any paine or danger They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteeme them worthy to whom they not onely giue thanks but they are bound to giue them Succours against the Barbarians as doing good to all men We haue thought good to shew the cause why this Citie is so happy for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place and it hath beene alwayes our desire that such things might come to the knowledge of many and that if it might be they might be visible to the eye if not yet at the lest as much as should be possible they might be comprehended in the vnderstanding The Sea then which they call Pontique hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs or there-abouts hauing two mouthes opposite one to the other whereof the one comes from Propontis and the other from the blacke Sea the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs But for that diuers great Riuers fall from Asia into it and more out of Europe it sometimes flowes into the Pontique Sea by its mouth and from thence into Propontis The Mouth of the blacke Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques and is thirty furlongs broad and threescore in length As for the mouth of the Pontique Sea it is called the streight of Constantinople whose length is not in euery place equall for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon and Constantinople containes foureteene furlongs and from the Pontique Sea the which they call Fanum scituated in Asia whereas Iason first as they sacrificed to the twelue Gods returning from Cholchos is distant from Europe tenne furlongs Moreouer they deliuer two reasons why the blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continually whereof the one is well knowne for that the water encreaseth by the multitude of Riuers which fall continually into it and hauing no other meanes to voide it it must of necessity encrease so as it is forced to passe away by its mouth The other is that the bottome is fill'd with aboundance of sand which the Riuers bring continually into it so as the water is forced to swell and so to passe away These are the true causes of their course which neede not the relation of Marchants to purchase credit but onely of naturall reason which is the truest testimony that can be found But seeing wee are fallen vpon this discourse wee must not omit any thing as many Historiographers doe to seeke out the secrets of Nature and wee must vse as much as possibly wee may a demonstratiue relation to the end wee may leaue nothing in doubt to those which desire to vnderstand Neither were it sitting in these times when as all things haue beene discouered to seeke the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtfull things the which former Historiographers haue done By this meanes as Heraclides saith they haue not propounded testimonies worthy of credit in doubtfull things and which are in debate Wee therefore say that the Pontique Sea fills it selfe continually with sand which the Riuers bring into it and that in time it will be made euen with the land The like we say of the blacke Sea so as the scituation of places continue as wee see them at this day and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not For seeing the time is infinite and the bottomes whereof wee speake are enclosed with certaine limits it is manifest that by a long succession of time they would be fill'd vp by the descent of that which falls into them bee it neuer so little so as it continues And for that the sands which are brought into them are of no small quantity but in a manner infinite it is apparent that what wee say will soone happen and wee see it partly already for that the blacke Sea is in a manner fill'd vp for the greatest depth hath not aboue fiue fathome or seauen at the most wherefore they cannot saile without great Ships vnlesse the Marriners towe them off by their Masts And although in the beginning the blacke Sea was like vnto the Pontique in taste as the Ancients confesse Yet it is now a very sweete Marish for that the sea hath beene surmounted by aboundance of sands and the many sweete Riuers which fall into it The like will happen to the Pontique and begins already But it cannot be so easily discouered by reason of the great depth And yet if we shall obserue it well we shall finde it euident for there are made within it by the substance which by the descent is carryed for that the Danowe enters by many mouthes hills which the Marriners call Shelfes a daies iourney from the shore where many times in the night they suffer Shipwracke Behold the cause why these Shelfes are rather made farre within the Sea then neere the shore for the greater force the Riuer hath in their course driuing the waues into the sea it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried farre into it And whereas the violency of the Riuers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea rather then by a naturall reason all the sands sinke and findes a bottome where it stayes Wherefore it happens that the shelfes of swiftest Riuers are found farthest into the Sea and their depth neere vnto the shore where as they which haue a slow course are not farre from the mouth Finally wee must not wonder at the great quantity of wood stone and sand which is carried into the Pontique Sea for that many times wee see a torrent or land flood ouerflowe a great Countrey in a short time carrying away earth and stone So as it sometimes happens there is such an alteration made of a great Countrey as in seeing it soone after we doe scarce know it Wherefore wee must not wonder if so many and such great Riuers fall continually into the Pontique Sea in the end fill it vp for this is not onely likely but also necessary if wee will diligently examine the reason the likelihood it should proue so is great for as much as the Pontique Sea differs from ours for that the blacke Sea is sweeter Wherefore it followes that when as the Pontique Sea hath past as much more time as the blacke for that it is of a greater depth it will be sweet and moorish like vnto it and the sooner for that there are more Riuers and greater fallen into it Wee haue spoken these things for those which thinke that the Pontique Sea cannot bee fill'd vp nor become moorish being now a full Sea Wee haue likewise done it for that Saylors report such variety of lyes to the end that like children we should not alwayes giue credit vnto them for that wee haue not visited the places and that hauing some knowledge of the trueth we may discouer whether that which they relate be true or false But let vs returne to the commodity
Panegyre and practised the cruelty of Sytheans and Gallatians or Gaules so as nothing hath beene done by the Successours And when you could not excuse them you holde it a glory that you haue broken the attempts of the Barbarians falling vpon Delphos Saying moreouer that for this cause the Grecians ought to giue you thankes And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the Etoliens what honour do not the Macedonians deserue who imploy the greatest part of their liues continually to maintaine the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians What is hee that doeth not know that the Grecians haue beene continually subiect to great dangers if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not serued them for a Rampire VVhereof behold a great Argument For when as the Gaules disdaining the Macedonians had vanquished Ptolomy sirnamed Ceraune they came presently into Greece with Brennus Army The which had often happened if the Macedonians had not had the charge And although I could holde a long Discourse of ancient deedes yet I thinke these presents will suffice But for that which among other things Philip hath done hee turnes to cruelty the ruine of the Temple But hee doth not adde their outrage and insolency which they haue committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods which are in Die and Dodone the which hee should haue spoken first You relate the wrongs and miseries you haue indured and make a greater shew then is needfull passing ouer in silence those which you haue formerly committed in great numbers For you know that euery outrage and wrong