down the body it was thrown out of the window into the Court-yard as it was all besmeared with bloud when * He was afterwards stabbed to death l. 85. Angolesme not believing his own eyes wiped off the bloud from his face with his handkerchief and at last perceiving it was he and as some add kicking the corps in scorn going out of the house with his fellows into the way Go to fellow Souldiers saith he let us prosecute what we have so happily begun for so the King commandeth which words being often repeated when forth-with the Bell of the Palace clock rang out they every where cryed Arm arm and the people presently ran to Coligny's house then the carkass after it had been abused in a strange manner is cast into the next Stable and at last cutting off his head which was sent as far as Rome and his privy-members and his hands and his feet they dragged it about the streets to the bank of Siene which thing he had formerly presaged by an ominous word though he thought no such thing When he was about to be thrown into the River by the boys from thence he was drawn to the Gibbet of Mount Faucon where with his legs upward and his body downward he is hanged in iron-chains then a fire is made under him by which he is only scorched not consumed that he might as it were be tormented through all the Elements slain upon the earth drowned in the water burnt in the fire and hanged in the air There when his corps had been exposed for some days to the luff and rage of all spectators and to the just indignation of many who did boad that that rage would hereafter cost the King and all France dearly Francis Momorancy who had timely withdrawn himself from the danger being near of kin and nearer by friendship to the dead took care that he should by some trusty men be taken down by night and committed to the earth in a Chapel at Chantilly In Coligny's house were slain in the tumult whosoever they met or found hiding themselves and then the Souldiers betake themselves to plunder and breaking open Chests they take away mony and other precious things only they preserve letters and papers for so the Queen commanded 18. Thence Nevers and Tavannes and Monpenser who joyned himself to them through the hatred that he bore to Protestants ride armed through the City and spurred on the people that ran already telling them That Coligny and his Associates had laid a plot against the King the Queen the King's Brethren and Navar himself and that it was detected by the singular Grace of God and that the King prevented them only in time therefore that they should not spare the bloud of those wicked men who are the capital enemies of the King and Country but that they should fly upon their goods as spoil lawfully gotten that it was the King's pleasure that that pestiferous serpentine seed should be extirpated that the poison of heresy being extinguished there should for the future not so much as a word be spoken of any Religion but that of their fore-Fathers Then all being let loose to satisfy their hatreds every one prosecuted his enemy and rival with embittered minds Many brake into houses through desire of prey all ran upon the slaughter without distinction At the same time Francis Count de la Roche fou cault being for his facetiousness and pleasantness in discourse very gracious with the King when as but the day before he had though unseasonably drawn out the night till late in jesting with the King and from thence betook himself to his own house he underwent the same fate with Coligny For Bargins Avernus knocks at Roche-fou-cault's house and telling him he had something to acquaint him with from the King Roche-fou-cault himself commanding the dores to be unlocked he is admitted in when he saw men as he thought in disguises supposing the King was not far off who had sent men in jest to beat him he beggeth them that they would deal better with him but miserable man he found that the thing was not to be acted in jest but in earnest when his house being plundered before his eyes he himself half naked was most cruelly butchered by one that stood by him Also Teligny the son-in-law of Coligny having by running over the tops of houses escaped the hands of many and at last being espied by the Guards of Anjou he is also slain Antonius Claromonlius Marquess of Revel Brother by the Mother to Prince Porcian who had a contest with Ludovicus Claromonlius Bussius of Ambois concerning the Marquesat of Revel came to Paris in the company of Navar hoping there to put an end to his troublesome controversy But the matter had a quite other end than he expected for when in that tumult he fled into the house that was next to his at length he fell into the hands of his Cousin-German pursuing him who being his enemy upon no other account but the matter in controversy cruelly slew him But not long after the controversy being brought to an hearing sentence was given for Bussius but with no more happy success for by virtue of an Edict afterwards made in favour of the Protestants the sentence was repealed and Ludovicus himself was for a far different cause with the same cruelty beheaded Antonius Marafinus Guerchius a stout man who the day before had asked Coligny that he might lodge in his house when being in distress he had not time to hide himself taking his Cloak upon his arm and drawing his sword he for a long time defended himself against the Assasines yet he slew none of them being all in Coats of Male but at last was overpowred by the multitude The same calamity involved Baudineus the Brother of Acierius Pluvialius Bernius being cruelly slain by the King's Souldiers as also Carolus Quellevetus Pontius President of Armorica who had married Katharina Parthenaea daughter and heir of John Subizius but the Mother of Parthenaea complaining of the frigidity of her son-in-law a Suit had been commenced to dissolve the Marriage but was not yet determined Therefore when the bodies of the slain were thrown down as they were slain before the Palace and in the sight of the King and Queen and all the Court retinue many Court-Ladies not being affrighted at the horridness of such a spectacle did with curious eyes shamefully behold the naked bodies and especially fixing their eyes on Pontius did examine if they could by any means discover the signs of his frigidity Carolus Bellomanerius Lavardinus the Kinsman of Pontius and sometime Tutor to the King of Navar in his childhood fell into the hands of Petrus Lupus President of the Court a good man who when he would have saved him and was commanded by the Emissaries of the Court to dispatch his prisoner he as he was a man of a ready and pleasant wit asked so much time as till he could raise his
of the Guards that with some choice Bands he should keep watch before the dores of Coligny To these were joyned to avoid suspition some but few in number of the Switzers of the guards of Navar. Moreover for the greater security it was ordered by the King that the Gentlemen of the Protestants who were in the City should lodge near Coligny's house and it was given in command to Quarter-masters forthwith to assign lodgings and the King gave command with a loud voice that all might hear it to one of the Colonels that no Catholick should be suffered to come thither nor should they spare the life of any that should do otherwise Upon this occasion the Corporals went from place to place and wrote down the names of Protestants and advised them to repair near to Coligny for that the King would have it so These and such like signs and whisperings abroad though they had been enough to have warned the Protestants if they had not been infatuated yet by the constant dissimulation of the King it came to pass that Coligny and Teligny could not perswade themselves that any such cruelty was in his mind Therefore when the Nobles entred into consultation in the Chamber of Cornaton in the house of Coligny upon the same matter and the Visdame of Chartres persevered in the same opinion that they should depart the City as soon as might be and prevent that imminent danger though with some disadvantage to Coligny's health who yet was that day somewhat better Teligny was of opinion and Navar and Conde agreed with him that they should stay in the City otherwise they should offer a great affront to the King that was so well affected towards them 14. There was a suspition lest this should be caried to the King by one that was then present that was Buchavanius Bajancurius one very familiar with the Queen who presently hasted to the Tuilleries where a Counsel was held by the Conspirators under a colour of walking there was the last time that they consulted of the manner of executing the design There were present besides the King Queen and Anjou the Dukes of Nevers and Angolesme the Bastard Biragus Tavannes and Radesianus And since by the death of one man whom the Physitians did affirm was like to recover of his wound the grievance of the Kingdom which was nourished by him and diffused into many could not be extinguished it seemed good that it should be suppressed by the ruine of all and that wrath which God would not have to be satisfied with the bloud of Coligny alone should be poured out upon all the Sectaries That was their voluntary resolution at first and now by the event necessity and force is put upon their counsels that the danger that hangs over the King and the whole Kingdom cannot be avoided without the ruine of Coligny and all the Protestants For what would not he do so long as the faction of the Rebels remains entire after such an injury who when he was no way provoked was so long injurious to the King and hurtful to the Kingdom whom now all might foresee and dread going out of Paris with his party as a Lion out of his den raging against all without respect Therefore the reins are to be let loose to the people who are of themselves ready enough nor ought they any longer to withstand the will of God which would not that more mild Counsels should take effect After the thing is effected there will not want reasons whereby it may be excused the fault being laid upon the Guisians which they would gladly take upon them Therefore all agreed upon the utter ruine of the Protestants by a total slaughter To which opinion the Queen was even by her own nature and proper design enclined some time was spent in deliberating * The Duke of Guise was urgent to have the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde slain with the rest Dav. p. 370. It was also debated whether among the rest they should comprehend the Marshal d'Anville and his Brothers who professed the Catholick Religion but were nearly related to Colingy but they were spared because the eldest Brother Marshal Momcrancy was absent Da. p. 370. whether Navar and Conde should be exempt from the number of the rest and as for Navar all their suffrages agreed upon the account of his Royal Dignity and the Affinity that he had lately contracted For that fact which of it self could not but be blamed by many would be so much the more blamed if a great Prince near of Bloud to the King joyned in a very late affinity should be slain in the King's Palace in the arms as it were of the King his Brother-in-law and in the embraces of his Wife For there would be no sufficient excuse nor would those arguments prevail to excuse the King which might cast the blame upon the Guisians Concerning Conde there was a greater debate he lying under the load of his Fathers faults yet both the dignity of the man and the authority of Ludovicus Gonzaga Duke of Nevers affirming that he would be loyal and obedient to the King and also offering himself as a surety for him upon the account of that close and manifold relation that was between them for Conde had lately married Mary of Cleve the Sister of Henrica Wife of the Duke of Nevers did prevail that he should be spared and exempt from the number of those that were designed for the slaughter as well as Navar. 15. Upon this the Duke of Anjou and Engolesme the Bastard departing as they rode in their Coach through the City they spread abroad a rumor as if the King had sent for Momorarcy and was about to bring him into the City with a select number of horse The very same hour there was one apprehended who was suspected of the hurt of Coligny who confessed himself to be a servant of the Guises which when it was understood Guise and Aumale and others of the Family went to the King to remove that suspition and complain that they were oppressed through the favour that was shewed to their enemies that the ears of Judges were open to calumnies cast upon them and that tho they were guiltless yet they were manifestly set against that they had a long time observed that they were for what cause they knew not every day less gracious with the King but yet that they did dissemble it and hoped that time which is the best Master of truth would at last inform him more certainly of the whole matter But since they find no place for their innocence they did though unwillingly and as forced to it desire that with his good leave they might return home This was done openly and it was observed that the King answered to these things somewhat coldly and the rather that he might perswade the Protestants that he bare no good will to the Guisians Upon this the King adviseth Navar that he should afford no
