dr. Hicks Dean of Worcester who wrote Jovian in Answer to Julian the Apostate He is now one of the Deprived Clergy of this Kingdom for his constant adhering to his old Passive Obedience Yet this Author will needs quote him on his side and would have the Reader believe that he is against Passive Obedience even in that Book which he wrote purposely in its defence Some of which you have already heard quoted Well! let him be produced we will hear what he says in this Cause First our Author states the Question Suppose a King endeavours to destroy his
the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
Castle Yet when he reduced that Castle which he did the same Night he not only gave Quarters for their Lives but would not suffer his Men to take any Plunder There Major Colaghan shot one of his Men for putting his Hand to a Protestant after Order given that they should neither be Killed nor Plundered Nay farther The Major-General was so careful lest the Souldiers so exasperated should do prejudice to the Protestants in the Town that though the Foot had Marched sixteen Miles that Day and fought in the Evening without any time to refresh themselves and many of them actually Fainting with the Toyl yet he would not suffer them to come into the Town but drew them up upon an adjacent Hill where he kept them all Night and early next Morning Marched them back to New Town a Town belonging to Sir Robert Colvil into which he would not suffer them to enter for the same fear of their doing any prejudice to the Protestants who wholly inhabit that Town He only took a Guard of Horse and some Officers with himself into the Town to refresh themselves where not one Protestant was hurt or toucht There he dismist all the Prisoners he had taken at the Fight of Killileagh requiring no other Conditions of them but an OATH not to bear ARMS again in Opposition to King James which we know how well they kept the first Opportunity they had to break it And tho' these Prisoners as well as those that were killed had then King James's Protections in their Pocket of which King James did very justly Complain though this Author Wonders at it yet the General did not require them to take out New Protections but said the Old should be as Effectual to them as before their Insurrection and they were made good to them to the Day that Schomberg Landed The General here sent home the Foot to their Quarters and went himself with some Horse to Port a Ferry in the Ardes where he took one Thomas Hunter Prisoner And having settled that Part of the Country returned As the Irish Forces Marched over Belfast Bridge going to their Quarters their Officers stopped them and searched to see if any of them had taken any Plunder in that Expedition And what they found caused it to be delivered to Mr. Pottinger then Sovereign of the Town to be put up in the Town-House in order to be restored to the Owners as they should be known which was accordingly done And the Officers would not permit the Souldiers to make the least halt in the Town for fear of Disorders but Marched them straight thro' to their Quarters at Carrickfergus In which they were so strict that Major Colaghan broake a Souldiers Head for taking a Glass of Ale at a Door as he Marched by Only the Regiment Quartered at Antrim staid at Belfast that Night not being able to march so faâ—â— but committed not the least Disorder Had the Protestant Officers of King William's Army been as careful of their Fellow Protestants in that Country Ireland had not been that Wilderness and Desolation which we see it this Day It is just and commendable to give our Enemies their due and not to conceal or lessen what they do worthily because they are our Enemies Many of the Irish Officers were kind to the Protestants not only in making good their Protections to them but even where they had not Protections and were perfectly at their Mercy I could give many Instances which I have heard from the Mouths of Protestant Gentlemen and Ladies who remained in Ireland while King James was there of the great Civility of several of the Irish Officers to them When the general Rout was given to the Protestants in the North of Ireland at Drommore upon the first Descent of King James's Army on the 14th of March 1688. and all were flying to the Sea as fast as they could several Protestants sell into the Enemies hand at Donaghadee a Sea-Port in the County of Down where they sought Opportunity of Shipping to have fled out of the Kingdom Among these was Mrs. Hawkins Wife to John Hawkins Esq of Raffer-Island in the County of Down one of the most zealous and active of any in the North for the Association in which Cause he was a Colonel and had his Commission from the Prince of Orange as all the rest had before he was made a King He was among the first Associators and made himself Secretary to the Association carried on at Moyrah by the Lord Blayney Sir Arthur Rawden c. All the Declarations of this Association were Signed Per Order John Hawkins This was before the Establishment of the Council of Five or more General Association in the County of Down the Seventh of January 1688. who sent an Address to the Prince of Orange dated at Hilsborough the 19th of January 1688. which his Highness answered by his Letter from St. James's dated the Tenth of February 1688. and sent by Captain Leighton with his Commissions to them for Colonels Captains and Subalterns But this is a Digression It is only to shew you that no man was more obnoxious to the Irish and to the Government than this Mr. Hawkins in so much that he was one of the Ten excepted from Pardon in the Proclamation before-mentioned of the Seventh of March 1688. This Gentleman's Lady being taken among many others making her Escape at Donoghadee instead of being Plundered was civilly treated and suffered to go off to Sea not only her self but with all her Goods Furniture c. and when she offered her Coach as a Present to Major Colaghon he refused it and did not take the Worth of a Penny from her I could give you many more Instances which I have heard But we must not make too great Digressions I am afraid of being tedious Let us Return to our Author 's bloody Massacre of the Protestants in the County of Down by Major-General Buchan which was the Subject from whence we have been carried thus far It was one of this Author 's unfortunate days that he light upon Major-General Buchan to make the Masacrer in cold Blood c. For all that know that Gentleman know him to be a Soldier and incapable of any such Brutality It is so far from it that the common Voice of all the Irish Protestants does proclaim how much they owe to Lieutenant-General Hamilton to this Major-General Buchan and to Major-General Maxwell for their great Care and even Generosity to the Protestants in Ulster though what they did even that of Major-General Maxwel's preserving Belfast and all the Country when Schomberg Landed was as themselves own by King James's express Order But he must have no share of the Thanks even by those Protestants who extol his Officers for nothing but duly executing his Orders The Irish were as much offended on the other hand against these Three Scots Generals for their Partiality as they called it to their own Countrymen tho' in Rebellion because they
