eyes to Heaven and admiring the mode order and quantitie of those celestial bodies thought the Sun and Moon to be Gods So Lactant. lib. 2. Inst cap. 14. The first of all those who possessed Egypt began to contemplate and adore those celâ—stial bodies And because they lived by reason of the Qualitie of the air without covered houses they thence had opportunitie to note the Courses and Defects of the Stars and thence fell into the admiration and adoration of them As for the Egyptians skill in Geometrie Porphyrie assures us that they have been for a long time very studious therein And Proclus in Euclid 2.4 faith that Geometrie was invented by the Egyptians taking its beginning from measuring of fields it being necessary for them from the inundation of Nilus which washed away their bounds Austin de Civit. Dei l. 18. c. 39. gives us a clear account of the whole The Wisdom of the Egyptians what was it saies he but principally Astronomie c Ludovicus Vives on this place gives this account The Ancient Egyptians much exercised themselves in Astronomie Geometrie and Arithmetick As for Geometrie necessitie taught them that which they greatly needed when the bounds of their fields were broken down by the overflowing of Nilus neither could they any other way divide their grounds c. Whence Geometrie is so termed from measuring of the earth As for Astronomie the commodiousnes of their situation gave them great advantage for improvement therein they having their nights alwaies clear and serene and the Heavens lying open to them without clouds could easily contemplate the risings and settings of the Stars with their progresses and regresses c. Then to these two Arithmetick was added as subservient without which the former could not be attained Thus Lud. Vives And that our Astronomie came much of it if not the whole from the Egyptians and those Eastern parts seems very probable from those Hypotheses or Hieroglyphick Signes which are used by Astronomers in the Zodiack and other parts of the Celestial Globe to expresse the Celestial Bodies and their motions by which way of expressing things was in much use amongst the Egyptians and by them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they derived as 't is supposed from the Jewish Church their Rites and Ceremonies Neither were the Egyptians unacquainted with Geographie as it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 6. his description of the sacred Scribe in the solemn procession of whom it was required that he should be skilled in Hieroglyphicks Cosmographie Geographie the motions of the Planets the Chorographie of Egypt and the description of Nile Eustathius in his Notes on Dionysius attributes the invention of Geographick Tables to Sesostris who caused the Lands he had conquered to be described in Tables and so communicated it to the Egyptians and from them to others as Stilling Orig. Sacr. Book 2. c. 2. Vossius de phil sect lib. 2. c. 2. § 8. We find a good general account of the Egyptians skill in Mathematicks given by Hornius Hist philos lib. 2. c. 7. They so handled the Mathematick Sciences that if they be compared with other Nations they may be said not so much to perfect as invent them which they affected out of a humor of vain glorie Especially there were famous among them Petosiris and Necepson by whose Prudence they are the words of Julius Firmicus there was an accesse made to the very secrets of Divinitie They vindicated to themselves the invention of Geometrie Astrologie and Astronomie § 3. That the Egyptians had in like manner the Knowledge of Natural Philosophie especially of Medicine and Anatomie which are but branches thereof is generally affirmed by the Ancients It s true their superstition kept them from dissecting and prying into the natures of those creatures to which they attributed a Deitie yet were they not without many choice experiments and curious observations even in the experimental part of Natural Philosophie for Blinie Hist l. 19. c. 5. tels us that it was the manner of their Kings to cause dead bodies to be anatomized to find out the Structure or Composition of Man's bodie with the causes and nature of Diseases Besides they were exact in making philosophick observations touching any curious natural events or their irregularities For when there happened any prodigie or irregular thing in nature they did saies Strabo with much curiosity lay iâ— up amongst their sacred records and Herodotus addes That more things of this nature were observed by them than by any other Nation which saith he they not only diligently preserved but frequently compared together and from a similitude of Prodigies gathered a similitude of Evâ—nts Thus much also Plato in his Timaeus fol. 22.33 observes concerning them in his relation of Sâ—lon's Conference with the Egyptian Priest where Solon having a curiosity to find out the truth and original of those ancient great events touching Phoroneus Deucalion and Pyrrhus c. the Egyptian Priest unfolds these mythologick fabulous narrations by an historick relation wherein he seems to reduce the Storie of Deucalion to that of Noahs Floud and that of Pyrrhus his wife to the Burning of Sodom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying fire as also that of Phoroneus to the drowning of Pharaoh in the Red Sea Phoroneus and Pharaoh being according to the Hebrew and so the Egyptian tongue which differed little from it conjugates And that the Egyptians had some natural historie of the first Creation which could not be traduced to them by any hand save that of Moses originally Genesis 1. is apparent out of Diogenes Laert. proem pag. 7. where he saies that the Egyptians did constantly believe that the World had a beginning and was corruptible that the Stars were of the nature of Fire and that the Soul was immortal c. But that for which the Egyptians were most famous abroad was their skill in Medicine which is so much spoken of by Homer Plato Herodotus Plutarch Diogenes Laertius c. Plinie tels us lib. 29. c. 1. that the original of Physick or Medicine amongst the Egyptians was from the relations of those who by any remedy were cured of any Disease which for a memorial to posterity were recorded in their Temples The Egyptians had also excellent skill in the embalming of dead bodies for their conservation which appertaines to Medicinal Philosophie as it appears from Scripture Gen. 50.2 where Joseph commands the Physicians to embalme his Father Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. treating of the Egyptian Philosophie conteined in 24 books written by their Mercurie tels us that 6 of these Books concerned Medicine which were studied by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those who wore the Cloke wherein was distinctly handled the Fabrick of Mans Bodie the Nature of Diseases and Medicaments and particularly the Medicine of the Eyes and of Womens Diseases c. Diodorus makes the Egyptians the first Inventors of Medicine And what
great injustice of Aristotle and his Adherents in their Disputes against Plato in that quarelling with and triumphing over his words they regard not his sense or mind wrapped up under those Symbolick and Metaphorick Notions Thus here when Plato Philosophizeth of the soul of the Universe or the Universal spirit that animates this Universe noâ— minding his hidden sense they cavil against his Notion as if he did indeed make the Universe a Monstre But to come to the right understanding of this Notion We shall endeavour to draw forth Plato's mind in these Propositions 1. The original and primarie notion or mind of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vniversal spirit or soul of the Universe seems to be but a broken Tradition from Gen. 1.2 And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters and so an imperfect reference to the third person in the Trinitie whom Moses makes to be the more immediate fomenter and influencer of all things Hence the Platonists in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trinitie make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Universal spirit to be the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or person That Plato by his Spirit of the Vniverse or Vniversal spirit meant the Spirit of God or God is evident by his description thereof in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 896. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Soul or Spirit of all things is most ancient and the principle of motion and of all good this Soul also is the cause of all things honest and evil of all things just and unjust and of all contraries This is a full description of the spirit's operation and influx on all things both good and evil materially considered But Plato discourseth more fully particularly concerning this Universal Divine Spirit his Prolifick Seminal Efformation of the Universe in what precedes fol. 395. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Soul or Spirit permeâ—ting and enhabiting all things c. Plato here proves that God is the Soul of the World from the Analogie or Proportion he bears to the living Soul For look as the Sensitive Soul conveighed from the Paâ—ent together with and in the Seed does by its Prolifick Efformative Virtue forme and shape the faetus till it be perfected So God whom he here stiles the Vniversal soul permeating and enhabiting all things is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first fashiâ—ner or the Efformative and Spermatick principle of the Vniverse Or look as the humane spirit though precedent to and no way depending on the bodie is notwithstanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle phraseth it the perfection or perfective principle of the man so Plato's Universal Spirit or Spirit of the Vniverse though it be precedent to and independent on the said Universe yet is it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Efformative and perfective principle thereof This Plato's indwelling soul of the Universe is the same with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plastick Efformative Power Spirit or Principle which our Chymists take to be the Vniversal spirit informing all things And that all these Platonick â—otions of this Soul or Spirit of the Vniverse were but broken traditions derived originally from Gen. 1.2 The Spirit of God moved c. will I think be evident to any that shall consider how parallel they are For whereas 't is said Gen. 1.2 the Spirit moved some will have the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to imply such a motion or agitation as carries with it an Efformative fomentation like to that of a Broodie Hen fomenting her Egges The Spirit of God as it were to speake with Reverence set abrood upon the Waters till it be Hatâ—hed and brought forth the Vniverse To which Plato's Spermatick Efformativs spirit of the Universe exactly answers as also to that Psal 33.6 By the breath of his mouthâ— Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Spirit of his Mouth Neither is this only a Novel Observation for Ludovicus Vives who was well veriâ— in Plato is fully of this persuasion as he layes it down in his Comment on August Civit. lib. 10. cap. 23. If we will saies he more exactly follow Plato its easie to defend that the Soul of the world is that spirit which moved upon the Waters Gen. 1.2 which they seem to make imparting life and essence to all things through the masse of the Universe Thus he who gives us a good explication of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 2. Plato's Soul of the Universe seems to refer sometimes to the Divine Spirit his Providential influence on and concurse with all things This indeed follows upon and differs not really from the foregoing notion of Plato's Universal spirit For look as the spirit of God was the first Fomenter Framer and Perfectioner of the Universe so does he still continue the supreme Governour Orderer and Influencer of it and of all its motions c. Parallel hereto does Plato make his Universal spirit to be not only the first Composer but also the Disposer and Orderer of the Universe and all its Motions so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 897. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It 's manifest that we must confesse the supreme soul provides for the whole world and acts it c. This is another reason why Plato stiles the Universe a living Creature as he himself acquaints us in his Timaeus fol. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we ought to say that this world is truly a Living and Intelligent Creature because it comes under the Providence of God Hence Plato stiles this Universal Divine spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that he does most wisely and methodically dispose and order all Providential occurrences and natural affairs So in his Phileb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All wise men agree that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Divine mind is King to us both of Heaven and Earth So agen Phaedo fol. 97. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And we judge if it be so that the Divine Mind adorning adorneth all things and placeth ev'ry thing in the best forme and station that may be which is more briefly yet fully in the Platonick Definitions thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Divine Mind is that which adornes and is the cause of all things we have all this fully expressed by the Stoicks according to the relation of Laertius in Zeno thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The world is enhabited by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Divine Mind and Providence the Mind dispensing administrating or ordering every part thereof as the Soul in you which is a full Explication of Plato's Universal spirit and doth exactly answer to the Scripture's relation of the Spirit of God his preservation of and providence over all things as Psal 104.30 Thou sendest forth thy spirit c. So that we need no way doubt but that Plato traduced this second Notion of his Universal spirit from the Sacred fountain 3. Plato seems
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conservative and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curative As for Prophylactick or conservative Medicine we have many excellent Praescripts and Rules given us by Plato Hippocrates and others for the right management and improvement thereof Plato informs us that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good habitude and Crasis of bodie is extreamly advantagious for the due motions and exercises both of body and soul So in his Timaeus fol. 88. he tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is one preservation to both for neither is the soul moved without the body nor yet the bodie without the soul So again in his Timaeus fol. 103. Plato assures us That the beginnings of all evils are from inordinate Pleasures Griefs Desires and Fears which are kindled from the ill habitude and temperature of the bodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the ill Crases of the bodie produce these c. but to descend to particulars 1. One Rule given us for the conservation of health is to consider well and diligently to avoid the causes of diseases Plato in his Timaeus fol. 102. tells us what are the principal causes of all diseases First saies he The primarie and principal cause of all diseases is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an assymmetrie or disproportion of the first qualities namely if they are either redundant or defective This others term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 2. Hence follows another cause of diseases which Plato calls The mutations or alterations of the blood by reason of some corruption or preternatural fermentation for hence saies he springs bile and pituite or flegme as all other sick humours 3. The last cause of diseases he here mentions is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Ataxie or disorder of humours namely when choler or bile flegme or melancholie admit any extravasasion or flowing forth from their proper seats into any other parts of the body where fixing their seat they cause a solution and dissolution To these causes of diseases mentioned by Plato we may add others as 4. That of Hippocrates Aphorism 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all excess is destructive to nature This regards all excesses in repletions or evacuations sleep or watchings c. 5. Sudden mutations are apt to produce diseases This is imâ—lyed in that Canon of Hippocrates Aphoris 51. Sect. 2. Nature makes no sudden changes and every sudden change is dangerous 6. Another cause of diseases is an ill stomack or concoction accordâ—ng to that Canon an errour in the first concoction is never cured in the rest 7. Whence also follows another pregnant cause of diseases namely cruditie according to that great Aphorisme Cruditie is the Mother of all diseases For indeed almost all diseases under which men labour ordinarily spring from repletion and indigestion when more food is taken in than nature requires or the stomack can digest Yea Physitians say That a Plethora or full estate of bodie even though it be without impurity of blood is dangerous as to health because nature if weak cannot weild it But they make cruditie the seminarie of all diseases For say they health consists in two things 1. In the due proportion of the humours as well in quantitie as qualitie 2. In a certain spongious habitude of the whole body free from all obstructions that so the spirits and blood may have a free circulation throughout all parts Now cruditie obstructs both of these 8. Hence follows Obstruction which is reputed another seminal parent or cause of Diseases especially if the obstruction be seated in any principal part as the head heart liver spleen whence flow Convulsions Apoplexies Epilepsies if the obstruction be in the head Jandise if in the liver c. 9. Catarrhes also are judged another fountain of diseases c. 10. A dislocation or solution of parts tends much to the impairment and affliction of the whole according to that Physical Canon all grief ariseth from the solution of the Continuum 11. Lastly the weakness of any part tendeth greatly to the decay of the whole for as Physicians observe the stronger parts thrust their superfluities on the weaker Thus much for the causes of Diseases § 17. A second great Prophylactick Canon for the conservation of health is this To maintain nature in her due functions exercises and operations This is laid down by Plato in his Timaeus fol. 90. where he tells us that Medicine chiefly consists in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to render all their due operations This is more fully exprest by Hippocrates 6. Epid. Comm. 5. Tit. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Natures are the Physicians of diseases whence Physitians are stued the Ministers of Nature id est to assist her in the exerting her proper offices and exercises which are these 1. One great and proper exercise of Nature is a natural excretion of humours which is usually accomplished by perfective fermentation or ebullition of the blood whereby the excrementitious parts are severed and the whole masse of blood purified besides natural flâ—xes of the haemorrhoides and haemorrhages c. 2. Another great office or exercise of Nature is Perspiration insensible or sensible which requires a spongious habitude of body free from all obstructions And indeed no one can duly apprehend the sovereign influence natural perspiration has for the conservation of health as also for the expelling all noxious humours and malignant vapours That which assists nature herein is the keeping the bodie under exercises motion in the open air whereby the pores are kept open c. 3. Another office of Nature is to keep the spirits both natural vital and animal in their due vigour activity and exercises For it 's well known that the spirits are the great fabricators and opificers of whatever is transacted in the bodie Now the spirits are fed and conserved by a regular commixture of radical moisture and congenial heat for bodies frigid have but a jejune and slender spirit whereas things moderately hot are spirituous Also things grateful to the spirits do most foment and emprove them 4. Another exercise of Nature consists in the due evacuation of excrements which requires that the body be soluble and laxe not costive for costiveness of bodie breeds many diseases c. 5. Another office of Nature is to keep the bodie and all parts thereof permeable which is necessarie in order to a due circulation of the blood 6. Another office of Nature is to keep the Lungs in their due crasis and exercise whence that Canon to live well is to breath well § 18. A third Canon for the conservation of health regards the Non-naturalls as they call them namely Aliment Air Exercise c. 1. As for Aliment or food Plato as Pythagoras before him layes much stresse on a good regiment or government in diet Plato seems to make the whole of Medicine to consist in allowing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proper or due food
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Just is lawfull and equal but unjust illegal and unequal according to the Scriptural definition of sin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sin is an Illegalitie or a transgression of the Law This Aristotle Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transgression of the Law So Art 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an unjust man therefore seems to be a transgressor of the Law The like Art 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is unjust is a transgressing of the Law and unequal Yea Ariâ—â—otle concludes Art 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Transgreâ—â—ion of the Law comprehends all injustice and is common to all iniquitie The like Aristotle layes down in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. where having defined Righteousnesse to be a Virtue according to Law he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unrighteousnesse is that whereby we invade other mens rights against Law So Arist Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to act unjustly is Voluntarilie to hurt againâ—â— law And in his Eth. lib. 2. cap. 1. he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Will of every Lawgiver is such as that they who act not according to it sin Thus also sin is stiled by his master Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ataxie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 asymmetrie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleonexie or Exorbitancie opposite to the Eutaxie symmetrie and mediocritie of Virtue So Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vice is an Exorbitancie or intemperate Excesse a metaphor taken from the suâ—â—rabundance of any humour in the bodie called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thence defin Plat. fol. 416. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sin is a practice against right reason So Agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injustice is an habit overlooking or neglecting Laws Whence sin also is held by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But thus much for Aristotle's Ethicks in general § 34. We now proceed to Aristotle's Physicks wherein he asserts and demonstrates 1. God's universal Concurse the first mover in all motions so Johan Grammat in Arist. de Anima proaem fol. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle in his Physicks about the End disputing of Motion in quiring into its cause elevated himself to the first cause and priple of motion And he said that the first mover ought to be immobile for if he also should be moved the things moved would not continue in motion as if there were things alwayes mobile it necessarily follows that their mobile would be immobile Thence Aristotle extolling the first mover that he was incorporeous eternal and omnipotent saies that on such a principle depends the heaven and world For it behoveth a perfect Physiologist after he has handled the natural causes not to rest in these but to ascend to the separate or supernatural thus Aristotle has done in his book of Generation and Corruption The same is mentioned by Ammonâ—us in Arist Categ as before § 14. see Simplicius in his comment on Arist Phys lib. 8. large here about 2. Aristotle asserts also in his Physicks the immortalitie and immaterialitie of the humane Soul So Joh. Gramm in Arist de anima proaem fol. 7. Aristotle saith he delivered a Canon proving the Soul to be immortal The Canon is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We ought saies he by the operation to judge of the Essence because everie Essence has an operation suited to it Agen another Canon is this every Essence that has an operation separate from the bodie must of necessitie be separate from the bodie For otherwise the effect will be more noble than the cause Then he proves the minor that the Soul has operations separate from and independent on the bodie as the contemplation of God it self and other spiritual objects And Diogenes in Aristotle saies that Aristotle held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Soul is incorporeous § 35. As for Aristotle's Metaphysicks Ammonius stiles them his Theologicks So Ammon in Arist. Categ pag. 11. Aristotle's Theolologicks are those he writ after his Physick Exercitation which he calls Metaphysicks because it is proper to Theologie to treat of things above Nature Hence Aristotle's Metaphysicks passe in the Scholes under the splendid title of Natural Theologie though indeed it contains nothing but a few fragments he procured from his master Plato and the more ancient Philosophers who traded much in Jewish traditions touching God his Vnitie Veritie Bonitie c. also the Angels which Aristotle cals Intelligenâ—es and of the Soul in its separate state concerning which Aristotle sometimes seems 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hesitate saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as before § 3. But to come to the generick nature of Aristotle's Metaphysicks which he makes to be Sapience whereof he discourseth at large in the Proëme to his Metaphysicks as 't is well observed by Stobaeus Serm. 3. of Wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T was Aristotle's custome to call the same Science both Wisdome and the first Philosophie and Metaphysicks and Theologie Then Aristotle addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. First we conceive a wise man knows all things so far as 't is possible yet so as that he has not a particular but only universal knowledge of them 2. Thence we count him a wise man who is able to understand things difficult not only such as are easie 3 farther we judge him most wise in all Science who most exactly considers and understands the first causes 4. And of Sciences that which is eligible for it self and for its own knowledge is rather Wisdome than that which is desireable for its effect 5. And that Science which is more principal comes nearer Sapience than that which is subordinate for it becomes not a wise man to take precepts from others but to give precepts 6. And for the most part things most Universal are most difficult to be known by men for such things are most remote from sense 7. Those also are the most accurate of Sciences which are of things mostly first Thus Aristotle in his proeme to his Metaphysicks and Stobaeus out of him Wherein we have a full character of Sapience or Metaphysicks which is here described both in relation to its Object and Nature 1. As for the object of Sapience Aristotle saies it is 1. of things most Vniversal and remote from sense 2. Of things most difficult and excellent or rare 3. Of the first principles and causes of things as of God c. 2. As for the Nature of Sapience Aristotle tels us it is 1. most desireable for it self and for its own knowledge not for any effect that flows from it 2. It is the Architectonick or principal Science not ministerial or Subordinate c Whence also Aristotle addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As we say a man is free who is suâ—juris for himself and not for another so this Sapience is the most free and noble of all Sciences for it alone is for
1.5 Of the Lower World Wind. Air. Water Of Meteors Of Active Physiologie touching Plants and Animals Of Man's Original Formation according to the Image of God The Souls perfection The understanding The will Plato's notions about the Soul from Scripture Physical Aphorisms for the conservation of mans body in health The advantages of a good habitude of body 1. The causes of diseases to be avoided 1. Disproportion of first qualities 2. Alterations 3. Ataxie of humours Cruditie the Mother of diseases Nature is to be maintained in her due offices and motions Natura est morborum medicatrix medicus naturae minister eamque recte agentem imitari debet Sennert med 1 Excretion 2 Perspiration 3 Spirits Bene vivere est bene aspirare respirare perspirare Rules for Aliment Bene vivere est bene ingerere digerere egerere Therapeutick Physick The character of a good Physician Plato's Moral and Metaphysick Philosophie 1 Plato's Ethicks 1. Of the chiefest good 2. Of Virtue 8. Of Sin 4. Of the Affections their Temperance Moderation Particularly of Love Of Justice Plato's Oeconomicks Plato's Politicks Plato's Metaphysicks 1. Of God his Essence and 2. Attributes 1. Vnitie Of God's Simplicitie Gods Immutabilitie God's Eternitie God's Omnipresence God's Justice Of God's Veracitie God's Puritie God's Benignitie God's Omniscience God's incomprehensibilitie God's Will the cause of all things 2. Of the Human Soul The Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus Of Clearchus Aug. Steuch Eugubinus Rational Arguments 1. From Aristotle's converse with Jews 2. Alexander's procuring him all Oriental Books 3. Aristotle's Philosophie from Plato 1. Aristotle's Physicks from Plato and both from Gen. 1.2 c. Aristotle's first matter Aristotle's first mover from Plato's description of God Of the Soul its spirituality Aristoteles mirifice consentit cum Theologia Mosaica hominem à Deo conditum formatumque corpus datamque sexus varietatem animam autem exterius inspiratam Steuch Eugubin de Peren. Philos l. 9. c. 7 2. Aristotles Metaphysicks from Plato Principal object of Metaphysicks from Exod. 3.14 The Affections of Ens Vnity Veritie and Bonitie Aristotle's knowledge of God Touching Aristotle's Notions of God and their conformitie to Moses See Steuch Eugubinus de Peren. Philos l. 4. c. 1.7.8.9 c. The Soul separated A rational account why Aristotle rejected some of the more sublime and Mystick Traditions of Plato 3. Aristotle'â— Ethicks 4. His Politicks from the Jews Aristotle's Life Peripatetici a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominati sectae suae conditorem caput agnoscunt Aristotelem qui in Xysto seu horto ambulationi accommodato docebat Laert. lib. 5. Hornius Hist Phil. l. 3. c. 15 Aristotle's Character A comparison 'twixt Plato Aristotle 1. As to Rhetorick Plato omnium Philosophorum praecipuus ubereÌ„ amplam uno verbo Ulysâ—eam orationeÌ„ affectabat Horn. Hist Phil. l. 7. c. 14. 2 As to Logick 3. As to Metaphysicks Aristotle 's Doctrines either Acroatick or Exoterick Aristoteles horis matutinis legebat ea quae subtilioris erant indaginis sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à meridie Exotericis dabat operam Gell. l. 20. c. 4. Hornius hist Phil. l. 7. c. 4. Illud non est praetermittendum circa Aristotelis tempora Grammaticam quae vocatur Methodica Philosophâ—ae adjunctam esse Horn. Hist Phil. l. 3. c. 15. Aristotle's works what genuine what not Aristotele's books how conveighed to posteritie Hornius Histor Phil. l. 3. c. 15. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch in Sylla Aristotle 's Successors Theophrastus c. Apud Theophrastum graviter elaborata est Philosophia Pic. Mirandul in Apol. 90. Thes. Alexander Aphrodiseus the chief commentator on Aristotle Greek Commentators Themistius Olympiodorus Proclus Philoponus Ammonius Simplicius Arabians Averroes c. Which are followed by the Schole-men Est Arabica gens uti patrii soli ita linguae suae amans Igitur cum incidissent in scripta Aristotelis Graeca jam pene apud ipsos Graecos ignota caeperunt inde quâ—dam mox pleraque vertere in Patriam linguam Hornius Hist Philos l. 5. c. 10. A general Idea of Aristotle 's Philosophie The end of Aristotle 's Philosophie the knowledge of God Aristotle 's mode of Philosophizing simple The Character of a genuine Auditor The Character of a good Expositor The Distribution of Aristotle 's Philosophie Aristotle 's Logick and it 's distribution by Ammonius A Scheme of Logick The parts of Logick We may not expect the like exactnesse in all matters The parts of Dialectick 1. Invention Ram. Logic. lib. 1. 2. Judgment Ram. Logic. lib. 2. cap. 1. 1. Axiomatick Judgment Cap. 2. 2. Dianoetick or discursive judgment which is 1. Syllogisme therein is 1. The Antecedent wherein is 1. A proposition 2. An Assumtion 2. The consequent or Conclusion Cap. 9. Cap. 10. Method c. 17. Cap. 18. Aristotle's Ethicks 1. of human Happinesse 1. Objective Characters of the chiefest good which must be 1. The first principle 2. The last End 3. desireablâ— for it self 4. Simply good 5. The measure of all good 6. Most proper connatural 7. Most communicative 8. Most rare 9. Possible 10. Real 11. Most permanent 12. Most effective of Good 13. Which admits no excess 14. Self-sufficient and perfect Of Man's formal happiness 1. It s original from God 2. It s formal Idea or definition 1. The formal reason of formal happiness in operation 2. The proper subject the whole Soul 3. The qualification of the Soul and its act Virtue 4. The state of humane happinesse is a perfect life which connotes perfection 1. Extensive or of parts 2. Intensive or of degrees 3. Protensive or of duration The principles of humane Acts. 1. Practick knowledge Of Volition or the will strictly taken The end the proper object of Volition 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consultation Quod inconsul to fecimus consulto revocamus The Object of Consultation 2. The Subject of Consultation 3. The Act of Consultation 4 Of Election first its difference from Consultation and Volition 2. It s object the means 3. The Subject of Election the rational Will 4. The Act of Election 1. 'T is rational 2. Fixed and determined 5. It s difficultie 6. It s effect as to Virtue 7. It s dâ—finition Approbation Of Voluntarinesse and Libertie The definition of Voluntarie Coactive necessitie alone excludes Libertie Libertie of contrarietie or Indifferencie not Essential to Free-will Libertie essential to the will Est in potestate naturali quod cum volumus sacimus August God's necessitating concurse destroyes not Libertie God's predetermining concurse to the wil 's 〈◊〉 makes hâ— not the Author of sin Touching the moralitie of human acts 1. Of Moral good or virtue 1. Virtues are not Passions 2. Virtue not a power 3. Virtue an habit What an habit is The formal nature of Virtue in Mediocritie How Virtue consists in Mediocritie The mediocritie of Virtue harmonie The measure or rule