it begged Pardon for his contrary asseveration which he sought to elevate by a forced Interpretation or Equivocation And professing that he would speak the truth ingenuously He answered that he had hitherto so constantly denyed it because he knew that no man living but one he meant Greenwell could accuse him as guilty of the late Fact But now that he saw himself encompassed with such a cloud of witnesses he would no longer dissemble but did confess that above V moneths agone he was acquainted by Greenwell with the whole matter That before that Catesby had in general told him that the Catholicks in England were attempting some great thing as to Religion and asked whether if good men should be involved in the danger this were to be made matter of Conscience But that he who had a contrary command from the Pope that he should not engage in any Conspiracy refused to hear any further of it That he did pour out Prayers for the good success of the great cause and amongst other things used the Hymn that was commonly Sung in the Church but intended nothing else when he did so but only prayed God that in the next Parliament no grievous Lawes might be made against the Recusants so they are called in England who keeping within their own houses have their liberty and refuse to Joyne in worship with the Protestants Garnot being twenty times Examined 12 Feb. and 26 Mar. between the Eids of Febr. and the VII of the Calends of April two dayes after he is arraigned at the Publick Tribunal in London * The reason whereof the Earl of Salisbury declared at his Tryal See the Proceedings Y Guild Hall Here the Crimes are layed to the charge of the Prisoner by Sir John Crook which are afterwards enlarged on in a long Speech by Sir Edward Cook the Kings Attorney General Then after Garnet had said something for himself and especially something concerning Equivocation he was Examined by Cecil and others that sate as Judges in that case And lastly the Earl of Northampton made a long and elaborate discourse against him in which he largely handled the Authority which the Popes arrogate to themselves of deposing Princes and discussed that Chapter of Nos sanctorum the ground as he said of this and such like Conspiracies At length Sentence is passed by the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench that Garnet should be Drawn Hanged and Quartered His Plea for himself was only this that although he did a long time before know of the Conspiracy by common fame and Rumours for Greenwell only informed him of all the particulars but under the Seal of Confession by the Laws of which he was forbidden to discover it to any man living yet that he did admonish Greenwell to desist from the Fact which he did very much disapprove of and to hinder others engaged in Conscience or privity in it Here Cecill severely reproved him For said he if he did disapprove of the Fact why did he afford Greenwell the benefit of Absolution before he had by his penitence given testimony that he did truly and from his heart detest the Fact Furthermore when as he understood the matter from Catesby where there was no Seal of Confession this was sufficient to have made a discovery of the Plot if he had so highly abhorred it as he did pretend But there were other things that lay heavy upon his charge and these chiefly which were amongst his Confessions written with his own hand and sent to the King viz. That Greenwell did acquaint him with this not as with a sin he had to confess but as an Act which he well enough understood and in which he required his advice and counsel That Catesby and Greenwell came to him to require his advice upon the matter and that the whole business might be resolved among them That Tesmund for so he was now called who e're while was Greenwell and he did not long agone consult together in Essex of the Particulars of this Conspiracy Lastly when Greenwell asked who should be Protector of the Kingdom Garnet answered that that answer ought to be deferred till they saw how things should go When these things were brought to his remembrance and did make it appear that he knew of the Conspiracy otherwise then by the way of Confession all that he answered was that whatsoever he had signed with his own hand was true Being brought to Execution the Third of May being Inventio crucis Holy rood day he said he came thither that day to find an end at length of all the crosses that he had born in this life that none were ignorant of the cause of his punishmentâ— that he had sinned against the King in concealing it that he was sorry for it and humbly begged the Kings Pardon that the Plot against the King and Kingdom was bloody and which if it had taken effect he should have detested with all his heart and that so horrid and inhumane a Fact should be attempted by Catholicks was that that grieved him more then his death Then he added many things in defence of Anne Vaux who was held in Prison and lay under great suspition upon his account Being accused that he had while Q. Eliz. was alive received certain Breves from Rome v. Proceedings Q 3. in which he and the Peers inclined to Popery were admonished that when that miserable Woman should happen to die they should admit of no Prince how nearly soever related in blood but such as should not only tolerate the Catholick Faith but by all means promote it he said he had burnt them the King being received for King And when he was again Examined upon the same things he referred Henry Montacute who asked him about it The Recorder of London to his Confessions subscribed by him Being taxed for sending Edmund Bainham to Rome not to return to the City before the Plot should take effect This he thus excused as if he had not sent him upon that account but that he might inform the Pope of the calamitous state of England and consult with him what course the Catholicks should take and therefore referred them again to his Confessions Then he kneeled down upon the Stage to his Prayers and looking about hither and thither did seem to be distressed for the loss of his life and to hope a Pardon would be brought him from the most merciful Prince Montacute admonished him that he should no longer think of life but if he knew of any Treachery against the King or Kingdom that he should as a dying man presently discover it for that it was now no time to Equivocate At which words Garnet being somewhat moved made answer that he knew the time did not admit of Equivocation that how far and when it is lawful to Equivocate he had otherwhere delivered his opinion that now he did not equivocate and that he knew nothing but what he had confessed Then he excused himself that
necessitatem deductam gaudens says Thuanus and a little before speaking of him Turbas consiliis suis opportunas existimans after several ineffectual treaties for an accommodation shortly ensued And these were the true causes and occasions of the second Civil War which after many Noblemen and Gentlemen of both sides slain at the Battel of St. Denis and among them the Constable the last of the Triumvirate and a principal Author of the late oppressions at least by protecting the actors in them from Justice and some other acts of Hostility was about six moneths after it began by a fraudulent peace rather intermitted than concluded for about six moneths after it broke out again upon the like causes and occasions 44. In the mean time that we may note it by the way Philip King of Spain a principal promoter and inventer of those oppressions and troubles to his neighbours escaped not a remarkable judgment of God upon him for at this same time Thu. l. 43. his eldest and then only son Prince Charles designed to kill him or at least he thought so or however suspecting that he favoured the Protestants in the Low-Countreys or for some other reason pretended so and therefore caused him to be taken out of his bed in the night and committed to custody Whereupon the young Prince falling distracted and often attempting to kill himself he was at last by Philip his Fathers own command having first consulted with the Inquisition poysoned Few months after his Queen whom he had employed in those bloudy consultations at the enterview at Bayonne died great with child and not without suspition of poison by his own means being as was thought jealous and suspitious of her too much familiarity with his own son whom he had not long before thus murthered And in her who was the eldest daughter of Hen. 2. of France married at the time of his death as hath been said and in this late consultation in France prosecuting his cruelties and so by her own act contracting a participation of his guilt we may take notice of the divine vengeance pursuing his posterity Nor was this divine vengeance upon King Philip thus remarkable only in those his domestick troubles but also in the Civil Commotions both in the Low-Countreys which by his bloudy consultations with the Inquisition the just judgment of God giving him up to be infatuated by them and the Jesuites and the the cruelties of Alva the same instrument whom he had employed to raise those troubles in France and now made Governor of the Low-Countreys produced there when he thought all things so safe and secure as that he might be at leisure to assist in the troubles which he had raised in France and besides these which as they at present afflicted him so afterward produced his loss of a great part of those Countreys in those Commotions even in Spain it self Thu. l. 43. by the Moors in Granada which for two years during those wars which he had caused in France made him feel the smart at home of such commotions and troubles as he had procured to others abroad And by these means as on the one side his pernitious counsels were justly punished so on the other was he diverted from prosecuting the same by sending those Forces against the Protestants in France which otherwise he had undoubtedly done Thu. l. 58. And to these might be added his loss of Goletta in Africa an 1574. and with it the Kingdom of Tunis which concerned him in point of safety and security for navigation as well as of reputation but that some few years intervene 45. But to return to France the War after six months intermission upon the like causes and occasions breaking out again like diseases upon a relapse was both more violent and of longer continuance Yet the counsels of the Queen-mother prevailing who according to the genius and mode of her Country sought all along rather by her Italian arts and surprizes to compass her ends than by the hazard of a Civil War which Spain and the Guises most desired as best accommodate to their designs Thu. l. 47. it was within the compass of two years brought to conclusion upon such conditions granted to the Protestants as were so much more fair and reasonable by how much with greater fraud and deep design to ensnare them they were granted and yet so qualified and limited as not to give cause of suspition by too great indulgence And now the King was grown up to a capacity of deriving upon himself his Fathers guilt and the guilt of all those murthers and cruelties acted indeed under his authority but yet in his minority by his own actual and voluntary management of affairs for the future whereunto he was in no mean degree disposed both by his natural temper and disposition and by his education by nature beyond measure cholerick says Davila and yet had from his Mother derived so great a share of the Italian genius of deep and subtil dissimulation as did most notably qualifie him for the most effectual execution of malice and revenge Nor was his Education less accommodate thereunto having from his childhood been inured to the effusion of his peoples blood for which purpose as was said it was that he and his brothers while yet children were by the Duke of Guise caused to be spectators of the slaughters at Amboise Thu. l. 24. where the River was covered with the dead bodies and the streets with the bloud of those who by precipitate condemnations without due process of Law were executed and slaughtered and the whole Town turned into a kind of grove of Gallowses and Gibbets with people hanged on them he was arrived to the age of twenty years and upwards in the midst of Tumults Oppressions and Civil Wars had imbibed as great a a prejudice against the Protestants as all the arts and calumnies of the Cardinal of Lorain and that Faction could infuse into him and that incensed by the foulest mis-representations of the late actions of the Protestants that could be devised and by his Mother was instructed in all the Italian arts of Government and Policy Thu. l. 50. Optimis a matre ad bene recteque regnandum monitis instructus says he of himself Being thus qualified for it he now of himself undertakes the execution of the conclusions at Bayonne and resolving to prosecute the same not after the Guisian and Spanish methods by the continuance of the Civil War but by the more subtil and safe Italian method of his Mother his first business is to beget in the Protestants an opinion and hope Thu. l. 47.50 that since he was now grown up to take the reins of Government into his own hands they might henceforth expect to find more reasonable and moderate usage under his Government than they had received from them who had abused his tender years to injure and oppress them and to raise in them a confidence and assurance