that is done is by all men reiected vpon those who haue first done the wrong vniustly As for the deedes of Antigonus I will onely make mention to the end his Actions may not seeme to you worthy of contempt neither must you lightly regard a deede of great esteeme I doe not thinke there were euer so great a benefit seene as that which hee hath imparted vnto you It seemes vnto me so excellent as there cannot be a greater The which may appeare by this Antigonus made Warre against you then in giuing you Battaile he vanquished you by Armes Hee was in the end Lord of the Country and Citty hee might by the Law of Armes haue intreated you roughly But hee was so far from offering you any outrage as beside other Benefits he hath chasing the Tyrant restored your Lawes and proper rights For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by publicke praises you haue called him Antigonus your Benefactor and Sauiour VVhat should you then doe I will tell you seeing there is hope of your good Audience The which I will doe and not without reason not to charge you with reproaches but for that the quallity of matters forceth mee to speake that which is necessary in publicke VVhat shall I then say That in the former VVarre you should haue imbraced the League of the Macedonians and not of the Etoliens And that at this day you should rather revnite your selues with Philip seeing hee calls you then with them You answere that in doing so you shall breake your Accords But tell me if you shall commit a greater mischiefe in leauing the Accord which you haue made in particular with the Etoliens then in Transgressing those which concerning all the Grecians are grauen and Consecrated vpon a Pillar Why doe you so superstitiously flie the disdaine of those from whom you neuer receiued any benefit And beare no respect to Philip nor to the Macedonians from whom you haue the power to hold this Councell Thinke you that right and equitie ought to bee preserued to Friends Yet the Sanctitie is not so great to obserue the Faith reduced in Writings as the sinne is prophane and execrable in bearing Hatred and making Warre against a publicke body What the Etoliens require now of you But we haue spoken enough of this Subiect the which would be held by the Enuious not to concerne the present businesse I returne therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this If the Affaires be at this day a like as when you made an Alliance of Warre with them the election of things propounded in the beginning must remaine in you If they be altogether changed it is fit you should consider iudiciously vpon that which they require I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common warre Had you all the Grecians With whom at this day haue you communication of your hope Or to what league doe you inuite these men Is it not of Barbarians Thinke you this present warre is like vnto the precedent and not different You contended then with the Acheins and your kinsmen the Macedonians and with Philip for principality and glory And now the warre is made by strangers against Greece for its seruitude whom you thinke to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their forces are call'd in against your selues and all Greece Like vnto those which during a warre retire into their City a greater Garrison then their owne forces for their owne safety make themselues subiect to their friends as soone as they are freed from the feare of their Enemy The Etoliens thinke the same at this day Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip and to humble the Macedonians they doe not obserue how they blind themselues with a westerne fogge the which happily may bring some darknesse to the Macedonians and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians It is therefore necessary for all Greece to prouide for the threatnings of this time and especially for the Macedonians Otherwise what cause thinke you my Masters of Lacedemon had your Ancestours when as Xerxes demanded by an Embassadour which he sent vnto you Water and Earth they cast him that was sent into a Well and cast Earth vppon him Then taking him out againe they gaue him charge to tell Xerxes that hee had Water and Earth in Lacedemon Moreouer for what reason did the Company which was slaine with Leonides cast themselues vppon the Enemy in view of all the World Was it not to the end they might see them vndergoe the danger not only for their owne liberty but also for the rest of Greece Consider now if it be decent and fitting for their posterity to take Armes and to make VVarre with the Barbarians in allying themselues with them against the Epirotes Acheins Acarnanians Beocians Thessaliens and in a manner against all the Grecians holding nothing infamous so as it were profitable VVhat must they attend that doe such vnlawfull things As the Romans haue beene vnited to them so the others haue endeauoured hauing the said comfort and aide from the Sclauonians to make the war by Sea and to breake the Accord at Pyles And haue by Land besieged the Citty of the Clitoriens ruining that of the Cynetheins It is true they first made an Accord with Antigonus in
his Country in more esteeme and his owne honour then the great command of a royall power Hee gaue leaue to all the Spaniards being set a part to returne into their Country without ransom except three hundred horse whereof hee gaue the choise to Andobale giuing the rest to those which had not any Finally being now seazed on the Carthaginians Campe hee stayed there in regard of the firtility of the Country expecting the Carthaginian Commanders which were remaining hee also sent forces to the topps of the Perenee Mountaines to watch Asdruball and then when the season was come hee retired to Tarracona to winter his Army there Hee returnes to the History of the Grecians AS the Etoliens lifted vp their hornes for the new hope and confidence they had in the Romans and the arriuall of Attalus they amazed all the world making Warre by Land as Attalus and Publius did by Sea for this cause the Acheins intreate Phillip to succour them for in truth they not onely feared the Etoliens but also Machains for that he had seaz'd vpon the Argiue Mountaines with an Army the Beocians fearing the enemies Army at Sea require a commander and succours The Negrepontins demanded instantly some provision against the enemy the like did the Acarnanians there was also an Embassadour from the Epirotes they said likewise that Scerdilaide and Plaurate assembled their Armies and that moreouer the Thracians who confine vpon Macedony would indeauour to assaile it if the King should retire from thence in regard of the Etoliens they had seazed vpon the straights of Thermopiles and fortified them with Ditches Pallisadoes and a great Garrison hoping they should be able to keep in Philip and wholy to stoppe vp the passage in succouring his Allies within Pyles These aduentures seemes worthy of Consideration and not without reason by the Readers in the which is the true Experience and practise of Princes according vnto their Corporall power For as in Hunting Beasts are mooued with their Forces and Power when they are ingaged in an apparent danger so it befals Princes the which they might then discouer in Philip. Hee dismisseth all the Embassadours promising them to doe what possibly hee could His whole inclination was the Warre expecting by what meanes and against whom hee should first beginne But when the forces of Attalus were come against him and had assailed the Iland of Peparethon hee sends men to guard the Citty And dispatcheth Polyphantes with a small Army towards Phocea and Beocia and Menippus to Chalcis and the other Negrepont with a thousand Targetteers and fiue hundred Agrians In regard of himselfe hee went to Scotuse whether he Commanded the Macedonians to repaire When he had newes that Attalus Army had taken the route of Nicea and that the Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled at Heraclea to conferre of the Affaires of the Warre hee parts from Scotuse with his Army and made hast to dissolue their Assembly Hee arriued too late yet hee wasted their Corne and after that hee had spoiled the Inhabitants about the Gulfe of Enee he