to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended and were carried unseasonably upon a service he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts as common and usuall duties and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards At the siege of Gergovia as it followeth in the seventh Commentary L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself And so for the most part it falleth out that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded do as seed sown in good ground multiply the increase of like vertuous actions And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction he borrowed mony of the Tribunes Centurions gave it in largess to the souldiers whereby he gained as he saith two advantages quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit largitione redemit militum voluntates for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers CHAP. III. Caesar summoneth a generall Councell and carrieth his army against the Senones A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned according to his first resolution in the beginning of the Spring whereas all the rest saving the Senones Carnutes and Treviri made their appearance he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection and thereupon setting all other things aside he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them but were held clear of this confederacy This thing being published from the Tribunall the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones and by great journeys came into their country His coming being known Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence but as they endeavoured before it could be accomplished news was brought that the Romans were already come whereby they necessarily left off their purpose and sent Ambassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour They used the mediation of the Hedui whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon and accepted their excuse forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him rather then in matter of question and judgement and having commanded an hundred pledges he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes whose clients they were received the same answers Caesar ended the Councell and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall wherein all the states of Gallia or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty presented their fealty and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance Concerning which we are to understand that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being depending upon motion and function of parts so specially States and Commonweals as sympathizing with naturall causes have no certain continuance in one and the same being but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune and do passe the ages of a naturall life from infancy growing to better strength untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it and then decaying again by like degrees even to the period and death of that policy For remedy whereof and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body or so possesse any part thereof as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable amongst other helps these councels and meetings have been thought necessary wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present as well to open their grievances if any were and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the Prince should think meet for their government For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned so is it also as a treaty or parlee and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning for the noisome and superâ—luous humours being by this means purged and abated the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies there were many necessary businesses concluded and many things agreed unto serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions as namely the leviâ—s and supplies of horse and foot granted by this Councel as a subsidy which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries and particularly in this book But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen as the flower of their strength and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war wherein the Galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations and have continued the same reputation even unto this time Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them or what other cause it hath I know not but this I am sure of that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is the time wherein it was summoned which was the beginning of the Spring rather then any other part of the
therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie in a square body For that triple forme of imbatteling which the Romans generally observed in their fights having respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equall dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body and when it marched Agmen quadratum a square march Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the country was plain and champain and gave space and free scope to clear themselves upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another every battell having his severall carriages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge The contrary form of marching where the place afforded more security and gave scope to conveniency they named agmen longum a long march or train when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments Which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine in a very long train as though they had received their advertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed as the two poles of their motions Safety and Conveniencie whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders and the other will easily follow on as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling as the said forces are capable of which if it may be observed in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient that albeit the form be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safety consisteth may still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Army the Munition marched and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that observed this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army how they are serviceable or disadvantageous in this or that place against such or such an Enemy and he will speedily order his battel dispose of his march and bestow his carriages as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency Caesars custome was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army both to discover and impeach an Enemy for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayl of the Army and gave security where there was most cause of fear But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then removed them as he best found it convenient and brought his legionary souldiers which were the sinews and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulk of the Army to make good that which his horsemen could not perform And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy or make way to victory Chap. IX The Romans begin to fortify their camp but are interrupted by the Nervii Caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell THe Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed over the river and encountred the Cavalry of the Enemy who at first retired back to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out again upon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground In the mean time the six legions that were in front having their work measured out unto them began to fortify their camp But as soon as the Neâ—vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge as they stood imbattelled within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten back the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods at the river and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence having passed the river they ran up the hill to the Roman camp where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all parts to play at one instant the flag to be hung out by which they gave the souldiers warning to take Arms the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their work and such as were gone farre
and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of him earnestly which was that if his goodnesse and clemency which they had heard so high praises of had determined to save their lives he would not take away their Arms from them forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them and envied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their Armour so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subject to their command To this Caesar answered that he would save the City rather of his own custome then for any desert of theirs so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Armes for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii and give commandment to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answer being returned to the City they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that day carried themselves peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them But the Aduatici having consulted together before forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all or at the least keep it very carelesly partly with such Armour as they had retained and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker which upon the suddain they had covered over with Leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power but signification thereof being presently given by fires as Caesar had commanded the Romans hasted speedily to that place The Enemy fought very desperately as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage all their hopes now lying upon their valour at length with the slaughter of four thousand the rest were driven back into the town The next day when Caesar came to break open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the souldiers and sold all the people and spoil of the town the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract I set down the manner which both the Galles and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town whereof if they failed the place importing any advantage in the course of war they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place They invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the said rampier with many Castles and Fortresses erected in a convenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe and withall secured themselves from sallies