the Guises should immediately depart the City and go every one to his own house that thereby all might take notice that whatsoever had been done at Paris proceeded from their faction But the Queen and Anjou especially who did both of them with an over-weaning affection incline to the party of Guise did intercede seeing the King was at first enraged only against Coligny as not yet forgetting his flight from Meaux drew him on who yet wavered to the slaughter of all the Protestants in the City so that not knowing where he set his foot they brought him by degrees to this pass that he should take the whole blame upon himself and so ease the Guisians who were not able to bear such a burden And to that end Anjou did as it it was laid produce Letters found in Teligny's desk written by the hand of Momorancy in which after the wound given to Coligny he did affirm that he would revenge this injury upon the Authors of it who were not unknown with the same mind as if it had been offered to himself Thereupon the Queen and Anjou took occasion to shew the King That if he persisted in his former dissimulation things were come to that pass that he would endanger the security of the Kingdom his Fortunes Riches and Reputation For the Guisians who do by these Letters and otherwise understand the mind of the Momorancies being men desirous of troubles and seeking grounds of them upon every occasion will never lay down their Arms which they have by the King's command taken up to offer this injury that they will still keep them under pretence of desending their safety which they say is aimed at by the enemy and so that which was thought to have been the end of a most bloudy war will prove to be the beginning of a more dangerous one For the remainders of the Protestants who see their matters distressed will without doubt gather themselves to the Momorancies who are of themselves strong and thence will take new strength and spirits which if it should happen what a face of the Kingdom will appear when the name and authority of the King's Majesty being slighted and trampled upon every one shall take liberty to himself and indulge to private hatred and affections according to his own lust Lastly what will foreign Princes think of the King who suffers himself to be over-ruled by his subjects who cannot keep his subjects in their duty and lastly who knows not how to hold the reins of legal power Therefore there is no other way to prevent so great an evil but for the King to approve by his publick Proclamation of what was done as if it had been done by his command For by this means he should take the arbitrement and power to himself and on the one hand disarm the Guises and on the other hand keep the Momorancies from taking up Arms and lastly should bring it about that the Protestant affairs now already very low should be separated from the cause of the Momorancies That the King ought not to fear the odium of the thing for there is not so much danger in the horridness of a fact the odium whereof may be somewhat allayed by excuse as in the confession of weakness and impotency which doth necessarily bring along with it contempt which is almost destructive to Princes By these reasons they easily perswaded an imperious Prince who less seared hatred than contempt that he might recall the Guisians to obedience and retain the Momorancies in their loyalty to confirm by publick testimony that whatsoever had been done was done by his will and command Therefore in the morning viz. upon the Tuesday he came into the Senate with his Brethren the King of Navar and a great retinue of Nobles after they had heard Mass with great solemnity and sitting down in the Chair of State all the orders of the Court being called together He complained of the grievous injuries that he had from a child received from Gaspar Coligny and wicked men falsly pretending the name of Religion but that he had forgiven them by Edicts made for the publick Peace That Coligny that he might leave nothing to be added to his wickedness had entred into a conspiracy how to take away him his mother his brethren and the King of Navar himself though of his own Religion that he might make young Conde King whom he determined afterwards to slay likewise that the Royal Family being extinct he usurping the Kingdom might make himself King That he when it could not otherwise be did though full sore against his will extinguish one mischief by another and as in extream dangers did use extream remedies that he might extirpate that impure contagion out of the bowels of the Kingdom Therefore that all should take notice that whatsoever had been that day done by way of punishment upon those persons had been done by his special command After he had said these things Christophorus Thuanus chief President in a speech fitted to the time commended the King's prudence who by dissembling so many injuries had timely prevented the wicked conspiracy and the danger that was threatned by it and that that being suppressed he had now setled peace in the Kingdom having well learnt that saying of Lewis XI He that knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign Then the Court was commanded that diligent enquiry should be made concerning the conspiracy of Coligny and his Associates and that they should give sentence according to form of Law as the heinousness of the fact did require Then lastly Vidus Faber Pibraccius Advocate of the Treasury or Attorney-General stood up and asked the King whether he did will and command that this declaration should be entred into the acts of the Court to the preservation of the memory of it whether the orders of Judges and Civil Magistrates which he had complained were corrupted should be reformed And lastly whether by his command there should be an end put to the slaughters and rapines To these things the King answered that he did command the first that he would take care about the second and that for the third he did give command by publick proclamation through all the streets of the City that they should for the future abstain from all slaughters and rapines Which declaration of the King astonished many and among the rest Thuanus himself who was a man of a merciful nature and altogether averse from bloud and feared that example and the danger that was threatned thereby who also did with great freedom privately reprove the King for that if the conspiracy of Coligny and his company had been true he did not rather proceed against them by Law This is most certain he did always detest St. Bartholomews-day using those verses of Statius Papinius in a different case Excidat illa dies aevo nec postera credant Saecula nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte tegi propriae patiamur
industry of the Workmen had almost beat its way through the middle of the Wall and they seemed not so much to want good minds to the work as time when as the Parliament was put off till the Month of October Then was Despair turned into Joy with certain confidence that they should effect their design and it was observed that whiles they briskly beat upon the Wall there was a noise heard upon the other side of the Wall Thither Fawks is sent to enquire out the cause He brings word back that there was a Cellar under Ground from whence they were removing Cole he beinst lately Dead who had hired that Cellar for his own use Therefore the Conspirators thinking that Cellar more commodious by the help of Piercy let out their other Houses and bring all their Materials hopes into this Such was the opportuneness of the place for it was almost directly under the Royal Throne that so seasonable an accident did make them perswade themselves that God did by a secret Conduct favour their Attempt These things happened about the Feast of Easter The Gun-powder is at their leisure carried into the Cellar from Catesby's House over against the Palace where it had been with great care and diligence brought together First Twenty Barrels are layed in and covered with Billets and Faggots Then the Conspirators being sure of the good event began to consult what was to be done after they had effected their Plot First they consider'd of taking the Prince who about that time they came to understand would not come to the Parliament with his Father contrary to what they concluded in the beginning and against him they plotted destruction as one that was no Friend of theirs and they had found out a way for it The next care was for Supplies of Money concerning which they thought they had sufficiently provided They had also provided that the Peers and Gentry addicted to Popery should as much as might be be exempt from danger Lastly they debated concerning calling in Forreign Princes to their assistance but being doubtful of their faith and secresie they thought fit not to send to them till they had accomplished their design for commonly such Actions are not commended but by their Event They passed their Judgments upon them severally the Spaniards seemed to be more opportune for them but too remote and too slow in raising Forces The French was near but fearful and suspected for the close league he held with the Dutch The most present help was from Flanders from whence they might most commodiously expect Supplies for which Stanly was designed the Captain or Commander Moreover that they might the more easily deceive the world and least by their passing to and fro to those places they should give some cause of Suspition they go their several wayes some into the Coantrey some a great way out of the Island waiting for the time appointed for the Execution Fawks went into Flanders that he might acquaint Stanly and Owen with the whole Matter nor did he return into England till the latter end of August Catesby that he might not be idle in the mean time gets Francis Tresham and Everard Digby to his Party agreeing with them for Supply of Money and the former promisd Two thousand pounds of English Money the other Fifteen hundred Piercy that was prodigal at another mans charge promised whatsoever he could scrape together of the Revenues of the E. of Northumberland In the mean time Ten more Barrels of Gun-powder are added to the former and four more greater than the rest upon suspition least by the moistness of the place the former should have been spoiled and again they are all covered over with a great heap of stones and wood And now the time of the Parliaments convening drew on which was again put off till the Nones of November 5 Nov. Therefore the Conspirators did again repeat their consultation and some were appointed who on the same day that the Enterprize was to be Executed should seize upon the Lady Elizabeth the Kings eldest Daughter who was brought up under the Lord Farrington in Warwick-shire under pretence of an Hunting Match which Everard Digby who was privy to the matter had appointed with great preparation at Dunchurch Her they decreed publickly to Proclaim Queen They taking to themselves the Titles of the Assertors of liberty * They purposed when the blow was first given but the success thereof doubtful to father the fact on the Puritans Fuller v. Foulis p. 690. did nothing less at first than profess themselves the Authors of the Fact or make any mention of Religion to the People but purposed to hold that in suspense for some time and by a Proclamation published in the Queens name to redress great grievances for the present and feed them with hopes of more for the future till the Faction growing strong either by favour or severity of new Edicts they might draw the People to their Parts and Obedience and the odiousness of their fact so by degrees discovering it self would in time and together with their good success grow off Nor came it in so long time into the minds of any of them how many Innocents all about them how many Infants how many that agreed with them in Religion how many who perhaps had deserved well of them that vast ruine would over-whelm Now all things are ready and the last Scene was going to be Acted when as by the unsearchable Judgment of God one who desired to save another brought destruction both to himself and his Associates There were ten dayes to the Parliament when upon Saturday in the Evening a Letter was brought as from a Friend to the Lord Monteagle but by whom written is uncertain and by whom brought unknown By it he was warned to forbear meeting at the Parliament for the two first dayes of the Session forasmuch as some great and sudden and unsuspected mischief did threaten that Meeting The hand of him that wrote it was unknown and the writing it self purposely so ordered that it could hardly be read No date to the Letter no subscription no inscription put to it and the whole composure of words ambiguous The Lord Monteagle was doubtful what he should do therefore late in the night he goeth to Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury and chief Secretary to the King and giving him the Letter freely declared to him how he came by it and how little he valued it Cecil did not make much more account of it and yet thought it was not altogether to be neglected and Therefore shewed it to the chief Councellors Charles Howard Chief Admiral of the Seas the Earl of Nottingham to the Earls of Worcester and Northampton The thing being considered of amongst them although at first sight the Letter seemed of no great moment yet they thought that not the slightest discovery ought to be despised especially where the safety of the King was endangered nor such great care to