returned leauing his Army at Scotuse and taking his way to the Demetriade With his ablest men and the royall Wing hee stayed there expecting the comming of the Enemy And to the end nothing should bee vnknowne vnto him hee sends to the Peparethiens and Phociens and likewise to the Negrepontins giuing them charge to make him a signe by fire of all things that should be done vpon the Tisee which is a Mountaine in Thessaly which in regard of the places is very commodiously scituated But as this manner of signe by fire is of great commodity for the Warre and hath formerly not beene vsed I doe not hold it good to passe it but in this passage to make some reasonable mention No man is ignorant that opportunity and occasion are the principall parts in all things But much more in the profession of Warre to bring enterprises to an end But among those things which are vsefull fires are of great efficacy They vse them at this day and are the cause of some opportunities to be able to aduertise him who hath the care of that which is done although it be three or foure dayes distant or more To the end that by the signe of fire they may suddainly giue succours vnto them that demaund it although that in former times they haue held it of small moment for that the most part knew not how to vse it But the vse ought to bee ordered and setled vppon certaine and determinate agreements But whereas things which they will signifie are not resolutely set downe they cannot make vse of these fires as those are whereof wee will speake If the Army at Sea were come to Orea or Peparethon or Chalcis they might signifie it to those with whom this hath beene resolued But if any of the Cittizens will turne their Coates or practise a Treason or Murther within the Citty or any such thing as hath vsually hapned and yet cannot be diuined matters which happen suddainly and vnlookt for haue neede according to the occasion of Counsell and aide yet it may be signified by fire For of those which consideration cannot preuent they cannot make any Conclusion Eneas seeking to correct this kinde of doubt and perplexitie hath in few words made the Commentaries of the institution of the heads And hath abundantly comprehended for the vnderstanding the summe of those things which are required the which may easily be discouered by this speech saying That they which will giue notice by the aduertisement of fire of any of great and pressing businesse must make prouision of pots of earth whose breadth and depth must be equall and they must haue three foote in depth and one and a halfe in breadth Then hee must make slender Corkes in the mouth of it in the middest whereof hee must tie them in equall parts of three fingers distant and in euery part a great Circumference in the which are also painted the most vulgar and generall things which happen in the profession of Warre As by the first that Horse-men are suddainly entred the Countrie In the second that foote-men armed in the third that men lightly armed And consequently in others that foote and Horse-men or an Army at Sea and that there is Corne. You must in this sort paint the things which do vsually happen in Regions according to the prouidence and time of the motions of Warre This being done hee Commaunds to obserue dilligently the pots of the one and the other so as the pipes may bee equall and runne equally And when the pots shal be full of Water they must put in the Corkes with stickes and then let the pipes runne together This hapning it is apparent that all being equall the Corkes of necessity abate as the Water runnes and the stickes hide themselues in the Vessells When these things are equally ordered and they are to vse them then they must transport them to the
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
haue formerly sayd an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord and could not effect it considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit than the liberty of the Countrey there hath beene at this day made so great a change as they haue not onely contracted friendship and a strict league but moreouer they vse the same Lawes the same weight the same measure the same money and more the same Princes the same Councell and the same Iudges So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse but that they dwelt not all in one Towne All the rest was alike and the same thing It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea You must vnderstand that they which were first so called had no better Countrey nor more Townes nor more Wealth nor more virtue Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea both in number of men and Townes Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named and the other people of Morea haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens but also to take the Name It were a folly to say that it was by chance Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason nor those which seemne to bee done without it For my part I conceiue it was the equality and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth For there is no Citty in all Greece where there are found better Lawes Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion others forced by little and little with the time and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents And for that they did noâ— from the beginning leaue more to one then to another but would haue all things equall to all men it presently brought the Acheiâ—s to this great Authority vsing two meanes of great efficacy that is Equality and Clemency Behold the cause which wee must imagine for the which all Morea being of one will and accord attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day It is true that this manner of liuing and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy which they then called great Greece It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates Who leauing all the rest they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs Without doubt the Crotoniates Sybarites and Caulonites after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner edified a Temple in publique to Iupiter Omarie where they might assemble the people and giue them iustructions Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins they would onely liue in them and erect their Common-wealth But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules who at that time spoiled the Countrey hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end Moreouer after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope before Luctres and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Greâ—ce there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece namely betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels not hauing so much regard to their forces or power for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece as to the faith and iustice of the people which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World It is true they had then but bare virtue hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate they presently purchased honour and glory They reconciled all Morea which was an excellent worke whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished and afterwards confirmed and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it and subsequently all his Companions Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require to relate their deeds the manner and the time Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time and hereafter for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious It is true that in my opinion the declaration would bee more easie and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it if wee take it from the time when as the Acheins who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon drew themselues againe together as it were in one body and afterwards they augmented in such sort as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular and which continues vnto this day They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times They began to be gouerned by Kings at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of Hâ—restes chased from Lacedemonia after the descent of Heraclites held the Countrey which is about Acheia After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus After whom the Regall power began to be tedious for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally but by Tyranny Wherefore they chased away their Kings and gouerned in common wherein they liued diuersly
