Lancashire where it was commonly taken up and some little of it at Coventry and some few such places And that was only as a tolerated or commended thing without any imposition that ever we knew of And accordingly it came to nothing in a short time 17. Till their new modelling their Army the Parliament had given out all Commissions to their Souldiers to fight for King and Parliament But then the King's name was lest out which seeming to many thousands an utter change of the Cause from that time many did desert them And thereupon the Party called Sectaries flowing in to Cromwel and his Army conquering the power fell into their hands who imprisoned the King accused and drove away eleven Members of the Parliament and afterward imprisoned and excluded the major part of the remaining House and with the rest cut off the King cast down the House of Lords pretended a while to set up a Commonwealth as they called it imposed an Engagement to that Commonwealth as established without King and House of Lords ordered the sequestration of the Ministers that refused it and of those that kept not their daies of fasting and thanksgiving for the Scotish wars which then they made After which they cast out with scorn that remnant of the Commons that had joyned with them and chose themselves some men called a Parliament who attempting to put down all Parish-Ministers Tythes and Universities the first put to the Vote and carried but by a few against them they were broke up by delivering up their Commission to Oliver who was made Protector and had the honour designed of saving the Ministry Tythes and Universities from the Sectaries even from that danger into which he had brought them 20. From the time of these New Causes and Changes especially the destroying the King violating and casting out the Parliament men imposing the engagement c. the Ministers called Presbyterian in England some few compliers excepted many of whom since Conform declared themselves against all this and were lookt upon as enemies though kindness was offered to reconcile them Some were imprisoned many cast out of their places in the Universities some sequestred and Mr. Love and Mr. Gibbons a Gentleman beheaded Mr. Gee with the Lancashire Ministers with some of us wrote against these proceedings of the then Power Many Preacht against them so that the sober Religious people of the land grew commonly disaffected to them And what the Scots did and how they were conquered we need not here relate 21. The Ministers who were then in possession of the Parish Churches were of many minds about Church Government 1. Many were for the old Episcopacy and Liturgie 2. Many were for a reformed Episcopacy 3. Many were for Presbytery that is Church Government by Presbyteries Classes and National assemblies of Teaching and of Governing unordained Elders Conjunct as jure divino 4. Some were for that which is called Independency 5. Some thought that no form of Church Government was jure divino 6 But the most of our acquaintance were peaceable moderate men that thought several parties had somewhat of the right and that the points of difference were so few and small that they might well live in peace and love and that none of the parties was so right as that in all things they should be followed and others trod down to set them up And many of these were young men that being at the Schools had not been engaged in the first quarrels and desired not to side with any dividing parties and modestly professed that they had not maturity enough to study themselves to any great confidence in the Controversies 22. This last sort of men beginning in Worcest shire set on foot a work of reconciling Association in which the Episcopal Presbyterians and Independants agreed to practise so much of Church Government and Ministration as they were all agreed in with mutual Love and assisting concord and to forbear one another in the rest till God should bring us neerer And after they added another Agreement to Catechise every person in their Parishes old and young that would come to them or receive them thereto and personally to instruct and exhort them about the practicals of Religion and preparation for death and the life to come This example was presently followed by the Ministers in Cumberland and Westmorland Wiltshire Dorsetshire Essex and going on in other Counties till the confusions 1659 interrupted it and the return of the Prelacie ended it and many such endeavours 23. When Oliver was dead many sorts of Government were set up in one year First his son Richard who having never been in Arms and being famed to be for the King many thought he would have been ready when he could to resign the Kingdom to him and spoke him fair on that account and others because they thought he would quiet the violent and keep out utter confusion After his ejection the Remnant of the Commons called the Commonwealth was restored After this they were cast out again and a Council of State Chosen by the Army till the Kingdom grew to scorn them all and was weary and ashamed of the confusions and revived their designs to restore the King 24. The first open attempt of united endeavours against the Army to restore the King was by the Cheshire Lancashire and Northwales men under Sr. Georg Booth now Lord De lamere and Sir Tâ—o Middleâ—on who had been commanders for the Parliament and was broken by the Armies Conquering them Mr. Cook Mr. Harrison Mr. Kirby Mr. Seddan sent up Prisoners and in danger of death and other Ministers who since are silenced and ruined by those they helpt 25. But the attempts being renewed at the same time the division of the Opposers the Army and the Commonwealth Members shook them all to pieces and ruined them and the new closure of the Old Parliamentarians and the Royalists and the Presbyterians and other Ministers with the Episcopal strengthened them and restored the King The Presbyterian Officers and Souldiers of General Monk's Army concurring with the rest and Sir Thomas Allen then Lord Mayor many London Ministers on their part counselling him thereto with the Aldermen and others inviting General Monk to joyn with the City herein against the Opposers from which very day the scales were turned and all went on without any considerable stop and the old ejected Members of Parliament first and the Council setled protempore after prepared for His Majesties return and Dr. Gauden Mr. Calamy and Mr. Bâ—xter Preaching at the Fast of the next Parliament as their Printed Sermons shew the King the next morning was voted to return and to be invited to his Fathers Throne 26. In preparation for this some Ministers now silenced had trcated with some Gentlemen firm to the King and with Bishop Usher Bishop Browrig Dr. Hammond and others who all encouraged them though some much more than others by prosessing moderate healing principles and intentionsâ— And in London and several