for the Story of the Combination having perceived something of the unhappy issue of her Neighbours Persecutions of the Professors of that Reformed Religion which she happily established and defended I began to perceive something of that DISTINGUISHING PROVIDENCE which is very Observable and Remarkable in the ensuing part of the Discourse to Sect. 61. Wherefore having cursorily run over some of the principal parts of that Story and satisfied my self that it would make good what I undertook I thought it an unworthy piece of laziness or negligence not to add that part also so pertinent so remarkable and necessary but hoped to have done it more briefly than I found I well could when I again set my self to the perusal of the History Having finished this I made some Reflections upon the whole and thereupon added the OBSERVATIONS Inferences and the rest which make up the last part and conclusion And this was the Occasion this the Matter and Method of the Discourse Now for the Manner of writing it when I began I was wholly a stranger to the Story and to all or most of the Books I have made use of had never read two leaves in Thuanus save part of the History of the Powder-Plot had never seen Davila had only occasionally if at all looked into any other of the Books I have made use of Besides being most of it written in the Countrey and my own stock being but short I could not have that assistance from variety of Books which I desired and yet it pleased God many things fell in my way beyond my expectation and the Authors I have generally used are such whose Authority is beyond all exception the incomparable Thuanus Davila Perefix and others of the Roman Communion for I have but rarely followed any Writers of the Reformed Religion and more rarely without the concurrent authority of others But what is most considerable the greatest part being sent away in single sheets by the Post as it was written I could neither my self have the perusal of the entire work together nor have it perused by my friends before it was printed This I mention for my excuse of such mistakes as possibly may occur in it For I did not design to injure the Truth in any particular nor have I to my knowledg done it in any thing material only Sect. 12. you will meet with Lovain in Flanders which perhaps is in Brabant though by Flanders I then meant that part of the Low-Countries which was then under the King of Spain or the Archdukes Obedience and I know the name Flanders is used in as large a sense by many and commonly by the Italians and Sect. 34. pag. 48. 't is said he made them amends for it afterwards whereas that excommunication there mentioned was before which I did not then observe when I wrote it Again Sect. 42. pag. 74. you 'l find the D. of Tuscany Father to the Qu Mother which is a mistake for he was of the same Family and succeeded her Brother but was not her Father and therefore the Reader may either amend it or quite strike it out But these are such mistakes as are rarely escaped by those who write at more leisure and are no prejudice at all to the Story If any other mistake that is material shall come to my knowledge whether by my own observation or the information of any other whether friend or foe I will not fail God willing publickly to acknowledge the same and if this discourse shall be thought worthy of another Edition to reform it For I approve not the use of Piae Fraudes and think Lying and Slandering as always unlawful and unworthy of a Christian so where matters of Religion are concerned to be prophane and sacrilegious The God of Truth is able to defend his own cause the Truth without such wicked shifts and when he pleaseth to suffer it to be oppressed for a time he doth with great wisdom permit it but in the mean time allows not us to vindicate it by such indirect means whereby we do as much as in us lyes oppose the design and course of his Providence Numquid Deus indiget vestro mendacio ut pro illo loquamini dolos Job 13.7 But if my hast hath made me in any thing through mistake to mis-represent any actions of the Papists to their prejudice it is likely it hath made me overlook as much more which might have been said against them Nor have I thereby so much injured them as they have injured themselves and their cause by such indirect and wicked practises as are beyond all contradiction to the great scandal of the most Holy Christian Religion which is that which in some places hath made my expressions more sharp than what otherwise I should have used Nor had it not been for that and for the great danger I apprehend our Country to be in by their restless mysterious practises for the discovery and prevention whereof the discovery of their former Policies and Practices may be of good use should I have delighted in such an undertaking I have otherwise no prejudice against them and could heartily wish that all which I have written had been false but since it is not only too true but we are still in danger from the same principles though the manner and method of their operation and practice may in some respects be altered I cannot but think the undertaking both lawful and necessary Nor is the honour of Religion ever a whit secured by palliating the irreligious practices of spurious Professors but better vindicated by publickly detecting and condemning and where there is a just Authority condignly punishing or correcting them This is more agreeable to the will of God and the course and methods of his Providence who useth not to dissemble the most secret miscarriages of his dearest children but either to detect them and bring them to light to the end they may be punished by the Ministers of his Justice or if they through want of knowledge power or fidelity do fail therein to do it himself by his Divine Judgments upon the offenders unless they prevent the same by timely and seriously judging themselves But still it may be objected but why such haste If it must be published why not upon more mature deliberation Why not the Errata though never so inconsiderable first corrected and perhaps why not the stile first better smoothed and polished and some things removed to their proper places I answer If we must stay till we can be secure against all mistakes we should have very few books ever published but it is sufficient if we can be secure for the main whereof I am very well satisfyed as to this work and for the stile and ornaments which most concern my self they were not tanti with me who neither undertook it nor proceeded in it upon self-respect but besides I was beyond my first intention ingaged in it and the Press was at work and being so engaged I
after the Plot defeated Nor do we find any in Holy Orders except the Pope himself to have had any hand in it or particular knowledge of it but such as were of this Society of the Jesuites For the Secular Priests though two of them in pursuance of the Popes Bulls immediately upon the coming in of the King were ingaged in a Conspiracy of their own if not trapan'd by the Jesuites V. Stowe Fuller Anno 1603. Sect. 14. against him but of a lower and more ordinary nature and by the Actions of the Jesuites perceived something in general that the Jesuites had then some notable Plot in agitation yet we may reasonably believe that they were utterly unacquainted with the Kind and Particulars of this so high and refined a project above the pitch of their imaginations to conceive not onely from what hath been already said out of their Confessions but also by reason of the differences and dissentions which were then and have since continued between the Jesuites and them V. Declarat Motuum Edit 1601. Watsons Quodlibets Edit 1602. 15. 2. Nor were they two or three Jesuites only in a corner and they of the lower rank or of mean or ordinary authority but such as were of greatest reputation place and Authority among them who were concerned in this business as besides Osw Tesmond alias Greenwel who with Robâ—rt Winter was by Garnet Catesby and Tresham Anno 1601. sent into Spain with Letters commendatory to F. Creswel to Negotiate the then intended Spanish Expedition besides Gerrard and Hammond and Hall besides * V. Wilson Hist of King James F. Weston who heretofore Anno 1595. at Wisbich castle by his contention for a Superiority over the other Priests as well as Jesuites began the differences which have since continued between them and in his book de Triplici hominis Officio Printed Anno 1602. foretold of many calamities storms and dangers that were like to ensue upon the Queens death as did also the Author of The Ward-word Printed at Lovane 1599. said to be Parsons as was observed and noted * Answer to the Supplication chap 4. Edit Lond. 16â—4 in Print before this Plot was detected besides all these and many more no doubt not yet discovered the Superiour of the whole Order of English Jesuites even their Provincial himself here in England F. Hen. Garnet who had been eighteen years here in England and a promoter of former conspiracies and held correspondence with divers other of prime note and authority in forrein parts as with F. Creswel in Spain who being many years Vice-praefectus Anglicanae Missionis Sub provincial and Leger there did great matters and by the Authority which he had with the two Philips 11 111. Kings of Spain obtain'd many things of them for the good of the Catholick cause in England as we read in Alegambe and about a month or six weeks * About the time that Banham was sent by Garnet to the Pope before this Plot should have been effected went from Villadolit to Rome to be created a Cardinal saith L. Owen but more probably upon some other negotiation concerning this great business then in hand L. O. of the Engl. Col. in forrein parts pag. 74. Lond. 1626. quar also with F. Baldwin in the Low-countries of like place and Authority there ever since the year 1590. at which time Del Rio read Divinity at Doway as he did afterward at other places in those parts as Leige and Lovane who being so famous as he was in those parts and so great a zealot against hereticks it is not to be doubted that he had frequent converse with F. Baldwin and divers others of the English Fugitives of the better quality Lastly at Rome with the English Assistant there F. Parsons whom we may conclude to have had particular knowledge of this design not only from what he wrote concerning the Journey or Pilgrimage to S. Winefreds-well the mystical prayer which he ordered his Students to use to say nothing of the many projects which his working brain continually devised and his furious zeal as earnestly urged and prosecuted or of his Letter wherein he wrote Anno 1600 that he had then been ten years dealing in such matters but we are moreover given to understand so much from some of his own Religion though not of his Order and that he was highly accessory to it both before and after the discovery as might be proved by great and manifest instances The Jesuites Reasons unreasonable Doubt 1. But for his Correspondence at Rome we need do no more but first remember who Garnet was viz. Provincial of the English Jesuites and then reflect upon the continual weekly or octiduan Intelligences which the Provincials from all parts constantly transmit concerning all matters of moment to their several respective Assistants at Rome who immediately impart the same to the F. General of the whole Society always Resident there and he or they as the matter requires or deserves to the Pope of which the Discourse of the Jesuites Politicks written under Paul v. Printed in the Myst of Jesuit part 2. and other Writers give us an account and then we cannot doubt of his correspondence there not only with the English Assistant Parsons but also at least by means of the Assistant with the F. General Claudius Aquaviva and with the Pope himself and that in this very particular being a matter of so great moment which doth more particularly appear by the Bulls prepared to be sent over hither as soon as the plot had taken effect and other instances not necessary here to be insisted on So that if we consider the Persons and their Correspondences and Intelligences it will not be hard to conceive how easily this Plot wheresoever or by whomsoever invented might be communicated if by Del Rio to our Incendians here if by any of them to him if at Rome both to him and to them or for the more secret conveyance of the notice of it from thence by him to them Which is not unlikely that it was and that it was the contrivance of F. Parsons who at that time Anno 1600 had been ten years dealing in such matters and studying and promoting projects against his Country as we may perceive by his aforesaid letter then written 16. Lastly if from the Actors we come to consider their Actions and Management of the whole business we shall find a wonderful agreement from first to last in all the Circumstances not one crossing or thwarting our conjecture not one sailing not one that doth not afford some matter or ground to confirm it For 1. If we consider the whole Section of Del Rio and with it compare the Actions and carriage of the Conspirators in all there is so punctual an agreement that without further proof it seems to own and bewray its parent being as like him as if according to our proverb it was spat out of his mouth at least to discover that