And therefore to be Lov'd by the People and kept Great and Inviolable as their Greatest Security and Glory The Author's Conclusion Protestation of his Sincerity It is now time to come to a Conclusion If I have not tyred you I am sure I have my self I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Authors Conclusion p. 239. Wherein he protests before God That he has not Aggravated or Mis-represented the Proceedings against us out of Favour or Affection to a Party c. By this he would seem as equal to the Irish as to the English to the Papist as to the Protestant For which I must Refer you to what has been already said But if this had been his Principle why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King for choosing to trust Papists in his Army and even to prefer them to the Protestants Is it not the same reason as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army And if in such a Case you could not sind persons so Qualify'd as you desire would you not take the best you could get and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves This Author knows very well this was King James's Case with the Irish That there was not a Gentleman among them but was employ'd My Lord Chief Justice Keating in his Letter to Sir John Temple 29. Decemb. 88. sayes The Roman Catholick Nobâ—â—â—â—y and Gentry of the Kingdom are Vniversally concerned in the present Army and in that which is to be rais'd p. 351. of this Authors Book But he King James was forc'd to take in the Scum likewise to make up an Army Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employ'd by King James And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James's Government and above all of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration which the most of any one thing brought on the Misfortunes of his Master But when by what means soever things were brought to that pass that K. James was deserted by England and the Protestants in Ireland no Man in his Senses can blame him for making use of the Irish nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming Inlisting Arraying them c. In doing whereof considering the great Trust reposed in him no man of Honour or Moral Honesty can truly blame him Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating as inserted by this Author p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating was a firm Protestant and a Man of Sense And this Author does Confess p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88. Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost He says p. 166. That without any Necessity at all he K. James threw himself upon these People he Encourag'd them he Armed them gave Commissions even to those that had been Torys c. Some such perhaps he might Employ I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time and no Notice taken of it but it was because he could get no better as is said above But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men cannot have common Sence in it unless this Author thinks that at that time the Protestants of Ireland would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange and so that he had no need of the Irish If that be our Authors meaning I hope he will Explain himself And likewise whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case which he protest before GOD he does not when he assures us p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions Why Was there any Dragooning in Ireland such as we have heard of in France Yes Our Author tells us C. 3. § 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants Terrible Dragooning Pray what was this It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader some Exquisit Torture Protestant Bridles or some-thing like Amboina Parturiunt Montes The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24. Feb. 88. But what Occasion was there for this Disarming What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants All the Protestants Generally in Vlster Connoght and Munster in all Ireland except Dublin and other Parts of Linster whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe with what Forces he had were then actually in Armes in Opposition to the Government and had enter'd into Associations to carry on their War But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that But this Author tells us in the same Section p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself and the Castle of Dublin with the Stores Ammunition c. But when was this It was says the Author when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange This was very early And what if the â—râ—nce had Aâ—cepâ—â—d of a Treaty How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed But they were resolv'd to Anticipate all this And not to wait even the Princes Commands They were for Supererogation and to shew Zeal Extraordinary But after all if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the Kings Army or if they were not well Arm'd the Government might have over look'd their Rashness and let them alone In Answer to this our Author tells in the same Place That they K. Jame's Army were but a Handful to the Protestants there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone to have dealt with them And p. 111. That they the Protestants had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid and to beat them too if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason Is there a Man in his Senses that had to do with these People in the Circumstances they and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood but would have Disarm'd them if he could And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning is betraying of his Cause It is rendring the whole Suspected To Aggravate things beyond the Truth does not make them more but nothing at all What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against