though we hear that some of them take us as not sincere for keeping up a difference and giving no more reasons of it The thing which we so greatly desire leave to do but dare not be so bold yet as to venture by it to displease them who condemn us for not doing it lest their anger would be sharper to us if we do it so great is our difficulty between this Soylla and Charybdis But we hope we may adventure to open some part of the Matter of Fact which Conformity and Nonconformity are concerned in that so men may conjecture at the Case themselves which will be no reflexion on the Government barely to tell what they command nor a challenging any of our Superiours to a disputation nor a charging them as faulty that cannot bear it 1. Matters of Fact to be foreknown to the true understanding of the Cause 1. THE root of the difference between the Old Nonconformists and the Conformists was that one sort thought they should stick to the meer Scripture Rule and simplicity and go far from all additions which were found invented or abused by the Papists in Doctrine Worship and Government and the other side thought that they should shew more reverence to the customs of the ancient Church and retain that which was not forbidden in the Scripture which was introduced before the ripeness of the Papacy or before the year 600 at least and which was found lawful in the Roman Church and common to them with the Greek that we might not seem singular odd and humorous or to go further from the Papists than reason and necessity drave us And the Laity seemed no where so sensible of the difference as between the way of Ceremony and unceremonious simplicity and the way of our many short Liturgick Prayers and Offices and the way of free-praying from the present sense and habits of the speaker while pacificators thought both seasonably good 2. The sad eruption of this difference among the Exiles at Frankford while Dr. Cox and Mr. Horn and their party strove for the English Liturgie and the other party strove against it for the freer way is at large reported in a book called the troubles at Frankford 3. Queen Elizabeth and King James discountenancing and suppressing the Nonconformists they attempted in Northamtonshire and Warwickshire a little while to have set and kept up private Churches and governed them in the Presbyterian way But that attempt was soon broken and frustrate by the industry of Bishop Whitguift and Banctoft And the Nonconformists lived according to their various opportunities some of them conformed some were by connivence permitted in peculiars and small impropriate places or Chappels that had little maintenance in the publick Ministry which kept them from gathering secret Churches some of them had this liberty a great part of their lives as Mr. Hildersham Mr. Dod Mr. Hering Mr. Paget Mr. Midsley senior and junior Mr. Langley Mr. Slater and Mr. Ash at Bremicham Mr. Tailor Mr. Pateman Mr. Paul Bayne Mr. Fox of Tewksbury John Fox and many more Some had this liberty all their lives as Mr. Knewstubs Dr. Chadderton Dr. Reignolds Dr. Humphrey Mr. Perkins Mr. John Ball Mr. Barnet Mr. Geeree Mr. Root Mr. Atkins Mr. Gilpin John Rogers and many others some were fain to shift up and down by hiding themselves and by flight and these preached sometimes secretly in the houses where they were and sometime publickly for a day and away where they could be admitted so did Mr. Parker Mr. Bradshaw Mr. Nicols Mr. Brightman Mr. Brumskil Mr. Humphrey Fen Mr. Sutchff Mr. Thomas and many more and after their silencing Mr Cotton Mr. Hooker and many more that went to America Mr. Cartwright was permitted in the Hospital at Warwick Mr. Harvey and Mr. Hind at Bunbery in Cheshire and many more kept in having small maintenance being in peculiar or priviledged places Mr. Rathband Mr. Angier Mr. Johnson Mr. Gee Mr. Hancock and many others oft silenced had after liberty by fits Mr. Bowrne of Manchester Mr. Broxholm in Darbyshire Mr. Cooper of Huntingtonshire at Elton and many others suffered more and laboured more privately Dr. Ames was invited to Franekera some were further alienated from the English Prelacie and separated from their Churches and some of them called Brownists were so hot at home that they were put to death Mr. Ainsworth Johnson Robinson and others fled beyond seas and there gathered Churches of those that followed them and broke by divisions among themselves The old Nonconformists being most dead and the later gone most to America we cannot learn that in 1640 there were many more Nonconformist Ministers in England than there be Counties if so many 4. The Conformists shortly fell into dissension among themselves especially about three things Arminianism as it was called and Conciliation with the Church of Rome and Prerogative Dr. Heylin in the Life of ArchBishop Laud doth fully open all these differences and tells us that Archbishop Abbot was the Head of one party and in point of Antiarminianism even Archbishop Whitgist before him with Whitaker and others had made the Lambeth Articles driven the Arminians from Cambridge King James had discountenanced them in Holland and sent six Divines to the Synod of Dort who owned and helpt to form those Articles And he tells us that Bishop Laud had no Bishops on his side but Bishop Neale Bishop Buckeridge Bishop Corbet and Bishop Howson and after Bishop Mountague and thought it not safe to trust his Cause to a Convocation the major part called then The Church of England 1. Cryed down Arminianism as dangerous Doctrine 2. Cryed down any neerer approach to the Papists and the Toleration of them 3. And were much for the Law against absoluteness in the King and Dr. Heylins and Rushworth's Collect. will tell you the full story of Manwaring Sibthorp and Archbishop Abbots refusing to license Sibthorp's Book and the Consequents of all Thus these two Parties grew into jealousies the Old Church-men accusing the New on these three accounts and the New ones striving as Dr. Heylin describeth them to get into power and overturn the Old 5. In this contention the Parliaments also involved themselves and the Majority still clave to the Majority of the Bishops and Clergy then called the Church of England And in all or most Parliaments cried up Religion Law and Propriety and the Liberty of Subjects and cried down Arminianism Monopolies Connivence and Favouring of Papists and their increase thereby expressing by Speeches and Remonstrances their jealousies in all these points till they were dissolved 6. The writings of Bishop Jewel and much more Bishop Bilson and most of all Mr. Richard Hooker and such as were of their mind shew us what Principles there and then were by the Laiety that followed them received We will not recite their words lest our intent be misunderstood neither Bishop Bilsons instances in what cases Kings may be resisted by armes Nor Mr. Hookers that