or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio the particular description whereof I referre unto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar here mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle they took a long beam or timber-tree and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower The Romans had two sorts of Rams the one was rude and plain the other artificiall and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz and is pourtrayed in the column of Traâ—an at Rome The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus A Ram saith he is a mighty great beam like unto the mast of a ship and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram and thereof it took the name This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam which lieth crosse a couple of pillars and hanging thus equally balanced it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head neither is there any tower so strong or wall so broad that is able to stand before it The length of this Ram was of a large scantling for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourescore foot long And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six and sometimes one hundred and twenty and this length gave great strength and force to the engine It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of souldiers and their forces being spent they were seconded with another Century and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission Josephus saith that Titus at the siege of Jerusalem had a ram for every legion It was oftentimes covered with a Vine that the men that managed it might be in more safety It appeareth by this place that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies and were subdued by force of Armes which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe Aduatici as it seemeth were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another that commendeth their safety to be protected by it for as Architas the Pythagorean saith A body a Family and an Army are then well governed when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety so we must not look for any security in a State when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection For the old saying is that Neque murus neque amicus quisquam teget quem propria arma non texere Neither wals nor friends will save him whom his own weapons do not defend Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire and the late victories in the continent of Gallia whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and
by a set fight continuing the space of six houres without any likelihood of contrariety or alteration Which practise of frustrating a design intended by an indirect and contrary answer served the Romans oftentimes to great advantage as besides this present example in this commentary we shall afterward read how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Unelli with the same stratagem and overthrew them by eruption and sallying out when they expected nothing but a defensive resistance from the rampier From whence a Commander may learn to avoid two contrary inconveniences according as the quality of the warre shall offer occasion first if other things be answerable which a judicious eye will easily discover that a sally made out at divers ports of a hold will much mitigate the heat of a charge and controll the fury of an Enemy And on the other side he that besiegeth any place what advantage soever he hath of the defendant may much better assure himself of good fortune if he appoint certain troups in readinesse to receive the charge of any eruption that the rest that are busily imployed in the assault may provide to answer it without disorder or confusion Which order if the Galles had taken they had not in likelihood so often been deceived CHAP. III. Galba returneth into the Province the Vnelli give occasion of a new warre AFter this battell Galba unwilling to try fortune any further and considering that he had met with businesses which he never dreamed of when first he came thither to quarter especially finding himself in want both of corn and forrage having first burned the town the next day he returned towards the Province and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nantuates and from thence to the Allobroges and there he wintered After these things were dispatched Caesar supposing for many reasons that all Gallia was now in peace and that there was no further fear of any new warre the Belgae being overthrown the Germans thrust out and the Seduni amongst the Alps subdued and vanquished in the beginning of the winter was gone into Illyricum having a great desire to see those nations But there grew a suddain tumult and dissension in Gallia upon this occasion Pub. Crassus wintering with the seventh legion in Aniou near unto the Ocean and finding scarcity of corn in those parts he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demand corn and other provisions for his legion of whom Titus Terrasidius was sent unto the Unelli Marcus Trebius to the Curiosolitae Q. Velanius and Titus Silius to the Veneti These Veneti were of greatest authority amongst all the maritime nations in that coast by reason of their great store of shipping with which they did traffick in Britanie and exceeded all their neighbour States in skill and experience of sea-faring matters having command of as many ports as lay to those seas and the most part of such as used those seas tributaries to their State These Veneti first adventured to retain Silius and Velanius hoping thereby to recover their hostages which they had given to Crassus The finitimate Cities induced by their authority and example as indeed the resolutions of the Galles are sudden and hasty for the same reason laid hold upon Trebius and Terrasidius and sending speedy ambassages one unto another conjured by their princes and chiefest magistrates to do nothing but by common consent and to attend all the same event of fortune soliciting also other cities and States rather to maintain that liberty which they had received of their Ancestours then to indure the servile bondage of a stranger THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe circumstance in this history which noteth the sudden breaking out of wars when the course of things made promise of peace sheweth first what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the nativity of After-chances which so seldome answer the judgement we give upon their beginnings that when we speak of happinesse we find nothing but misery and contrariwise it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill fortune And therefore I do not marvel if when almost all nations are at odds and in our best conceits threaten destruction one to another there happen a sudden motion of peace or if peace be in speech soothing the world with pleasing tranquillity and through the uncertainty of our weak probabilities promise much rest after many troubles there follow greater wars in the end then the former time can truly speak of Which being well understood may humble the spirits of our haughty politicians that think to comprehend the conclusions of future times under the premises of their weak projects and predestinate succeeding ages according to the course of the present motion when an accident so little thought of shall break the main stream of our judgement and falsify the Oracles which our understanding hath uttered And it may learn them withall how much it importeth a wise commander to prevent an evill that may crosse his designe how unlikely soever it be to happen by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same For then a thing is well done when it hath in it self both the causes of his being and the direct means to resist the repugnancy of a contrary nature and so hap what will it hath great possibility to continue the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis practice of the Veneti may instruct a circumspect Prince in cases of this nature to have a more watchfull eye over that Province or city which shall be found most potent and mighty amongst the rest then of any other inferiour State of the same nature and condition for as example of it self is of great authority making improbabilities seem full of reason especially when the intention shall sympathize with our will so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerfull means and graced with the Act of superiour personages it must needs be very effectuall to stir up mens minds to approve that with a strong affection which their own single judgement did no way allow of And therefore equality bringeth this advantage to a Prince which differency cannot afford that albeit example do set on foot any rebellious motion yet no supereminency shall authorise the same CHAP. IIII. Caesar having advertisement of these new troubles hasteth into Gallia and prepareth for the warre ALL the maritime States being by this means drawn into the same conspiracy they sent an embassage unto Crassus in the name of them all that if he would have his men again he must deliver up the hostages which he had taken from them Whereof Caesar being certified by Crassus inasmuch as he was then a great way distant from his Army he commanded Gallies and ships of warre to be built upon the river Loire which runneth into the Ocean and that Gallie-men Mariners and ship-masters should be mustered in