it was nearly related to him Thus with his Instance agree the undertakings of the Conspirators with his Doctrine of not revealing things discovered in Confession though the most hainous Treasons and most pernitious to the State the Practice of their Confessors with his means for concealing the same by Equivocation and Confirmation thereof by Oath or most solemn protestations their punctual strict and resolute use and observance thereof All which is so plain and manifest from what is before recited out of that Section and observed in it and from the following History and the Proceedings against the Traytors that nothing more need be alledged to prove it as nothing can be said with any colour of probability to disprove it 17. And therefore 2. We may also as to their Actions take notice of the great Core and Caution and Secrecy together with their Jugling indirect Practises wherewith they managed their business and that in these two respects 2. in general for the better securing of their design and undertakings from discovery And this appears in divers Instances as 1. In Th. Winters Dealing first with Sir William Stanly to whom though a good friend to the Catholick Cause he positively affirmed that there was no resolution to set any project a foot in England as he tells us in his Confession then with Fawkes to whom though sent for by him to act in this tragedy he imparted only a resolution of a practise in general against his Majesty for relief of the Catholick Cause as appears by both their Confessions 2. In that the business was very sparingly communicated at first but to few and afterwards to more as the intended time of Execution drew on and under an Oath of Secrecy in the most solemn manner confirmed by receiving the Sacrament upon it And Garnet himself often religiously protested to them both by word and writing that he would never betray them in his Letter dated on Palm-Sunday Tortura Torti pag. 286. which implyes that he was often thereunto urged by them 3. In that reason which Catesby alledged when he desired leave to acquaint some others with the business for many said he may be content that I should know who would not therefore that all the company should be acquainted with their names as it is in Winters Confession and it is not unlikely that he learnt this reason by experience at the same time and from the same person as he did the contrivance it self which might possibly for the more secrecy be thus conveyed to him through divers intermediate hands from the first Author or Authors of it 18. And 2. more especially for securing the reputation of the Society in case the Plot should be detected and this appears in the Actions and indirect Practises both of the Jesuites and of the other Conspirators Hence it was that Garnet the Provincial being of greatest Authority and therefore likely to bring most Discredit and greatest Odium upon the Society if such a man as he should be discovered to have any hand in so foul and infamous a matter at first would not be known even to Catesby himself the principal visible actor in the Plot or to any other but of his own Order that he was made privy to it And after the Discovery of the Plot how sollicitous was he and concern'd for the whole Society At at actum est de Societate which he feared would suffer for it as being conscious they well deserved Then upon his Examination and Tryal how ready and dexterous was he with his Equivocations and desperately impious in stiff Denyals upon his Soul and with detestable Execrations of those very things which were after so manifestly proved against him that he could not longer deny them And for the other Conspirators 1. They taxed none in Holy Orders which many looked upon says Thuanus as purposely avoided because they were bound by Oath not to do it And certainly Garnet when he so often engaged not to betray them would not be less careful for the Society to oblige them not to discover any of it 2. Nor did they only carefully abstain from accusing but most desperately indeavoured by all means even the worst of means by lyes and false protestations to excuse them Such were Digbys Protestations whereupon the Earl of Salisbury observed what faith was to be given to these mens protestations who sought to excuse all Jesuits how foul soever out of an opinion that it is meritorious so to do at such time as they had no hope of themselves and to clear them of those practises which they themselves have now confessed ex proprio ore Such was also that lamentable attempt of Tresham upon his death-bed to excuse Garnet wherein he was disproved by the Confessions both of Mrs Vaux Garnets intimite and of Garnet himself To these may be added Their Design to have father'd the enterprise upon the Puritans and since Their impudent groundless Imputation of the Original of it to Cecil which makes the relation of that design more credible and that again makes this imputation more apparently void of Credit 19. Now of these Observations of their Secrecy and Practise we may reasonably make this Vse 1. To manifest the validity and Sufficiency of these and such like Arguments and Proofs from Circumstances and by way of Inducement in this case For where such Works of Darkness as to the main substance of them are plainly and sully proved and as plainly and evidently proved to have been managed with so much Secrecy and Practise we cannot reasonably expect greater Proof and Evidence of any Circumstance belonging to them than so plain a concurrence and agreement of all other Circumstances with it 2. To manifest the Insufficiency of what ever should be urged from their Confessions against us For since they did not only stifly deny plain truths but also must impudently affirm manifest falshoods especially where it was thought necessary for excusing any of the Society what ever shall be alledged from their speeches for that purpose may reasonably be suspected to have been fained and devised for that end and deserves no credit at all 3. To Answer the Objection that might be made and Correct the Mistake that hath been committed concerning the first Author and Original of the Plot as if it was at first of Catesby's Contrivance and not till their Despair of Assistance from Spain upon their last Negotiation there 20. To which it might be Answered from their Practise to excuse their Complices especially the Jesuits that they attributed the Contrivance to Catesby because he being dead could accuse no other and assigned That Time as being a good probable Occasion of it But 2. It may be Answered perhaps more satisfactorily and fully From their Secrecy and from Catesby's own words that some might be willing to be known to him who would not be known to the rest to be privy and the rather because this was an old policy formerly practised in order to the Spanish
that the Bull doth always Oblige Elizabeth and the Hereticks but not the Catholicks rebus sic stantibus but only then when they should be able publickly to put it in execution And that it might in due time be effectually Executed Missions are made into England to Prepare a Party to adhere to the Spaniard at his coming to invade us Bacon Observ Collect. Consid And the better to conceal and disguise the Practice and make the Queen and her Councel the more secure it is Resolved not to have any Head of the party here But the Emissaries coming dayly over in various Disguised Habits deal particularly Camd. sine Ann. 1580. and so more effectually with the people in their secret Confessions Absolving them particularly in private from Obedience and Fidelity to the Queen Camd. p. 315.348 as the Bull of Pius v. had done in publick but only in general and severally Engaging them in that secret manner as hath been before mentioned so as none could be privy to others engagements And these Doctrines were every where inculcated Camb. fin An. 1581. Thu. l. 74. That Princes not professing the Roman Religion are fallen from their Title and Royal Authority 2. That Princes Excommunicate are not to be Obeyed but thrown out of their Kingdoms and that it is a meritorious work to do it 3. That the Clergy are exempt from the Jurisdiction of Secular Princes and are not bound by their Laws 4. That the Pope of Rome hath the Chief and Full Power and Authority over All throughout the whole world even in Civil matters 5. That the Magistrates of England are not Lawful Magistrates and therefore not to be accounted Magistrates at all 6. That what ever since the Bull of Pius v. was published which some hold to have been dictated by the Holy Ghost hath by the Queens Authority been acted in England is by the Law of God and Man to be reputed altogether void and null These Doctrines thus secretly instilled into mens minds in private were seconded with several pernitious Books in print against the Queen and Princes Excommonicate And as well to deter the rest from Obedience and move them to Expectation of Change and Reconciliation to the Church of Rome as to encourage their own party Camd. an 1580 l. 318. they not only by Rumours but also by printed Books gave out that the Pope and King of Spain had conspired to subdue England and take it for a prey Gollect of the Churches This is true says Sir Fr. Bacon and witnessed by the Confessions of many that almost all the Priests which were sent into this Kingdom from that year 1581. to the year 1588. at what time the Design of the Pope and Spain was put in Execution had in their Instructions besides other parts of their Function to distil and insinuate into the People these Particulars It was impossible things should continue at this stay They should see ere long a great change in this State That the Pope and Catholick Princes were careful for the English if they would not be wanting to themselves Which are almost the very words of Sanders mentioning the considerations upon which these Seminaries were at first founded But notwithstanding this Camd. an 81. Thu. lib 74. Bac. Collect. we are not to think that All the Priests which were sent over were acquainted with the Arcana and Secrets of the Disign but only the Superiours and some of the best qualified for the business who managed and steered the actions of the rest according to their private Instructions 30. Hereupon says Rishton who published and inlarged Sanders his book speaking of these Missions soon after ensued a great change of minds and wonderful encrease of Religion Which that we may know it by its Fruits presently appeared in several desperate attempts and Resolutions to Kill the Queen First by Somervil who being taken and condemned with Hall a Priest and others whom he confessed was three days after found strangled in the prison for fear probably least he should have discovered others Then to pass by the practise of Bern. Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour Lieger here with Throgmorton and Martins book by William Parry Doctor of Law encouraged thereunto by Ben. Palmius a Jesuite Thn. lib. 79. Ragazonius the Popes Nuncio in France Cardinal Como and the Pope himself who sends him his Benediction Plenary Indulgence and Remission of all his Sins and assures him that besides his Merit which he shall have in Heaven his Holiness will remain his debtor to acknowledge his desert in the best manner he can and after all this very much excited to it by Dr. Allens Book which saith he teacheth that Princes Excommunicate for heresie are to be deprived of their Kingdoms and Lives All which Parry confessed produced the Letter from the Pope written by Cardinal Como and was executed in March 1584 and the Pope soon after in April was called to account in another world Immediately before this in Thuanus precedes the relation of the murther of the Prince of Aurang 10. Jul. by Bal. Gerard confirmed in his resolution by a Jesuite at Treves promising him if he dyed for it he should be happy and be put in the number of Martyrs and also encouraged to it by a Franciscan at Tourney and three other Jesuites at Treves 31. To Gregory succeeded as well in his practises as in that See Sixtus v. chosen Pope the twenty fourth of the same moneth of April and about this time John Savage into whose head the Doctrines that it is meritorious to Kill Excommunicated Princes and Martyrdom to die for so doing being by the Giffords and Hodgeson priests throughly inculcated made a vow to kill the Queen And soon after the same resolution is taken up by Antony Babington a proper young gentleman of a good family upon the same principles in like manner inculcated and somewhat enforced with other hopes if he escaped the danger by Ballard a Jesuite who incited him to it as not only Just and Holy in it self but moreover Honourable and Profitable to him if he should overcome the difficulty For what could be more Just and Holy than with the hazard of his Life to vindicate his Countrey and the Cause of Religion without which Life it self ought to be nothing esteemed of Elizabeth was now long since by the Lawful Successor of Peter cast out of the Communion of the Church from that time she doth not reign in England but by a usurped Power contrary to the Laws exercise a cruel Tyranny against the true Worshippers of God Whoever should kill her doth no more than he that should slay a profane Heathen or some damned accursed creature he should be free from all sin either against God or Man yea would merit a Crown of Glory and if he survived the enterprise should doubtless obtain a great reward under the notion of Reward not obscurely insinuating his marriage with the Queen of Scots Thus