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
it for feare to free themselues from the common calamity and danger of all Greece whereby they were after ruined Neither am â— of the opinion of Pindarus who in his Poefies exhorts the Burgesses that in neglecting all other things they should onely seeke for peace and rest and hauing sought for peace hee defines it to bee the end of rest and a cleare light But when as hee thought to haue spoken with great perswasions soone after hee deliuered a sentence the most scandalous and incommodious thing in the World It is true that peace is a most excellent thing if it bee iust and honest Yet wee may not doe an vnreasonable act nor suffer an infamy to enioy it It is certaine that the Gouernours and chiefe men of Messene hauing a regard to their priuate profits were much inclined to peace which was not reasonable Wherefore as often the times were propitious vnto them according to their desires and sometime dangerous they fell continually into the same inconuenience so as alwayes hauing the same resolution to keepe the peace they many times brought their Countrey into great danger Whereof I conceiue the cause was for that they were Neighbours to two principall Citties of Greece that is to say the Arcadians to whom they had beene alwayes Allies and Friends and the Lacedemonians to whom they had beene continuall Enemies yet they did not openly carry themselues as Enemies to the Lacedemonians or Friends to the Arcadians By this meanes they liued in peace when as the said Citties made war betwixt themselues or with other But when as the Lacedemâ—nians after they had made a peace with their other enemies ran vpon them they were forced to serue them with ignominy or abandon the Countrey with their Wiues and Children to auoide seruitude Considering that they were not able with their owne forces to resist the power of the Lacedemonians nor to defend themselues with the helpe and succor of the Arcadians whose Friendship they were not able to keepe The which hath often happened vnto them of late yeares I pray vnto God if it bee his will that the estate wherein the affaires of Morea now stands may be such as that which wee haue to say may not take place Yet if there happen any alteration I see but one hope for the Messeniens and Megalopolitains to preserue and defend their Countrey if following the sentence of Epaminondas they liue alwayes well vnited and gouerne their Councels and Affaires with one consent whereof they haue ancient testimonies of the truth The Messeniens as Calistines doth report erected a Pillar in the Temple of Iupiter of Lyce in the time of Aristomenes on the which these Verses were ingrauen Time on a wicked King hath vengeance showne The Traytour to the Messaine state Ioue hath made knowne Nor could hee shunne the most reuengefull fate Of Ioue who fauours the Arcadian state You must vnderstand that for as much as they had beene chased from their Countrey they wrote these Verses as meaning to pray vnto the Gods for their second Countrey For the which in my conceit they had good reason For the Arcadians not onely receiued them into their Citty during the Warre of Aristomenes being banished and chased away making them Burgesses and assisting them with Councell and Wealth But they also suffered them to marry their Daughters vnto their Sonnes Moreouer hauing examined the Treason of King Aristocrates they not onely put him cruelly to death but punished all the Race proceeding from so wicked a stocke But leauing the times past let vs come to things of a fresher Date and are happened since this alliance betwixt the two Citties which gaue sufficient testimony of that which we haue spoken You must vnderstand that at what time the Lacedemonians began after that great Victory which the Grecians had neere vnto Mantinea by the death of Epaminondas to enter into hope to make the Messeniens subiect not comprehending them in the accord the Megalopolitains and all the Citties of the league tooke these things so to heart for the Messeniens as presently they receiued them into their Alliance and excluded the Lacedemonians alone of all the Grecians Matters standing in this estate who will not thinke but wee had reason to say that which wee haue formerly spoken Wee haue continued this discourse of the Arcadians and Messeniens at length to the end that remembring the outrages which the Lacedemonians had many times done them they should continue alwayes true and constant in their Faith and Friendship and that for no feare of their affaires nor for any desire of peace they should neuer abandon one another when it concernes their safety But let vs returne now to the discourse where we left The Lacedemonians according to their manner of liuing sent backe the Embassadours of the league without any answere they were so sottish and ouer-weening Wherefore I hold that to bee true which is commonly spoken that ouer-weening doth many times make men mad and drawes them to ruine After all these things when as the new Megistrates were created they which in the beginning made that sedition in the Common-wealth and were the cause of the Murthers before mentioned sent to the Etoliens requiring them to send an Embassie The which when they had easily obtained and that Machate Embassadour for the Etoliens was come to Lacedemon they goe presently to the Gouernours of the Citty telling them that they must assemble the people to heare this Embassie and to create according to the custome of the Countrey and that they must no longer suffer the Empire of the Heraclidis to be lost contrary to the Lawes of the Citty And although the Gouernours were discontented to see the present estate of their affaires yet not able to resist their force fearing also the young men they made answere that as for Kings they would aduise of it afterwards and presently they would assemble the people to heare Machate The assembly being made they caused 〈◊〉 enter who began to perswade them to imbrace the alliance of the Etoliens blaming the Macedonians much without reason and speaking many false things in praise of the Etoliens Hauing ended his speech there was a long debate among the people and their opinions were diuers for some held it fit to follow the Etolien party and to embrace their alliance others were of a contrary opinion insisting that they should preserue the Friendship of the Macedonians Finally after that some Senators were risen and had put them in minde of the benefits of Antigonus and of the Macedonians and of the losse they had in the time of Carixenes and Timee when as the Etoliens entred the Spartains Countrey and put all to fire and sword attempting to surprize the Towne restoring the banished men by force and policy they caused many to change their opinion and in the end the people were perswaded to entertaine their Friendship with Philip and the Macedonians Matters thus
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