sooner known but they levied great forces both of horse and foot and with their horse in which their principall strength consisted charged upon the Romans in their march which being easily repelled as ours followed the retreat suddenly the infantry of the Galles shewed it self in a Valley as it lay in ambush These setting upon the Romans renewed the battel and there the fight continued hot a long time The Sontiates being animated with the former victories saw all the hope of Aquitanie rely upon their vertue and the Romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to do of themselves without their grand Captain and under the conduct of a young souldier At length the enemy overwaged with prowesse and wearied with wounds betook themselves to flight of whom the Romans slew a great number and then marched directly to the town of the Sontiates and laid siege unto it the siege grew hot the Romans approaching the walles with vines turrets and mounts The townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out sometimes by undermining the mounts and fortifications wherein the Aquitani are very skilfull But when they perceived the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do they intreated Crassus to accept their rendry Which being granted and all the Army intending the delivery of their Armes Adcantuanus their chief Magistrate fled out in the mean time at another port of the City with six hundred devoted companions whom they called Soldurii whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends and if any misfortune befall them either to dy with them or presently kill themselves neither was it ever known in the memory of man that any of them refused to dy when his friend was slain But as they attempted to escape the souldiers that kept that part of the fortification as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout the rest betook themselves to Armes and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive multitude which was granted Crassus having taken hostages of them went into the confines of the Vocates and Tarusates THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese skilfull and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in Aquitaniâ— were those whom the Romans called Evocati such as were free from warfare and exempted by their laws from giving their names in musters either by reason of their yeares or the magistracy which they had born or for some other causes which gave them that priviledge and in that regard were sent for by Letters intreating their assistance in the carriage of that war as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses Their places were nothing inferiour to the Centurions for advise and direction although they had no part in command or authority THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this fight we may further observe their manner of defence against Mounts and Cavalieros which we find chiefly to be Mines Josephus in the Jewish war saith that the Romans having raised an exceeding high mount the Jews undermined the same with such Art that as they digged underneath they supported the Mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink and watching a time of greatest advantage they set all the timber-work which underpropped the mount on fire which taking fire with the help of Brimstone and Pitch the Mount fell upon a sudden to the great terrour amazement of the Romans At the siege of Avaricum we find how the Galles by undermining did take the earth from the Mount as fast as it was carried unto it by the Romans and so kept it from rising and made it uneffectuall But if it were for the most part made of wood or other combustible matter they sought then by all means to burn it as it happened at the siege of Massilia and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed they confronted it with another Mount within the walles to disappoint the disadvantage by equall contesting of it and so made it unprofitable Concerning Mines thus much may I say without prejudice to that Art that the chiefest points to be respected are these First the true distance to a designed place which is best got by instrument and help of Geometry where other marks of certainty are wanting Secondly the direction of the Mine that we may not erre in our course which the Compasse affordeth Thirdly the strengthening of the Mine with timber-work if need require Lastly the countermining and crosse-meeting All which parts have very many circumstances and require a larger discourse then may be thought pertinent for this place THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe strange contract between these Soldurii and their Chieftain may well deserve a place amongst these observations especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to oâ—serve for the Captain was to make his Soldurii partakers of all his happinesse in this life in regard whereof they were to take â—arâ— of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him If death which is the last end of all sensuall misery took hold of their head these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the self-same way neither in any memory was there saith he ever man found that refused to dy if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain Which bloudy league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of Nature multiplying particular destiny to a generall calamity so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered State if the Ring-leader were either ambitious or sought to practice any thing contrary to good government for he himself would presume much upon the assistance of his Soldurii and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts that were so interessed in his life and death CHAP. X. The Galles raise new forces against Crassus THe barbarous Galles were much troubled that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken and therefore they sent Embassadours into all quarters conjured one with another confirmed their covenants with mutuall hostages and levied what power they were able to make sending for aid out of Spain and from other States that bordered upon Aquitanie At the coming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power and with many souldiers of great fame for they appointed such Leaders as had seen the experience of Sertorius his warres and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the Art Militarie These according to the custome of the people of Rome began to take places of advantage to fortifie their Camp and to intercept the Romans from free passage of convoyes and necessary intercourses Which when Crassus perceived and considering withall that his own forces were so few that he could not well dismember them upon any service or advantage and that the enemy went out
Princes and Senate would swear faith and safe continuance unto their people neither would they require more then three dayes to negotiate this businesse Caesar conceived this intreaty to import nothing else then the return of their horsemen that were absent in pillage whom they expected within three dayes notwithstanding he promised them to march but four miles further that day to a convenient watring-place and bade that a considerable number of them should come thither to him next day that he might know what they desired in the mean time he sent to the Commanders of the horse that were before not to provoke the Enemy to fight and if they were set upon to sustain the charge untill he came nearer with the Army THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe his dissembling of the practice of the Galles with the Germans and the incouragement which he gave them in a faithfull and loyall affection to the people of Rome when he himself knew they had started from that duty which both their honour and a good respect of their friends required for he well understood that his presence did take away all scruple of any further motion in that kind and therefore to have objected unto them their errours had not been to heal but to discover their wound Only he took the way to cut off their hopes of any practices which they might attempt against the Roman people and held them in the mean time in the apparance of faithfull friends that they might not be discouraged by the detection of their revolt THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly upon this resolution that there was no league to be made with the Germans if they continued on this side the Rhene we may observe how he entertained a treaty of peace with such consents and denials as might manifest his readinesse to further what he made shew of and not weaken the means of his best advantage For as he was content they should take a quiet farewell of Gallia and plant themselves in the possessions of the Ubii so was he loath to yield to any condition which might disadvantage his forcible constraint or weaken his command if perswasion failed for he well knew that powerfull means to effect that which he required would further the course of a peaceable conclusion and carry more authority in a parlee then any other motive how reasonable soever Moreover we may observe how carefull he was not to impose upon the Germans a necessity of fighting but opened a passage by propounding unto them the association of the Ubii by which they might avoyd the hazard of battel Which thing was alwayes observed by Commanders of ancient times who diligently searching into the nature of things found that neither of those noble instruments whereby man worketh such wonders I mean the hand and the tongue had ever brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection unlesse they had been forced thereunto by necessity and therefore we are wisely to handle the course of our actions least while we stand too strict upon a violent guard we give occasion to the Enemy by the way of Antiperistasis to redouble his strength and so furnish him with that powerfull engine which Vetius Mescius calleth ultimum and maximum telum the last and greatest weapon the force whereof shall better appear by these examples Some few of the Samnites contrary to the articles of peace between them and the Romans having made incursions into the territories of the Roman confederats the Senate of that State sent to Rome to excuse the fact and to make offer of satisfaction But being rejected Claudius Pontius Generall of their forces in an excellent Oration which he made shewed how the Romans would not hearken to peace but chose rather to be revenged by war and therefore necessity constrained them to put on Arms Justum est bellum saith he quibus necessarium pia arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est That war is just which is necessary and it is piety in those men to take up arms who have no hope but in taking up arms The issue thereof was that the Samnites intrapped the Romans in a place of advantage so that they were forced upon dishonourable terms to save their lives as it is at large in the ninth book of Livie Caius Manlius conducting the Roman legions against the Veii part of the Veian Army had entred the Roman Camp which Manlius perceiving he hasted with a band of men to keep the breach and to shut in the Veii which they no sooner perceived but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew Manlius and had overthrown the whole Camp had not a Tribune opened them a passage by which they fled away In like manner Camillus the wisest of the Roman Captains being entered into the City of the Veii that he might take it with greater facility and disarme the Enemy of that terrible weapon of necessity he caused it to be proclaimed that no Veian should be hurt that was found unarmed Whereupon every man cast away his weapon and so the town was taken without bloudshed Let a souldier therefore take such hold of occasions and opportunities as are offered unto him that in time of battel he may seem to cast necessity upon his own cause and retain it in his pay considering how the power thereof altereth the works of Nature and changeth their effects into contrary operations being never subject to any ordinance or law and yet making that lawfull which procedeth from it CHAP. IIII. The Germans contrary to their own request made to Caesar set upon the Roman horsemen and overthrow them NOtwithstanding the Germans request concerning the truce assoon as they saw the Roman horsemen which were in number five thousand whereas the Germans had not above eight hundred horse those that went over the Mosa to forrage not being yet returned they charged upon the Romans not expecting any hostile incounter inasmuch as their Embassadours were newly departed from Caesar and had obtained that day of truce but being set upon they made what resistance they could The Germans according to their usuall custom for sook their horse and fighting on foot ran our horses into the bellies and overthrew many of our men so that they easily put the Romans to flight who never looked back untill they came into the sight of the legions In that battel were slain 74 Roman horsemen amongst the rest Piso an Aquitane a valiant man and born of noble parentage whose grandfather was the chief ruler in his city and called friend by the Roman Senate This Piso seeing his brother compassed about by the enemy brake in upon them and rescued him but having his horse wounded under him in the action and being dismounted he fought stoutly on foot till such time as the enemy hemm'd him in and gave him in and gave him severall wounds then he fell down Which his brother seeing afarre off for he had