Potamon Ammonius Plutarch Philo. 252 Of Ammonius the head of the sacred succession his borrowing his choicest notions from the Scriptures 253-255 Of Plotinus and his Character 255 Of Porphyrie his origination c. 256 Jamblicus Syrianus Proclus 257 258 Of Johannes Grammaticus 258 259 Maximus Tyrius Alcinous Apuleius 259 These New Platonists called Electicks because they chose out the best of all Sects 260 261 The general designe of these New Platonists to reform Philosophie 261 262 The defects of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius 262 263 Too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie even above the Scriptures 263 Particular evils that followed upon this Platonick Reformation 264 1. As to the confirmation of Paganisme 264 2. As to the corruption of Christianisme 265 CHAP. 5. Plato's Pythagorick and Socratick mode of Philosophizing with the original of both from the Jewish Church PLato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing and its various uses 266 267 How Plato his Symbols ought to be regulated 268 Plato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews 268 269 Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philosophizing yâ—â— with some differences 270 271 Plato his mode of reasoning by Dialogues of Jewish origine 272 CHAP. 6. The several distributions of Platonick Philosophie THe Distribution of Plato his Philosophie as to its matter into Pythagorick Herachtick Socratick 274 Plato as to Theologicks Pythagorizeth 274 275 As to Sensibles Plato follows Heraclitus 275 As to Morals Plato follows Socrates 275 276 A second Division of Platonick Philosophie into Contemplative and Active 276 A third distribution of Plato his Philosophie into Moral Natural and Rational 277 278 A fourth distribution of Platonick Philosophie into Organick and Essential 278 The last distribution of Platonick Philosophie into Organick or Rational Natural Moral and Supernatural 279 280 281 Plato his Natural Philosophie 280 Plato his Mathematicks 281 Plato his Moral Philosophie Ibid. Plato his Metaphysicks 281 282 CHAP. 7. General Idea's of Platonick Philosophie and Philosophers PLato his Idea of Natural Philosophie 283 284 The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition 283 The object of this Appetition Sciences 283 1. Intelligence the knowledge of first Principles 284 2. Science or Demonstrative Discourse 284 3. Faith 4. Imitation 285 The Simple object of Philosophie 285 The Specifick Act contemplation 285 The Qualities of this contemplation 286 The Effect and end of this contemplation Truth as Truth 286 Plato his Idea of Moral Philosophie 287 The Genus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Prudence 287 The ultimate end of Moral Philosophie humane Beatitude 287 The Intermediate object Agibles 287 288 The offices of Moral Prudence 288 The parts of Moral Prudence 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Providence 288 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dexteritie or Sagacitie 288 289 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Experience or Sensation 289 290 The subject of Moral Prudence Conscience 290 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Seat of Principles 291 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Reflective light of Conscience 291 292 The Rule of Moral Prudence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 292 Subjective Fight Reason What 292 293 Plato his Divine Philosophie in the contemplation affection and Imitation of God 294 295 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 294 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 295 296 Plato his character of a Philosopher 296 1. A Philosopher must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 296 2. Well instituted 296 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Lover of Truth 297 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie 297 5. Not covetous 6. Nobly disposed 297 7. Couragious 8. Not Morose 298 9. Of an harmonious Musical nature 298 10. Virtuous 299 299 CHAP. 8. Of Plato's Logick and its derivation from the Iews PLato his forme of Logick Dialogick 299 300 The original of this Dialogizing mode from the Pleatick Schole 300 301 Plato his Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews 301 The Scriptural mode of disputing by Dialogues 302 Logick a Key or Organ for the Disquisition of Truth 303 Plato his Logick Precepts for the Disquisition of Truth 304 1. A Logician must be of mature Age grave moderate not vain-glorious 304 How far the old Academie was guiltie of contentious Disputes 304 305 2. The matter of Logick Disputes momentous 305 3. Lay good foundation-Principles 305 4. A methodick procedure from particulars to generals from the part to the whole 306 5. The use of Exemplifications 306 307 6. Distinguish well 'twixt Truth and Falsehood 307 7. State the Affirmative well 307 8. In the Definition of things expect not more of certaintie than the matter will bear 307 308 9. Libertie in our examens of Things 308 10. Value Reason more than Autoritie 308 11. Modestie and Moderation in Disputes 309 Alcinous of Plato's Dialectick 309-311 CHAP. 9. Of Plato's Physicks and their Traduction from Sacred Storie PLato's Physicks the storie of the Origine of the Vniverse 313 That Plato had his Storie concerning the Origine of the Vniverse from Moses is demonstrated 1. From his own confession 2. From the Testimonie of others 313 314 Plato follows Moses Gen. 1.1 in asserting the beginning of the Vniverse 314 315 How Plato affirmes the World to be Eternal 315 God the first cause of all things 316 God 's Ideal Efficience 316 Plato his Intelligible World 316 317 The difference betwixt Plato his Ideas and Exemplar 317 God's Energetick Efformative Efficiencie 318 319 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soul of the Vniverse what it imports 319 Plato his Vniversal Spirit exactly answers 1. To the Spirit 's Efformative Virtue 319 320 321 2. To the Spirit 's Conservation and Providence 321 3. To the Harmonie of the Universe 322 4. Plato hâ—s Ignisick Virtue how far it may be stiled the Vniversal Spirit 322 The Bodie of the Vniverse and its original Matter 323 The Parallel betwixt Moses and Plato in the Description of the first Matter 324-326 Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 324 Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the origine of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 324 Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Moses Gen. 1.5 325 Gen. 1.2 Moved on the face of the Waters 326 The Bodie of the Vniverse is composed of the four Elements 326 327 328 Plato received this distribution of the Vniverse from Moses 328-330 The form of the Universe its Order 330 331 The Affections of the Universe 331-336 1. It s Perfection 332-334 2. It s Vnitie 3. It s Finiteness 334 4. It s Figure 5. Its Colors 335 6. Time 7. Mobilitie 8. Generation 9. Duration 336 The particular part of Physiologie 337 The Creation of Angels 337 The Creation of the Heavens their nature Ignite or Waterie 337 That the Sun and Stars are composed of Fire demonstrated largely 338 339 340 341 342 Of the Wind Air Water c. 342 343 Of Active Physiologie touching Plants and Animals 343 Of Man's Original and Formation according
Chaldeans Now the great piece of Philosophie the Chaldeans were at first famous for was Astronomie and Astrologie So Strabo lib. 12 and 15. Hence Pythagoras is said to derive his Knowledge of the Stars from the Chaldeans as Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras Whence also the name Chaldeans passed in the Roman Empire for Astrologers And Quintus Curtius lib. 5. tels us that Alexander entring Babylon whereas others approving themselves otherwise the Chaldeans shewed the motions of the Stars and the stated vicissitudes of times Wherefore as Simplicius in Arist lib. 2. de Coelo affirmes Aristotle that great Inquisitor of Nature gave it in command to Callisthenes his Kinsman and Disciple who travailed with Alexander into Asia that he should send him Commentaries of such things as the Chaldeans had observed touching the Celestial Bodies And Callisthenes sent him observations of two thousand years Tullie tels us they had much convenience for such Astronomick observations by reason of the plain situation of their Countrey So Vossius de philos sect l. 2. c. 1. § 9. Neither is it to be wondred saies he if persons so ingenious were so well skilled in the Knowledge of the Stars who inhabiting a large and even Countrey could alwaies behold the face of the Heavens neither is it more to be wondred if those first Chaldeans observed so many things who in Aristotle's time gloried in the experience of 2000 years § 3. But though it may be granted that these Chaldeans had some advantage for the improvement of their Astronomick Skill from the convenience of their Countrey which lay on a level yet have we both Authoritie and Reason to judge that the original of this their Art was more Divine That the Chaldeans received their skill in Astrologie from Abraham was afore chap 1. § 8. of Abraham asserted and proved out of Berosus Eupolemus Josephus and Vossius so Lud. Vives on Aug. de civ Dei l. 8. c. 9. asserts the Traduction of Philosophie from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians by Abraham The truth of which assertion will be more evident if we consider the original causes of this Astronomick Science We need no way doubt but that Noah had been fully instructed by Church-Tradition from his Godly predecessors Methuselah Enoch and Seth touching the Creation of the World by God and particularly touching the excellent fabrick of the Heavens the Nature of those Celestial Bodies their Harmonious Order and Motion that the Sun was made to governe by Day and the Moon by Night as Gen. 1.16 and Psal 136.7 8. that these Celestial had a mighty influence on all Sublunarie Bodies c. These and such like considerations which greatly conduced to the enhanceing the Wisdom Power and Goodnes of God in his works of Creation and Providence we may not doubt were very frequent by Church-Tradition in the Hearts and Mouths of those Sons of God before and after the Floud And it is the opinion of some which is not without probable grounds that the whole storie of the Creation written by Moses was conveighed down even from Adam to his time by a constant uninterrupted Tradition to the Holy Seed and Church in all Ages And indeed if God vouchsafed to any the manifestation of his glorious works of Creation and Providence to whom can we suppose it should be if not to his darlings and friends the faithful and holy Seed who both could and would best improve such contemplations for their Makers glorie and most faithfully hand them over to posteritie Thus God himself gives Abraham this Character Gen. 18.17 Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do 19. For I know him that he will command his children c· God gave Abraham the Knowledge of things not only past and done but to come because he knew Abraham would make the best