sweare not to steale any thing in the Campe and if they finde any thing to bring it to them Then they dispose of the Ensignes and depute out of the two Legions two of the Principals and of the forked Iauelings for the guard of the place which is before them For thither the greatest part of the Romans repaire daily and therefore they haue the charge it should bee kept cleane Euery Tribune chooses three out of the other two and twenty Ensignes which remaine According to the said diuision there are so many Ensignes of Principals and forked Iauelings in euery Legion There are sixe Tribunes which gouerne in their turnes and particularly three Ensignes the which set vp the Tent in the place appointed for him that hath the gouernment pauing the place which is about it Moreouer they haue charge to fortifie if it be needfull for the guard of the Baggage They also appoint two Watches either of them consisting of foure men whereof some are before the Tent and others behind neare vnto the Horses As euery Tribune hath three Ensignes and aboue a hundred men in either of them except the Triarij and light Iauelings which are not bound to that seruice the charge is found light for that the Watch falls to euery Ensigne but the fourth day Finally as for these duties the necessary Command with the honour and obedience is due vnto the Tribunes The Ensignes of the Triarij are freed from the Tribunes charge but they serue daily among the Troupes of Horse men as they are lodged neare them and they haue a care of the Horses lest they should intangle and hurt themselues and so be made vnseruiceable or being vntied fight together whereby an Alarum might grow in the Campe Moreouer one out of euery Ensigne keepes a guard daily before the Consull whereby he is in safety from Treason being the most honourable Magistrate The Allies haue the charge of either side of the Ditch and Pallisadoe where euery one of their Troupe is nearest and the Romans of the other two and euery Legion hath one And as euery flanke is distributed by the Ensignes the Captaines of the Bands are present at the particular guard but in generall two of the Tribunes had the ouersight who in like manner had the charge of the rest of the Legion For For their diuision being made by two they gouerne by their turnes two Moneths in sixe and they to whom the lot is fallen haue the prehemiuence of all the affaires The same manner of gouernment is obserued among the Commanders of the Allies The Horse-men and Captains of Bands come at Sun-rising to the Tribunes Tents and the Tribunes to the Consull to whom he giues order for pressing affaires They likewise to the horse-men and Captains who command the Troupe in time conuenient As for the watch word by Night they giue it safely thus A man is chosen both of the Horse and Foot of the tenth Ensigne which camps behind vpon the extremity of the streets who is not bound to watch but comes only euery day at the Suns setting to the Tribunes Pauillion and when he hath receiued the word which is written downe he returnes and being come vnto his Ensigne hee deliuers it with the word vnto the Commander of the next Ensigne in the presence of witnesses The like he doth vnto the next and so consequently of all the rest vntill it come vnto the first Ensignes which are lodged neare vnto the Tribunes They must bring backe this Paper to the Tribunes before night and if all those which haue bin deliuered be returned they know that the word hath bin giuen to all in generall hauing past through them all If there be any fault the Tribune enquires presently of the cause and knows by the inscription from what quarter the Paper came and when the errour is discouered they presently condemne him to a certaine Fine Moreouer they appoint their guards after this manner An Ensigne watches about the Consuls Tent the like doe the Deputies of euery Ensigne about the Tribunes and the Troupes of Horse men Thus they of euery Band dispose of themselues and the Consuls of the other guards There are most commonly three guards one about the Questor and two tohers about the Lieutenants and Councellors But the light Iauelings remaine without the Campe making a guard by day about the Pallisadoe for it is their charge Of which there are ten appointed for the guard of euery Gate The Lieutenant of euery Ensigne brings in the Euening vnto the Tribune those that are appointed for the first watch to either of which the Tribune giues little Talleys hauing Characters After the receipt wherof they retire to the places assigned them Concerning the suruey of the Watch they trust Horse-men for the chiefe Captaine of the Band must giue order to one of his Lieutenants to carry this Commandment to euery Legion That is to say to foure young men of his Band before dinner that the charge belongs to them to visite the Watch the Night following This being done the like command must be giuen to the Captaine of the next Band that it belongs to his charge to make the Round the day following This being heard the day following he doth the like to othres and so consequently of the rest Finally they which haue bin chosen by the Lieutenants of the first Band to whom the Watch is fallen repaire vnto the Tribunes and take in writing what portion and how many Watches they are to visite which done they remaine in the guard neare vnto the first Ensigne of the Triarij of the which the Captaine of the Band hath the charge to the end the Trumpet may sound in fit time for the Watch. The time being come he that hath the charge to make the Round doth it to the first Watch. He not onely visiteth the places neare the Pallisadoe and streets but altogether going about the Ensignes and Troups and if he finds the Watch of the first guard waking he takes their Talley But if he finds any one sleeping or the place abandoned he departs taking witnesse of them that are neare The like also they doe which afterwards goe the Round The charge to cause him to sound to the Watch belongs to the Captains of Bands of the first Ensignes of the Triarij of euery Legion who serue as visiters for the guard Either of which in the morning brings the Paper to the Tribune and if they haue brought all they returne If any one brings lesse then the number of the guards they search by the Character where the fault was committed This being knowne they call the Captaine of the Band who brings those whom they had appointed for the Watch. These debate it with the Visiter And if the fault be in the Watch the Visiter deliuers it presently with the testimony of those that were neare For he is bound to doe it But if he hath err'd himselfe the blame is laid vpon
hee could in reason being vanquished by the wickednesse of those which assured him lost his life seruing for a profitable Example to posterity for two causes First that no man should relye simply vpon any And next that no man should mistake himselfe for his good Fortune but be prepared for all accidents which may happen to man And therefore in the beginning they goe forth as it were to take some spoiles and come by night to the Carthaginians Campe Others held the close way staying at a certaine place full of Woods But Philimene and Nicon approacht the Campe Whom the Watch led Prisoners to Hannibal they neuer discouering of whence nor what they were making onely a signe that they would speake with the Generall Being then brought vnto Hannibal they told him that they would speake with him in secret Who giuing them Audience with great affection they excuse themselues and their Countrey accusing the Romans in many sorts to the end they should not seeme to be come forth about this businesse without cause Wherefore Hannibal commended them much and entertained them curteously Finally hee sent them backe to returne speedily to conferre with him ordering for the present that these men should be let go when they were out of the Campe and in the meane time he would consider what should be most safe This he did to haue conference with these young men and to inquire of their affaires And to the end they should keepe their credit with the Cittizens as if by the Captaines leaue they had made incursions for spoile When as Nicon had Executed his Charge Hannibal was very well satisfied and ioyfull For that he might haue meanes to effect his Enterprize which was then difficult Philâ—mene on the other side affâ—cted the businesse propounded for that they had giuen him a safe accesse to speake and he had found Hannibal very attentiue promising him to giue store of Victuals to the Cittizens Then they not onely got credite with the Tarentins but moreouer they had a good Traine aswell for the accord made as for the Victuals whereof they had sufficient Afterwards making a second incursion and putting euery thing in Execution they assured Hannibal and were likewise assured by him that is to say that the Carthaginians should leaue the Tarentinâ— in their Liberty not oppressing them with any Subside or Tribute nor with any other impost Being also lawfull for them after they had Conquered the Citty to ruine the Romans Houses Finally they agreed that when they should come vnto the Campe the