shamefull to human nature Hence it is that the office of burying is said to be performed not so much to the person as the nature Non tam homini quam humanitati whence Seneca and Quintilian called it publick humanity Petronius tralatitious Whereunto this is Consequent that Burial must not be envyed neither to our own nor our Countreyes enemies Of private enemies excellent is that dissertation of Ulysses in Sophocles for the burial of Ajax where we have this among the rest to Menelaus After so many wise words said Beware you do not wrong the dead Euripides gives the reason in his Antigone Mens quarels dy with their last breath For what revenge is after death And Optatus Milevitanus renders the same cause If you had any difference living let the other's death kill your hatred He is now silent with whom you quarrell'd LXXV Burial is also due to publick enemies WHerefore also to publick enemies all men think Burial to be due Enemies do not envy burial saith Tacitus and Dio Chrysostomus having said this is a Law observ'd among enemies in war addeth although their hate hath proceeded to the highest degree Sopater above cited What war hath deprived mankind of this last honour What enmity hath so far extended the memory of evil deeds as to dare violate this Law Dio Chrysostom cited a little afore in his Oration of Law By this no man judgeth dead men enemies nor is anger and disgrace extended to their bodyes And examples are every where extant So Hercules sought his enemies Alexander those slain at Issus Hannibal sought C. Flaminius P. Aemilius Tib. Gracchus Marcellus Romans to bury them The same was done by the Romans for Hanno for Mithridates by Pompey by Demetrius for many for King Archelaus by Antonius It was in the oath of the Greeks warring against the Persians I will bury all my fellows being victorious I will bury the Barbarians too and frequently in histories you may read of leave obtained to carry off the dead We have an example in Pausanias The Athenians say they had buried the Medes because it was their Religion to Interr all the dead whatsoever they were Wherefore by the interpretation of the antient Hebrews the High Priest when otherwise he was forbidden to be present at any funeral was commanded nevertheless to put into the earth a man found unburied But Christians so much esteemed sepulture that for this as well as to feed the poor or to redeem captives they thought even the consecrated Vessels of the Church might be lawfully coined or sold. There are indeed examples also to the contrary but condemned by common judgment LXXVI Whether Burial be due to notorious malefactors COncerning these I see there are causes of doubting The divino Law given to the Hebrews the mistress as of every vertue so of humanity too commands that they which were hanged on a tree which was esteemed very ignominious should be buried the same day Hence Josephus saith The Jews have such care of sepulture that they take down the bodies condemned to publick execution before Sun-set and commit them to the earth and other Hebrew interpreters adde This reverence was given to the divine image after which man was made Aegisthus who had seconded his adultery with the murder of the King was buried by Orestes the son of the murdered King as Homer relates And among the Romans Ulpian saith the bodies of them that are condemnd to dy are not to be denyed their kindred yea Paulus his opinion is they are to be granted to any whoever they be that ask them And Dioclesian and Maximian Emperours answered thus We do not sorbid that offenders after execution worthy of their crimes be deliverd to the grave Indeed we read in histories examples of them that have been cast out unburied more frequent in Civil than Forein wars and at this day we see the bodies of some condemned persons to be left a long time in publick view which manner yet whether it be commendable is disputed not by Politicks only but Divines On the contrary we find they are praysed who gave burial to the bodies of such as had not permitted the same to others namely Pausantas King of the Lacedemonians who being provoked by the Aeginetae to revenge the deed of the Persians upon Leonides with the like deed rejected the advice as unworthy of the Graecian name And the Pharisees buried Alexander Jannaeus who had been very contumelious against his dead Countreymen But if God sometimes hath punished some with the loss of burial he hath done this above the constituted Laws and that David kept the head of Goliah to be shewed was done against an Alien a Contemner of God and under that Law which extended the name of Neighbour to the Hebrews only LXXVI Whether it be due to those that have kill'd themselves to the sacrilegious and traiterous IT is here worthy to be noted concerning burial of the dead that the rule among the Hebrews themselves had an exception of them that had layd violent hands upom themselues as Josephus tells us Nor is it any wonder when no other punishment can be appointed them that esteem not death for a punishment So the Milesian maids were frighted from voluntary death and likewise the Plebs of Rome sometime though Pliny approve it not So the body of Cleomenes who had slain himself Ptolomy commanded to be hang'd up And saith Aristotle it is commonly receiv'd that some disgrace be done to them who have been the Authors of their own death which Andronicus Rhodius expounding saith their bodyes were forbidden to be buried And this among other Decrees of Demonassa Queen of