denies it Kepler Ricciolus and others affirming it and the latter gives this reason why they are less frequently observed there Vera causa cur raro asperitas illa Limborum videatur est partim imperfectio Telescopii c. Neither are they better satisfied about the Atmosphear of the Moon that there is one Galilaeo Kepler Antonius Maria de Rheita Kircher Cysatus Scheiner with others do avow and Langrenus saith that we may observe it with a Telescope eandem Tubo specillis conspici affirmat Michael Florentius Langrenus But others deny it as peremptorily Interim mihi faith Ricciolus nondum quocunque Telescopio adhibito aer hic ita patuit ut illum potius prope ac circa Lunam quam in aere nostro in quo Halones siunt cogar agnoscere And Zucchius at large proveth this Corollary Non elevantur vi luminis Solis vapores e Luna sicut elevantur ex Globo e terra aqua integrato Neque datur circa Lunam Sphaera vaporosa ulla qualis circa dictum Globum deprehenditur Having proceeded thus far I shall take notice of some extravagant opinions that possess many of our Comical wits and their Associates or Admirers which are extended to the prejudice of Christianity and the growth of Atheism in this Age viz. That the resemblance betwixt the Moon and the Earth is such that it is a Terraqueous Globe inhabited by men and they hereupon concern themselves about their Progeny Salvation c. I shall from hence take occasion to instruct those phantastical persons that even Hevelius who accommodated the Terrestrial Geography to the Lunar Globe and seems to conclude that the illuminated part is earth the darker is water yet did it only because He knew no fitter comparison amongst sublunary bodies Non est autem quod quispiam ideo existimet Lunam ex ejusmodi sabulo luto aut lapide esse compositam ut haec terra nostra siquidem fortassis ex alia poterit constare materia ab imaginatione nostra prorsus diversa modo adhuc incomprehensibili Minime etiam hasce Lunares aquas nostrisâ— similes assero sed quod nihil quicquam similius propter magnam utrarumque affinitatem hic in terra habeamus cum quo illas comparare valeamus It was indiscreetly done of Kepler Kircher Hevelius and such Writers to carry on the comparison so far the resemblance betwixt the two Globes being so little as the most unprejudic'd persons findit to be Hevelius perinde acsi Luna esset altera tellus Geographica nostratis Telluris nomina in Lunam transtulit licet quoad figuram situm symmetriam c. nulla fere sit Analogia inter utriusque superficiem The truth whereof will further appear from those considerations which the inquisitive Zucchius after thirty five years use of all manner of Telescopes at length fixed upon viz. That the discrepancy of Parts in the illuminated Moon may be explained without attributing thereunto any variety of colours yea it ought to be so explained The first part of which Assertion he proves thus because in Opace bodies the difference of a greater and lesser Obliquity in their scituation towards the body that shines upon them doth cause a diverse manner of illustration Thus the same wall of one uniform colour according as it is differently illuminated seems in some parts to be white in others pale in others dark-coloured and black besides that a greater or lesser asperity or inequality of the superficies may cause an intermixture of the enlightned and over-shadowed parts and so create different appearances of light and opacity in their most observable parts The second part He proves thus because that the face of the Moon being looked on with a Tube of an extraordinary length with Glasses excellently polished such as He used for many years appears all of it like a great Tract of Land covered over with Snow which the Sunne variously illuminates accordingly as the parts are differently framed and scituated Where there is any change of scituation in the parts illuminated in reference to the body that irradiates them then do such parts abate of their whiteness and although they still continue in such a position that his beams may in some degree and manner reach them yet by reason of the unequal surface of the Moon in which some parts are more elevated then others some parts are directly opposite to the Sunne others are glanced upon with an oblique ray and this mixture of shades and brightness occasions those spots which we so talk of Thus upon the libration of the body of Jupiter the girdle which otherwise seems remarkably black above the other adjacent parts of the Planet becomes like unto the rest of the body in whiteness and so disappears As to the distinction of the Moon into Sea and Land consisting of Mountains and Valleys although the Analogy may seem allowable by reason of the Asperities in the surface of the Moon which is a thing not to be denied albeit that the calculation of the heighth of those more elevated parts are ridiculous except the nature of the Cavities were better to be discovered