Watch should presently take them Which things being concluded they had power to come and speake often with Hannibal parting from the Citty sometimes to get spoyle and sometimes to Hunt These things being thus agreed vpon for the future most of them had a care of the occasion In regard of Philimâ—ne they appointed him for Hunting For as he was much inclined to it they thought he could do no other thing but to attend it Wherefore they gaue him this Charge to the end he might take wild beasts first to winne Caius Lybius Gouernour of the Citty and afterwards those which kept the Gates which are called Tâ—menides Imbracing this Commission he tooke some Beasts in Hunting others were prepared for him by Hannibal For his part hee continually brought 〈◊〉 prize whereof he shared part to Caius and to the Guards of the gates to the end they might speedily open the Gate called Rhinopile He entred and went forth often in the night by this Gate vnder colour of feare of the Enemy but in the meane time hee made vse of it for his Enterprize When Philimene had obtained this course with the Guards so as without suspition approaching to the Wall if he whistled they opened vnto him the Gate Rhinopile And withall obseruing that the Roman Gouernour of the Gate should be on a certaine day with great Company at Musea neere the Market place they appointed that day to Hannibal He had long before inuented this fiction as if hee were sicke to the end the Romans should not hold it strange that he staied so long there and then he feined himselfe to be more sicke Hee had not beene in the Campe for the space of three daies vpon the approaches of Tarentum The day being come he makes choise of a thousand of the ablest and resolutest men both Horse and Foote to whom he giues charge to carry Victuals for foure dayes Finally hee marcht speedily remoouing his Campe at the breake of day He gaue commaund to foureâ—score Numidian Horses to marcht thirty Furlongs before the Campe and that they should run of eyther side of the Country to the end that no man might discouer the whole Campe but taking some of them that fled the rest which escaped might aduertise the Citty of the Numidians courses When as the Numidians were about twenty Furlongs off they set downe to Supper neere vnto a certaine Riuer in a Rocke which was not easie to discouer Then Hannibal drawing the Captaines together he discouers his Enterprize vnto them and perswades them that first of all they should carry themselues like braue men for that there were neuer such great rewards propounded vnto them And that secondly euery man should keepe his Souldiers in obedience during the Voyage and punish those seuerely that should abandon their places thorough Disobedience Finally they should haue a care of those things which should bee Commaunded and that they should not attempt any thing of their owne fancy contrary to his Commandement This Speech being deliuered in the presence of the Captaines he marcht being yet night meaning to come vnto the Walls about mid-night Hee had Philimene for his Guide to whom hee gaue Synagrie for a Companion in that same Action VVhen as Calus Lybius with his Company were in the day time at Musea according to the conception of the Youth they aduertised him that the Numidians ouer-ran the Country towards the West when as their desire of drinking increased Yet thinking to stay them hee called for the Captaines giuing them charge to go forth at the breake of day with halfe the Horse-men and repulse the Enemy which spoythe Countrey This was all the conceite he had of the businesse As for those which kept Company with Nicon and Tragisque assembling suddainly within the Citty they looked for the returne of Caius And being suddainly ready for that they had drunke in the day time some retiring to certaine places stayed there Others among the Youth go to meete Caius sporting and playing among themselues making shewe to bring them backe which should be found at the Banquet and moreouer as it were transported by reason of the Drunkennesse of Lybius Company as soone as they met they fell to laughter and immoderate sport of either side then turning head they Conducted Caius vnto his House He layd him downe to rest as a man soundly drunke after the manner of those which drinke daily hauing
regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians But at this day they are Confederate with the Romans against Greece in generall These things vnderstood who doth not suspect the comming of the Romans and detest the sottishnesse of the Etoliens who presumed to enter into such a League They spoile the Vines and the Iland of Acarnania and haue already taken the Cittie of the Tallaneins and Anticyra which they with the Romans haue ruined who carry away their VViues and Children suffring as it seemes the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soile of these miserable people the Etoliens enioy it It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedemonians should imbrace this League who would haue the Thebeins alone among the Grecians liue in peace when the Persians descended and haue resolued to make vowes vnto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians Your dutie and Honor my Masters of Lacedemon depends thereon to the ende that hauing recourse vnto your Ancestors and fearing the comming of the Romans and suspecting the bad intent of the Etoliens and putting you in minde of the deedes of Antigonus you may detest the League of the wicked and flie the amitie of the Etoliens allying your selues by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians And if some of the chiefe yeild not vnto it at the least budge not neither make your selues Companions of their Outrages It is true that affection to friends is very profitable if it bee commodiously made But if it be forced and finally slow and defectiue it hath no comfort and therefore you must obserue if onely in words or else in actions they will keepe their League with you A parcell of the Riuer of Euphrates Evphrates takes its sourse and beginning in Armenia running its course by Syria drawing towards Babylon and falls as it seemes into the Red Sea whereof the signe is It looseth it selfe in hollow places vnder ground made in that Region before it falls into the Sea VVherefore it hath a different nature to other Riuers The course of others augment as they passe by many places and are very high in VVinter and low in Summer But Euphrates growes very high at the rising of the Canicular especially in Syria and continuing its course decreaseth The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concurrence of the winter raine but by the melting of the Snow It decreaseth likewise for that it extends vpon the plaine and is dispersed for the watring of the Land Then the transport of Armies is slowly made for that the shippes stay in regard of the burthen the Riuer beeing low and finally the swift course of the water is some hinderance vnto the Nauigation A PARCELL OF the Tenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS AS from thence vnto the Sea and from the Citty of Rhegium vnto Tarentum there be aboue two Thousand Furlongs yet the Coast of Italy hath no Ports except those which are at Tarentum That Coast turnes to the Sicylian Sea and bends towards Greece It is much peopled with Barbarians So there are very famous Grecian Citties For the Brucians Lucain and some Countries of the Samnites and moreouer the Calabriens and many other nations inhabite this Country Euen as among the Grecians lies Rhegium Caulone Locres and Croton Moreouer the Metapontins and Thurins possesse this Maritine Region And therefore they which come from Sycily and Greece are when as they saile vnto any of the said places by necessity carried to the Ports of Tarentum And are forced to Traffique with their Merchandizes in that Cittie with all the inhabitants of that Coast. Some happily may coniecture that the Commoditie of this place proceedes from the abundance and fertillitie of the Crotoniates And although they haue some Summer stations of small reuenew yet it seemes they will challenge to themselues a great fertillitie and from no other thing but from the fruitefulnesse of the place which