improvement and conveighance thereof to his posteritie And thus we may conceive how Abraham having the Knowledge of Gods glorious works of Creation and Providence especially as to the Celestial Bodies their Natures Order Harmonie Government Motions Influences which takes in the whole of true Astronomie and Astrologie communicated to him partly by Church-Tradition partly by the blessing of God upon his own meditations and contemplations if not also from some Divine Inspiration even of this Natural Knowledge could not but conceive himself in dutie obliged to communicate the same not only to his own Posteritie but also to his Kindred and Countrey men the Chaldeans That the people of God were in the infant state of the Church much ravished with holy contemplations of the Glorie of God that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies their Order Government Motion and Influence is evident by many Philosophick yet gratious Meditations we have to this purpose in the Psalms as Ps 19.1 The Heavens declare the glorie of God c. to the end So Psal 136.4 To him who alone doth great wonders and v. 5. To him that by Wisdom made the Heavens c. 7. To him that made great lights 8 9. The Sun to rule by day the Moon and Stars to rule by night c. So it is said of Isaac he went out into the field to meditate where he could no sooner open his eyes but contemplate the wonders of God in those Celestial Bodies Thus were these holy men Abraham c. ravished with the admiration which as Plato and Aristotle assure us was the first cause of all Philosophie of the Glorie of God that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies the Sun Moon and Stars their admirable natures positions conjunctions regular motions and powerful influences which is the summe of Natural Astronomie and Astrologie which was as we have endeavored to prove communicated to the Chaldeans by Abraham or Shem c. § 4. This Astronomie and Astrologie which the Chaldeans according to the common presumption received from Abraham did soon by their holding the truth in unrighteousnes as Rom. 1.18 19 20 21 22. degenerate into that Black Art deservedly so called because from Hell of Judicial Astrologie or Divination which was thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Chaldaick Art the original of which was this as we find it Rom. 1.20 21. These Chaldeans besides the Traditions they received from Abraham and the rest of the Patriarchs touching these Celestial Bodies their glorious natures order situations regular motions and governments as Gen. 1.16 they themselves by their own Astronomick observations and experiments contemplating a mighty Beautie and Ornament in the Heavens a regular course in the Motions of the Stars an excellent Harmonie and Order in the distances and conjunctions and a powerful influence descending from them on sublunarie Bodies the more they contemplated these glorious creatures the more they admired them 'till at last their admiration determined in adoration of them as Gods Thus was that Scripture fulfilled Rom. 1.21 they became vain in their imaginations and their foolish hearts were darkned
also the Greek Philosophie it self torn into so many pieces and fractions as that it was wholly disguised c. § 10. A second cause or prolifick root of Mythologick Philosophie was Admiration and this indeed follows naturally upon the former for what is admiration but the Souls contemplation of some novel and rare matter proposed to it with desire to know the cause or as others describe it the state and disposition of the Soul towards things that are new and rare and strange of which we can give no reason for wise men wonder not because they see a reason and have a comprehension of things I hence Plutarch in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saies of Pythagoras that he affirmed of himself that he gained this by Philosophie not to admire any thing for Philosophie takes away wonderment and admiration which flows from Ignorance So Aristotle Eth. l. 1. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He that is conscious of his own ignorance admires what seemes above him Now this being the genuine notion and Idea of Admiration to contemplate overmuch things above our capacities especially if they are strange and rare hence we may easily gather how soon those Grecian Mythologick Philosophers fell in love with the contemplation of those wonderful Experiments and Issues of Divine Creation and Providence which were handed over to them by some broken Traditions We have already shewed how Egypt and Phaenicia with other parts bordering on the Jewish Territories had received many imperfect fragments or broken Traditions touching God his Names Attributes and Works both of Creation and Providence especially of the wonders he wrought for his Church in Egypt at the Red Sea in the Wildernes and after they came to Ganaan also that they had some though very obscure notices of the Messias and his work of Redemption c. Now the Grecians travelling into those Oriental parts to acquaint themselves with these hidden Mysteries and Wonders at first fell into a great Admiration of them and anon set themselves to philosophize upon them in a mythologick mode according to the fashion of thâ—se first Ages Oriental parts And this kind of Admiration was a genuine yea the main cause of all Philosophie both Mythologick and Simple as is confessed by the chiefest Philosophers Plato and Aristotle so Plato in his Thaeetetus informes us that this is the great Affection of a Philosopher to wonder neither had Philosophie any other origine but this the like Aristotle in his lib. 11. Metaphys cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. by reason of admiration men both now and in times past began to philosophize But Aristotle in the Proâ—me to his Metaphysicks gives us a full and excellent account of the mode or manner how all Philosophie especially Mythologick sprang from Admiration which because it is so much to our purpose I shall first give it at large 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Both now and in old times men began to philosophize from admiration at first indeed admiring the more easie wonders thence proceeding by little and little they began to doubt of greater matters as concerning the Origine of the Universe c. wherefore also a Philomyther or Mythologist is in some sense a Philosopher for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fable is composed of things wonderful wherein we have an admirable account 1. How all Philosophie sprang from admiration first of the lesser works and wonders of Providence perhaps he means the wonders which God wrought in Egypt the Wildernes Canaan and Babylon which were of latter date and so yet fresh in their memories 2. Then saies he they proceeded by little little to doubt of greater Matters aâ— of the original of the Vniverse c. Namely of the Creation of the World out of no preexistent Matter of the first Chaos of mans first Production and state in Innocence of the Fall of Noahs Floud which they call Deucalions c. All which particulars are largely philosophized upon by Plato in his Timaeus of the Origine of the Vniverse 3. Aristotle concludes that every Philomythist or Lover of Fables is in some sense a Philosopher for a fable is made of wonders That is as Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 34.47 and elsewhere well observes All the principal heads of Mythologick Philosophie entertained by the elder Poets and Philosophers came not into their fancies by meer accident but from the impulsion of real events and wonders of God which being delivered to them by tradition originally from the Jews stirred up Admiration in them For the traditions of God's miracles being far spread when Greece began to philosophize they could not but admire the Wisdom Power and Majesty of God that shone so greatly therein which yet being no way able for want of Divine Revelation to apprehend they turned all into Fables and vain Philosophie § 11. A third Mother root or cause of Mythologick Philosophie was Imitation which indeed was the great sovereign principle that ruled and governed those Infant Ages but its influence appeared in nothing more powerful and particular than in the Philomythie and Symbolick Philosophie of the first Poets and Philosophers who having had some broken Relations of the great Works of God in Creating and Governing the World were not only taken up in the contemplation and admiration of them but also grew ambitious of coining the like which by an artificial kind of Imitation they were dexterous in as Strabo observes and Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 49. From this vicinitie of true wonders in Jury or thereabouts were the Medes Persians and Syrians so much addicted to fabulous narrations and coining of Wonders And Greece as it received artificial Learning first from Asia so did it drink in this humor with it For the traditions of Gods Miracles in Jury and the Regions about it having been far spread when Greece began first to tattle in artificial Learning the Grecians as Children in true Antiquitie as the Egyptian Priest told Solon were apt to counterfeit the forme of ancient truthes and misapply it to unseemly matters or purposes as Children will be doing in homlier stuff which they see their Elders do better in Finally the same humor which yet reigns amongst men might possesse most of them There is no famous event which falls out though it be but a notable jest but in a short time is ascribed to a great many more than have affinitie with it In like manner did the reports of sundry events which either fell out only in Jury or upon occasion of Gods people fly about the world some with cut and mangled but most usually with enlarged artificial wings as if the same had been acted every where or the like invented on every occasion And fol. 57. he concludes that the principal or first heads of the Grecian invention were derived for most part from the Hebrews although by successive artificial imitation their variety grew greater and their resemblance of Divine truth lesse Thus Dr