Cyprus is commended by Dion Chrysostomus Nor is that any great objection against this custome that Homer Aeschylus Sophocles Moschio and others say That the dead feel nothing and therefore can neither be affected with loss nor shame For it is sufficient that that which is inflicted on the dead be feared by the living and they by this means be deterd from sin Excellently do the Platonists maintain against the Stoicks and whoever els admit the avoiding of servitude and diseases yea and the hope of glory for a just cause of voluntary death That the soul is to be retained in the custody of the body and that we must not depart out of this life without his command who gave it to us To which point much may be seen in Plotinus Olympiodorus and Macrobius upon Scipio's dream Brutus was at first of this judgment and condemned the fact of Cato which afterward he imitated For he thought it neither pious nor manly to yield to fortune and fly away from imminent adversities which are couragiously to be undergone And Megasthenes noted the fact of Calanus to be reprehended by the Indian wise-men whose doctrines did not suite with such an end of men impatient
leave to fly them I mean whom necessary office binds not to any place beside flight he permits nothing And Peter saith Christ when he suffered left us an example to follow Who did no sin neither was guile found in his mouth Who when he was reviled reviled not again when he sufferd he threatned not but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously The same Apostle bids Christians give thanks to God and rejoice if they suffer as Christians And surely by this patience most of all we finde Christian religion to have prevailed and spread it self Wherefore in my opinion the antient Christians who coming fresh from the disciplin of the Apostles and Apostolical men did more perfectly both understand and obey their prescriptions are very much injur'd by them who think the reason why they defended not themselves in most certain perill of death was because they wanted not will but strength Imprudent no doubt and impudent had Tertullian been if before the Emperours who could not be ignorant of the truth he had so confidently dared to tell a ly If we were willing saith he to use open hostility should we want numbers and forces We have fill'd your Cities Ilands Castles Towns Camps Palace Senate all your places but your Temples And were our forces unequal to yours we might easily make war upon you when we are so willing to be slain if our Religion did as well allow us to kill as to be killed Here also Cyprian followes his master and openly proclames Hence it is that none of us when he is apprehended resisteth nor revengeth himself against your unjust violence albeit our people is exceeding numerous Our security of the future revenge makes us patient The innocent yield unto the nocent And Lactantius We put confidence in his Majesty who can as well revenge the contempt of himself as the labours and injuries of his servants And therefore when we suffer such horrid things we oppose not so much as a gainsaring word but leave vengeance to God Nor did Augustin look upon any thing else when he saith Let not the just man especially have any other thoughts in these matters but that he may undertake war to whom it is lawfull for to all it is not lawfull And this is his As oft as Emperours are in errour they make Lâ—… to maintain errour against the truth 〈◊〉 which laws the righteous are examiâ—… and crowned The same elswhere Princâ—… are so to be borne with by the Commonâ—… and Masters by their servants that by the exercise of patience temporall things mâ—… be endured and eternall things assured Which in another place he explains by the example of the antient Christians thus The City of Christ though as yeâ—… travelling on earth and having so grâ—… multitudes against ungodly persecuton did not fight for temporall safety but to obtain eternall refused to fight They were bound they were imprisoned they were beaten they were tormented they were burn'd torn in peeces cruelly slain and still they were multiplyed They could not fight for salvation unless for salvatiâ—… they did contemn their safety And Cyrillâ—… words upon that of John concerning the sword of Peter are of like sense and no lesse to the purpose LXXI The famous example of the Thebean Legion THe Thebaean Legion as the acts do shew us consisted if six thousand six hundred sixty six Soldiers all Christians Who when Maximianus Caesar at Octodurum compelld his Army to sacrifise to false Gods marched away first to Agaunum and when the Emperour had sent some thither to command them to come to sacrifise upon their refusall Maximianus commanded every tenth man to be slain by his Serjeants The command was executed easily without resistence of any one Mauritius the chief of that legion from whom Agaunum was afterward call'd Vicus Mauritii at that time spake thus to his fellow soldiers as Eucherius Bishop of Lions hath related How afraid was I lest any one by way of defense which is easy for armed men should attempt by violence to save those blessed men from death For the restraint wherof I was preparing the example of our Christ who by the word of his own Command put up the drawn sword of his Apostle again into the sheath shewing that the vertue of Christian confidence is greater than all arms that none should oppose the mortal work with mortal hands but faithfully accomplish his undertaken duty with a persevering religion After