Mona besides many other smaller Ilands of which some write that in Winter-time for thirty dayes together they have continuall night whereof we learned nothing by inquiry only we found by certain measures of water that the nights in England were shorter then in the Continent The length of this side according to the opinion of the inhabitants containeth seven hundred miles The third side lieth to the North and the open sea saving that this angle doth somewhat point towards Germany This side is thought to contain eight hundred miles And so the whole Island containeth in circuit 2000 miles Of all the inhabitants they of Kent are most courteous and civile all their Country bordering upon the sea and little differing from the fashion of Gallia Most of the in-land people sow no Corn but live with milk and flesh clothed with skins having their faces painted with a blew colour to the end they may seem more terrible in sight they have the hair of their head long having all other parts of their body shaven saving their upper lip Their wives are common to ten or twelve especially brethren with brethren parents with children but the children that are born are put unto them unto whom the mother was first given in marriage OBSERVATION IN the descriptions of the ancient Britans we may first observe their pedegree according to the Heraldry of that time wherein we must understand that in those ages the Nations of the world thought it no small honour to derive their descent from a certain beginning and to make either some of their Gods or some man of famous memory the Father of that progeny and founder of their State that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their government being first laid and established by so powerfull a means But if this failed they then bragged of antiquity and cast all their glory upon the fertility of their soil being so strong and fruitfull that it yielded of it self such a people as they were And so we read how the Athenians forasmuch as they were ignorant from whence they came ware an Oaken leaf in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled And hereupon also grew the controversy between the Egyptians and the Scythians concerning antiquity wherein the Egyptians seemed to have great advantage because of the fertility and heat of of their country whereas the Scythians inhabited a cold climate unfruitfull and an enemy to generation Of this sort were the Britans that inhabited the mediterranean part of the Island who not knowing from whence they came nor who first brought them thither satisfied themselves with that common received opinion that they were born and bred of the earth The sea-coast was possest by such as came out of the Continent and retained the names of the Cities from whence they came as a memoriall of their progenitours The form of the Island is very well described and measured out according to the scale of our modern Geographers For concerning the difference of longitude between the Eastern angle of Kent and the furthest point of Cornewall they make it eight degrees which in a manner jumpeth with Caesars dimensuration The other sides are somewhat longer and therefore Tacitus in the life of Agricola compareth it to a Carpenters Axe making that side which bordereth upon France to resemble the edge and the other two sides to incline by little and little one towards another and so make the Island narrower at the top according to the form of that instrument He setteth down the whole compasse of the Island according to the manner of the ancient Geographers who by the quantity of the circuit did usually judge of the content not considering that the Area of every figure dependeth as well on the quantity of the angle as the length of the side Concerning the temperature of Britany in regard of the cold Winters in France we must understand that Britany hath ever been found of a more temperate constitution in regard of sharp and cold winters then any other country lying under the same parallel Whether the cause thereof may be imputed to the continual motion of the sea about the Island which begetteth heat as some have imagined or to the site thereof in regard of other Continents from whence the wind alwayes riseth carrieth with it the nature of the Country by which it passeth so the Island having no other Continent lying North to it from whence the wind may rise but all for the most part upon the South hath no such cold winds to distemper it as other parts of Germany which are under the same parallel but the Southern wind which is so frequent in Britany tempereth the air with a mild disposition and so keepeth it warm or whether it besome other unknown cause our Philosophers rest unsatisfied But as touching Gallia it may be said that forasmuch as it beareth more to the South then this Iland doth the aire thereof by reason of the continual heat is of a far purer disposition and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of Britany and carrieth the cold further into the pores and so seemeth sharper and of a far colder disposition This Iland which Caesar nameth Mona is known at this time by the name of Man and lieth between Cumberland and Ireland Ptolemy calleth it Monaeda Tacitus calleth Anglesey by the name of Mona peradventure from the nomination of the Britans who called it Tyrmon the land of Mon. Concerning those places where the night continueth in the midst of winter for thirty daies together they must be sited 6. degrees beyond the circle Artick and have a day in summer of like continuance according to the rules of Astronomy In that he found the nights in Britany shorter then in the Continent we must understand it to be onely in summer for the more oblique the horizon is the more uneven are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth and the nearer it cometh to a right horizon the nearer it cometh to an equality of day and night and hence it happeneth that in summer time the nights in France are longer then here in England and in winter shorter The like we must understand of all Southern and Northern Countries To conclude I may not omit the civility of the Kentish men and their courteous disposition above the rest of the Britans which must be imputed to that ordinary course which brought civility unto all other Nations of whom such as were first seated in their possessions and entertained society were the first that brought in civill conversation and by little and little were purified and so attained to the perfection of civill government So we find that first the Assyrians and Babylonians as nearest to the Mountains of Armenia where the Ark rested and people first inhabited reduced their States into Commonweales or Monarchies of exquisite government flourishing with all manner of learning and knowledge when as yet other Countries lay either waste
year whereof there is this reason that if any State neglected the summons and refused to make their appearance according to custome the summer time coming on gave good means to the Roman legions to punish the insolency of such a contempt as it happened in this place to the Senones Carnutes and Treviri whose absence from this meeting was a sufficient argument to Caesar of their rebellion and deserved the reward of open revolt THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing which I will briefly observe in this Chapter is the pardon which Caesar willingly gave the Senones at the mediation of the Hedui not so much for the respect he bare unto the Hedui although they had of long time performed good service to the Roman Empire and were found more faithfull then all the States of Gallia howbeit I doubt not but that he was glad of that occasion to gratify the Hedui but as a master in that faculty well knowing what best suted with the publick profit in all times and seasons he would not mispend the summer in questions and diâ—pute concerning former errours which might better be remembred upon other occasions but rather in prosecuting war against other speciall revolters as a matter more behovefull to the advancement of the Empire and best fitting the time of summer For in following a businesse there is nothing more availeable to a fortunate issue then to be able to distinguish of the validity of the parties and to discern which hath most interest in the bulk of the matter that so we may not be mistaken in our designes but follow that course as shall most advantage our purpose And here a Generall is to take speciall care that no humorous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgement approveth for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit delighting pleasures desire of revenge or some other unseasonable affection doth so intangle them in their proceedings as they never attain to the main drift of the action and this is called stumbling by the way CHAP. IV. Caesar intendeth the war of the Treviri THis part of Gallia being quieted he bent his whole mind to make war against the Treviri and Ambiorix commanding Cavarinus with the cavalry of the Senones to go along with him least any tumult should happen in his absence either through his discontentment or the malice of the State These things being thus determined forasmuch as he well kneâ— that Ambiorix would