of Parmenides but originally of Tarsis or according to others of Sidon as Suidas whence we may presume he could not but have some Traditions or Notices of the Jewish Mysteries This Zeno is said to be the first that Invented Logick So Aristotle in Sophista and Laertius in Zeno the Eleatick so Galen or Aëtius in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zeno the Eleatick is reported to be the first Author of Contentions or Dialectick Philosophie Yet others make Euclid the Megarick Scholar to Socrates and first Institutor of the Megarick Sect to be the Author of Eristick or Dialectick Philosophie But the Reconcilement is easie For although Parmenides and his Scholar Zeno the Eleatick were the first who brought up Dialectick or Logick Disputations yet Euclid who as Diogenes reports was much versed in Parmenides's Books might much improve the same and commend it to those of his Sect so Voss de Phil. l. 2. c. 11. Parag. 3. § 5. Next follows Leucippus Disciple of Zeno the Eleatick whom some make to be an Eleatick others a Milesian others an Abderite He is said to be the first amongst the Grecians that asserted Atomes to be the first principles of all things So Laertius in Leucippus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Leucippus first laid down Atomes as the Principles c. where Laertius more fully explains this Doctrine Thus also Galen or Aëtius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having spoken of Zeno the Eleatick addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of this man Leucippus the Abderite being hearer first conceived the Invention of Atomes Clemens Alexandrinus calls him a Milesian and saies that he placed as first Principles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphanes saies he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lactantius lib. 3. Institut makes him the first that dreamt of Atomes from whom Democritus received them as Epicurus from him Yet Aristotle lib. 1. de Generat saies that Empedocles Disciple of Pythagoras and Parmenides held the same Opinion of Atomes The same is affirmed by Plutarch de Placit Phil. l. 1. c. 24. Laertius also tells us that Anaxagoras asserted the same And 't is probable that Pythagoras and Parmenides Empedocles's Preceptors held Atomes to be the first Principles which Dogmes they received as we may presume from Mochus the great Phenician Phisiologist who was the first among the Pagan Philosophers that asserted this Doctrine of Atomes which he received by Tradition from Moses's storie of the Creation as before Book 1. chap. 3. parag 18. § 6. Democritus the Abderite as to Physicks Disciple of Lencippus followed him in this Doctrine of Atomes for he held there was an infinitie of Atomes scattered up and down the Vacuum which the Phenicians called Chaos which being coagmentated or semented together were the material Principle of all Bodies yea of the humane Soul and that all Motion was caused by these Atomes to which he ascribed three Properties First Magnitude though the least yet some Secondly Figure which was various and infinite Thirdly Pondus or impetus which caused their swift Motion Lud. Vives in August Civit. l. 11. c. 5. gives this account of these Dogmes Democritus saies he affirmed that the first Principles of Nature were little Bodies flying up and down through the immense Vacuum which had Figure and Magnitude yet were indivisible wherefore he called them Atomes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epicurus followed him who added to them Pondus weight or impetus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus these small individuous Bodies being endowed with various Figures or Formes Magnitudes Pondus's extreamly divers as also by a fortuitous agitation tossed up down through the immense Vacuum were by various chances mix'd together and coagmentated into infinite Worlds produced increased and destroyed without any certain Cause or Counsel Thus Lud. Vives Of which more hereafter in Epicurus § 7. Democritus writ also according to Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greater World its Government c. but this Piece Theophrastus ascribes to Leucippus Likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Tract of the nature of the World Laertius addes amongst the genuine Works of Democritus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his little Government of the World He had an excellent skill in the Experimental part of Natural Philosophie Plin. lib. 21. c. 11. saies he left behind him many things of Plants Petronius Arbiter saies of him That he drew forth the Juices of all Herbs neither was the virtue of Stones hid from him That he was an excellent Anatomist appears by Hippocrates's Character of him who being sent for by Democritus's Friends to cure him of a Frenetick Distemper which they fancied him by reason of his continual Smiling to labor under Hippocrates found him busied in the Anatomizing of Animals and skilful therein so that ever after they contracted an intimate Friendship and correspondence by Letters Democritus was exactly skilled in Medicine also wherein he writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an order for Diet and Cures For which skill Democritus is greatly extolled by Celsus lib. 2. cap. 5. what his opinions were see Laertius Sextus Empericus but principally Stobaeus in his Physicks § 8. Democritus was in like manner skilled in Ethicks wherein he made the end of humane life to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tranquillitie which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good perpetual state of things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Hesychius and Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea Democritus seems to be well skilled in the whole Encyclopaedia or bodie of Philosophie Laertius saies he was accounted in Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as having joyned together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Physicks Ethicks Mathematicks the Circle of the Liberal Sciences all Mechanicks He was a great Traveller in the Oriental parts He went to Babylon and there conversed with the Chaldeans and as it 's likely also with the Jews who were called Chaldeans as Aelian Var Hist lib. 4. c. 20. from whom he learned Theologie and Astrologie He is said to have written a book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sacred letters in Babylon perhaps from Jewish traditions and another called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Laertius He was also in Egypt whence he had his Geometrie and as we may suppose many Jewish traditions also especially concerning Solomon's experimental Philosophie wherein Democritus excelled He flourished about the LXXV Olympiad and was contemporarie with Socrates § 9. There were other branches of the Italick or Pythagorick Sect as the Heraclitian instituted by Heraclitus an Ephesian a person of a great spirit who flourished about the 69 Olympiad and was famous for his skill in Natural Philosophie from whom Plato is said to have derived his Physicks He in some things Pythagorized especially in that great Pythagorean Principle That Fire is the Principle of all things They reckon also as branches of the Pythagorick Sect the Epicurean which sprang immediately from the Eleatick
Apollonius Tyanaeus that Pythagorean Sorcerer and endeavours to make him equal in point of Miracles unto Christ wherein he was refuted by Eusebius Ludov. Vives in August lib. 8. cap. 12. doth thus Characterize him Porphyrie was a person of an unsound bodie and minde of a judgment unconstant and of an hatred sharpe and cruel even unto madnes He had notwithstanding the name of a great Philosopher or Sophist as well as Historian He writ the Lives of the Philosophers whereof there is extant only the Life of Pythagoras which was at first published under the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Book Cyril cites against Julian and ascribes to Porphyrie Concerning Porphyrie see more largely Lucas Hoâ—stenius and Vossius de Histor Gracis lib. 2. cap. 16. Edit 2. pag. 244. § 8. After Porphyrie succeeded Iamblichus his Disciple who was born at Chalcis in Syria and flourished in the times of Constantine the Great and his Sons as also in Julian's time He was saith Lud. Vives of a better natural Disposition and Manners than his Master Porphyrie Vossius calls him a Platonick Philosopher though Lud. Vives saies according to Jerom he was not so much a Platonick as a Pythagorean Yet he confesseth that as to Divine matters all the Platonists did Pythagorize There are extant two of his Protreptick Orations for Philosophie also his Historie of Pythagoras's Life wherein he follows his Master Porphyrie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of whose Book he transcribes many things with very little if any alteration of the words There are three Epistles of Julian the Apostate to Iamblichus yet extant which argues a Friendship betwixt them and 't is likely the same continued even whilst Julian made some profession of the Christian Religion Suidas tells us out of Damascius that Isidorus esteemed Iamblichus the most excellent of Writers after Plato We have Iamblichus's Life described by Eunapius also by Vossius Hist Graec. l. 2. c. 10. p. 208. August de Civit. l. 8. c. 12. saies that amongst the Platonists the Grecians Plotinus Iamblichus and Porphyrie were greatly noble c. § 9. Syrianus Alexandrinus Fellow-Citizen and Sectator of Iamblichus follows next in this Sacred succession of Platonick Philosophers He lived about the Year 470. and writ four Books on Plato's Common-wealth also on all Homer with other things as Suidas relates Isidorus the Philosopher had a great esteem for him who after Plato next to Iamblichus placeth Syrianus his Sectator as the most excellent of Writers So Suidas out of Damascius § 10. Proclus Lysius Disciple of Syrianus succeeded him in this famous Platonick Schole This Proclus flourished about the Year 500. as 't is evident though some upon a great mistake make him to have lived almost 300 Years before Suidas calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Platonick Philosopher He was usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diadochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reason of his succession in the Platonick Schole He writ many things as ten Books of the Agreement betwixt Orpheus Pythagoras and Plato in Oracles also six Books of Platonick Philosophie which are yet extant likewise a Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus and on his Books of Common-wealth yet extant also with other Pieces lost of which Suidas makes mention Proclus's Life was writ by his Scholar and successor Marinus who tells us that he had some taste of Aristotle's Philosophie from Olympiodorus which he cursorily ran thorough in two Years space The same Marinus tells us also that he was accurately skilled in Grammar Historie and Poesie in the Mathematicks perfect and well versed in Platonick Philosophie His Mode in Philosophizing is cloudie and obscure as that of Plotinus and the rest of the New Platonists He endeavours according to the Symbolick mystical manner of Platonists to reduce all things to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trinities He took as Vossius thinks the occasion of heaping up so many Trinities from Plato's lib. 2. de Repub. where he treats of those three Types of God Bonitie Immutabilitie or Unitie and Veritie Whence Aristotle also received his three affections of Eus Bonitie Unitie and Veritie This Proclus was a bitter enemie to the Christians and the first after Porphyrie that turned his Pen dipt in Gall against the Christians He is answered by that great Christian Philosopher Johannes Grammaticus as hereafter Proclus in his Platonick Theologie lib. 1. cap. 1. gives us some account of this Sacred Succession in this Platonizing Theologick Schole how that after many Ages Plotinus the Egyptian succeeded therein who was followed by Amelius and Porphyrie his Disciples as also these by Iamblichus and Theodorus their Successors c. § 11. We may not omit here the mention of Johannes Grammaticus alias Philoponus that famous Christian Philosopher who though the most of his Works extant are Commentaries on Aristotle's Text yet it 's evident that his Spirit was deep drencht in Platonick Philosophie especially as it was refined by Ammonius that famous Head of the sacred succession at Alexandria For so the Title of his Commentaries runs Extracts out of Ammonius c. Indeed most of those Greek Philosophers who take Aristotle's Text for their subject namely Porphyrie Proclus with his Scholar Ammonius and Simplicius were in their Spirits Platonists For Aristotle came not in to be Master in the Schole till Abenroes and the rest of the Arabians advanced him in Plato's Chair Such was this Johannes Grammaticus who for his unwearied Studies was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philoponus He follows exactly the Design of Clemens Alexandrinus Origen Eusebius and more particularly of the great Ammonius whom he owns as the source of his Philosophie in endeavouring to prove that Plato borrowed his choicest Notions touching the Origine of the World c. out of Moses and the Prophets he gives sundry Instances herein as that of Plato's calling the World a visible Image of the invisible God which saies he was but a mistaken Tradition of Gen. 1.27 Also he makes Plato's Discourse of God's beholding the Works of his hands as very perfect and rejoycing therein c. to be taken from Gen. 1.31 This Johannes Grammaticus in his excellent Treatise of the Soul proaem ad Arist de anima endeavours to prove that Aristotle asserted God to be the first Mover and Cause of all things c. Also he proves out of Aristotle's Canons touching the Soul its immaterialitie spiritualitie in operation and immortalitie c. Proaem fol. 6. c. In his choice Piece of the Creation he proves the World's Origine by God out of Plato c. And whereas Proclus endeavours to reconcile Plato with Aristotle shewing how Plato when he treats of the World's Origine meant it not as to time but Causalitie c. This Learned Philoponus writes two Books against Proclus confuting these his false Impositions on Plato c. § 12. To the fore-mentioned Greek Platonists we may adde Maximus Tyrius who flourished in the