this decimation when the Emperour gave the same command to the survivors they all answer thus Caesar we are indeed thy soldiers and have taken arms for defense of the Roman Commonwealth nor have we ever been run-awayes or traytors nor deserved any mark of dishonour for our cowardise And willingly should we obey these your commands unless the laws of our Christianity did forbid us the worship of Devils and their altars alwaye's polluted with blood We see it was your will either to pollute Christians with sacrileges or to terrify us by slaying every tenth man You need not make any long search after us Know that we are all Christians You shall have all our bodies subject to your power but our souls look up to Christ their Lord and you shall not lay hold on them Then Exuperius the Ensign-bearer of the Legion is related to have spoken to them in this manner My right valiant fellow-soldiers you perceive I carry the ensign of secular war but I provoke you not to these arms I call not your vertue and courage forth to these wars Another kind of fight is to be chosen by you You cannot by these swords attain unto the heavenly Kingdom Afterward he desires these words should be reported to the Emperour O Emperour desperation which is most valorous in dangers hath not armed us against thee Behold we have weapons in our hands yet do we not resist because we had rather dy than overcome and perish innocent than live rebellâ—… And again We throw down our arms thy officer shall finde our hands without weapons but our heart armed with the Catholique faith After this follows the slaughter of them not resisting in the narration whereof these are the words of Eucherius The multitude availed not to free the just from punishment albeit the crime is wont to go unpunisht when the multitude is the delinquent In the old Martyrology the same thing is related on this wise They were promiscuously slain with swords without contradiction yea their arms being laid down they offered their throats to the persecutors or their uncovered body neither provoked by their own multitude nor by the motion of arms to endeavour to assert the cause of righteousness by the sword but mindfull of this alone that they confessed him who not reclaming was led to the slaughter and as a lamb opened not his mouth They also as a flock of the Lords sheep sufferd themselves to be torn in peeces as it were by wolves running
more meet for the Citizens than the City For in the word free 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Appian speaks there was a manifest fallacy LX. Of Agreements personal and real IT is also a frequent question pertinent here concerning Agreements personal and real And truly if the Treaty was with a free people no doubt but what was is promised them is in its own nature real because the subject is a permanent matter Yea though the state of a Commonwealth be chang'd into a Kingdom the League will remain because the body remains the same though the head being chang'd and as we have said above the Empire which is exercis'd by a King ceaseth not to be the empire of the people An exception it will be if the cause appear to have been proper to that state as if free Cities contract a League to maintain their liberty But if it be contracted with a King the League will not presently be esteemed personal for as it is rightly said by Pedius and Ulpianus the person is for the most part inserted into the Agreement not that the Agreement may be personal but to shew with whom 't is made But if it be added to the League that it shall be perpetual or that it is made for the good of the Kingdom or with himself and his successors such an addition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usual saith Libanius in his Oration for Demosthenes or for a time defined now it appears plainly to be real Such it seems was the league of the Romans with Philip King of Maccdon which when Perseus his son denyed to concern him a war followed upon that ground Moreover other words and the matter it self sometimes will afford a conjecture not improbable But if the conjectures be equal on both sides it will remain that the favourable be accounted real the odious personal Leagues made for peace or for commerce are favourable those made for war are not all odious as some think but the defensive have more of favour the offensive of burthen Add hereunto that in a league for any war it is presumed that regard is had to the prudence and piety of him who is treated with as one who seemed not likely to undertake a war neither unjustly nor yet rashly As to that saying Societies are broken off by death I do not allege it here for it perteins to private societies and to the Civil Law Therefore whether by right or wrong the Fidenates Latins Etruscians Sabins departed from their league upon the death of Romulus Tullus Ancus Priscus Servius cannot be rightly judged by us because the words of the League are not extant Wherunto that controversy in Justin is not unlike Whether Cities which were tributary to the Medes the Empire being changed had changed their condition For it is to be considered whether in the agreement they had committed themselves to the trust of the Medes But 〈◊〉 Bodin's argument is in no wise to be allowed that leagues do not pass to the successors of Kings because the vertue of an oath goes not beyond the person For the obligation of an oath may bind the person only and yet the promise it self may oblige the heir Neither is it true which he assumes