not come to blowes in open fight he endeavoured by what meanes he could to understand his other purposes The Menapii were neighbour-borderers upon the consines of the Eburones inclosed about with a defence of bogs and woods and only they of all the states of Gallia had never sent to Caesar touching any contract of peace of them Ambiorix was received and had familiar entertainment And further he understood that by the means of the Treviri the Germans were brought to a contract of friendship with him also These helps he thought were fit to be taken from Ambiorix before he set upon him with open war least despairing of his safety he should either hide himself amongst the Menapii or be compelled to fly over the Rhene to the Germans In this resolution he sent the baggage of the whole army with a convoy of two Legions to Labienus who was then in the territories of the Treviri and he himself with five expedâ—te and unburthened Legions made towards the Menapii They having made no head but trusting to the strength of the place â—led into the woods and bogs and carried all they had with them Caesar dividing his forces to C. Fabius a legate and M. Crassus the treasurer having made speedy provision of bridges did set upon them in three parts and burnt houses and villages and took great numbers of men and cattel whereby the Menapii were constrained to send to Caesar for peace He having taken pledges of them assured them that he would esteem them as enemies if they did either receive Ambiorix into their country or any messengers from him The matter being thus compounded he left among them Comius of Arras with certain horse as a garrison to that place and he himself made towards the Treviri OBSERVATIONS HEnce we may observe that as it falleth out in other things for the most part so specially in matter of war there is such a medley and interlacing of materiall circumstances with the body of the action that commonly one businesse begets another Caesars chief design at this time was the war against Ambiorix and the Treviri but considering the contract and league between them and the Menapii he would not prosecute the war of the Treviri untill he had taken away that assistance and left them in the nakednesse of their own strength Wherein we may first observe what opinion Caesar held of allies and associates or any other that gave help or assistance to an enemy for besides this particular we may read in the fourth Commentary that the chiefest cause that moved him to take the voyage into Britain was for that the Britans had underhand given succour and assistance to the Galles a matter not to be neglected in his judgement whether it were in regard of any friendship or good respect which they bare unto the Galles or otherwise to keep the Romans occupied there that they in the mean time might live quietly at home which I need not here dispute but the matter proveth it self plainly by Caesars own confession that the continuall supplies sent from Britain were a sufficient cause to move him to that war And as it followeth in this Commentary concerning the self same matter the only cause that drew him to passe the Rhene the second time into Germany was the succours which the Germans had formerly sent to the Treviri according to reason in cases of other natures that he that will extinguish a lamp must not suffer an addition of oyle nor admit the influence of lesser streams when he goeth about to dry up the greater river But that which was the occasion of this businesse and might have challenged the first place in this discourse was for that Caesar was almost assured that Ambiorâ—x would not be brought to a tryall of battel and therefore he laboured to understand his other projects From whence a Commander may receive direction what course to hold in a refusall of open encounter for as the art and sleight of war is to subdue an enemy so are there more wayes and means to effect that purpose then by waging battel as I have discoursed at large in the third Commentary whereunto I may add thus much which is generally observed in the carriage of great and eminent Commanders that such as failed in matter of negotiation and wanted dexterity in managing the course of their businesse notwithstanding any fortune or singularity in striking a battel did never attain to firm and permanent honour If any man be desirous to descend into particulars
And thereupon Divitiacus went unto Rome to seek aid of the Senate but returned without effecting any thing Caesars coming into Gallia brought an alteration of these things for the pledges were restored back again to the Hedui and their old followers and clients did likewise return to their protection besides other new followers which by Caesars means did cleave unto them for they saw that those which entred into friendship with them were in a better condition and more fairly dealt with Whereby their nobleness and dignity was so amplified and enlarged that the Sequani lost their authority whom the men of Rhemes succeeded And forasmuch as the world took notice that they were no less favoured of Caesar then the Hedui such as by reason of former enmities could not endure to joyn with the Hedui put themselves into the clientele of the men of Rhemes and found respective protection from that State which caused a new and sodain raised authority of the men of Rhemes So that at that time the Hedui went far beyond all the other States of Gallia in power and authority and next unto them were the men of Rhemes OBSERVATIONS FActions are generally the rent of a State and a disjoynting of those parts which common unity hath knit together for the preservation of good government But the Galles maintained sides and parties throughout the whole body of their Continent and found it necessary for the upholding of their policy at home and as it fell out in the course of these wars rather a help then otherwise in their generall defence against a forraign enemy The reason of the former benefit was grounded upon two causes as Caesar noteth the one proceeding from the oppression used by the rich and mighty men towards the poorer and meaner people and the other from the impatiency of those of inferior condition refusing to acknowledge any authority or preeminency at all rather then to endure the wrongs and contumelies of the mighty And therefore to prevent the licentious might of the great ones and to give countenance and respect to the lower sort these factions and sides were devised wherein the foot had alwayes a head sensible of the wrongs which were done unto it Things of greater condition are alwayes injurious to lesser natures and cannot endure any competency not so much as in comparison or by way of relation In things without life the prerogative of the mountains doth swallow up the lesser rising of the downs and the swelling of the downs the unevenness of the mole-hils the Stars are dimmed at the rising of the Moon and the Moon loseth both her light and her beauty in the presence of the Sunne So amongst bruit beasts and fishes the greater do alwayes devour the less and take them as their due by the appointment of nature and men more injurious in this point then either mountains or brute beasts inasmuch as they do alwayes overvalue themselves beyond their own greatness have in all ages verified the old Proverb Homo homini lupus One man 's a Wolf to another And on the other side as nature maketh nothing in vain but hath given a being to the least of her creatures so do they endeavour not to be annulled but to keep themselves in being and continuance Habet musca splenem The very Fly hath her spleen saith the Poet and the Pismires and Bees have their common-weales though not equall to a Monarch And therefore that the mighty and great men of Gallia might not devour the lowest of the people but that every man might stand in his own condition and by the help of a Rowland live by an Oliver and again that the poorer sort might give as a tribute for their protection that respect and obedience to their superiors as belongeth to such high callings these factions and bandies were ordained whereby the Nobles were restrained from oppressing the poor and the poor compelled to obey the Nobility which is the best end that may be made of any faction Concerning the advantage which the Galles received by these factions against forraign enemies it was rather in regard of the multiplicitie of States and Common-weals which were in the continent of Gallia then otherwise for it manifestly appeareth that their factions and contentions for soveraign authority caused one party to bring in Ariovistus and the Germans and the other party the Romans to make good their bandy But forasmuch as Gallia had many divisions and contained many severall States relying chiefly upon their own strength and esteeming the subversion of their neighbour city as a calamity befalling their neighbour from which the rest stood as yet free it was not so easily conquered as if it had been all but one kingdom The battell which Caesar had with the Nervij which was fought so hard that of threescore thousand men there were left but five hundred nor of six hundred Senators above three nor again the selling of three and fifty thousand Galles for bond-slaves at one time did not so much advantage the conquest of Gallia as the battell of Edward the third or that of Henry the fifth our two English Caesars in the former whereof were slain at Cressie thirty thousand of the French and in the latter at Agincourt but ten thousand The reason was for that the former losses though far greater concerned but particular States whereas these latter overthrowes extended to the members and branches of the whole kingdome CHAP. VIII Two sorts of men in Gallia Druides and Equites THroughout all Gallia there are but two sorts of men that are of any reckoning or account for the common people are in the nature of servants and of no worth of themselves nor admitted to any Parliament but being kept under either by debts or by great tributes or by the oppression of the mighty do put themselves in the service of the Nobility and are subject to the authority which the master hath over his Bond-slave Of these two sorts the one are Druides and the other Equites or Gentlemen The Druides which are alwayes present at their Holy Duties do give order for their publick and private sacrifices and expound their Religion To the Druides great numbers of the youth do resort for learnings saâ—e and have them in great honour and reputation for they do determine almost of all controversies both publick and private for if any offence be committed as murther or man-slaughter or any controversie arise touching their lands or inheritance they sentence it rewarding the vertuous and punishing the wicked If any private man or State do not obey their decree they interdâ—d him from holy duty which is the greatest punishment that is amongst them Such as are thus interdicted are reputed in the number of impious and wicked men every man leaves their company and doth avoid to meet them or speak with them lest they should receive any hurt by their contagion neither have they law or justice when they require it nor