the Protestants in Ireland Did the French King use them no Worse than K. James did these Protestants Our Author says as above that K. James used worse Methods towards the Protestants of Ireland than the King of France did with the Hugonots If so Mounsieur Claud has mightily Misinform'd us in his Account of the Persecution of the Hugonots in France And since our Author will have this Comparison because he could not think of another would Render K. James so Odious I have a Curiosity to know his Opinion as to the Cause of these Hugonots viz. Whether their King 's breaking the Edict of Nants and using them as he did was Sufficient to absolve them from their Allegiance and to set up a King of their own Religion where-ever they could find him I doubt not but this Author will Answer in the Affirmative and that it was nothing but want of Power kept them from Abdicating that King who they thought had Abdicated the Government of them by his ill usage of them And this will be a better Plea for the French King to Rid himself of these sort of People than any I have yet heard offered for him But in this Comparison 'twixt King James and the French King our Author makes King James the more wicked Man of the Two using worse Method with his Protestants as you have heard And in his Character of the French King he gives him the Advantage over King James with an Innuendo-reflection upon King James in this same place p. 14. He reports the French King to be a Merciful Man in his own Nature and certainly says he a mighty Zealot for his Honour As if King James were not so indeed he was far from it as this Author represents him You see to what a Height this Authors Zeal has carried him when he will give so fair a Character even of the French King that he may thereby blacken K. J. the more And upon this Head I hope no Man will take it ill at least to do Right to K. James Would any Body desire him to be worse than the French King Therefore give me leave to say and in this I believe I shall have the Major part on my side That if the Hugonots in France had Invited a Forreign Hugonot Prince to enter France with an Army had joyn'd with him and Proclaim'd him for their King and Forc'd K. Lewis to Fly out of France and afterward recovering part of his own he should reduce the Hugonots in Brettaigne for example and they when they were come again under the Power of their Old Master should shew all the Signs of Disloyalty and Disaffection to him Deserting him every day to their new Hugonot King and giving an Account to him of the same disposition in them that could not make their Escape from K. Lewis and K. L. to know all this and that those that staid gave all the Intelligence they could to his Enemies and did all the Mischief they could to him their Natural King under whose Protection they then Liv'd And those of them that were able in Brettaigne to hold out in open Arms against him keeping two Towns in the same Province he had Reduc'd where they Fortify'd themselves and Declared for their Hugonot King and to Rescue those Hugonots that were under King Lewis I say if this had been the Case 'twixt K. Lewis and the Hugonots I believe I shall have the Major part of England of my Opinion That King Lewis would have dealt otherwise with them than King James did with the Protestants in Ireland And perhaps had any King in Christendom but K. James had them in his Power as he had for a whole Summer he would not have left them in a Capacity to have Driven him out of the Kingdom as they did And he was Morally assured they would do so when it was in his Power to have prevented them But rather than Destroy them he put it in their Power to Destroy him which they did without the least sense of all his Goodness to them which they Disdain'd to own but pursued him as a Tyrant Secretary Gorge Assures us in his Large Letter that the Irish Protestants were more Active against King James and were more dreaded by the Irish than any other of K. William's Army If K. James were as great a stranger to us as Caesar or Pompey and the Scene were plac'd as far off as those Times yet who would not have a Zeal to Vindicate the Truth who would not be mov'd to see a King who suffered himself to be visibly Ruin'd by his unprovocable Clemency to Obstinate Rebels represented by them for so doing as the Bloodiest Tyrant in the World To see this Authors Book Transport Men so far without examining as that the Principal Secretary of State should License a Pamphlet call'd The Pretences of the French Invasion Examined which 〈◊〉 14. lays the stress of our Objections against King James upon his Cruelty to the Loyal Irish Protestants while he was among them in Ireland His King James's Carriage in Ireland says the Pamphlet to the Loyal Protestants writ this viz. His implacable hatred to the Protestants in Capital Letters and it must be suppos'd they have Drunk deep of Lethe who can forget all this Thus positively does the Pamphleteer averr upon the Credit of our Author And therefore it is Incumbent upon our Author to produce some Catalogue of these Protestants in Ireland who remain'd Loyal to King James while he was there except those few who were in his Army whom our Author or our Phamphleteer cannot mean because they reckon these among the number of the Persecutors and by some thought worse of than the Papists for Assisting the Papists against the Protestants we desire a List of these Loyal Protestants in Ireland who suffered any thing from King James while he was there Can this Author find so many as their were Righteous Men in Sodom But this is much more certain that King James's Mercy to the Disloyal Protestants in Ireland put them in a Capacity to help to Drive him out of the Kingdom for his pains Does this Author really believe That King Lewis would have used them as kindly as King James did while he knew they were Plotting and would Joyn against him I Appeal to this Author Whether he would have thought himself so Secure in King Lewis's hands if he had been betraying his Councils and giving Intelligence to his Enemies as he was under these Circumstances in King James's Power But our Author never fails to make a round Character That King James should not be so Good a Man as King Lewis is not so great a Matter But now our Author's hand is in you shall see him carry King James's Character to be full as Inhumane as that of the Great Turk himself You have it â—nd of c. 3. § 20. n. 7. p. 224. The Vsage we met with being says the Author full as Inhumane as any thing they the