last it is concluded according to the opinion of Alva which he said was the judgement of King Philip to cut off the chief heads of the Protestants and then in imitation of the * 30. May. 1282 When the French were all at an instant without distinction of age or sex cruelly slaughtered as were the Danes here in England 282. years before that Sicilian Vespers to slaughter all the Protestants to the last man and because the intended Assembly at Moulins was already talked on that it would be best to make a slaughter of the Nobility assembling there from all parts and upon a sign given to exterminate the rest through out France This Thuanus relates from Jo. Bapt. Hadrianus who he saith wrote his history with very great fidelity and prudence and as is very likely extracted many things from the Commentaries of the Duke of Tuscany Father to the Queen Mother But as he further relates either because they did not all meet there or that for some other cause it seemed unseasonable that business was deferred to another time and was seven years after as was then continued put in execution at Paris at a more convenient place and occasion But from this time the Prince of Conde and the Colinies being admonished by their friends at Court of these bloody Counsels and thereupon suspitious of the Court designs were more cautious and wary Yet was Colinius at the Assembly at Moulins in January following Thu. l. 39. and there by solemn Oath purged himself of the death of the Duke of Guise and possibly might then make some further discovery into these secret counsels which if as is said they were at first designed to be put in execution there seem by the succeeding History to have been deferred for want of sufficient Forces ready and of fit instruments For afterward by the advice of Alva Thu. l. 41. 6000 Swissers were hired and levies of Souldiers made in Champain and Picardy under pretence of guarding the Frontiers against Alva But this pretence quickly vanished by Alva's withdrawing from those parts as it was afterwards more fully detected of fraud and collusion by his sending them Forces in the War soon after following nevertheless the Swissers were still retained 43. Whereupon Thu. l. 42. all very well knowing that there was a better accord between the Courts of France and Spain especially since the enterview at Bayonne than that there needed any such Guards the Prince of Conde Colinius Andelot his Brother and the rest of the Protestant Nobility and Gentry began to be very sensible of their near approaching danger of ruine and after a long patience under Slaughters Banishments Calumnies loss of their Estates and Fortunes to consult together what course might be taken for the safety and preservation not only of their estates and liberties but of the lives of themselves and their wives and children They had seen and felt the Edicts made on their behalf partly eluded by the interpretations of new Edicts and Proscripts partly violated by the malice and iniquity of Judges and Presidents of the Provinces injuries and mischiefs every where done to them and even the murthers of no small number connived at and permitted to go unpunished And besides all this they had certain intelligence of those secret consultations held for their destruction and of other secret counsels held by Ambassadors with the Pope who fomented the hatred of those two Kings against them and besides the speeches and threats frequently given out that they were not like long to enjoy their Assemblies they saw plainly that those preparations which after the Cities which they inhabited were dismantled and Forts therein built and Garrisons put into them were at first made under such pretext as was no way probable and now continued without any at all were designed against them and were also informed thereof by intelligence from their friends Sures p. 768. and by letters intercepted from Rome and Spain Notwithstanding after a consultation or two it was resolved by common consent of all to use all mild and gentle means and therefore since now there remained no further pretence to retain them the Prince of Conde by his friends desires that since Alva is now retired into Belgium the Swissers may be dismissed But when instead of being dismissed or retained only to guard the Frontiers they found them daily march on nearer to the heart of the Kingdom and had further notice from the Court of their designs they at last assemble in great confusion and though every one saw the danger which hanged over their heads and was now ready to involve them all yet great question there was how it should be prevented To complain they by experience knew what effect of that might be expected to Arm though in so great occasion of necessity and extremity they easily foresaw many inconveniences attending that They only unhappily not foresaw the proper remedy by their great Master prescribed in such case to fly though it had been to the greater humanity of the uncivilized Indians whereby they might perhaps better have consulted their own safety and also have promoted his service in the propagation of his Truth and Gospel But to Arm besides the mischiefs of a Civil War they thought that could not be without many calumnies and slanders cast upon them by their adversaries as if they were the Authors of it and undertook it against the King to whom they did not so much as impute their former injuries and oppressions or present dangers but only to their adversaries who having at first by force gotten the King into their power abused his immaturity and authority to ruine and destroy them and although they should take up Arms only against them and meerly for the necessary defence of the lives and fortunes of themselves their wives and children and for the preservation of the Kingdom yet should they not escape that imputation and therefore they unanimously agreed rather being innocent after the example of their ancestors to bear what injuries should be done them than to offer any to those who were indeed nocent lest by an ill defence of a good cause they should desert that Equity or Justice which had hitherto stood on their part till by the discourse of Andelot a person of great authority among the Peers and besides of known probity and virtue they were perswaded that after so often breach of Faith by their adversaries there was no further trust to be given to them and for the calumnies and slanders which should be cast upon them the issue of their so necessary undertakings if it pleased God to bless them in so just a cause would sufficiently clear them Upon which they changed their resolutions and agreed to take up Arms for their own defence which accordingly they did to the no little joy of the Cardinal of Lorain that the business was brought to the necessity of a War which Cardinali Lotaringus rem ad belli
need of it did earnestly desire and sollicit the convention of a National Synod to that purpose the French Kings were unhappily so far wrought upon by the arts of Rome as not only ungratefully to reject that benefit offered by the Divine Providence but at last to persecute those who were made the occasions of it And this seems to have been so manifest a cause of the troubles mischiefs and adversities which by the providence of God have befallen that Nation and their Princes since the beginning of that Century that it is strange but that the height of contentions then on foot might perhaps hinder it that neither those prudent considering men did take notice of it in this case nor yet our judicious and can did Author who relates their judgment and had himself observed almost as much in Lewis 12. If it be fit says he for a mortal man to speak his opinion concerning the eternal Counsels of God Lib. 1. I should say that there was no other cause why that most excellent Prince in so many respects commendable and worthy of a better fortune should meet with so many conflicts with adversities than that he had contracted so near alliance with Pope Alexander 6. and cherished the cruelties lusts perfidiousness and fortunes of that impure Father the Pope and of his Son Caesar Borgia a man drowned in all kind of wickedness and then relating the King's calling of a Synod upon his provocations by the next Pope Julius 2. undoubtedly so ordered for the same purpose by the Divine Providence first at Lions and then at Pisa for the reformation of the Church and his medals coined with this Inscription PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN and how after all this he renounced the Council at Pisa through the importunities of his wife and subscribed to the Lateran Council to gratifie the next Pope Leo 10. and adding that in the judgment of many he had done more advisedly if he had persevered in his purpose of reforming the Church he concludes These therefore were the causes both of the declination of our Empire and of the adverse fortune of Lewis who after all his other misfortunes died without issue male which he much desired to succeed him And in this King is very observable that as there was in him no want of magnanimity humane prudence or care for himself the glory of his Kingdom and prosperity of his affairs to which his misfortunes could be imputed which makes the judgment of God therein the more apparent so neither could any vice or other fault be noted in him which might be assigned as a cause of that judgment but what is here mentioned the neglect of that duty whereunto he was so fairly led and whereof he was so far convinced as that he began to put it in execution In the time of his successor Francis 1. all things seemed to conspire in giving occasion every where to the Reformation of the Church what through the Pope's differences with several Princes which produced the abolition and abrogation of the Papal Authority for some time in Spain and afterward in England what through that abominable imposture of Indulgences and other their gross wickedness and abuses which provoked Martin Luther and other learned men to search into and detect their mystery of iniquity and discover many gross errors and abuses crept into the Church whereupon ensued the Reformation happily begun and promoted by many Protestant Princes and Cities in Germany and other parts But Francis not only neglected the occasion and rejected and made himself unworthy of the common benefit of it but moreover contracted that * He married his Son Henr. 2. to Katharine of Medices daughter to Lawrence D. of Urbin who was Nephew to Leo 10. and Cousin to Clem. 7. alliance with the Popes and at last began those †V. 3. Sect. 39. pag. 56. persecutions the unhappy consequence of both which we are now relating Nor was the King of Spain much more happy in his persecutions of the Protestants in the Low-Countries the consequence whereof was the loss of the best part of them and all he got by the Inquisition in Spain was but the exclusion of light and truth from his people and his own slavery to the strong delusions and infatuations of the Jesuites who precipitated him into divers dishonourable unsuccesful and to his own affairs pernitious undertakings 49. But to return to the effects and consequences of that bloudy act whereof what hath yet been related was but the first fruits of those Counsels from which so much happiness tranquility and glory were so long expected instead whereof was reaped only horror shame and anxiety whereunto succeeded a plentiful harvest of other real troubles For the King and that Faction which prevailed at Court after so many former breaches of publick Faith by this so inhumane cruelty and foul breach of Faith so much the greater by how much the greater arts and deep dissimulation had been used before to raise a trust confidence of their sincerity had now driven those of the Protestants who remained alive to that distrust and jealousie the usual fruits of perfidiousness of what-ever Letters Promises Edicts or other means could be devised to satisfy them that nothing could give them any assurance of their lives and safety but retaining those places which by the last agreement of Peace were left in their possession for their security and were now had the agreement been performed Thu. l. 53 to have been delivered to stand upon their defence And though many of them not only doubting of their strength but making scruple of the justice of the cause now since not only the Princes of the blood to whom the administration of the Kingdom did belong were absent but moreover the King himself was grown a man did dispute against it and from both those grounds urged all the arguments they could yet against the first of these the horror of these slaughters which they had so lately seen and did foresee prevailed and despair made the most timerous couragious And this also made the answer which was returned by others to the latter more satisfactory to the rest that to take up Arms for their just defence not to offer violence to any but only to repel the injury and save themselves from slaughter was neither by the Laws of God or man unlawful that it ought not to be reputed a war against the King but a just defence against their enemies who abused the King's authority to destroy them who if so powerful as to have proceeded so far in the late tumult beyond his consent or privity or prevalent with him as to work his assent to so unjust and foul an action they had the more reason to secure themselves against their power and treachery till justice should be done upon them nor ought they to doubt but in so just a cause upon their serious repentance trust in God and humble supplications to him he would