that leagues depend upon the oath as their firmament when for the most part there is efficacy enough in the promise it self to which for Religion sake the oath is added The commons of Rome in the Consulship of P. Valerius had sworn they would come together at command of the Consul L. Quintius Cincinnatus succeeds him being dead Some Tribunes cavill as if the people were not bound by their oath Livie's Judgment follows That neglect of the Gods which this age is guilty of was not yet nor did every one by interpreting for himself make his oath and the Laws comply with his affections but rather accommodated his own manners unto them LXI A League made with a King is extended to him being expelled not to the Invader CErtainly a League made with a King remains although the same King or his succor be driven out of his Kingdom by his Subjects For the right of the Kingdom remains with him however he hath lost the possession On the contrary if the Invader of anothers Kingdom the rightfull King being willing or the Oppressor of a Free people before he hath gotten sufficient consent of the people be assalted by war nothing will thereby be done against the league because those have possession they have not right And this is that which T. Quintius said to Nabis We have made no friendship nor society with thee but with Pelops the just and lawfull King of the Lacedemonians These qualities of King successor and the like in leagues do properly signify a right and the Invaders cause is odious LXII To whom a promise made to the first is due when more have performed a thing together CHrysippus of old had handled this question whether the reward promised to him who came first to the mark be due to both if they came together or to neither of them And truly the word first is ambiguous for it signifies either him who goes before all or him whom no man goes before But because the rewards of vertues are favourable it is the 〈◊〉 answer that Both concur to the reward though Scipio Caesar Julian dealt more liberally and gave full rewards to them that ascended the walls together LXIII How far States are accountable for damages done by their Subjects KIngs and Magistrats are responsible for their neglect who do not use the remedies which they can and ought for the restraint of robbery and piracy upon which score the Scyrians were antiently condemnd by the Amphyctiones I remember a question was propos'd upon the fact when the Rulers of our Country had by their letters given very many power of taking prizes from the enemy at Sea and some of them had spoyled our friends and their countrey being forsaken wandred about and would not return when they were recalled whether the Rulers were faulty upon that account either because they used the service of naughty men or because they had not required of them caution I gave my opinion that they were bound no farther than to punish or yield the offenders if they could be found and to take care that legal reparation might be made out of the goods of the Robbers For they were not the cause of the unjust spoil that was made nor were partakers of it in any wise yea they forbad by their Laws any hurt to be done their friends That they should require caution they were obliged by no Law seeing they might even without letters give all their sublects power to spoil the enemy which was also done of old Nor was such a permission any cause why damage was done to their friends when even private men might without such permission send forth ships of war Moreover
it could not be foreseen whether they would prove evill men and besides it cannot be avoided but we must imploy such otherwise no Army can be raised Neither are Kings to be accused if their soldiers either by land or sea wrong their confederates contrary to their command as appears by the testimonies of France and England Now that any one without any fault of his own should be engaged by the fact of his Ministers is not a point of the Law of Nations by which this controversy is to be judged but of the Civil Law nor this general but introduc'd upon peculiar reasons against seafaring men and some others And on this side sentence was given by the Judges of the supreme Auditory against certain Pomeranians and that after the example of things iudged in a case not unlike two Ages before LXIV Of the right of Embassages AMong the Obligations which that Law of Nations which we call voluntary hath by it self introduced a principal head is of the right of Embassages For we frequently read of the sacred privileges of Embassages the sanctimony of Embassadors the right of Nations right divine and human due unto them and many such like expressions Cicero de Haruspicum responsis My judgment is that the right of Embassadors is secured both by the safeguard of men and also by the protection of Law divine Therefore to violate this is not only unjust but impious too by the confession of all saith Philip in his epistle to the Athenians LXV Among whom the right of Embassages hath place HEre we must know whatever this right of Nations be it pertains to those Legats which are sent from supreme Rulers by one to another For besides them Provincial Legats and Municipal and others are directed not by the Law of Nations which is between one Nation and another but by the Civil Law An Embassador in Livy calls himself the publike messenger of the Roman people In the same Livy elswhere the Roman Senat saith The right of Legation was provided for a foreiner not a Citizen And Cicero