maketh Legislation the natural right of the Body politick and governing power to be thence derived to depend upon the Body and to returne to it by escheats when heirs fail and that the King is singulis Major and universis Minor c. His eighth Book was in print long before Bishop Gauden published it who yet vindicateth it to be Hookers own 7. In 1637 1638 1639. A. Bishop Land useing more severity against dissenters than had been used of late before and the visitations more enquiring after private fasts and meetings and going out of mens own Parishes to hear and such like and also the Book for sports on the Lords daies being necessarily to be read by all the Conformable Ministers in the Churches and Altars Railes and Bowing towards them being brought in and in many places afternoon Sermons and Lectures put down the minds of men before filled with the aforementioned jealousies were made much more jealous than before And after the imprisonment of some the stigmatizing of some and the removall of many beyond the Seas and the death of more the Nonconformable Ministers were reduced to the paucity before mentioned but the minds of many people were more alienated from the later set of Bishops and the old sort of Conformists more jealous of them and more afraid of Popery c. than before 8. The new Liturgy then imposed on the Scots with the other changes there attempted the designes charged on the Marq. of Hamilton the fear of the Lords losing the Tyths c. which Dr. Heylin mentioneth as the causes or occasions of their arming there with the progress thereof and their entring into England and the advantage thence taken by some English Lords to advise the King to call a Parliament once and again and the discontents and proceedings of that Parliament against the two Ministers of the King for former things with such other matters we had rather the reader took from others than from us We are unwilling to be the mentioners of any more than concerneth our present cause and the things are very commonly known 9. On the 23. of October 1641. The Irish suddenly rose and murdered no less than two hundred thousand persons and Dublin narrowly escaped them of which we refer the Reader to the examinations published by Dr. Henry Jones since a Bishop in Ireland and to the history of Sir John Temple and to the Earl of Orery's Answer to Mr. Welsh 10. The dreadfulness of this Massacre so far exceeding the French the news sent over that the Irish said that they had the Kings Commission and the foregoing jealousies of the people and the Parliaments Declarations raised in multitudes of the people a fear that the Irish when they had ended their work there would come over hither and do the like and that they had partakers in England of whom we were in danger and that there was no way of safety but to adhere to the Parliament for their own defence or else it would quickly be too late to complain 11. In 1642. the lamentable Civil Warr brake out At which time as far as ever we could learn by acquaintance with some of them and report of others excepting an inconsiderable number the Houses of Lords and Commons consisted of those that had still lived in conformity to the Church of England and the Episcopal Government and were such Conformists as Dr. Heylin describeth Archbishop Abbot and the Clergy and Parliaments of his times to have been Crying out of the danger of a new partie that said they would shake our Religion Liberties and Property And such were they when the War began Presbytery being then little known among them 12. Their fear of being overpowred by the party of whom they seemed to think themselves in sudden danger caused some of them to countenance such Petitionings and clamours of the Londoners Apprentices and others as we think disorders and provocation of the King 13. The first open beginning was about the Militia And whether the Lord Lieutenants whom the Parliament chose were not almost all Episcopal Conformists we intreat the Reader but to peruse the Catalogue in the ordinance for that Militia and to ask any that well knew them as some of us did many of them and he may certainly be satisfied 14. The same we say 1. Of the far greatest part of the General Officers Collonels Lieutenant-Collonels and Majors of the Earl of Essex's Army 2. And of the Sea-Captains 3. And of the Major Generals of Brigades and Counties through the Land 15. When the Parliament's Armies were worsted and weakened by the King and they found themselves in danger of being overcome they intreated help from the Scots who taking the advantage of their straits brought in the Covenant as the Condition of their help which the Parliament rather accepted than they would lose them which at first was imposed on none by force But to pass by all other Considerations was judged by many wise men to be an occasion of division as making the opposition to Prelacy to be the terms of the Kingdoms Unity and Concord when they might know that the King and a great if not the greatest part of the Kingdom were of the contrary mind and so it was thought to be as the Papal terms of Unity a means of unavoidable division But others thought that because it tied them to no endeavours but in their Places and Callings they might take it 16. The Assembly of Divines at Westminster were men that had lived in Conformity except about eight or nine of them and the Scots But being such as thought Conformity lawful in case of deprivation but the things imposed to be a snare which should be removed if it could be lawfully done they also received the Covenant but were divided about the sense of the word Prelacy many professing their Judgment to be for Moderate Episcopacy whereupon the describing additions Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons were added And upon such a Profession that it disclaimed not all Episcopacy Mr. Coleman is said to have given the Covenant to the House of Lords And they complained of the Parliament which tied them to meddle with nothing but what they offered to them 17. This Covenant and Vow was taken by the Parliament and by their Garrisons and Souldiers that would volunrarily take it as a test whom they would trust the rest being had in suspension And after the wars by such as were ordained Ministers and by the Kings adherents when they made their compositions so far was it afterward imposed But many Ministers and Gentlemen refused it and so did Cromwel's Souldiers and in many Counties few did take it 18. How far the Parliament was from being Presbyterians may partly be seen in the Propositions sent from them by the Earl of Essex to the King at Nottingham and partly by their defeating all the desires and endeavours of those that would have Presbytery setled through the Land We know of no places but London and