he learned that Doctrine from them Whereupon their Colledge being searched among the papers of F. John Guignard were found many writings that taught that Doctrine many things against the late King and that praised the murder of him and likewise against the present King that perswaded the killing of him and tending to sedition and parricide that it would be well done to thrust Navar though professing the Catholick Religion into a Monastery there to do penance if without war he cannot be deposed war is to be made against him if war cannot be made he must by any means be taken out of the way c. all which he was convicted to have written with his own hand and was therefore hanged Also John Gueret the ordinary Confessor of Chastel F. Alexander Haye and John Bell all of the same Society were likewise convicted of the like offences but were condemned only to perpetual banishment and confiscation of their goods 57. Thu. l. 37. The Society of the Jesuites to whom the Bishop of Clermont gave his house in Paris called Clermont house from whence they were called the Society of Clermont by those who disliked their ambitious arrogant appropriating to themselves the Title of Jesuites as that which doth belong to all true Christians was by the recommendation of Charles Cardinal of Lorrain the Guisians alwaies highly favouring this new Society first admitted in France in the year 1550. by Henr. 2. of whom was obtained a Charter for them to build and erect a School at Paris but there only and not in other Cities But when this Charter and the Pope's Bull of confirmation of their institution were brought into the Court to be allowed and were read the Parliament referred them both to the consideration of the Bishop of Paris and of the Colledge of Divines Whereupon they gave their Sentence in writing to this effect That this new Society by an insolent Title appropriating to themselves the name of Jesus and so licentiously admitting any persons howsoever illegitimate facinorous and infamous without any respect and which nothing differs from other secular persons in Rites Ceremonies or rule of living whereby the Orders of Monks are distinguished moreover is endowed with so many Priviledges Liberties and Immunities especially in the Administration of the Sacraments to the prejudice of the Prelates and of the Sacred Order and also even of the Princes and Lords and to the great grievance of the people contrary to the Priviledges of the Vniversity of Paris seems to violate the honourableness of the Monastick Order to enervate the studious pious and necessary exercise of Virtue Abstinence Ceremonies and Authority and also to give occasion to others to forsake their Vows to withdraw their due Obedience from the Prelates unjustly deprive the Lords both Ecclesiastical and others of their rights to introduce great disturbance in the Civil Ecclesiastical Government Quarrels Suits Dissentions Contentions Emulations Rebellions and various Scissures that for these causes this Society seems very dangerous in respect of Religion as that which is like to disturb the Peace of the Church to enervate the Monastick Discipline and to tend more to Destruction than to Edification This so startled the Society that they desisted from any further prosecution till the Reign of Francis 2. When the Guisians who highly favoured this new Society carrying all before them they resumed the business again and first the Bishop of Paris Eust Bellaius was required to give his Sentence which he did in writing That that Society as all new Orders was very dangerous and at these times instituted rather to stir up Commotions than to make up the Peace of the Church and after a sharp censure of their arrogant title adding that in the priviledges granted to it by Paul 3. are many things repugnant to the Common Law and prejudicial to the power and authority of the Bishops Curates and Vniversities and therefore it would be more advisable that since they are by the Pope appointed and bound to instruct the Turks and Infidels and publish the Gospel among them yet in places which are near to them they should have their Colledges assigned as heretofore the Knights of Rhodes had in the borders and out skirts of the Christians This and the other sentence being read and considered by the King in Counsel the Court notwithstanding through the instigation of the Cardinal of Lorrain was commanded to publish as well the Pope's as the King's Charter without any regard to the intercession of the Bishop and Colledge of Divines and the Jesuites exhibited a supplication to the Court whereby they subjected themselves to the Common Law and renounced all priviledges contrary to it But the Parliament thought fit rather to remit the whole business to a General Council or to a Convention of the Gallicane Church And at a great meeting of the Bishops at the Conference at Poisy they were admitted to teach but under many conditions to change their name be subject to the Bishop of the Diocess to do nothing to the prejudice of the Bishops Colledges Curates Universities or other Orders or their Jurisdiction and Function but be governed according to the prescript of the Common Law and renounce all contrary priviledges c. Hereupon was opened Clermont School at Paris But when this liberty was interrupted by the whole University of Paris the business was again brought before the Parliament The University having before advised with Carolus Molinaeus his Consultation or opinion and resolution of the Case which was afterwards published was that the University had good cause to declare against them for a Nusance because they had erected a new Colledge contrary to the ancient decrees of Synods the General Council under Innocent 3. the Decrees of the Court c. their Institution was not only to the detriment of the several Orders but to the danger of the whole Kingdom and every wise man might justly fear that they might prove spies and betray the secrets of the Kingdom they seemed to be instituted to lie in wait for the estates of dying people they set up a new School in a University to which they would not obey which was not only monstrous but a kind of sedition c. And it was argued on both sides in full Parliament by Pet. Versorius for the Society highly commending their Original and Institution and by Steph. Pascasius for the University as much condemning both their Institution and their Practice their Institution in respect of their obligation by vow both to their General who is always chosen by the King of Spain and whom they profess to respect as God present upon earth and promise a blind Obedience as they call it to him absolutely in all things and to the Pope to whom because they are so obsequious they ought so much the more to be suspected by the French who indeed acknowledge the Pope as Head and Prince of the Church but so as that he is bound to obey the
and be distributed at the pleasure of the Court and all the Kings Subjects were interdicted to send their children to the Schools of that Society out of the Kingdom to be instructed in Learning upon pain of Treason This was executed the Summer following Li. 112. Some few days after this was made another Decree whereby Chastel's Father's house which was neer to the Palace was ordered to be pulled down and a Pyramid to be erected in the place of it with the Decree inscribed upon it ad aeternam facti memoriam which was likewise done with other inscriptions in detestation of the crime V. l. 134. 58. How necessary for the safety both of the King and Kingdom this was and that the Decree should be strictly executed throughout the whole Kingdom and duly and constantly observed for the future many in the Court and most in the Parliament of Paris and of the Clergy were very sensible and the King could not be ignorant especially after such fair warnings And yet whereas the Jesuites being by virtue of this Decree exterminated out of the Jurisdictions of the Court of Paris Thu. l. 129. which extends to near half the Kingdom and likewise of Burgundy and Normandy continued notwithstanding for three years after to keep up their Schools in the Territories of Tholouse and Bourdeaux to which many sent their Sons to be taught and many again from that Society changing their habits as if they had also renounced their vow crept into other Schools though the King was often importuned to command those Courts by his Edict to publish the Decree and it was once or twice so resolved in Council the execution notwithstanding was continually retarded by the craft and subtilty saith our Author of some about the King but perhaps some thoughts of a peace with Spain which had been proposed might make it thought unseasonable at that time But the Parliament of Paris was not wanting to do what in them lay 21 Aug. 1597. and by another Decree under a severe penalty prohibited all Cities Colledges and Universities to admit any of that society though pretending the renunciation of their vow to preach or to excrcise any sacerdotal Ministery or to teach children either publickly or privately Thu. l. 120. The year following the King was again provoked through the obstinacy and insolency of the Court of Tholouse to send out his Edict commanding those Courts to publish the Decree and was moved by the Chancellor Ph. Huraltus Cevernius so to do but by some Courtiers says our Author the business was at present delayed and at last wholly put off and very likely was now also though unseasonable in respect of the King's desire to obtain a dissolution of his Marriage with the Queen Margaret Thu. ib. Perefix p. 294. that he might marry his beloved Mistress La belle Gabrielle whereof he began about this time to treat with the Pope's Legate And indeed though I know not whether so much be written by any yet it seems very legible in the actions and occurrences which are written that this was so powerful a motive with him as made him not only desist from further enforcing the execution of the Decree and total extermination of the Jesuites but on the contrary to yield to their Restitution Thu. ibid. For the Jesuites about this time taking occasion upon a Convention of the Clergy to offer him a supplication ceased not afterwards till by supplications and recommendations every where sought they at last obtained their desire the Pope's Legates sparing no pains on their behalf So out Author who afterward tells us L. 129. that when Ignatius Armandus their Provincial about a year before they were restored had made a Speech to the King for them the King answered that the business was now in the Pope's hands without whose direction he would determine nothing negotium penes Pontificem esse quo inconsulto nihil velit decernere But it may be more plainly perceived in a passage afterward at their restitution L. 132. for when the Parliament interceded against their restitution and were very averse from publishing the Kings Eidict for that purpose at last comes And. Huraltus Messius into the Senate and acquaints them from the King with the whole series of the business and tells them that above five years since the Pope had dealt with the King that the Jesuites might be restored to the same state in the Kingdom wherein they were before the Decree This was about the beginning of the year 1604 and the King having in the year 1598 treated with the Legate about the dissolution of his Marriage as hath been said in the year 1599 he obtained the Pope's Breve to certain Delegates L. 123. who upon hearing of the cause pronounced the Marriage null ab initio so that this points us to the time exactly and considering the common practice of the Court of Rome to neglect no opportunity of promoting their own ends it cannot be thought that they would let this go without some assurance from the King of the restitution of the Jesuites which at the same time was earnestly sollicited It is true that the King 's beloved Mis who had engaged him to send to the Pope about it died in Child-birth before the commission to the Delegates was sent yet this hinders not but she might before have prevailed with him to give all satisfaction to the Pope in order to the obtaining of it and that thereupon he might so far have engaged to the Pope that he knew not afterwards how to get off when he would and this it seems was the true reason why the business hung so long and yet was done at last For thus Messius goes on relating the series of the business the King says he put it off from day to day as much as he could he did not refuse or excuse himself from denying it but sought delays and when he could no longer shift it off Quantum potuerat diem de die dixisse he proposed certain articles almost uniform to the contents of the Decree and by his Embassador laboured with the Pope to be content with their restitution under those conditions For the Pope demanded their universal restitution throughout the whole Kingdom but the King offered it in certain places appointed to a certain number and in the Territories subject to the Court of Paris were only two places assigned them From that time two years passed without any mention of the business whereat the King who desired to gratifie the Pope in it was troubled at length the King's Ambassador being instant with the Pope he answered that the articles proposed by the King seemed to him to be such as the Jesuites ought to be contented with them but that hitherto he had deferred his answer because the General of the Society Aquanina shewed himself not at all satisfied with them nor would subscribe to them c. that the business therefore