that he may shew Legats are not to be sent to Antonius saith For we have not to do with Annibal an enemy of the Commonwealth but with one of our own Country Who are to be accounted foreiners Virgil hath so expressed that none of the Lawyers can more clearly That I suppose a forein Land Which is not under our Command They then that are joind in an unequal league because they cease not to be in their own power have a right of Legation and these also who are partly subject partly not for that part wherein they are not subject But Kings conquerd in a solemn war and deprived of their Kingdom with other Royalties have loft also the right of Legation Therefore did P. Aemilius detein the Heralds of Perseus whom he had conquer'd Yet in Civil wars necessity sometimes maketh place for this right beside the rule as when the people is so divided into equal parts that it is doubtfull on which side the right of Empyre lyeth or when the right being much controverted two contend about succession into the Throne For in this case one Nation is for the time reckoned as two So Tacitus charged the Flavians that in the Civil rage they had violated in respect of the Vitellians that right of Legats which is sacred even amongst forein Nations Pirats and Robbers that make not a Society cannot have any succour from the Law of Nations Tiberius when Tacfarinas had sene Legats to him was displeas'd that a traitour and plunderer us'd the manner of an enemy as Tacitus hath it Nevertheless sometimes such men faith being given them obtain the right of Legation as once the Fugitives in the Pyrenean Forest LXVI Whether an Embassage be alwayes to be admitted TWo things there are concerning Embassadors which we see commonly referrd to the Law of Nations first that they be admitted next that they be not violated Of the former is a place in Livy where Hanno a Carthaginian Senator inveighs against Annibal thus Embassadors coming from our Confederates and on their behalf our good General admitted not into his camp but took away the right of Nations Which yet is not to be understood too crudely for the Law of Nations commandeth not that all be admitted but forbiddeth them to be rejected without cause There may be cause from him that sendeth from him that is sent from that for which he is sent Melesippus Embassador of the Lacedemonians by the Counsel of Pericles was dismist out of the bounds of Attica because he came from an armed enemy So the Roman Senate said they could not admit the Embassage of the Carthaginians whose Army was in Italy The Achaians admitted not the Embassadors of Perseus raising war against the Romans So Justinian rejected the Embassy of Totilas and the Goths at Urbin the Orators of Belisarius And Polybius relates how the messengers of the Cynethenses being a wicked people were every where repulsed An example of the second we have in Theodorus call'd the Atheist to whom when he was sent unto him from Ptolomaeus Lisimachus would not give audience and the like hath befallen others because of some peculiar hatred The third hath place where the cause of sending either is suspected as that of Rabshake the Assyrian to disturb the people was justly suspected by Hezekia or not honourable or unseasonable So the Etolians were warned by the Romans that they should send no Embassy without permission of the General Perseus that he should not send to Rome but to Licinius and the Messenges of Iugurtha were commanded to depart Italy within ten days except their comming were to deliver up the Kingdom and the King As for those assiduous Legations which are now it use they may with very good right be rejected for the no-cessity of them appears by the ancient custom whereto they are unknown LXVII Of not violating Embassadors OF not violating Embassadors is a more difficult question and variously handled by the most excellent wits of this Age. And first we must consider of the persons of Embassadors then of their Train and their Goods Of their persons some think thus that by the Law of Nations onely unjust force is kept from the bodyes of Embassadors for they conceive priviledges are to be understood by Common right Others think force may not be offerd to an Embassador for every cause but on this ground if the Law of Nations be broken by him which is a very large ground for in the Law of Nations the Law of Nature is included so that the Embassador may now be punisht for all faults except those which arise meerly out of the Civil Law Others restrain this to those Crimes which are done against the State of the Common-wealth or his Dignity to whom the Embassador is sent Which also some hold perillous and would have complaint made
charitable Reader cannot but be well perswaded of our Author's Innocency and Patience Vertues happily conjoyned in him and appearing also in that Epistle which he sent out of prison to his great friend Du Maurier the French Embassador as followeth To the most Christian King to his most wise Council and namely to you I acknowledge my self more indebted than can be exprest for the labours undertaken to ease my calamities into which I am fallen by the fate of our Commonwealth And although as yet the matter is come to no effect 't is no small refreshment to me to see so good and so great Men compassionating our sufferings The decreed Embassy into France yieldeth now some better Hope but that again is abated by considering how ill-affected they who are sent thither are to us and how easy it is with all sorts of calumny to