London are not the seventh part of the whole including all the outer Parishes And of the 97 there were very few Churches left unburned and there are but few that are yet built up and instead of many there are small Tabernacles and instead of others nothing And the outer Parishes are mostly so great as that the Temples will hold but a small part of the people It is conjectured by the Inhabitants that in Martins Parish are about threescore thousand souls and in Stepney and Giles's Cripplegate each about fifty thousand and in Giles's in the Fields between 20000 and 30000 and in Clements Danes Margarets Westminster Andrews Holborn Sepulchres and the Churches in Southwark at Aldgate White-Chappel Shoreditch and divers others there are in some six times the number that can hear in the Temples in some more and in others not much less And in most Churches the Preachers voice will not extend to above two thousand if more can come in So that take one with another and it is conjectured that it is not above the seventh or eight part of the Inhabitants that can come to hear in the outer Parishes And if the other six or seven parts should seek for room in the emptier Churches of other Parished within the walls it cannot be supposed that above one part of these six or seven would find room So that all set together there is supposed to be place but for about the fifth or fourth part at most of all the people within and without the walls And London is to be denominated rather from three four or five parts than from One of these And we all agree that the famousest and happiest City for Religion in the world should not be left to turn Infidels Pagans Atheists or to be kept from all publick Worship of God And it must be considered that the great Parishes where one of twenty cannot hear are far off from the Churches that have room and that such persons cannot easily know before-hand what Churches have room and where to seek it And that those that have most need have least desire and when they cannot be taught near home will rather stay at home or in the streets or Ale houses than go far to seek room in the Alleys of other Churches And it 's known that by this means Papists have got opportunity of seducing multitudes and many get them to baptize their children And whereas it is said that some may go one day and some another it is answered 1. That if they did go half the families by turns still the greater part would be shut out 2. It is all that are bound by God constantly to hear and worship him 3. And those that most value it will still croud in and keep out the rest and will not bargain away their own duties and benefits for other mens sakes Nor can Parishes come to agree upon such a bargain VI. Experience assureth us that men are not usually brought to knowledge repentance faith and holiness by the Gospel ex opere operato or as by a charm but as an apt morall cause And that the Preaching of judicious convincing serious affectionate Ministers hath incomparably more success than the affected language or dull reading speeches of injudicious novices or wordly formalists or hypocrites God usually worketh according to the morall aptitude of the means though not alwaies VII It cannot be denyed but that the number of raw cold dry yea and scandâ—lous Ministers in many Counties of this Kingdom is too great And the more ignorant and bad the people are the abler Ministers and more diligent do they need And those people who feel what profiteth their Souls will not take up with cold uneffectual teaching if they can have better VIII He that hath no Preacher but a Reader in his parish is by the Church Laws forbidden to refuse his Ministry and all such are forbidden frequent going to other parishes communicating in them what want soever they have at home IX The Nonconformists that do but affirm any thing in the Liturgy Ceremonies Articles Government c. to be unlawful and such as they may not subscribe to are by the Church Laws excommunicate ipso facto And all that dare not take the Sacrament kneeling are to be denyed the Communion of the Church And all that dare not submit their Children to be baptized by the foredescribed undertaking of Godfathers and to receive the Cross as a dedicating badg of Christianity must not have their Children Christened And all that dare not commit their souls to the Pastoral Guidance of ignorant readers or other men whom they think by their unskilfulness unsoundness aversness to a holy life strangers to intimate cases of conscience or notorious negligence and sloth or non-residence to be unmeet for them to trust themselves to in so great a matter in which their salvation is so much concerned and so dare not take the Sacrament from such as their Pastors all these are forbidden Communion with any other Parish Churches by the Canon and all Ministers forbidden to receive them And if they dare not say that they are willing to be coâ—firmed in the English mode they must no where be admitted to communion And being excommunicate must not be buryed according to the Church-Office when they are dead so that they are cast out of the Church before they Congregate in other Assemblies X. In this case the Nonconformists are not agreed what to do One part and the far greatest say 1. We will forbear affirming the unlawfulness of any of the foresaid impositions till we are called to speak out And because the case of these times calls us often to it we will do it as privately and modestly as we can 2. And though we are excommunicated ipso facto yet we are not bound our selves to execute their sentence but may stay in Communion till they prove the fact and do the execution on us themselves by refusing us And this we take to be the most peaceable way But others say That though in some cases for peace this way may be taken yet ordinarily we are not bound to seek and expect Communion with that Church which hath already thus excommunicated us especially when all the Ministry subscribe and declare their Conformity to the Church orders and swear Canonical obedience to the Ordinaries and are themselves to be suspended if they give us the Communion We must not say they strive against their Laws nor seek that Ministers should be perjured false to their promises and professions to admit us to Communion against their Laws Nor can any Church that first excommunicateth us call us Schismaticks for not communicating with them unless they prove that we give them just cause to excommunicate us Here it is supposed that the Reader understandeth that to be excommunicated ipso facto is sine sententia without any need of a Judges sentence to be actually excommunicate upon our fact done so that the bare proof and notice of