Christians under the Slavery of the Turk suffer Who would not expect from this Representation to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices Drown'd Tore in Pieces Flead Alive Staking upon the High-Way Mutes and Bowstrings And to take GOD to Witness That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting The Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen c. of Dublin to King William Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annex'd in the Appendix n. 21. Saith that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James Did infinitely surpass an Aegyptian servitude This is as far as words can go This is making King James worse than the Devil himself for the Devil does not Infinitly exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness They were resolved to out-do the Clergy-Addess of their own City spoke by the Bishop of Meath For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted speaks out and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gentilely Minc'd The King King James is much avers says the Doctor to all Severity to the Protestants yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them Notwithstanding as the same Letter tells us He often gave Command to his Officers That in their Engagements with the English they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects and not as obstinate Rebels Yet these were his bitterest Enemies as you have seen And themselves are forc'd to Confess that he used them with less Severity than he might or than they deserved at his hands And after all this to hear them complain of Aegyptian Servitude and cry out upon him as a Tyrant infinitely surpassing Pharaoh the Turk or the French King whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three is Ridiculous and Wicked it is supposing us all to be Naturals to think to pass such Stuff upon us and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend This is Bending a Bow till it breaks to heap up Calumnys and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors But if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution And whatever is Written by Protestants It is indeed a discredit to Mankind to all History and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it whether Protestant or Papist How has the Legends broken and Ruin'd the Veracity of the Roman Church No Cause is long serv'd by deceit It will one time or other be Discovered Down-right Honesty is the best Policy Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemys Humanum est Errare And no doubt there are Errors on both sides But to persist in our Error and to defend it is the Devils part Therefore in the Name of GOD let Truth prevail And let all the People say Amen An Appendix Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland Published by his Majesty's Order May 10. 1689. My Lords and Gentlemen THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation exprest to Me at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me or so basely betrayed Me and your seconding my Deputy as you did in his bold and resolute asserting my Right and preserving this Kingdom for Me and putting it in a posture of Defence made Me resolve to come to you and to venture my Life with you in the Defence of your Liberty and my Right and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me but that your Courage has equal'd your Zeal I have always been for Liberty of Conscience and against Invading any Man's Property having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ Doe as you would be done by for that is the Law and the Prophets It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions and made them set themselves up against Me though for different Reasons seeing that if I had once settled it my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy and I in the Opinion of the other too Great This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind as to that And wheresoever I am Master I design God willing to establish it by Law and to have no other Test or Distinction but that of Loyalty I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of my People And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies and to make this Nation flourish And to encourage you the more to it you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen my Son and my Self when we were forced out of England and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions how he embraced my Interest and gave such Supplies of all forts as enabled Me to come to you which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with and you see still continues to do I shall conclude as I began and assure you I am as sensible as you can desire Me of the signal Loyalty you have exprest to Me and shall make it my chief Study as it always has been to make you and all my Subjects happy The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King Most Gracious Sovereign WE Your Majesty's most dutifull and loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled being highly sensible of the great Honor and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us do most humbly and heartily thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament and for Your Majesty's Tender and