congratulation of them that had escaped such imminent dangers and of us that seemed to have effected such great matters without bloudshed Insomuch as Caesar in all mens judgement reaped great fruit of his accustomed clemency and mildnesse and his counsell was generally approved of by all men THE OBSERVATION THis Chapter containeth a passage of that note and eminency as the like is not read in any story For if we search the records of all Nations from the very birth of Bellona unto times of later memory it will no where else appear that a Generall spared an advantage to purchase a victorious name by the bloudshed and ruine of his enemy especially contrary to the will and desire of his Army that had undergone such difficulties and hazzards to give an end to that war contrary to his knowledge and late experience of the mutability and change of time and fortune contrary to the surest rule of war Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit Valour or Craft who cares which in a Foe and contrary to the use of Arms which are alwaies bent against an enemy to subdue him This is the fruit of that other part of Military knowledge which men do rather admire then attain unto no lesse concerning the honour of a Commander Consilio superare quam gladio to overcome by counsell and good direction rather then by the sword and was a main step to raise him to the Empire For howsoever the souldier to prevent further labour stood hard for bloud not respecting that of the Comick Omnia prius experiri verbis quam armis sapientem decet a wise man should try all fair words before he brings the businesse to blowes yet if Caesar had been so injurious to Nature as to have left them to their own desires and suffered their fury to have violated the law of humanity more then was requisite for victory they would afterwards have loathed themselves and cursed their swords for such unseasonable execution and may be doubted would have revenged it upon his head before the time came to strike the fatall stroak of the eversion of that State Caesar esteemed it also a part of divine power to save men by troups according to that of Seneca Haec divina potentia est gregatim ac publice servare It is a divine power that saves men by troups and all at once And therefore he chose rather to displease the souldier for the present then to lose that honour which attendeth the sparing of home-bred bloud whereof forreign enemies are not altogether so capable CHAP. XXIV Petreius breaketh off the Treaty and new sweareth the Souldiers to the Party AFranius being advertised of these passages left the work which he had begun and withdrew himself into the Camp prepared as it seemed to take patiently whatsoever should befall him But Petreius was no way dismaâ—ed thereat for having armed his houshold family he went flying with them and a Pratorian cohort of Buckler-bearers together with some few stipendary horse of the barbarous people whom he was wont to keep about him as a guard to his person and came suddenly and unlooked for to the Rampier brake off the souldiers treaty thrust our men off from the Camp killing such as he could apprehend The rest got together and affrighted at the suddennesse of the danger wrapt their coats about their left arms and with their sword drawn defended themselves from the Buckler-bearers and horsemen and trusting to the nearnesse and propinquity of their Camp they took courage and got safely thither being protected by the Cohorts that had the guard at the Camp gates This being done Petreius weeping about to the Maniples calling the souldiers and beseeching them not to leave forsake him nor yet Pompey their Generall that was absent nor to deliver them over to the cruelty of their adversaries Presently thereupon a great concourse of souldiers was about the Praetory requiring that every man might take an oath not to abandon or betray the Army or their Generalls nor yet to enter into private consultation thereof without consent of the rest He himself first took an oath to this effect and caused Afranius to take the same The Tribunes of the Souldiers and Centurions followed in order and after them the souldiers were brought out according to their Centuries and were sworn the same oath They caused it also to be proclaimed that whosoever had any of Caesar's souldiers should cause them to be brought out and being brought forth they â—lew them publickly before the Praetorian Pavilion But most men concealed such as were with them and in the night time sent them out over the Rampier Whereby it came to passe that the terrour wherewith the Generalls had affrighted them the cruelty they had shewed in punishment together with the vain religion of the new oath had taken away all hope of yielding for the present and quite changing the souldiers minds had reduced the matter to the former course of war Caesar for his part caused diligent inquiry to be made of such souldiers as came into his Camp during the time of the treaty and sent them away in safety But of the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions many of their voluntary accord remained with him whom afterwards he held in great honour and advanced the Centurions and such Roman Knights as were of the better rank to the place and dignity of Tribunes The Afranians were sorely laid unto in their forraging and watered likewise with great difficulty Many of the legionary souldiers had store of Corn being commanded to take provision with them from Herda for twenty two daies But the Buckler-bearers and Auxiliary forces had none at all having but small means to provide and furnish themselves and their bodies not being used to carry burthens for which cause a great number fled daily to Caesar THE FIRST OBSERVATION THat every man is the maker of his own fortune is evidently seen in the severall carriages of these two Generalls For Afranius gave way to the souldiers treaty and resolved to suffer whatsoever that transaction should cast upon him But Petreius opposing himself to their desires raised new troubles had further designs and another fortune Wherein forasmuch as the event of things riseth according as they are first directed either by weak or strong resolutions it better suteth the temper of souldier howsoever the successe fall out with our desires rather to be stiffe in what he wisheth then to make his own easinesse the ready means of his adversaries happinesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION VErtue at all times hath had this priviledge in the difference and degrees of state and condition to make a Noble mans word equall to a Common mans oath but the integrity of former ages had a more generall prerogative avouching every mans promise for the strictnesse an oath Hence it was that the Romans upon their inrollment for a war gave but their promise to
of the reasons hear expressed by Caesar which are the true motives of undertaking a siege The first is drawn either from the weakness of an Enemie or as he is daunted with fear or overcome in battel For having thereupon no confidence in his own power he resteth himself in the strength of the Place which he holdeth and possesseth which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his Hold and either to force them or shut them up like women The second is when one State hath offered injurie to another which alwaies importeth losse beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them For revenge whereof the other side laieth siege to some of their Towns to repair themselves by taking in the same And thirdly the finall cause of all sieges is to keep an Enemy from victuall and other manner of provisions and so to take them by the belly when they cannot take them by the ears which is a part so violent in requiring that which is due to Nature as it hath made the Father and the Son fall out for a Mouse as it happened at Athens besieged by Demetrius THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing worthy our consideration is the patience and deportment of Caesar's souldiers in their so great wants and necessities As first in helping themselves with this root called Chara described by Dioscorides to be a little seed tasting somewhat like Anise-seed good to help digestion and having such a root as a Caret which being boiled is very good meat and is the same which our Physicians call Caraway-seed wherewith they served their turn with such contentment as they seemed to have been trained up in the School of Frugality a vertue worthy of all regard and the onely means to make easie the difficulties of war being as necessary for a souldier as the use of Armes and is that which was aimed at in the answer of Cyrus to shew the services in a souldiers diet Forbeing demanded what he would have made ready for supper Bread saith he for we will sup at the Fountain Neither hath it been thought fit to give way to the naturall loosness of the stomacks appetite upon any occasion but to use the like moderation in the time of plenty For Zeno took the answer of them that would excuse their liberall expenses by their ability of means for no better paâ—ment then they themselves would have taken the excuse of their Cooks for putting too much salt on their meat because they had salt enough Caesar punished his Baker for giving him better bread then his souldiers had And Scipio cashiered a couple of Romans at the siege of Carthage for feasting a friend in their Tent during an assault Which austerity of life raised the Romans to that height of honour and made them Masters of the world from the East to the Western Ocean Secondly as a consequent of this contentment we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege purposing rather to eat the bark of trees then to suffer Pompey to escape their hands It is an excellent point in a Generall to keep himself from irresolution being a weakness of ill consequence and not unlike the disease of the Staggers variable uncertain and without bottom or bound whereas constancy to purposes produceth noble and worthy ends An instance whereof is Fabius Maximus who notwithstanding the reproach and scandall cast upon him continued firm in his determination to the saving of his Country And if it be so well beseeming a Leader it is of much more regard in the souldier especially considering that of Xenophon