Ministers usually to be as full as will consist with the peoples hearing the voice which in many places will not reach to a great part of the Congregation we find such Preachers whether Conformable or Nonconformable every where almost crouded after which shews that it is not meer faction that moveth the hearers and that worthy men have no cause of discouragement And if none of either side be valued much above their worth for the bare Office sake we cannot help it nor would it be helped if there were no Nonconformists Some of us well remembring the time 1632. till 1640. when we were troubled or threatned also for going out of our own Parishes to hear worthy able men that were very conformable XXXV It is very ordinary with Gentlemen and others that are zealous for the present Church State in London to go from their own Parishes though the Canon be against it so that it is not sure the breach of the Canon that they stick at XXXVI We shall never disswade men from making the strictest Laws to punish any Nonconformist that shall be proved guilty of Sedition Disloyalty Drunkenness Fornication Swearing and any other immorality but we know of none of them that was silenced ejected or punished on any such account Nay if they Preach against their Church Government Liturgy or Ceremonies we must expect that they should be restrained Our earnest desire is that the Magistrate would keep up Peace and Order in the Church that Popish Clergy men may not think that it belongeth to them alone to do it XXXVII Whereas there is a sort of ignorant or ill meaning men that still say we know not what the Nonconformists would have and why will they not tell us what would satisfie them While we offer to beg on our Knees for leave to do it we humbly intreat them to weary men awake no more with that canting 1. As long as the Kings Declaration about Ecclesiastical affairs is visible 2. And as long as our Reply and our Reformed additions to the Liturgy and our Petition for Peace which respected the old Conformity remain unanswered by those to whom in 1660 we did present them 3. And till we are once called or allowed to speak for our selves against the new conformity a favour which the justice of old Romane Heathens yea and splenetick Jews did grant to all that were accused before they punished them but since Popery prevailed in the world is become a thing among them not to be expected 4. And as long as men know that Bishop Wilkins and Dr. Burton appointed by the Lord Keeper Bridgman to treat with some of us of the terms of Union saying it was His Majesties Pleasure did come to a full agreement with us in terminis which was drawn up into the form of an Act by no worse a man than that PILLAR OF JUSTICE the excellent Judge Hale and the Parliament presently Voted that no such Act should be brought in and offered Dear Brethren God is the father of Lights and with him is no darkness Men may be mocked but God is not mocked If the day that will bring works of darkness to light and finally clear the Innocent be not the object of certain faith and hope let our cause be bad and let us as fools be judged such as have forsaken our best hopes But that it is otherwise we believe and therefore appeal to a righteous God from an unrighteous world XXXVIII What harm our Preaching the doctrine of salvation can do to the Bishops or people of the Land while they may punish us for any word that we speak amiss And why we should not rather speak openly where men may bear witness of our errours than in secret where men are tempted to too much boldness And what but a spirit of envy or a carnal interest cross to the interest of Christ and mens salvation should grudge at such Preaching while we are responsible for all that we say or do amiss we cannot tell XXXIX Nor can we tell if our not swearing or not entering into the Bishops National Covenant be as great a crime as our penalties import why no other mulct or penalty will serve turn to expiate such crimes but our ceasing to preach the Gospel of Salvation while we are willing to do it under the strictest Laws of Peace and Order XL. It is visible that the Parish-Churches of those Ministers caeteris paribus are fullest of Auditors who are most willing that the Nonconformists help them in due time and place and desire to live with them in Love and Concord For all that have the spirit of holy love and peace do love those that have the same spirit And such serious holy Conformists as Bolton Whately Fenner Preston Sibbs Stoughton Gouge and such other were formerly as much crouded after as Nonconformists But it is those that Preach against holy Love and Concord and wrangle with the most Religious sort whom they should encourage whose Congregations are thinest usually through the tepidity of their followers and the distaste of others XLI When we read in the Council of Calced the Egyptian Bishops crying so long miseremini miserimini lying prostrate on the earth even when they could say Non dissentimus and beging of their fellow Bishops for their lives and consciences and their Brethren crying against all Away with them They are Hereticks while they professed the same Faith while the men that with such out-crys were condemning those of their own confession had newly cryed Omnes peccavimus for condemning Flavianus and the Truth and saying that they did it for fear and owned that Eutychianism which yet these Egyptian Bishops now disowned it mindeth us that even Bishops had need to be remembred that while the wheel is turning the upper side should not tempt men to forget what side will be uppermost shortly and for ever Additions more particularly of National Churches §1 THere are some worthy persons who plead more specially for National Churches as of Divine Institution whose Doctrine calls us to a special consideration of it But though some of us have oft desired it we have not hitherto obtained any satisfaction what they mean by A National Church or any true definition which they agree in Some of them deride us for doubting and asking the question and some answer it to the increase of our doubt §2 It must be presupposed that we speak not of a meer Community that hath no Pastors but strictly of a Society called by some Political by others Organized constituted of Pastors and People mutually related which is the ordinary sense of the word Church And we must premise what being commonly agreed on is none of our doubt or question §3 The question is not whether any or all Nations and Kingdoms should be Christians and so be the Kingdoms of Christ That 's past doubt 2. Nor is it whether in such Kingdoms the King be the Head as to the power of the sword that is