traduce those who have their voice stopt by the walls of a prison for this reason chiefly that the world may not hear what it concerns them to be concealed Having thus long examined my Cause in the Auditory of my own Conscience more sacred to me than all Tribunals in the inmost recesses of my own Soul I find onely this that my constant purpose was liberty of opinions in things disputable being preserved to retain the Unity of the Church a thing wanting neither old nor new examples I never meant to innovate any thing in the Common-wealth it was my hearty endeavour to maintain their Right to whom Nature hath made me a Subject and my office a Servant and to whom I was sworn that Power remaining in the hand of the Confederates and of the Prince which hitherto they had enjoy'd being conferr'd on them by publick suffrages They that know the matter easily understand this to be our onely crime that we did not act in the Common-wealth according to those Laws which they were about to constitute for their own Interest If upon that account we are depriv'd of our Goods Honours Fame this also is not without example But the worst of all is that both the infirmity of my body is denied the free air and the sadness of my mind the comfort of my friends Yet by Gods assistance I will endure this and whatsoever can be imagined more cruel rather than ask pardon of those things wherein my mind acknowledges no fault If there be any honest way of getting liberty I would owe it to none more willingly than to your King and Kingdome whose infinite merits towards our Common-wealth I alwaies have extolled whose friendship I have commended whose wholsome Counsels I have defended from the calumniation of Enemies both at liberty and in my captivity and the like I shall never cease to do And God grant I may live to transmit unto Posterity together with those publick benefits this private one conferr'd on me by some Monuments of Learning That certainly will be to me the greatest fruit both of my life and liberty But if that be above our Hope yet whatever shall be performed for me and Hogerbet whose cause being most near to mine I equally commend will among our Countrymen of the highest midst and lowest order be most gratefull and glorious I shall here mention also another Epistle a very large one which he wrote in Prison to the same Du Maurier to comfort him after the death of his Wife A rare Soul he had who could administer such excellent consolations to Another when his own Condition seemed to be most uncomfortable But he had a treasure of the best Learning laid up in his memory whence he drew as ost and as much as he pleased That golden work Of the truth of Christian Religion was one of his exercises while he was a Prisoner which he then wrote in Dutch verse for the use of his Countrymen that trade among the Infidels and afterward put the substance of it into Latin prose Another fine piece he wrote likewise in Dutch verse in the time of his Captivity An Institution of Children baptiz'd which was done too by himself afterward in Latin verse I find moreover in one of his Epistles that in his Restraint at the Hague before the use of his Pen was taken from him he was come to the 49. Title of his Florilegy which Title saith he contains an express character of that Time Thus was he wont to speak in his own phrase tristissimum tempus fallere to sweeten the bitter daies of his Imprisonment His happy escape out Prison by an Ingenious Device of his noble and virtuous Wife is recorded by himself in one Of his Poems in these Divine Verses Nos quoque si quisquam multum debere fatemur Conjugio memini post tot tua vota precesque Cynthia cum nonum capto mihi volveret orbem Qualem te primum conjux fidissima vidi Carceris in tenebris lacrymas obsorperat ingens Vis animi neque vel gemitu te luctus adegit Consentire malis rursus nova vincula sed quae Te socia leviora tuli dum milite clausos Nos Mosa tristi Vahalis circumstrepit unda Hic patriam toties inania jura vocanti Et proculcatas in nostro corpore leges Tu solamen eras heic jam te viderat alter Et post se media plus parte reliquerat annus Cum mihi jura mei per te sollerte reperto Reddita tu postquam jam caeca acceperat alvus Dulce onus oppositis libabas oscula claustris Atque ita semoto foribus custode locuta es Summe pater rigido si non adamante futurum Stat tibi sed precibus potis es gaudesque moveri Hoc quod nostra fides lucem servavit in istam Accipe depositum tantisque exsolve periclis Conjugii testor sanctissima jura meaeque Spem sobolis non huc venio pertaesa malorum Sed miserata virum possum sine Conjuge possum Quamvis dura pati Si post exempla ferocis Ultima saevitiae nondum deferbuit ira In me tota ruat vivam crudele sepulcrum Me premat triplicis cingat custodia valli Dum meus aetheriae satietur pastibus aura Grotius casus narret patriaeque suolque Dixerat atque oculis fugientia vela secutus Addit Abi Conjunx neque te nisi libera cernam Quod mea si auderet famam spondere Camaena Acciperet quantis virtutem laudibus istam Posteritas nomen non clarius illa teneret Admeto regina suos quae tradidit annos Quaeque super cineres jecit se arsura mariti Digneque tam Bruti thalamis quam patre Catone Porcia in letum magno comes Arria Paeto Being secretly conveyed out of Prison in a Chest he was brought to a Friends house and so away to Antwerp and thence to France From Antwerp he writes to his good Friend Du Maurier thus Assure your self I shall ever be indebted to you for your good will as much as