Non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo qui necessaria non subministrat He cannot easily keep his souldiers in obedience which does not provide them necessaries For as the same Author observeth in another place Nullus est adâ—o fortis aut validus qui possit adversus famem aut frigus pugnando militare There is no man so stout and valorous that can fight against cold and hunger THE THIRD OBSERVATION AMongst all the parts of the Roman discipline their Watch deserveth a particular description supplying in the Army the office of the naturall eye in the bodie which is to give notice of any approaching danger for the preventing of the same Polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner Of each sort of the Legionary foot as namely the Hastati Principes and Triarii and likewise of the horse there was chosen one out of the tenth and last Maniple that was made free from watch and ward This party as the Sun began to decline came daily to the Tent of the Tribune and there had given him a little Tablet wherein the watch-word was writ which Tablet they called Tessera and then returning to his Company delivered it to the Centurion of the next Maniple and that Centurion to the next and so in order untill it came to the first and chiefest Company which was lodged next unto the Tribunes and by the Centurion thereof was returned to the Tribune before Sun-setting And if all the Tablets were brought in then did the Tribune know the word was given to all If any wanted they made inquirie and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing they punished the default as they saw cause And this was their watch-word by which their Party was distinguished from an Enemy and in likelihood for Polybius doth not affirm so much was by the Centurion given to such of his Maniple as were to watch that night Their night-watches were thus ordered A Maniple or Company was alwaies appointed to watch at the Generalls Pavilion The Treasurer had three watches and every Legat two A watch consisted of four men according to the generall division of their night into four parts each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot for the first second third or fourth watch and the rest sitting by The Velites kept watch without the Camp and the Decuries of horse at the gates Besides every Maniple had private watch within it self Of those that were appointed to watch a Lieutenant of each Maniple did bring to the Tribune in the evening such as were to keep the first watch of the night and to them were delivered lesser Tablets then were given out at first called Tesserulae appropriated to every particular watch one for himself and three other for his fellows The trust of giong the Round was committed to the horsemen for it belonged to the first Commander of horse in each legion to give order to his Lieutenant to appoint before dinner four young men of his troup to go the Round the next night and in the evening to acquaint the next Commander to appoint Rounders for the night following These horsemen being thus appointed did cast lots for the first second third and fourth watch and then repaired to the Tribune of whom they had order
of them went out far off to get wood and to seek forrage others rising hastily had left a great part of their luggage behind them and induced by the nearness of the last nights lodging left their Armes and went back to fetch those things that were behind Insomuch as Caesar seeing them thus scattered as before he had conceived how it would fall out about high noon gave warning to depart and so led out his Army and doubling that daies journey he went from that place about eight mile which Pompey could not do by reason of the absence of his souldiers The next day Caesar having in like manner sent his carriages before in the beginning of the night set forward himself about the fourth watch that if there were any suddain necessity of fighting he might at all occasions be ready with the whole Army The like he did the daies following By which it happened that in his passage over great Rivers and by difficult and cumbersome waies he received no detriment or losse at all For Pompey being staied the first day and afterwards striving in vain making great journeys and yet not overtaking us the fourth day gave over following and betook himself to another resolution Caesar as well for the accommodating of his wounded men as also for paying the Army re-assuring his Allies and Confederates and leaving Garrisons in the towns was necessarily to go to Apollonia but he gave no longer time for the dispatch of these things then could be spared by him that made haste For fearing least Domitius should be ingaged by Pompey's arrivall he desired to make towards him with all possible celerity his whole purpose and resolution insisting upon these reasons That if Pompey did follow after him he should by that means draw him from the Sea-side and from such provisions of war as he had stored up at Dyrrachium and so should compell him to undertake the war upon equall conditions If he went over into Italy having joyned his Army with Domitius he would go to succour Italy by the way of Illyricum But if he should go about to besiege Apollonia or Oricum and so exclude him from all the Sea-coast he would then besiege Scipio and force Pompey to relieve him And therefore having writ and sent to Cn. Domitius what he would have done leaving four Cohorts to keep Apollonia one at Lissus and three at Oricum and disposing such as were weak through their wounds in Epirus and Acarnania he set forward OBSERVATIONS COnfecto justo itinere ejus dici having marched a full daies march or gone a just daies journey saith the story Which giveth occasion to inquire how far this just daies journey extended Lipsius saith it was twenty four miles alleaging that of Vegetius Militari gradu saith he viginti millia passuum horis quinque duntaxat aestivis conficienda pleno autem gradu qui citatior est totidem horis viginti quatuor A souldiers march did usually rid 20 miles in five summer houres and if they marched with speed 24 miles in the same time understanding justum iter a just journey to be so much as was measured militari gradu by a souldiers march But he that knows the marching of an Army shall easily perceive the impossibility of marching ordinarily twenty four miles a day Besides this place doth plainly confute it for first he saith that he made a just daies journey then again rising about noon doubled that daies journey and went eight miles Which shews that their Justum iter was about eight miles and so suteth the slow conveiance of an Army with more probability then that of Lipsius CHAP. XXVII Pompey hasteth to Scipio Domitius heareth of the overthrow POmpey also conjecturing at Caesar's purpose thought it requisite for him to hasten to Scipio that he might succour him if Caesar should chance to intend that way but if it so fell out that he would not depart from the Sea-shore and Corcyra as expecting the legions and Cavalry to come out of Italy he would then attack Domitius For these causes both of them made haste as well to assist their Parties as to surprize their enemies if occasion were offered But Caesar had turned out of the way to go to Apollonia whereas Pompey had a ready way into Macedonia by Candavia To which there happened another inconvenience that Domitius who for many daies together had lodged hard by Scipio's Camp was now departed from thence to make provision of Corn unto Heraclea Sentica which is subject to Candavia as though Fortune would have thrust him upon Pompey This Caesar was at that time ignorant of Moreover Pompey had writ to all the States and Provinces of the overthrow at Dyrrachium in far greater tearms then the thing it self was and had noised it abroad that Caesar was beaten had lost all his forces and fled away Which reports made the wales very hard and dangerous to our men and drew many States from Caesar's party whereby it happened that many Messengers being sent both from Caesar to Domitius and from Domitius to Caesar were forced to turn back again and could not passe Howbeit some of the followers of Roscillus and Aegus who as is before shewed had fled unto Pompey meeting on the way with Domitius Discoverers whether it were out of their old acquaintance having lived together in the wars of Gallia or otherwise out of vain-glorie related all what had happened not omitting Caesar's departure or Pompey's coming Whereof Domitius being informed and being but scarce four houres before him did by the help of the enemy avoid a most imminent danger and met with Caesar at Aeginium which is a town situate upon the frontiers of Thessalia OBSERVATIONS JOy is an opening and dilating motion and oftentimes openeth the body so wide as it letteth out the soul which returneth not again And in like manner the causes of all such exsultations do for the most part spread themselves further then is requisite Pompey having victory in hope rather then in hand boasted as though all were his not considering that the happinesse or disaster of humane actions doth not depend upon the particulars rising in the course thereof which are variable and divers but according as the event shall censure it Whereupon the Russes have a saying in such cases that he that laughs afterward laughs then too as Caesar did CHAP. XXVIII Caesar sacketh Gomphi in Thessalia CAesar having joyned both Armies together came to Gomphi which is the first town of Thessalia by the way leading out of Epirus These people a few daies before had of their own accord sent Embassadours to Caesar offering all their means and abilities to be disposed at his pleasure requiring also a Garrison of souldiers from him But now they had heard of the overthrow at Dyrrachiuml which was made so great and so prevailed with them that Androsthenes Praetor of Thessalia chusing rather to be a partaker of Pompey's victory then a companion