French Wars And yet we have instanced but in the best times of dominion in comparison of which Councils Prelates and later times have been a meer hurricane In a word they that think that the mischiefs of superiour seats are greater than the benefits do appeal to all Church history whether they have not been the true and principal causes of the distractions of the Christian world and of the long division of the East and West and of many civil and grievous wars § 40. And to the objections they say I. As to Appeals and Government of Inferiors 1. That the last appeals have ever been made to General Councils And how they went when ever the Prince did but countenance errour as in the daies of Constantius and Valens many great Councils that were for the Arrians and in Theodosius Juniors time for the Eutychians c. is too sad to think on And is it not far more dangerous for many hundred in a Council to bear down a whole Empire or Kingdom and raise persecution and there be no appeal from them than for a poor Priest to put a man from the Sacrament in his own Parish Church How many Councils have been against Images in Churches and how many for them condemning one anothers acts What good will appeals do to such 2. In doctrinal cases the consent of many tends to concord But in cases of personal practice are they fit judges to appeal to that dwell many hundred miles off and know none of the persons suppose a poor man in England is put from the Communion by a Parish-Priest yea perhaps an hundred or many hundred in some parishes because he findeth some to be utterly ignorant some to be drunkards fornicators heretical c. If these appeal but to a Diocesan which dwelleth 20. miles from some 40 or 60 or 100 miles from others the remedy is worse than the disease For if the Priest must travel so far and bring his witnesses and plead the cause with men that never saw the party before where neighbourhood giveth a surer knowledge than any such examination of strangers can do and a strange Chancelor or Diocesan knoweth not which witnesses are most credible and all this while his Pastoral Charge perhaps many thousand souls must be neglected while the Minister is prosecuting these appealing sinners will not the evil of this be greater than the benefit But how much more if every sinner must appeal to a Patriarch many hundred miles off A sober mind will be ashamed to think of the process of such a suit If you say that it is not in the case of such sinners as these whereof every Parish abounds that you would have appeals at least not to Patriarchs so far off I answer 1. Then answer your own objection What remedy shall they have if the Bishop wrong them 2. What is the case than that you suppose such supraordinations of power necessary for If you say If Ministers themselves should be excommunicate It is answered That none but Bishops or other superior powers pretend authoritatively as Rectors to excommunicate Pastors Therefore this is nothing to them that are against all such superiority of Pastors Where none such are none such can excommunicate or be injurious And if there must be a higher Bishop to deliver men from the injuries of a lower who should deliver us from him who may injure Kingdoms Obj. But it is supposed that Patriarchs are wiser and better men than Metropolitans and those than Bishops and those than Priests And that a meer Priest is not to be trusted with the power of the Keys Ans 1. The power of the Keys of his particular Church is essential to his Office 2. They that will make Priests of raw lads and naughty fellows and then plead that such must not be trusted with the Office which they themselves ordained them to do condemn themselves by such allegations 3. The old Church Government was for every particular Church no more numerous than our Parishes to have a Bishop and Presbyters And these were thought sufficient to judge who was fit for their own Communion 4. Hierom was but a Priest c. And Macedonius Nestorius Dioseorus Timothy Elurus Peter Moggus Gregory Alex. Lucius Al. Joh. Al. Theodosius Al. Eulalius Antioch Euphronius Ant. Placitus Ant. Stephanus Ant. Leontius Ant. Eudoxius Ant. Euzoius Ant. all Hereticks were all Patriarchs and to reckon the enormities of the Roman High Priests is a needless work Is it to be supposed then that these were better than Priests Doth Christ say that it is as hard for a rich man to enter into Heaven as for a Camel to go through a needles eye and shall we that are Christians say that it is to be supposed that the rich clergie are better men than the poor When Greg. Nazianz. Saith that such great places use to make Bishops worse than they were before All history tells us what striving there was for such places When Euschius refused Antioch two Priests were presently at Constantines elbow to beg that place and he was fain to mention them though they were not chosen What a stir did Maximus make at Constantinople Egypt and with the Emperour to have got Gregories place at Constantinople And so with others And is it not a fleshly proud and wordly mind which is the work of the Devil which is the importunate seeker And must we needs appeal to such 3. But to come neerer what need is there of any such appeal or such a Government if 1. A Bishop with-his Presbyters be over every particular Church associated for personal Communion in holy doctrine worship and Conversation 2. And if these Churches associate for meer concord and mutual help and not for Governing Bishops 3. And if the Magistrate govern them all as he doth Philosophers Physicians c. For 1. If a Bishop of a particular Church deny one the Sacrament or excommunicate him he doth it justly or unjustly If justly the person must submit If unjustly he may be received by a neighbour Bishop who is not bound to reject those whom upon trial he findeth to have been wrongfully excommunicated All neighbour Churches must refuse those that are by any one excommunicated justly but not all that are wrongfully cast out Some say that he that doth excommunicate doth cast a man out of the whole Church and therefore no one else may receive him But unexplained words must not serve to confound truth Souls and Congregations Every Minister is a Minister in the Universal Church as every Physician and Schoolmaster is in and to the Kingdom indefinitely not universally but his work and power are commensurate his power being only to and for his work Therefore the Bishop or Pastor of one particular Church or Parish is bound to confine his ordinary labour to them though occasionally he may help others And accordingly his power is to use the Keys ordinarily for his own Church only as to the direct effect though extraordinarily he