Plato's Politicks where 1. of right Constitution and Administration 2. Laws the Rule of such Administration 3. Magistrates the Instruments of Administration according to Laws II. Plato's Metaphysicks 1. of God and his Essence 2. his Attributes 1. Vnitie 2. Simplicitie 3. Immutabilitie 4. Eternitie 5. Omnipresence 6. Justice 7. Veracitie 8. Puritie 9. Bountie 10. Omniscience 11. Incomprehensibilitie 12. the Divine Will the Cause of all things 2. the Humane Soul its Original Immaterialitie Capacitie Immortalitie c. § 1. HAving dispatcht Plato's Rational and Natural Philosophie we should now proceed to that which is Moral and Supernatural wherein indeed his excellence seems to consist But upon Reflection considering that this undertakement would swell this discourse before us beyond the bounds of an Historie and especially make this third Book big and bulkie much beyond the proportion of the rest I have waved it at present though not without some thoughts of reassuming the same in an intended Systeme of sound Philosophie Only for the present take this abstract Idea of Plato's Moral and Supernatural Philosophie As for his Moral Philosophie it may according to the different 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or regard it has to its object be distributed into 1 Ethick which respects personal Gubernation and Morals 2 Oeconomick which regards the Regiment of Families 3 Politick which comprehends the Government of Cities and Nations As for Plato's Ethicks we find in him excellent Contemplations and Discourses 1 of the chiefest Good which he stiles 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 altogether true Rep. 9. i. e. most real substantiâ—l and soâ—â— 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most proper Rep. 9. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self-sufficient 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—mply good 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the cause of all good 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most necessary good 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the supream idea of all good 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Infinite 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eternal and moâ— living 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uniform 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pure immixed without sorrow 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oppâ—râ—unc 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Divine and god-like good All which contemplation of the chiefest Good are applicable to none but God neither may we presume that Plato could receive them any way save only by some scriptural Tradition of God § 2. Plato Philosophizeth very morally of Virtue its Divine Infusion Nature and Excellencie 1 Touching the Divine Infusion of Virtue Plato Meno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. 99. proves at large that Virtue came not by Institution but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a Divine Infusion which he proves from this that God oft useth the most unkilful instruments in the production of Virtue 2 As for the Nature of Virtue Plato stiles it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Harmony of the sâ—ul also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Musick of the soul And again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the symmetrie and good order of the soul whereby every facultie keeps its due place and motion whence 3 follows the Excellence of Virtue which Plato placeth in this that it gives Health Amplitude Libertie Nobilitie Firmitude and perfection unto the humane Soâ—l § 3. Plato Philosophizeth very notably of Sin both ingenite and acquisite He makes sin to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an excess or transgression of the Law also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an acting against right reason whence he makes it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Epinom fol 978. an irrational confused irregular motion c. And particularly of irregular inordinate pleasures he proves Repub. 9. That they are the greatest Tyrants for the more indulgent the mind is to them the more tyrannick and insolent they are § 4. Plato discourseth even to admiration of that Temperance and moderation which ought to be in the Affections and sensitive appetite He makes Temperance to consist chiefly in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain Symphonie and Harmonie of the Affections as Rep. 4. whence he makes the temperate man to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stronger than himself whereas the intemperate man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 weaker and worse than himself i. e. than his sensitive animal part § 5. Plato Philosophizeth very Divinely of Love its soveraign Throne in and Influence on the Soul together with its proper Acts. This he discourseth of at large in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is wholly sperâ— in the Explication of this soveraign Affection And more particularly Plato hath admirable discourses of Amitie or Friendship as in his Lysis where he professedly sets himself to Philosophize on this Theme which the Title of this Dialogism stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of friendship plainly enough imports § 6. Lastly Plato discourseth most accurately of Justice in its Vniversal Idea and Notion especially in his Repub. 4. where he explicates its nature and influence in all affairs So again in his de Leg. 12. We find many other great Ethick contemplationâ— and characters as in other his Dialogues § 7. As for Plato's Oeconomicks he philosophizeth incomparably of Imitation which he makes to be the most efficacious principle of paternal Government So in his de Leg. 5. as else where he demonstrates that the best institution of youth is by example conversation He treats also of Education more largely in his Repub. 4.7 De Leg. 1 5 7. § 8. But that which renders Plato most famous as to Morals is his Politick discourses which may be reduced to these three Heads 1. Such as relate to the constitution and due Administration of a Republick 2. Such as treat of Laws both humane and Divine 3. Such as give us the Character of a good Magistrate to administer according to such Laws Of each of these he philosophizeth at large in his Books de Republica and de Legibus c. § 9. Touching Plato's Metaphysicks or Supernatural Philosophie we are not without great notices thereof 1 He seems to have had great notions or rather Traditions originally Judaick of Gods Essence as described Exod. 3.14 whom in imitation of Moses he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 2. His Attributes and 1. his Vnitie that there is one and but one true God he demonstrates at large against the Atheists and Polytheists of his Age in his de Repub. 10. fol. 886. and that 1 From the nature of Visibles and the most harmonious varietie of Times 2 From Vniversal Consent 3 From Motion and the first Motor 4 From the Soul of the Vniverse or the providence of God Inspiring and animating all things fol. 895. 1. From that great innate Idea of God in the soul 899 c. 2. Plato discourseth very Divinely of the simplicitie of God whom he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without mixture and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to remain simple in his own form 3. He avâ—wedly owns Gods
it ought incorporated into the bodie of Religion And in all Aristotle's name is pretended albeit they rather follow his corrupt Interpreters and Commentators For the Arabians from whom the Schole-men drew all their subtilties being wholly ignorant of the Greek and well nigh of the Latin were fain to make use of Versions very short of and in many points quite differing from the original sense of Aristotle c. § 14. Having given this general Idea of Aristotle his Life and successors we shall now treat somewhat more distinctly and particularly of his Philosophie according to that reduction and account we find thereof in Ammonius Jo. Grammaticus and others Ammonius in Arisiot Categor pag. 6. treating of Aristotle saie◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus Ammonius which we may English thus This Aristotle was in his Morals exact even to an hyberbole In Philosophie he exceeded humane Measures leaving no part thereof untouched but adding much thereto from his own sagacitie he reformed the whole of Philosophie for he added unto Logick by differencing or separating the Canons from the things as also by framing Demonstrative Method For those who preceded him knew how to demonstrate but how to frame Demonstrations they knew not as it is with those who cannot make shooes yet can use them when made To Physicks he added the fifth Essence As for Theologie albeit he added nothing thereto yet left he nothing unattempted therein For he knew not terrestial things only as some conceit but also supernaturals as it appears by his fifth book of Physick Acroaticks where he saies that the first Cause is not moveable either by it self or by Accident whence he demonstrates that the Divine Being is neither a bodie nor passible This last expression of Ammonius touching Aristotle's owning God to be the first immobile cause of all things is confirmed and explicated more fully by Johannes Grammaticus in his Proaem in Aristot de Anima fol 10. as hereafter § 15. Hence Ammonius makes this the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie to lead men to the knowledge of the first cause God c. so Ammon in Arist Categor pag. 11. treating of Aristotle's Philosophie he demands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie To which he replies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we say that the end of his philosophie is to know the principle of all things the productive cause of all things which is alwaies the same for he demonstrates that the principle of all things is incorporeal by which all things are produced Thence Ammonius demands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what are the means that conduce us to this end to which he answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We say the means conducing to this end is the doctrine or knowledge of things existing in time and mutation for by these things together with the Mathematicks we lead our selves into the knowledge of the first cause of all things § 16. Thence Ammonius passeth on to discourse of Aristotle's mode of Philosophizing pag. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The forme of Aristotle's writings is every way exact as to phrase For the Philosopher ever avoids Rhetorical flourishes and wholly endeavours to set forth the nature of things only Aristotle being resolved to reduce Philosophie to rules of Art and reason utterly rejects that Mythologick Symbolick mode of Philosophizing which his Predecessors Thales Pherâ—cydes Pythagoras and Plato had introduced confining himself to a more succinct and accurate method Whence also he rejects all those more obscure Jewish Traditions which Pythagoras and Plato so much delighted themselves in with resolution to admit nothing but what he could make stoop to evident reason or clear Testimony So in his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we ought in matters doubtfull to use clear testimonies whereby he cuts off all those obscure and broken Traditions which his predecessors admired and together with their traditions their Symbolick mode of Philosophizing also § 17. The same Ammonius gives us pag. 12. a good character of such as are genuine Auditors and Expositors of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The genuine Auditors of Aristotle ought by how much the more obscure the things spoken are by so much the more earnestly to contend and search into the depth thereof An Auditor ought to be just of a good natural capacitie for ratiocination virtuous in his Discourses Exact in his morals and in all things very well adorned Thus Ammonius who proceeds to give his character of a good Expositor of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He that will expound the things spoken by Aristotle must not through too favorable inclination undertake to commend things ill spoken and receive them as from a Tripos or Oracle neither must he receive things good in an ill manner after the Sceptick mode but as to the things spoken he must carry himself as a Judge without Passion and first of all he must explicate the mind of the Ancient and expound their proper sentiment afterward he must bring his own judgement concerning the same § 18. But to come to the Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie which Ammonius in Arist. Categ pag. 11. gives us thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philosophie is divided into two parts Theoretick and Practick As for Theoretick that is such wherein he inquires concerniâ—g Truth and Falsehood Practicks are such wherein he considers concerning Good and Evil. And because there is a great dispute amongst men touching Good and Evil as also touching Truth and falsehood it seemed good to him viz. Aristotle to give us a Diacritick or Discretive Instrument to measure these things by which is Demonstration Now Demonstration is nothing else but a demonstrative Syllogisme For as the Carpenter useth his Rule as an Instrument whereby to discerne what timber is crooked and what streight and as a Builder useth his Square to discover what wals are right what not so Philosophers make use of Demonstration as a Rule whereby to discerne things Ammonius having thus distributed Philosophie into its general parts Theoretick and Practick and laid down the Vniversal Instrument of both which is Logical Demonstration he thence proceeds to distribute these Generals into their Severals thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They distribute Theoreticks into Physiologicks Mathematicks and Theologicks As for his Theologicks they are such as he writ after his Physick Exercitations which he undertook after his Physicks because it is proper to Theologie to teach things above Nature whence his Theologicks are termed Metaphysicks and these Natural Sciences are accordingly called Physicks Mathematicks are of a middle nature being in some regard separate from matter and in some regard inseparate As for Practicks they are distributed into Ethicks Oeconomicks and Politicks Thus of the Parts of Philosophie § 19. Having gone through the general Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie it may not be amisse to touch a little on the Severals and such observables therein as may
and addes thereto courage and successe For addes he either we must say that the Gods meddle not with the causes and beginnings of our actions or else that they have no other way to help and further men by Thus Plutarch And whereas 't is objectâ—d that thus to ascribe unto God a predetermining particular immediate Influence upon and Concurse with the will to every â—ct thereof is to make him the Author of Sin c. Plato Repub. 10. gives us a good solution to this objection in saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ll blamable Caâ—salitie belongs to the particular Agenâ— which châ—â—seth 〈◊〉 God is a blamelesse cause Agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In all Evils God workes what is righteous and good only This is more fully explicated by Simplicius in Epict. Enchir cap. 1.24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God is no way the cause of sin for he being in himself good Acts the Soul in sinning only according to its own nature i. e. voluntarilie out of the riches of his goodnesse but he doâ—s not concurre to its sin otherwise than as the Soul it self wills it His meaning is that God concurreth to sin only as the Vniversal cause of Goodnesse so that God's Concurse thereto does not at all hinder but that the Soul voluntarilie chooseth it Neither is the qualitie of the effect to be ascribed to the Vniversal cause but to the particular which is the alone Moral and therefore culpable cause of Sin whereas God 's Vniversal causalitie thereto is only Physical or natural and therefore not morally Evil. That the Souls Voluntarie agencie is sufficient to render its act Morally good or Evil albeit we allow God a predetermining Influence and Concurse thereto is evident from that of Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in things voluntario praises and dispraises have place i. e. in virtues and vices so agen Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtue is voluntarie and sin nothing lesse is likewise voluntarie Whereby 't is evident that Aristotle requires nothing more on the part of the Soul to render its acts Morally good or Evill but that they be voluntarie § 29. Having dispatcht Aristotle's contemplations about the Wil's Voluntarinesse and Libertie which is the Essential adjunct of every humane act we now proceed to his speculations about the Moralitie of humane Acts or their mora clonstitution as good or Evill This moralitie of human acts in general according to Aristotle has for its foundation or basis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a voluntarie free agent as before but the chief measures thereof are 1. the End so Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every thing is defined or measured by its end i. e. the End has the same place in morals as the forme in Naturals or as the first principles in speculatives 2. Not only the End but also the Law of Nature which Aristotle stiles Right reason has an essential influence on the moralitie of human Acts according to which they are denominated morally good or Evill for by conformitie thereto they become morally good and by difformitie morally Evill so Arist Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. stiles a Virtuous act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That which moves according to the disposition or order of Right reason c. We shall begin with Aristotle's notions about things and Acts morally good which he stiles Virtues whereof we have this general account in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtue is as it seems a power conquisitive and preservative of goods also a power well-productive of many and great matters yea of all things about all But this definition of virtue being too general that which agrees as well to Natural as moral Virtues we proceed to that which is more special The great seat of Aristoâ—e discourse about moral virtue is his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 3.4.5.6 cap. 3. he gives us this general Idea of Ethick or moral virtue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is supposed therefore that virtue is such as being conversant about pleasures and griefs is productive of that which is best But sin is the contrarie Aristotle Eth. lâ—b 2. cap. 4. bâ—gins to discourse more distinctly of moral virtue and its Genus whether it be a Power Affection or Habit of the Soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seing there are in the Soul these three Affections Powers Habits which of these must virtue be so Plutar de Virtut Mor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There are these three in the Soul a Facultie an Affection and an Habit A Facultie is the Principle and matter of an Affection an Affection is the motion of a Facultie an Habit is the strength and conformitie of a facultie gained by custome Arist· demonstrates 1. That Virtue cannot be an Affection or Passion because Affections are good or bad only from good or bad Habits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our passions are well or ill disposed from those Habits which possesse them therefore our Passions are in themselves capable neither of virtues nor of vices whence it follows that virtues and vices are habits 2. He demonstrates that Virtues are not Passions because they are Elections 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtues are certain Elections or at least not without Election 3. He demonstrates the same from the different motions of Passion and Virtue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To these we may adde that we are not said to be moved but to be disposed according to Virtues or vices but we are said to be moved according to passions Lambinus on this text of Arist Eth. lib. 2 cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Comments thus Every thing so far as it is moved so far it is said pati to suffer Thence amongst the Greeks our Affections are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Passions and so are opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to practice For the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Affection which is moved is moved by External objects and the Passive power as it is moveable is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the Action of Virtue albeit External objects concurr yet a good man is not absolutely moved by them as in the Affections but according to the dictate of right reason Therefore in the Affections the principle moving is External and the principle moved internal viz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in Virtues the object is External which of it self has no efficacie but as it is admitted by right reason The principle moved is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the passive power but the prinple Acting and moving is some good habit or Virtue And for this cause we are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to be moved for we consider not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the passive power in virtues but by Accident but we are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be disposed by Virtues i. e. we are in some sort so framed that we may with facilitie act Virtuously 2.