for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an evil end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy The last form is called Gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battell is advanced and the two cornets lag behind This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae but with this Art that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers and placed his weakest in the midst that the Romans following the retreat of the battell which was easily repelld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets Chap. XX. The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus THe sign of the battell being thereupon given our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their piles and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords But the Germans according to their manner putting themselves into a Phalanx received the force of their swords In the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it and so to wound and kill those that were underneath and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight Now while the right Cornet was thus busied the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner perceived having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell but he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger by means whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemy was put to flight and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming others found some boats and so escaped Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore recovered the other side and so saved himself the rest were all slain by the horsemen Ariovistus had two wives one a Swevian whom he brought with him from home and the other of Norica the sister of King Vocion sent unto him by her brother into Gallia and married there both these perished in that fight His two daughters likewise being there one was slain and the other taken As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend and a man of sort in the Province whom the barbarous enemy contrary to the law of Nations had cast into prison Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots And M. Titius was found in like manner and brought unto him The same of this battell being carried beyond the Rhene the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene returned home again whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued finding them terrified and distracted and slew a great number of them Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer brought his Army into their wintering Campes somewhat sooner then the time of the year required and leaving Labienus to command them himself returned into the hither Gallia to keep Courts and publick Diets THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to understand it to be so termed by reason of the close and compact imbattelling rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx Secondly I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history yet he omitted not the substance which was to have primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong the first and second battell were joyned together and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio as they termed it to succour any part that should be overcharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisdome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualty of Fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf then to have a second and a third succour to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them Or if their valour were equally ballanced and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour these alwayes stept in being fresh against weary and over-laboured spirits and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning use of lots it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no Nation civil or barbarous but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan the Marriners Jonas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition and put them in mind of a duty which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destiny and as the Gods would have it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that event casuall or proceeding from Fortune of which the reason of man could assign no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman was termed an effect of Fortune or chance of hab-nab For all other effects which depended upon a certainty and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subject to the inconstancy of chance And because many and sundry such chances daily happened which like terrae filii
had no Father and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason by the appearance of an efficient cause they reduced them all to the power of Fortune as the principall efficient and soveraign Motor of all such unexpected events that is they made nothing else the Governesse and Directresse of many things Which afterward grew to such credit amongst men that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes and was deified with celestiall honour as the Poet saith Te Nos facimus Fortuna deam coeloque locamus By the providence of this blind Goddesse which held her Deity by the Tenure of mens ignorance were all causuall actions directed and especially lots the event whereof depended only upon her pleasure and decree Neither could their direction be assigned to any other power for then their nature had been altered from chance to certainty and the event could not have been called Sors but must have been reputed in the order of necessary effects whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certain foregoing cause Whereby we see upon how weak an axletree the greatest motions of the goodlesse world were turned having irregularity and uncertainty for the Intelligentiae that governed their revolutions And herein all sorts of men although in divers respects rested as well contented as if an Oracle had spoken unto them and revealed the mysteries of fatall destiny Rome directed the main course of her government by the fortune of this mock-destiny For although their Consuls and Tribunes were elected by the people who pleased their own fancy with the free choice of their Commanders and suted their obedience with a well-liking authority yet the publick affairs which each Consul was severally to manage was shared out by lots For if an enemy were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories the lots assigned this Consul for the government of the City and the other to command the legions and to manage the war If forces were to be sent into divers Provinces and against severall enemies neither the Senate nor the people could give to either Consul his task but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots If any extraordinary actions were to be done in the Citie as the dedication of a Temple the sanctifying of the Capitol after a pollution Sors omnia versat that did all in all And yet notwithstanding the weak foundation of this practise in their Theologie and deepest Divinity we may not think but these skilfull Architects of that absolute government wherein vertue joyned with true wisdome to make an unexampled pattern we may not think I say but they foresaw the manifold danger which in the course of common actions could not other way be prevented but by the use of lots For when things are equally levelled between divers objects and run with indifferencie to equall stations there must be some controlling power to draw the current towards one Coast and to appropriate it unto one channel that the order of Nature be not inversed nor a well-established government disturbed So the state of Rome casting many things with equall charge upon her two soveraign Magistrates which could not be performed but by one of them what better meanes could there be invented to interesse the one in that office and to discharge the other then to appoint an Arbiter whose decree exceeded humane reason Of which it could not be said why it was so but that it was so For if the wisedome of the Senate had been called to counsell or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter it might easily have burst out into civil discord considering the often contentions between the Senate and the people the factions of Clients and the constant mutability of every mans private affections necessarily inclining unto one although their worth were equall and by true reason indiscernable which might have made the one proud of that which peradventure he had not and cast the other lower then would have well beseemed his vertues and therefore to cut off these with many other inconveniences they invented lots which without either reason or will might decide such controversies By this it appeareth how little the ancient Law-makers respected the ground and reason of an ordinance so the commodity were great and the use important to the good of the State for as they saw the thing it self to be casuall so they saw that casuall things are sometimes more necessary then demonstrative conclusions neither ought the nature and speculative consideration of Lawes and Statutes to belong to the common people but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the Commonwealth flourish And thus endeth the first Commentarie of Caesar his warre in Gallia The second Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument LIke as when a heavy body lieth upon the skirt of a larger continued quantity although it cover but a small parcell of the whole surface yet the other quarters are burthened and kept under with a proportionable measure of that weight and through the union and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one Totality feel the same suppression which hath really seised but upon their fellow part In like manner the Belgae inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple Continent seemed to repine at that heavy burthen which the Roman Empire had laid upon the Province the Hedui and other States of that kingdome And least it might in time be further removed and laid directly upon their shoulders they thought it expedient whilst they felt it but by participation to gather their severall forces into one head and try whether they could free their neighbour Nations from so grievous a yoak or at the least keep it from coming any nearer unto themselves And this is the Argument of this second book which divideth it self into two parts the first containing the wars between Caesar all the States of Belgia united together the second recording the battels which he made with some of the States thereof in particular as time and occasion gave him means to effect it CHAP. I. Caesar hasteth to his Army marcheth towards the Confines of the Belgae and taketh in the men of Rheims WHile Caesar was in his winter quarters in the hither Gallia there came every day fresh rumours to him the same thing being also certified by letters from Labienus that all the Belgae being a third part of Gallia had leagued together against the people of Rome and had given mutuall hostages one to another The grounds of their confederacy were these First they were afraid that Caesar having setled all the rest of Gallia in quiet would bring his armies upon them Secondly they were sollicited to do it by some of the Galles such namely who as they did not desire the company of the Germans longer in Gallia so they were very much troubled to think that the Roman army should winter and settle themselves there and such again as levity and inconstancy prompted to seek new