is not to bee compared to the Ports and Region of the Tarentins There is also a Commoditie from this place to the Adriaticke Ports at this day great but in former times greater All they which sailed from high Pouille vnto Sipuntes in Front and were carried into Italy landed at Tarentum and made vse of this City for their Commerce and Trafficke as in affaires Then the City of the Brâ—tensins was not yet built Wherefore Fabius much esteeming this abode was addicted vnto it leauing all other things All others hold him for a very fortunate man and that many times and for the most part he ended his Enterprizes without reason and accidentally holding this kinde of men to bee more diuine and admirable then those which attempt all things by a discourse of reason Being ignorant withall that by these words the actions of the one are worthy of Commendations and those of the other happy and fortunate Moreouer the one is common vnto the people But the other is proper to wise and iudicious men whom we must hold diuine and beloued of the Gods For my part Fabius seemes to me to haue a Nature and disposition like vnto Lycurgus the Law-giuer of the Lacedemonians We must not thinke that Lycurgus had beene so superstitious as obeying Pitheas he had established the Lacedemonian Common-wealth Nor likewise Publius Scipio moued with Dreames and Diuinations had purchased so great a power in the Countrey But for that the one and the other saw many men not greatly to affect doubtfull affaires not likewise to presume to vndertake matters that were graue and dangerous without the hope of the Gods For this cause Lycurgus making vse of the same drawne from Pytheas in his opinion hee made them more pleasing and certaine Publius Scipio in like manner had made an impression in many of a conceite of him that hee executed his Enterprizes by a certaine Diuine Councell By this meanes he made his men more assured and willing to attempt difficult things That he hath brought euery thing to an end by sufficient reason and wisedome and that for this cause all his actions haue had an end concurret to reason will appeare manifest and plaine by the Discourse which I shall hold concerning him It is certaine he was bountifull and generous But as for his industry sobriety and vigilancy in his resolutions no man can conceiue them but such as haue liued with him and haue exactly searcht the depth of his disposition amongst the which was Lelyus who had beene his Companion from his Infancy in all his actions and discourses vnto his Death for that hee seemes to speake likely things and conformable to his actions First hee reports this Noble deede of Publius when as his Father had resolued to fight with Hannibal neare vnto the Riuer of Poe. For at that time being as it seemes but seuenteene yeares old going into the Field hee had receiued from his Father a Troupe of the best and strongest men for
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
his young Sonne Finally they drag his Wife into the place and kill her This was the end of Agathocles and Agathoclea with their Kinsfolkes I am not ignorant what Fables and colours some Historiographers vse in these actions to amaze the Readers with a copious aduancement of words and otherwise then the truth containes Some referre this accident to Fortune shewing how inconstant and ineuitable shee is seeking to bring Causes and Similitudes of actions It is true that in the pursuite of this Worke I had resolued to helpe my selfe with the sayd actions for that this Agathocies had nothing honourable for his courage and prowesse in the Warre neither any happy mannaging of affaires which ought to bee desired Neither did hee vnderstand the cunning and policy of a Courtier in the which Sosybiâ—s and many others being very well instructed had vsurped Kingdomes The which notwithstanding happened vnto this man Hee grew great by chance for that Philopater was not able to gouerne the Realme Hauing therefore gotten this occasion to come vnto greatnesse when as after his Death hee had a fit opportunity offred to maintaine his power yet hee lost both life and goods faintly and basely being slaine within a short time Wherefore it is not fitting that in the relation of such things they should adde words especially when they speake of such as Agathocles and Denis Sicilians with some others which had beene famous and renowned for their actions One of them in truth came of a base extraction But as Tymeus cauells Agathocles being a Potter he came in his younger yeares to Sarragosse They were eyther of them in their times Tyrants of Sarragosse of that City I say which at that time was great in authority and abounding in riches And afterwards they were Kings of all Sicily and enioyed some parts of Italy In regard of Agathocles hee died not in assailing Affricke but after this manner with a desire to Reigne And therefore they say of Publius Scipio who first forced Carthage that when they demanded of him what men hee held ablest to vndertake an Enterprize and of great discretion and courage hee answered Agathocles and Denis Wee must in truth when the proposition is made hold the Reader in suspence and doubt and relate their fortune and humane accidents in adding words in manner of Doctrine In regard of the sayd things I am not of Opinion it should bee done For this cause wee reiect in this passage the Writers of Agathocles with their many words for that those horrible Narrations and fearefull euents which haue nothing but a conceite worthy to hold the Reader in suspence Finally it is not onely vnprofitable to treate of them with a long discourse but also their vehemency in the end brings tediousnesse and trouble There are two ends namely profit and pleasure whereunto they must haue regard which will ruminate any thing either of hearing or sight And for that profit belongs chiefly to the narration of an History it is most necessary and conuenient that this kind of adding of words vnto fearefull accidents should turne from these two ends What is hee that would willingly follow vnexpected accidents and without reason No man reioyceth continually eyther for the seeing or hearing of things which are out of Nature and the common sence of men But in the beginning wee are exceeding ioyfull and glad to see some and to heare others to the end wee may rightly vnderstand and know after what manner that is done which seemes vnto euery one very strange and impossible When wee once begin to know them no man takes any delight or pleasure to stay vpon things which are strange from the course of Nature nor will haue any desire to fall often vpon the same subiect Wherefore the Narration must drawe a desire of imitation where hee may delight And if they adde words to some miserable accidens besides these ends they are more fitting for a Tragedy then a History Peraduenture you must pardon those which doe not consider things which are common to Nature and the World But they hold the Fortunes of their Ancestors great and wonderfull whereon falling by Fortune in Reading or Hearing them from others they settle their affections Wherefore they know not that they vse more speech of such things then is needefull which are neither new hauing beene spoken formerly by others neither can they profite nor content The remainder is wanting A PARCELL OF the Sixteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Of the Battaile giuen at Sea betwixt Philip and King Attalus PHilip was much troubled seeing many things succcede vnfortunately in his siege and withall that the Enemies were in the Hauen with a good number of couered Vessells neither could hee well resolue what to do And when as the present occasions depriued him of all meanes of choice in the end hee weighed Anchor and set Saile contrary vnto the Enemies Hope For Attalus and his Company expected that he should grow obstinate at the Siege considering the preparation which he had of Engines of Battery Philip made all haste to saile away imagining that hee might get before them and make a safe retreate vnto Samos along the shore Yet hee was deceiued in his conceite For when as Attalus and Theophiliscus saw that hee had weighed Anchor they suddainly resolued and set Saile obseruing