heard but as they came nigh to it they perceived it surrounded and heard Guns discharged and People shrieking whereupon being unarm'd and totally unable to rescue their Father they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Countrey and see Justice done upon those Hell-hound treacherous Murtherers the Shame of their Countrey and Disgrace of Mankind I must not forget to tell you that there were two of these Officers who had given their Paroll of Honour to Mac-jan who refused to be concerned in that brutal Tragedy for which they were sent Prisoners to Glascow where if they remain not still I am sure they were some Weeks ago Thus Sir in obedience to your Commands I have sent you such account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhumane Massacre of the Laird of Glenco and others of his Clan You desire some Proofs for the Truth of the Storyâ—s for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done and publick Justice not executed upon the Russians For they take it for granted that no such Order could be given by the Government and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration Sir As to the Government I will not meddle with it or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco had such Orders as they pretended from the Government the Government knows that best and how to vindicate their own Honour and punish the Murtherers who pretended their Authority and still stand upon it But as to the Matter of Fact of the Murther of Glenco you may depend upon it as certain and undeniable It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it as of the Death of my Lord Dundee or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head But to Put you out of all doubt you will e'er long have my Ld. Argyle's Regiment wity you in London and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy and on my Life there is never a one of them will deny it to you for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland and it is an admiration to us that there should be any one in England who makes the least doubt of it Nay Glenlyon is so far from denying it that he brags of it and justifies the Action publickly He said in the Royal Coffee-house in Edinburgh that he would do it again nay that he would stab any Man in Scotland or in England without asking the cause if the King gave him orders and that it was every good Subject's duty so to go and I am credibly informed that Glenlyon and the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service in destroying Glenco pursuant to their Orders There is enough of this mournfull Subject If what I have said satisfie you not you may have what Proof and in what manner ye please to ask it Sir Your humble Servant N. B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent did on Thursday June 30. 1692. when the Ld. Argyle's Regiment was quartered at Branford go thither and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men were the Actors in it Glenlyon and Drummond were both there The Highlander who told him the Story expressing the Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon said Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day and you may see him in his Face I am told likewise that Sr. John Lawder refused to accept of the Place of Ld. Advocate of Scotland unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon and the rest of the Murtherers of Glenco which not being granted James Stuart who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W. has now the Place Numb 20. King James's Letter May 3. 1686. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceeding thereupon Signed James Rex RIght Trusty and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellour We greet you well Whereas Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cosins Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin have by their humble Petition represented unto Us that their Ancestors were indicted and outlawed in the Rebellion in that Our Kingdom begun in or about the Year 1641. and have humbly prayed Us that they might be admitted to sue out Writs of Error for reversing the said Outlawries and the Attainders thereupon We have thought fit upon Consideration of the Matter to gratifie them in their humble Requests And accordingly Our Will and Pleasure is and We do hereby direct and require you upon receipt of these our Letters forthwith to give orders to our Chancellor of that our Kingdom to grant unto the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin Writs of Errour in order to Reverse the said Outlawries and Attainders and also to direct our Attorney General of our said Kingdom for the time being to admit them to have Copies of the said several Indictments and Outlawries and to require our Judges of our Court of King's Bench there and our said Attorney to admit them the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin to reverse the said Outlawries upon Errors appearing in the Records of the same and the Attainders thereupon any Law Stature Custome or Order to the contrary notwithstanding And for so doing this shall be as well unto you as unto all other our Officers and Ministers there whom it may concern a sufficient Warrant And so we bid you heartily farewell Given at Our Court at Whitehall the third day of May 1686. in the second Year of our Reign By His Majesty's Command Sunderland P. Entred at the Signet-Office the 20th of May 1686. John Gauntlett To Our Right Trusty and Right Well beloved Cosin and Counsellor Henry Earl of Clarendon Our Lieutenent General and general Governour of Our Kingdom of Ireland and to Our chief Governor there for the time being The Lord Lieutenant's Order to the Attorney and Sollicitor General touching the Reversion of the Outlawries Clarendon WE send you herewith a Copy of his Majesty's Letters unto Us in behalf of the Right Honorable Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin bearing date the 3d of May last concerning their Ancestors being indicted and outlawed in the Year 1641. and we refer it unto you calling to your Assistance the rest of his Majesty's Counsel learned in the Laws of this Kingdom to consider the Matter and report to Us what is fit to be done therein for the relief of the Petitioners Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin the 12th day of June 1686. Paul Rycaut To Our Trusty and well beloved his Majesty's Attorney and Sollicitor general of this Kingdom The Attourney and Sollicitor General and the King's Counsel at Law their Report touching the Outlawries May it please your Excellency IN obedience to your Excellency's Order bearing date the 12th day of this Instant June we have considered