any such authority of the Church of Christ as the Church of Rome does pretend to Nor is there any colour or pretence of proof that that authority was ever in any one age to this day the general belief of the Christian World no nor so much as of the Church of Rome it self for 700 years I may truly say for 1100 years and more 2. That they will likewise well consider the prudence of such undertakings the Nobility and Gentry especially of these Nations who embrace the Roman Religion They have had almost an hundred years experience of the ill success and unhappy consequence of such attempts to themselves and their party whereby they have only made a rod for their own backs provoking and exasperating the severity of Laws against themselves and when the Romish Agents had lately dissolved the Government and brought all things into confusion as is not a little apparent they did when they had crept into the Court and insinuated themselves into the several Factions of the Kingdom by underhand dealings incensing them one against another what did they advance their cause by it but only involved themselves in the same publick calamity wherein they embroyled the Nation The Emissaries are men who have neither Estates nor Fortunes to lose or hazard nor wives and children to suffer with them and if their attempts prove unsuccesful can easily retire to their Colledges again beyond Sea And their motions and actions are steered by foreigners who sit far enough out of all danger and in great security expect to make their profit and advantage of us all So that both these have hopes of advantage without any or any great hazard only the more honest and well meaning Nobility and Gentry do certainly run a very great hazard without any probability if things be rightly calculated of much mending their condition at the best For did they now suffer something in their Estates according to the Laws which certainly would never much be pressed did they not continually incense the Kingdom against them by restless attempts through the instigations of the Emissaries endangering the peace and quiet of it yet is that in some measure recompenced by their freedom from the trouble and charge of divers publick employments and the rest would be dearly bought off by enslaving the Kingdom again to the Roman Usurpations and that with so much hazard both to themselves as in respect of conscience and the justice of the undertaking for there is but little of true Christianity in him who will not readily suffer a greater loss rather than venture upon an unlawful or but doubtful action so also of the prudence of it for the higher they go in their attempts there is no doubt but it will fall more heavy upon them after so many and great provocations if they miscarry therein and of that the danger is greater than can easily be foreseen and to the Kingdom in general the peace and prosperity whereof they ought to desire and endeavour upon the account both of natural duty and of interest For whatever some who do not well consider it may promise themselves those who have Estates and Fortunes here be their Religion what it will are like to have their shares of whatever publick calamity or mischief is brought upon the Nation which they who at Rome and from other foreign parts do steer the motions of the Emissaries and other sticklers here in that cause are not much concerned to consider *** 4. And lastly to those who either through weakness and inconsiderateness are scandalized at these and such like wicked practices of the Romanists or any others professing Christianity or through wilfulness and wickedness do make use thereof to confirm or encourage themselves in their affected infidelity who having first sinned themselves into despair of any good by the observance of Religion at last seek to encourage themselves against all fear of evil by the neglect of it This last sort I intended not among Christians in general and yet do here joyn them with the other sort here mentioned because what is to be said to those may be said also to these The scandal and ill use that is made of these practices is either more particular from abuse of pretended miracles and martyrdoms whereby some may be induced to doubt of the ancient Christian Miracles and Martyrs and for satisfaction in this particular I shall here for brevity sake refer them to the writings already written and extant in print some in the English Tongue of the verity of the Christian Religion or from such practices in general of men in great place in Church or State or repute for Learning as are thought inconsistent with a real belief of what they possess whence some who affect to know more than the vulgar will needs perswade themselves and others that all such are Atheists and Infidels and thereupon bring all Religion under a suspition of being nothing else but a more refined piece of policy and because I have found by experience that many have no better arguments for their affected infidelity than this and yet few of those who have written of the verity of the Christian Religion have taken any notice of it or thought it worth a particular answer I shall recommend these things to their consideration 1. That this is no argument or evidence against Religion but only a bare supposed opinion and judgment of such persons without any evident and express ground or reason for it 2. That the opinion or judgment of great Statesmen or Scholars meerly as such is of no greater authority in this particular than the judgment or opinion of other men for such men may in general well deserve that reputation which they have and yet be utterly ignorant of those Principles which are necessary to be known to ground a judgment in this case There are very rarely found any men that are well skilled in all the parts of Learning or of some one profession as for example of the Law some are good Conveyancers who are very unskilful in Bar-Practice many good Chancery-men who are no great Common Lawyers c. So in Divinity some are well skilled in Textual some in Polemical or Scholastical some in Casuistical Divinity and yet but meanly skilled in the other parts of it and this part which considers the evidences of Religion is but rarely studied by any but such as have to do with Infidels each man ordinarily applying himself especially to that part to which his peculiar employment engageth him and usually men in great place have of all others least leisure for this particular study 3. But were their judgment never so considerable yet could it not in this case be certainly concluded from their actions For 1. It is agreed by all sorts of men Christians and Heathens and daily experience confirmeth the same that men frequently act contrary to their setled judgment and who may not often truly say Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor
graciously pity their misery and provide some unexpected means for their relief And therefore seeing La Charite was surprized at the time of the massacre and the same was attempted against Montabon Da. p. 377. and being further warned by what was lately done at * Castrum in Albigensi agro Castres which after great promises of safety by the King was notwithstanding permitted to be plundered and layed waste by the slaughters and rapines of Creuseta Rochel having for some daies kept a solemn fast with divers other places prepare for their defence And at last when arts failed especially after the massacre at Burdeaux in the midst of their treaties the King's Forces were sent to assault them And these says Thuanus after a more particular relation of them were the beginnings of the Fourth Civil War in France the more memorable because from so small beginnings beyond the hope and expectation even of those who through necessity rather than upon counsel and design did manage it when so many Commanders being slain the Nobility who remained dispersed abroad and the people in all places astonished all was thought subdued within the compass of a year without the foreign aid of any Prince and money every where after so great plunders failing them it restored the affairs of the Protestants to good condition again And yet this was only a defensive War on their part and as he says of necessity wherein those poor people sought only for their lives and safety and not to neglect the King's commands were willing to keep their meetings at Sermons only secretly in the night and not openly in the day-time which yet could not be denied them without manifest injustice and breach of publick Faith But such were their apprehensions of the perfidiousness and cruelty of their enemies and resolutions thereupon that they chose rather to suffer all the miseries and necessities that humane nature is able to bear than again to trust to the mercy or promises of them whom they had so often found perfidious and moreover at last so barbarously inhumane and cruel And therefore at Samerre it is almost incredible what they suffered Thu. l. 55. Having spent their stores they killed and eat their Asses Mules Horses Dogs and all other living creatures they could meet with and when that also was spent they devised ways to make Hydes Skins Parchment Bridle-rains and what-ever was made of leather edible and Bran Straw Nutshels the Horns and Hoofs of Beasts even dugg out of the dunghils and the very dung of Horses and such things as scarce any other creatures will feed on insomuch that whereas in eight moneths siege they had not lost 100 slain in forty days above 500 died of hunger Thu. l. 56. and 200 more were famished almost to death Rochel indeed was not driven to that extremity partly having made better provisions for themselves partly by an extraordinary supply little less than miraculous for all the time of the siege the tides it being a Sea Town left the poor people such plenty of a kind of shell-fish as very well supplied them with food which when the siege was ended presently vanished and were not seen in such plenty much longer Yet did they testify as great abhorrence of the perfidiousness and cruelty of their enemies by their incredible courage and activity even of their women in the repulse of several fierce assaults and also in sallies and in conclusion the assailants seeking rather occasions how to raise the siege with credit Thu. l. 56. than having any hope to obtain the City by force they came to this agreement for themselves Montabon and Nismes Da. p. 392. confirmed by an Edict That free profession of their Religion should be permitted them according to the Edicts made in behalf of the Protestants their priviledges confirmed no Garrison imposed on them only the King should appoint them a Governor and they should be governed by the Laws and Customs which they had used even since they became Subjects to the Crown of France c. Some time after Samere obtained by agreement to enjoy the benefit of the Pacification made with Rochel but paying 40000 l. for the saving of their Movables And this end says our Author had this fourth Civil War after the tumult at Paris when the Courtiers thought all subdued by that slaughter begun and finished in the assaulting of certain Cities and especially in the siege of that one City of Rochel which for so many months did most stifly beyond the opinion of all men sustain and at last break the strength and force of the whole Kingdom raised against it besides Aumale Tular Cossens Goa his Brother and other 40000 Souldiers the very number said by Davila to have been slain in the massacre being slain and dead of sickness and among these 60 chief * Ordinum Ductores Commanders and as some say most of the actors of that tragedy besides a vast deal of mony and military provisions spent and at last things being reduced to those streights that the King contrary to what bad before been falsly perswaded him thought himself a greater gainer by that Peace than by the Parisian slaughter Such were the effects whether of the Italian Policy or the Romish Doctrine of not keeping Faith with Hereticks 50. He had no sooner ended this War Thu. l. 57. but he began to be grievously afflicted with that fatal disease which in few months after put an end to his life not without suspition of poison by his Mother and Brother Anjou and besides in the mean time by her arts and the influences of the Guises upon her was presently involved in a fit of Civil War And this not only against the Protestants whom having sufficient cause from former experience to beware of the perfidiousness and cruelty of their enemies after other new occasions of suspition she forced again to provide for their security and stand upon their defence by a perfidious attempt to surprize Rochel by her emissaries who had corrupted some in the City to betray it to the Forces which for that purpose they had drawn near it but also against a considerable party of the Catholicks as they call them whom while she thought it necessary for the continuance of her power and authority in the government to keep up and foment factions among the chief Nobility she by over-doing what she designed forced for their own safety and security to joyn their complaints and forces with the Protestants Whereby considering the division of that party she in some sort repaired the loss which the Protestant party had sustained by the massacres the Providence of God undoubtedly thus ordering it to manifest the vanity of their former hopes of peace and tranquility by such wicked courses for the destruction of the Protestants and to punish by their mutual dissentions among themselves their former unanimity in persecuting them The chief of this party were the sons of the old