as Zucchius shews yet the imagination of Seas and Lakes therein or any thing of that Nature except what borders upon the Peninsula deliâ—â—orum in the Lunar Chart of Ricciolus 't is all an improbable phancie For that the more pale and obscure spots are not water appears hence that those spots keep the same Phasis or appearance for many days though the Site of the Moon both in respect of the Sunne and of us the Spectators do vary much in that time whereas when the Sunne casts his beams upon Seas or great waters on Earth the Phaenomena differ according as the Sunne or the beholder vary their station And this alone might convince us but that I finde now in Zucchius viz Similiter transitum successivâ—m radiis Solis ad fundum usque ad magnis maculis intra margines illustriores contentis praebent ut diximus in apparentiis pag. 239. quod non evenit in liquido profundo instar aquae ut in aquis eâ—perimur etiam in multa vicinitate illustratis quando not abilem habent profunditatem tum quia constantem inaequalitatem illustrationis exhibent in horizonte Lunari quidem juxta dicta in Apparentiis num 3. secundum magnam extensionem illustratam intra reliquas partes nondum Solis radiis perfusas imo aliquae Soli proximiores alias sequentes in eadem majori macula inumbrabant hujusmodi autem convenire non possunt corpori inconsistenti liquido aquam referenti quae tamen certum est convenire aliquâ—bus Lunae partibus ab omnibus inter maculas computatis I must confess I think these reasons convincing to any persons not prepossessed and they are much more inforced by him with a discourse concerning eâ—halations and an Atmosphear about the Moon which he denies absolutely yet considering
had been accustomed unto See Plin. nat hist. l. 26. c. 3. and so more easily received by the populacâ— then that of Hippocrates made up of a Grecian dyet and medicaments whatever was the reason I finde that the Romans did generally incline to that Sect of Physicians called the Methodici begun by Asclepiades and Themison in the time of the Triumvirate or Vectius Valens and compleated by Thessalus in the time of Nero This Sect seems to have had the advantage over all other the Physicians amongst the Romans from the time of Augustus to the reign of Severus which is near three hundred years Pliny calls Themison Summum authorem and by that place in Juvenal one would guess him to have been a man of great notice and general practice in the days he lived Morborum omne genus quorum si nomine quaeras Promptius expediam quot amaverit Hippia moechos Quot Themison aegros autumno occiderit uno Thessalus against whom Galen and Pliny inveigh was certainly a man not only of great Eloquence but also of extraordinary Learning and Judgement as we may guess by those parcels and fragments of that excellent man which are all that remains of him and they preserved in the works of others His Books de Communitatibus Syncriticis are peeces whose losses I much lament The Memory of his Tombe is not lost upon which he inscribed himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or The Conquerour of Physicians His Letter to Nero had something of a gallant confidence in it which may become Heroes and is justified in men of great Learning Cum novam sectam condiderim quae sola vera sit propterea quod qui ante me fuerunt omnes nihil utile prodiderunt vel ad sanitatem tuendam vel ad mor bos propulsandos The generality of his followers seem to have been excellent Physicians as Dionysius Proculus Archigenes Soranus Attalus Julianus and others I shall not insist upon a particular relation of their tenets which one may see excellently illustrated by Prosper Alpinus This sect of Physicians seems to have left impressions of its method and principles in all places where the Roman Empire swayed They placed little value upon the exact knowledge of Anatomy being content with a general skill therein and enquiring no further than was necessary They knew that the Romans had formerly banished the Physicians as Archagathus from amongst them for using their Patients with much cruelty cutting and burning them and understood the humour of the people so well how they disliked the dissections of humane bodies especially alive and therefore they closed with that popular prejudice and turned it to their advantage neither dissecting of bodies nor tormenting them with those odious or cruel methods of Cure which were practised by the followers of Herophilus Nor do I doubt that those objections in Celsus against Anatomy were put into his mouth by the Methodists as well as Empirics viz. that all Anatomy of bodies was a nasty performance but to dissect the living most barbarous and cruel that as much of Anatomy as would instruct one sufficiently might be learned in a Camp where the Physician need not make wounds but learn at once and practice Cures Hence it was that the study of Anatomy was so much out of request at Rome in Galens time