State though not alwaies materially And that the King as King is but an Accidental Civil Head as he is over Physicians and Schoolmasters being neither himself and that the National Church must have a formal Clergy-head Personal or Collective which shall in suo genere be the highest though under the Magisttates Civil Government as Physicians are 4. The Papists say that all National Churches are under the Pope as Universal Pastor who may alter them as he seeth cause 5. Some moderate men say that only Diocesan and Metropolitical Churches are jure Divino and that they are called National only improperly from one King or concording association as ab accidente and not properly from any formal Clergy-head § 43. VI. Lastly which is the formal Head of the Church of England and so what that Church is we are left as much uncertain 1. If it be only a Civil Head that denominateth it One then it is but a Christian Kingdom which we never questioned And Dr. Rich. Cosins in his Tables of the English Church-Policy saith That the King hath Administrationem supremam magisque absolutam quae dicitur Primatus Regius And Tho. Crompton in his dedication of it to K. James saith Ecclesiastica Jurisdictio plane Regia est Coronae dignitatis vestrae Regiae prima praecipua indivisibilis pars Ecclesiasticae leges Regiae sunt neque alibi oriuntur aut aliunde sustentantur aut fulciuntur penes Ecclesiasticos judices per Archiepiscopos Episcopos derivata a Rege potestate jurisdictio Ecclesiastica consist it And yet our Kings and Church explaining the Oath of Allegiance declare that the King pretendeth not to the Priesthood or power to administer the Word and Sacraments but as Crompton adds from Constantine is extra Ecclesiam constitutus a Deo Episcopus alii intra Ecclesiam Episcopi This is plain If they hold to this and claim no power in the English-Policy but as the Kings Officers in that part which belongeth to Christian Magistrates who will oppose them But this reacheth not to the Keys Preaching or Sacraments 2. Some say that the King is partly a Clergy man as Melchizedek and so that he is the formal Head and might perform the Priestly Office if he would But this our Kings have themselves renounced 3. Some say that the Archbishop of Canterbury is the formal Head but that cannot be because he is no Governour over the Arch-Bishop of York or his Province 4. Most say that the Convocation is the formal Church-Head which makes it One Political Church But 1. If so then why saith the Canon that the Convocation is the true Church of England by Representation and those excommunicate that deny it We enquire after the Church-Head or Governour And that which is but the Church it self by representation is not its Head unless the Head and Body be the same and the Church govern it self and so it be Democratical The governed and Governours sure are not the same 2. And the Supream Power is supposed by those that take Episcopacy for a distinct Order to be in the Supream Order only But the far greater part of the Convocation are not of the Supream Order Nay thus the Presbyters should be partly the chief Governours of the Bishops while they make Canons for them 3. When we did but motion that according to Arch-Bishop Ushers form of the Primitive Episcopacy Presbyters might joyn with the Bishops in proper executive Church-government instead of Lay-Chancellors and such like they decryed it as Presbytery and call us Presbyterians ever since And if they say that the Presbyters have so great a part in the Supream Government it self which obligeth all the Nation how much more would they be themselves Presbyterians which they so abhor § 44. Having oft said that we desire Christian Kingdoms as the great blessing of the world we mean not either that 1. All in a Kingdom should be forced to be baptized or profess themselves Christians whether they are so or not For lying will not save men nor please God and even the Papists are against this 2. Nor that all should be supposed to be Christians that are in the Kingdom But that the Kings be Christians and the Laws countenance Christianity and the most or ruling part of the Kingdom be Christians and all just endeavours used to make all the rest so The Ancient Churches continued them Catechumens till they were fit for Baptism and though they were for Infant-Baptism they compelled none to be baptized in Infancy or at Age but left it to free choice They baptized but twice a year ordinarily They kept many offenders many years from communion And if Crabs Roman Council sub silvest be true they at Rome admitted not penitents till fourty years understand it as you see cause The true Elibertine Canons kept many out so many years and many till death and many absolutely as shewed that they were far from taking all the Nation into the Church And the Christian Emperours compelled none It was long before the greatest part of the Empire were Christians In the daies of Valens the Bishops were some of them banished into places that had few Christians if any In France it self even in St. Martin's daies the Christians of his flock were not the most but he wrought miracles to convince the Heathens that raged against Christianity where he dwelt c. § 1. There are two appendent Controversies handled by some that write for National Churches which need but a brief solution The first is whether it be not an Independent Errour to expect real holiness in Church-members as necessary in the judgment of charity The second Whether it be not such an Errour to require the bond of a Covenant beside the Baptismal Covenant § 2. To the first we say that so much is written on this point by one of us in a Treatise called Disputations of Right to Sacraments c. that we think meet to say no more The Opponents now confess that it must be saving Faith and Consent to the Baptismal Covenant that must be professed And Papists and Protestants agree with all the Ancient Church that Baptism putteth the true Consenter into a state of certain pardon and title to life And God maketh not known lying a condition of Church-communion He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved It is true that God hath not made Ministers Arbitrary Judges of mens secret thoughts but hath limited them in judging to take their tongues that profess Faith and Consent to be the Indices of their minds But sure the power of the Keys containeth a power of judging according to Christ's Law who is to be taken into the Church by Baptism and who not If only the seeker be made Judge it will be a new way of Church-Government and a bad And then the question is 1. Whether he that accepts ones profession seemingly serious of Faith and Consent and that de praesente is not bound to hope in charity that such