no order for that they conceiued that Philip would haue perseuered in his Enterprize Yet they charge him making great speed with their Oares So as Attalus fell vpon the right wing which got before and Theophiliscus vpon the left Philip seeing himselfe thus pestred and suddainly surprized hee gaue the signe of the Battaile to them of the right wing commanding them to turne their prowes against the Enemies and to charge them resolutely Then he retired to the smaller Ilands which were in the mid-way with the lighter Vessels expecting the end of the Battaile The number of Ships of Warre which Philip had were fifty three couer'd Vessels with a hundred and fifty Foists and Galleyes vncouered In regard of the Vessels remaining at Samos hee could not arme them Those of the Enemies were in number threescore Vessels couered with those of Constantinople with the which there were nine Galliots and three Galleyes When as Attalus Ships began the fight presently they that were neare charge one another without command Attalus fell vpon a Vessell with eight Oares crushing it in such sort as it tooke water and when as they which were vpon the hatches had defended themselues long in the end hee sunke it On the other side Philips Galley of ten Oares which was the Admirall was by chance taken by the Enemies For when as a Galliot sayl'd against it it bruised it much in the midst of the Bulke ioyning vnto it behind at the poope to the which it remain'd grapled for that the Pylot could not stay its violence So as when this Vessell stucke close vnto her she was much hindred
and the knowledge would bee common to all But as the afore-said things haue a difference not onely betwixt them but also in themselues it is most necessary to know what bee their augmentations and diminutions How can the course and perfections of the Day and Night be knowne without the consideration of the said difference No man can without their experience attaine vnto those things which concernes a competency of time being otherwise forced to worke sooner or later then is needfull Haste in these affaires is more defectiue then the delay of an Enterprize Hee that exceeds the time appointed is frustrated of his hope But hee may repaire it in giuing good order knowing after what time it may be done whereas hee that preuents the opportunity of the approaching time and being discouered not onely failes of his Enterprize but is in danger to be wholly defeated Occasion is the Mistresse of all humane affaires and especially in the Art of Warre A Commander therfore of an Army must haue knowledge of the Soâ—stice of Summer and of the Equinoctials and of the intermixt increases and decreases of Dayes and Nights By this onely meanes hee may hold a meane in things which are to be effected as well by Sea as Land Moreouer hee must know euery point of the Day and Night to the end that hee may vnderstand the time when to plant his Campe and to raise it It is not possible that hee shall attaine to a good end which doth not consider the beginning It is not impossible to see the houres of the Sunne by the shaddowes whilest he makes his course and the distances which are made by it in this world In regard of those of the Night it is a difficult thing vnlesse some doe follow and obserue the Starres after the disposition of the Heauen and the order of the twelue Signes in the Zodiacke It is in truth easie for those which diligently obserue the Celestiall Starres For although the Nights be vnequall yet in euery one of them sixe of the twelue Signes do mooue so as it is necessary that to euery part of the Night an equall portion of the Zodiacke be turned and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun driues behind which is that which it separates from the Diameter it is necessary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night that after this part it appeares eleuated from the rest of the Zodiacke The Signes of the Zodiacke being knowne as well for their number as greatnesse it falls out afterwards that they shew themselues such all times of the Night But when the Nights are cloudy we must obserue the Moone for her greatnesse her light appeares vniuersall in what part of the world soeuer she be And wee must sometimes search by the times and places of the East and sometimes of the West for that in this part there is a knowledge so as she followes the Diurnall differences of the East There is also in this knowledge a manner of easie consideration There is likewise the same end almost within a figure and all are of Sence For this cause they iustly commend the Poet who brings in Vlisses an excellent Prince taking coniecture of the Starres not onely to direct a Nauigation but also to mannage Warre at Land Wee may in truth exactly fore-see vnexpected chances although that many times they be of great preplexity as inundations by Raine and Riuers Snows and violent Frosts and finally Fogs and Clouds with such like things Shall we not with reason be destitute and voide of many things by our owne fault if wee disdaine those which wee may fore see Wee may not therefore contemne or despise any of these things lest wee fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened vnto many others Concerning which wee must now speake by way of Example Arate Chiefe of the Acheins labouring to surprize the City of Cynethe appointed a day to them of the Towne which had the same intelligence who comming by Night to the Riuer which fals to Cynethe he was to stay there with his Army and they of the Towne taking their occasion about Noone should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate couered with a Cloake and should command him to stay before the Gate vpon a Dunghill and in the meane time the rest should take the chiefe men sleeping who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noone Which being done comming out of their Ambush they should plant their Battalion against the Gate These things thus concluded Arate came at the time appointed and keeping the accord he laid his Ambush neare vnto the Riuer But about fiue of the Clocke a man hauing weake Sheepe of those which are accustomed to feede about the Towne came forth of the Gate in a Cloake as it was needfull who according to the reason of the time enquired of the life of the Shepheard And staying vpon the sayd Hill looked where hee was Arate thinking they had giuen him the Signe makes haste to gaine the Towne with his men But when the Gate was suddainly shut by the Guards that were present for that they within had nothing ready it happened that Arate was not onely frustrated of his purpose and intention but was the cause of extreame calamities to the Burgesses with whom hee had intelligence For being apprehended they were presently chased away or slaine What shall wee thinke to be the cause of this accident Doubtlesse for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightnesse then was fit who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords nor of the things annexed The affaires of Warre haue an alteration in a moment wauering from one side to another in the Euents When as likewise Cleomenes the Lacedemonian had resolued to take the City of Megalopolis by practice he agreed with the Guards of the Walles that hee should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party had then the guard of the Wall But when he had not foreseene that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleiades hee parting from Lacedemon with his Army at Sun setting and as hee could not come thither in time arriuing when the Sunne was vp he was repuls'd making his attempts in vaine and without reason with a great and shamefull losse of his men and in danger to lose all Whereas if hee had aim'd truely at the time appointed by the agreement and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in he had not failed in his Enterprize In like manner Philip as wee haue formerly sayd hauing plotted a secret surprize of the City of the Meliteens failed doubly He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length as the businesse required neither did he obserue the time For hauing resolued to arriue at Mid-night
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and