that I think he mentions not one curious Anatomist there though he tell how Satyrus taught him at Pergamus and Pelops at Smyrna and Numesianus at Corinth and others There were some that were excellent Ostrologists at Alexandria And I am apt to think that even he durst not for fear of publick odium dissect any living men there because as Celsus saith most people held it to be cruelty and perhaps would not have thought well of him who should have dissected any dead men Whereupon he set up with Apes dissecting them as being nearest to men in resemblance and imagining the fabrick of their bodies to have as great an affinity with the parts of men as their shapes had that this was the cause of many mistakes in him is certain and demonstrated by Vesalius But that he never made any Anatomies of humane bodies or considered any as they came in his way is a calumny which might be refuted by sundry instances out of his Works and some thereof are to be seen in Riolanus Anthopogr l. â— c. 12. Vesalius never raised his imputations to this heighth all that he saith of this nature is Nobis modo ex renata dissectionis arte diligentique Galeni librorum praelectione in plerisque locis eorundem non poenitenda restitutione constat nunquam ipsum nuper mortuum corpus humanum resecuisse At vero suis deceptum Simiis licet ipsi arida ac veluti ad ossium inspectionem parata hominum cadavera occurrerint crebro veteres Medicos qui hominum consectionibus se exercuâ—rant immerito arguere Nay it is evident out of Galen that the Roman Physicians which were in the Army of Antoninus did dissect the Germans that were killed by him in battel As for that Learned man of our own out of whom he tells us That the Romans held it unlawful to look on the Entrails I know not who it should be Mr. Boyle indeed doth say that in Galens time it was thought little less then irreligious if not barbarous to mangle the bodies of men which how far it is true one may guess out of what I have said But that Honourable Person speaks in such a manner as gives us little of exception Mr. Glanvill is so peremptory that I wonder that he did not deny that the Romans did not use any Augury from the inspection of the bowels heart and liver of beasts or that they did not eat the Livers of Geese and other Guts of several Animals This is so well known to every School boy that hath read Martial or Horace or Virgil that I need not speak of it Had the Romans held it so unlawful a thing to behold the Entrails of Animals I wonder they gave the name of Visceratio to those distributions of flesh which they publikely used to such unlawful customs Virgil would not have alluded when he brings in Dido her self Pecudumque reclusis Pectoribus iâ—hians spirantia consulit exta Aeneid l. 4. v. 64. Georgic l. 1. v. 484. Tristibus aut Extis fibrae apparere minaces Nay they carried the bodies of beasts open with their Entrails displayed to be sold publickly as Mart. shews l. 6. ep 64. Nâ— valeam si non multo sapit altius istud Quod cum panticibus laxis cum pede grandi Et rubro palmone vetus nasisque timendum Omnia crudelis Lanius per compita portar But perhaps he will confine his discourse to the Entrails of men why then did not he speak more plainly And even in this case that some superstitious persons might hold it impious and unlawful is possible and
stuck to my finger when I touched it whether that little which did so adhere took off from the equipollency of the two bodies or whether I broke casually some of the protended filaments or from what other cause I know not but after a while the Mass sunk quite to the bottom and drew the gelatine below the surface of the water 8. Upon the pouring out of the blood that with the Queens-Bath water happened to seem of a pure Claret like Bourdeaux wine no setling or floating filaments but something red which resembled exactly the flying Lee in boâ—led Claret 9. That of the Kings-Bath-water appeared as the former only at the latter end as it was poured out there was a certain gelutine mixed with it and sticking to the sides that for colour and consistence exactly resembled the jelly of red currants 10. That with the spirit of Sal Armoniack upon effusâ—on appeared like deep Bourdeaux wine and so from top to bottom without any alteration 11. Upon the effusion of that with the salt of Wormwood it appeared also like to Bourdeaux wine but towards the bottom there was Gelatine red like that of red currants more tenacious and in greater quantity then was in that mixture with the Kings-Bath-water 12. That with the sal fraxini poured out like common or less deep Claret at the bottom there was no Gelatine but it ran a little thicker like to Tent wine 13. That with the Oleum Tartari per deliquium upon its first effusion ran like Claret a little decayed but the most of it dropped as if it were a weak Gelatine and so continued to the last being almost of as deep colour as a ripe Mulberry I poured upon