Ecclesiastical Laws as the Surplice the sign of the Cross at the sacred Font kneeling in receiving the Sacrament and such like which yet by some light prejudice he thought were superstitious and Popish The question is What obligation there is in this case I say 1. Such an Oath cannot be taken during such errour without grievous sin For he sinneth grievously that sinneth against his conscience though erroneous For when the Judgment of the Intellect is every ones nearest Rule of action the will if it follow not that judgment failing from its Rule must needs be carried into sin It 's a common saying He that doth against his conscience buildeth to Hell Verily he that sweareth what he thinketh unlawful would swear if it were indeed unlawful that becometh unlawful to him that is lawful to another as the Apostle judgeth Rom. 14. 14 2. I say such an Oath doth not bind Because an Oath cannot take away a former obligation nor induce another obligation contrary to it But that Oath which is taken against the dictate of conscience had a former obligation arising from that dictate For the dictate of conscience whether right or erroneous alwaies obligeth at least not to act against it But a following Oath cannot remove that obligation but is it self invalid and loseth its obliging force 3. But if the swearer after better taught do see and correct his errour the Oath which bound him not before beginneth then to bind him P. 77. Other Cases there are of things by Accident unlawful by reason of ill effects of the thing it self as it may be a hinderer of a greater good or a cause at least an occasion of evil The fourth Case is when the thing sworn seemeth unlawful as hindering the effect of some antecedent good as of a Vow or Promise made before As if one that had before-hand bound himself to some work of Piety or Charity after take an Oath that hindereth the fulfilling of the former Vow As if one that vowed to give half his gain weekly to the poor shall after swear to give it all to the war This case hath no difficulty I plainly answer such an Oath is neither lawful nor obligatory because that the former obligation whencesoever contracted whether by Covenant or by Vow or by bare Promise or by meer Office or Duty remaineth valid and puts a bar to every following contrary act Read Prael 4. § 11 12 13 14 15. what he saith for the obligation 1. Of spontaneous Oaths 2. Of Oaths caused by fraud 3. Or by fear extorted 4. Even of Oaths to Robbers P. 110. 3. He that taketh an Oath imposed by one that had no just authority but not otherwise vicious is bound to perform what he swore Read p. 175 c. what he saith at large against equivocation stretching reservations as opening the door to all lying and perjury and frustrating the end of Oaths P. 195. Of the latitude and extent of an Oath How far the senso is to be measured by the scope As when the Cause of the Oath was particular but the words are general e. g. The Popes Usurpation was the Cause of the Oath of the Kings Supremacy But the words of the Oath so assert the Kings Supremacy as exclude all others as well as the Pope from exercising supreme Power in this Kingdom Answ Such an Oath obligeth as to the words themselves in their utmost latitude The Reason is because the intention of the Law though made on a particular occasion is general to hinder all incommodities of the same kind for the future As Lawyers fetch not the sense of Laws from the Proem but from the body of the Statute so we must judge of the just interpretation of an Oath not by the promised recognition or other preface but by the body of the Oath it self P. 208. He is alwaies perjured that intendeth not what he promised but he is not alwaies perjured that performeth not what he promised The bond being dissolved P. 227. Vows made to God as a party cannot be relaxed by man though men may give away their own If you swear for the sake of another as to his honour obedience profit or other good the Oath bindeth not unless he for whom you swear take it as acceptable and firm P. 242. Concl. 4. It is a grievous sin to impose an Oath unduly on another As 1. An Oath not stablished by Law or Custom c. 2. An Oath that is repugnant or in the sense that the words hold forth in the common use of speaking seemeth repugnant to any Oath by him formerly lawfully taken 3. They that constrain men to swear to a thing unlawful as against our duty to God or our Superiours or the Laws of the Kingdom or against good manners or that which is otherwise dishonest and may not be kept 4. He who imposeth an Oath of ambiguous sense or any way captious to ensnare the conscience life liberty or fortune of his neighbour 5. He that without necessity by fear compelleth or by Authority impelleth or by counsel example fraud or other artifice or reason induceth another to swear who he knoweth will swear against the judgment of his conscience I would all men in great power would remember how filthy a character Jeroboam branded his own conscience fame and name with that made Israel to sin and how greatly they provoke God's great wrath against themselves that abuse their power to other mens ruine which God gave them for edification and not for destruction P. 243. Concl. 5. An offered Oath is not to be taken with a reluctant or doubting conscience 1. Because what is not of faith is sin 2. Because we must swear in judgment which he doth not that sweareth against his consciences Judgment 3. Because this is done for some temporal commodity or to avoid some loss or obtain some gain or to get some mans favour or such like But how unworthy of a Christian is it to set God behind the World Heaven behind Earth the Soul behind the Body eternal joy behind temporal gain the hope of the life to come behind present ease inward peace behind outward 4. Because he that so sweareth evidently exposeth himself to the danger of Perjury a most heinous sin For he that for hope or fear of any temporal commodity or discommodity can be induced to swear that which he ought not it is scarce credible but he may by the like hope or fear be drawn from doing what he swore And PERJURY was by the very heathens accounted one of those most heinous sins which they believed would bring the wrath of the Gods not only on the guilty but on their posterity yea on whole nations much more is it to be feared of us who worship that one true God who hath solemnly professed that he will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain Lest while which way ever we look we see such a great and luxuriant crop of Oaths and