some of the said jelly almost as much of the spirit of Sal Armoniack and it immediately dissolved all the jelly and made it fluid yet so as that the bloody crassamâ—nt appeared unequally mixed some parts being more deep and opacous then others 14. I took the Pottinger in which was the blood with the spirit of Harts-horn affused to it having separated the mass from the sides of it I poured out the Serum which was as black as common Ink the surface was red but not so florid as that with the affused spirit of Sal Armoniack most of the melancholy blood seemed dissolved into that black Serum the super-incumbent mass being thin 15. That blood on which the spirit of Sal Armoniack was poured in the Pottinger appeared from top to bottom red only in the bottom there were some little spots of a blackish and darker red then the other parts on the surface there was a Gelatinous pellicle generated the Serum was of a citrine colour the consistence of the coagulated mass of blood here was more tenacious and fibrous then in that other Pottinger with the affused spirit of Harts-horn There was no pellicle discoverable upon that with the spirit of Harts-horn upon that with the spirit of Sal Armoniack so tough an one that it would bear up a little way in your hand the whole mass of blood adhering to it 16. The blood which was kept in a Pottinger without any mixture being placed in an arched fire on a fire-shovel burned with a bright and continued flame as if it had been Turpentine but crackled like a green bay-leaf cast into the fire and so it did being cast immediately into the fire but the crackling was less durable by reason of the vivid fire into which it was cast It is to be noted that this pottinger having been removed into the Sunne all the Serum was exhaled or incorporated into the mass which was grown to the bottom of the Pottinger and dried there so that I scraped it off whether that might adde to the Phaenomena I know not 17. The blood in that Pottinger where the spirit of Harts-horn was affused being taken out and placed in an arched fire rose up with an equal intumescence as a cake doth in an Oven it crackled much less then the unmixed mass of blood It burned slowly with a continual but not vivid flame and in such a manner as if the mass had never taken fire but only the smoke issuing from it for one might easily see an interstice betwixt the mass and hovering flame all the while till it came to a perfect Ignition 18. The mass which had spirit of Sal Armoniack affused unto it being placed in an arched fire did rise with an equal intumescence but greater then that with the spirit of Harts-horn it crackled less then that with spirit of Harts-horn the flame at first resembled that of the other afterwards instead of hovering about it seemed to issue immediately from the blood and not to appear like a smoke that took fire within the arch the flame then was vivid and continued 19. The fire being an exceeding quick fire I poured some of the serous blood that was in the Pottinger impregnated with the affusion of the spirit of Sal Armoniack and as it dried it took fire presently the flame resembled that of the former mass only it wasted faster then that being cast upon so quick a fire The black Serum of the coagulated mass with affused spirit of Harts-horn though cast into the same fire would scarce burn at all 20. I took some of the mass that was impregnated with the Sal prunellae and placed it in an arched fire the Serum or Solution poured off from it was insipid it rose with an unequal intumescence copling like a loaf in the midst I brought it to a perfect ignition and coale yet did it not crackle at all neither burn till the last and then but a little and with an interrupted flame which seised now on this now on that part nay there was but very little sign of any Sal prunellae in it to sputter as it burned 21. I told you how I poured some spirit of Sal Armoniack upon the mixture of blood and a Solution of Allom and of the odd coagulation that hapned thereupon into white massulae which seemed like flesh when the blood is wasted out of it I took of those incoherent flakes or massulae and putting them to burn in an arched fire upon the fire-shovell it run all off upon a great ebullition into the fire I took the red hot fire-shovell and placed some more upon it which seemed to burn as Allom doth in the like case and so stayed on it but being put into the arched fire and brought to ignition it would neither flame nor crackle nor left any visible quantity of coale or ashes behinde it as if it had almost all evaporated 22. These were the Phaenomena which I had opportunity to take notice of at that time but I also left a Solution of the Alcali of Nitre of about three ounces with the Apothecary if any else came to bleed there in my absence upon bleeding an healthy young man that was somewhat indisposed some was suffered to stream into that Solution at first it was